The prosody of ambiguous relative clauses in Spanish: a study of monolinguals and Basque- Spanish...

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The prosody of ambiguous relative clauses in Spanish: a study of monolinguals and Basque-Spanish bilinguals Irene de la Cruz-Pavía & Gorka Elordieta UPV-EHU This research has been funded by: Basque Government (BFI07.253) and CONSOLIDER-INGENIO: MCyT (CSD 2007- 00012).

Transcript of The prosody of ambiguous relative clauses in Spanish: a study of monolinguals and Basque- Spanish...

Page 1: The prosody of ambiguous relative clauses in Spanish: a study of monolinguals and Basque- Spanish bilinguals Irene de la Cruz-Pavía & Gorka Elordieta UPV-EHU.

The prosody of ambiguous relative clauses in

Spanish: a study of monolinguals and Basque-

Spanish bilinguals

Irene de la Cruz-Pavía & Gorka Elordieta UPV-EHU

This research has been funded by: Basque Government (BFI07.253) and CONSOLIDER-INGENIO: MCyT (CSD 2007-00012).

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1. INTRODUCTION

● Syntactic processing:

1. What are the cognitive processes and strategies that take place during language processing?

2. What influences syntactic parsing?

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● What role does prosody play?

● Prosodic principles influence in structural ambiguities resolution. (Schafer, Carter, Clifton y Frazier, 1996; Steinhauer, Alter y Friederici, 1999; Schafer, Speer, Warren y White, 2000; Snedecker y Trueswell, 2003; Frazier, Carlson, Clifton, 2006; Teira e Igoa, 2007)

1. INTRODUCTION

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● Speakers introduce effective prosodic cues (pauses, tonal rising) to create boundaries.

● Listeners use these prosodic cues to resolve syntactic ambiguities.

1. INTRODUCTION

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● Processing structural ambiguity in relative clauses.

Someone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony.

NP1 NP2 RC

[NP + PP] + RC

1. INTRODUCTION

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● High Attachment / Early Closure

Someone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony.

NP1 NP2 RC

1. INTRODUCTION

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● Low Attachment / Late Closure

Someone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony.

NP1 NP2 RC

1. INTRODUCTION

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→ Early Closure / High Attachment

CP

DP

alguien disparó a

someone shot D NP

el

the NP RC

N PP que ei estaba en el balcón

criadoi whoi was on the balcony

servanti

P DP

de

of D NP

la

the N

actriz

actress

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→ Late Closure / Low Attachment

CP

DP

alguien disparó a

someone shot D NP

el

the N PP

criado

servant P DP

de

of D NP

la

the N RC

actrizi

actressi que ei estaba en el balcón

whoi was on the balcony

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High Attachment preference Low Attachment preference

Spanish (on-line + off-line) English (on-line + off-line)(Cuetos & Mitchell, 1988) (Cuetos & Mitchell, 1988; Fernández, 2002)

French (on-line + off-line) Basque (off-line)(Zagar, Pynte and Rativeau, 1997) (Gutierrez, Carreiras and Laka, 2004)

German (on-line) Italian (on-line + off-line) (Hemforth, Konieczny, Scheepers and Strube, 1998) (De Vincenzi and Job, 1993 and 1995)

Dutch (on-line + off-line) Swedish (off-line)(Brysbaert and Mitchell, 1996) (Ehrlich, Fernández, Fodor, Stenshoel & Vinereanu, 1999)

Galician (on-line) Romanian (off-line)(Fraga, García-Orza and Acuña, 2005) (Ehrlich et al., 1999)

Afrikaans (off-line) Norwegian (off-line) (Mitchell, Brysbaert, Grondelaers and Swanpoel, 2000) (Ehrlich et al., 1999)

Greek (on-line) Brazilian Portuguese (on-line) (Clahsen & Felser, 2006) (Miyamoto, 1998)

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2. The Prosodic Hypothesis (Fodor: 1998, 2002)

● The prosodic processor packages the input into chunks in an initial stage of processing.

- Antigravity Law: Heavy constituents can rise, but light

constituents stay low.

Prosodic weight is defined by constituent length.

- The longer the RC the heavier.

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- Same-Size-Sister constraint: Find a sister of your own size.

- The prosodic constituents of a sentence must have a balanced

size.

- Light/small RCs attach low in the syntactic tree. Heavy/large

RCs attach high.

2. The Prosodic Hypothesis (Fodor 1998, 2002)

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- Implicit Prosody Hypothesis: In silent reading a prosodic

contour is imposed on the input string.

- Results obtained by Maynell (1999) and Lovrić, Bradley and

Fodor (2000, 2001) show a correlation between prosodic

breaks and RC attachment.

2. The Prosodic Hypothesis (Fodor 1998, 2002)

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● Prosodic break after NP1 Low Attachment

Someone shot the servant]break [of the actress that was on the balcony. NP1 NP2

● Prosodic break after NP2 High Attachment

Someone shot the servant of the actress]break [that was on the balcony.

NP1 NP2

2. The Prosodic Hypothesis (Fodor 1998, 2002)

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● Two part experiment: production + questionnaire

- Same materials and participants.

- Order of the experiments: counterbalanced

● Plausibility/Naturalness test: 48 sentences + fillers

The 36 most plausible/natural were selected (mean rate 6.16)

1----------------------------------------------7

not plausible/natural very plausible/natural

3. EXPERIMENTS

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● 36 experimental sentences containing: NP1 de NP2 + RC.

48 fillers pseudorandomly mixed: two lists

● The length of the RC was manipulated and sorted into three groups:

3-4 syll.; 6-7 syll.; 9-11 syll..

3.1. PRODUCTIONMETHODOLOGY

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● 24 participants: 8 Spanish monolinguals, 8 Basque-Spanish

bilinguals L1 Spanish and 8 Basque- Spanish bilinguals L1 Basque.

● Task: to read the sentences aloud in a natural way.

● The utterances were recorded in an anechoic room.

● Skimming: 4 participants per linguistic group

METHODOLOGY

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● Amount of experimental items recorded: 864

(2016 in total, fillers included)

● Amount of analyzed utterances: 844

● We analyzed the prosodic contours of the critical region (the complex NP and the beginning of the RC).

● Prosodic cues: continuation rise, pause, lengthening.

METHODOLOGY

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Ayer ayudé al abuelo del ganaderobreak que adoraba comer lasaña todos los viernes.

METHODOLOGY

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● Presence of a prosodic break between NP1 and NP2 in the sentences with the

shortest RC (3-4 syll.)

Nadie habló al amigo / del gamberro que vino.

break

● Presence of a prosodic break between NP2 and RC in the sentences with longer

RCs (6-7 and 9-11 syll.)

El hombre despidió al hermano del marinero / que hablaba portugués.

break

PREDICTIONS

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● Neutral vs. non-neutral utterances

28,1

71,9

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Neutral Non-neutral

RESULTS

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● 90.9% of the boundaries: continuation rise

● 15.3% were combined with pauses and 7.1% with lengthening

RESULTS

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● 21.1% of the prosodic breaks were placed after NP1

78.9% prosodic breaks after NP2

RESULTS

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Mi madre invitó a la sobrinabreak de la bailarina que bebía.

METHODOLOGY

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● 75% of the prosodic breaks after NP1 are introduced in the group containing the shortest RCs (3-4 syll.)

RESULTS

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● The longer the RC, the higher the frequency of appearance of a prosodic

break after NP2.

45,1

8,1 8,2

54,9

91,9 91,8

0102030405060708090

100

3-4 syllables 6-7 syllables 9-11 syllables

after NP1after NP2

RESULTS

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● L1 Basque bilinguals: significantly higher number of neutral utterances (χ²=11.98, p<.005)

RESULTS

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● Higher frequency of clear boundaries.

RESULTS

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● Monolinguals and L1 Spanish Bilinguals were clearer in their prosodic breaks than L1 Basque bilinguals (χ²=7.16, p<.05)

RESULTS

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● Skimming: higher presence of boundary cues (χ²=32.73, p<.001)

RESULTS

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● Skimming: higher frequency of prosodic boundaries after NP2

(χ²=9.47, p<.005)

25,9

15,7

74,1

84,3

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

Non-skimming Skimming

after NP1

after NP2

RESULTS

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● Default prosodic contour:

prosodic boundary after NP2 (72%) high attachment

● These results fulfill Fodor’s Antigravity Law’s predictions partially.

- Long (heavy) RCs show a clear preference for high attachment

(91.85%).

- Short (light) RCs show a much smaller preference for high attachment

(55%).

CONCLUSIONS

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● Basque dominant speakers produce fewer prosodic breaks and

these are less clear than Spanish dominant speakers.

● Skimming the sentences leads to more non-neutral utterances;

● and to a higher frequency of the default contour (break after

NP2).

CONCLUSIONS

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Prosodic weight (in terms of number of syllables)

influences prosodic segmentation.

CONCLUSIONS

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● To study ambiguous RC attachment preferences of participants

of production study.

● Is there a correlation between prosodic segmentation and

attachment preferences?

3.2. QUESTIONNAIRE

AIMS

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● Same materials and same participants.

● Task: read the sentences silently and choose an

antecedent for the empty subject of the RC.

METHODOLOGY

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● 3-4 syllable RCs: NP2 as preferred host in around 50% of the sentences.

Alguien llevó al amigo del niño que lloraba.

¿Quién lloraba?

el amigo el niño

● 6-7 and 9-11 syllable RCs: NP1 as preferred host in almost every sentence.

El hombre despidió al hermano del marinero que hablaba portugués.

¿Quién hablaba portugués?

el hermano el marinero

PREDICTIONS

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● General low attachment preference

35,4

64,6

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

NP1 NP2

RESULTS

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45,1

8,1 8,2

54,9

91,9 91,8

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syll 6-7 syll 9-11 syll

after NP1after NP2

Prosodic break Expectancy of location attch. preference

54,9

91,9 91,8

45,1

8,1 8,2

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syll 6-7 syll 9-11 syll

NP1

NP2

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● Low Attachment / Late Closure

Someone shot the servant / of the actress who was on the balcony.

NP1 break NP2 RC

1. INTRODUCTION

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45,1

8,1 8,2

54,9

91,9 91,8

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syll 6-7 syll 9-11 syll

after NP1after NP2

Prosodic break Expectancy of location attch. preference

54,9

91,9 91,8

45,1

8,1 8,2

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syll 6-7 syll 9-11 syll

NP1

NP2

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● High Attachment / Early Closure

Someone shot the servant of the actress / who was on the balcony.

NP1 NP2 break RC

1. INTRODUCTION

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45,1

8,1 8,2

54,9

91,9 91,8

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syll 6-7 syll 9-11 syll

after NP1after NP2

Prosodic break Expectancy of location attch. preference

54,9

91,9 91,8

45,1

8,1 8,2

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syll 6-7 syll 9-11 syll

NP1

NP2

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Expectancy of Questionnaire attch. preference results

25,3

43,7

37,3

74,7

56,3

62,7

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syllables 6-7 syllables 9-11 syllables

NP1

NP2

54,9

91,9 91,8

45,1

8,1 8,2

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

3-4 syllables 6-7 syllables 9-11 syllables

NP1

NP2

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• Great interpersonal variability

• No correlation between prosodic contours and attachment preference.

CONCLUSIONS

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• Why?

– Implicit prosody is not similar to explicit prosody.

or

– An off-line experiment only reveals the end decision taken by the participant.

CONCLUSIONS

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• Perception experiment:

– Auditorilly present utterances with different prosodic contours.

– Participants will have to choose the preferred antecedent.

FUTURE RESEARCH

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Thank you!

And thank you also to:

all the participants

Edurne Petrirena

ELEBILAB

BRAINGLOT

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● Linguistic Group x length x site of the prosodic boundary: 3-4 syllables

4. Results

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● Linguistic Group x length x site of the prosodic boundary:

6-7 syllables and 9-11 syllables

4. Results

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3-4 syllable RCsProduction Questionnaire

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6-7 syllable RCsProduction Questionnaire

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9-11 syllable RCsProduction Questionnaire