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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philip-pine Islands, 1493-1898, VolumeXXXVII, 1669-1676, by VariousThis eBook is for the use of anyone anywherein the United States and mostother parts of the world at no cost and withalmost no restrictionswhatsoever. You may copy it, give it awayor re-use it under the terms ofthe Project Gutenberg License included withthis eBook or online atwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not locatedin the United States, you'll haveto check the laws of the country where youare located before using this ebook.Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898,Volume XXXVII, 1669-1676

Explorations by early navigators, de-scriptions of the

islands and their peoples,their history and records of

the catholic missions, as re-lated in contemporaneous books

and manuscripts, showing thepolitical, economic, commercial

and religious conditions ofthose islands from their

earliest relations withEuropean nations to the close of

the nineteenth centuryAuthor: VariousEditor: Emma Helen Blair

James Alexander RobertsonRelease Date: January 13, 2015 [EBook#47953]Language: English*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOKPHILIPPINE ISLANDS, VOL 37 ***Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the OnlineDistributedProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/for ProjectGutenberg.

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Original Title Page.

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The Philippine

Islands,

14931898

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Explorations by

early navigators,

descriptions of the

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islands and their

peoples, their his-

tory and records of

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the catholic mis-

sions, as related in

contemporaneous

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books and

manuscripts, show-

ing the political,

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economic, commer-

cial and religious

conditions of those

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islands from their

earliest relations

with European

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nations to the close

of the nineteenth

century,

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Volume

XXXVII,

16691676

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Edited and annotated by

Emma Helen Blairand James Alexan-der Robertson withhistorical introduction and

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additional notes by Ed-ward Gaylord

Bourne.

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The Arthur H. Clark

Company

Cleveland, Ohio

MCMVI

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CONTENTS OF VOLUMEXXXVII

Preface 9Miscellaneous Documents, 16691676Events in Filipinas, 1668. [Unsigned;Francisco de Figueroa?]; Manila, Janu-ary 15, 1669 23The Dominicans in the Philippines,164169. Baltasar de Santa Cruz, O.P.;1676. [From his Historia.] 64The Augustinians in the Philippines,164170. Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A.;Manila, 1718. [From his Conquistas.]

149

Manila and the Philippines about 1650(to be concluded). Domingo FernandezNavarrete, O.P.; Madrid, 1676. [From hisTratados historicos.] 285Bibliographical Data 307

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ILLUSTRATIONS

Map of the Philippine Islands, showingprovince of the Order of the Hermits ofSt. Augustine; photographic facsimile ofengraving in Lubins Orbis Augustini-anus ... ordinis eremitarum SanctiAugustini (Paris, 1639), map 37; fromcopy in Library of Congress. 147Plan of Manila Cathedral prior to 1750;photographic facsimile from originalmanuscript in Archivo general de Indias,Sevilla. 201Plan of Manila Cathedral, showing thenew structure building in 1754; photo-graphic facsimile from original

manuscript in Archivo general de Indias,Sevilla. 205

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PREFACE

Most of this volume is occupied with accounts ofthe Dominican and Augustinian missions in theislands during the period 164170; they are en-abled to maintain fairly flourishing activities bythe aid of new renforcements. These chroniclesalso contain, as usual, much interesting secularinformation; the most important occurrences inthe secular affairs of the islands are the rise andfall of Governor Fajardos favorite Venegas, andthe arrest of Governor Diego Salcedo by the In-quisition (at the instance of Auditor Bonifaz, whothen usurps the government). The latter incidentis related in detail by a Spanish officer im-prisoned by the usurper.

A document of especial human interest is a letter(January 15, 1669) written from the dungeons ofFort Santiago in Manila, by an unnamed officerimprisoned therein by the usurping auditor Boni-faz. He relates in full the arrest (1668) ofGovernor Diego de Salcedo by the commissaryof the Inquisition, the usurpation of the govern-ment of the islands by Bonifaz, and the imprison-ment of himself and other loyalists on suspicionof attempting to rescue the governor from dur-ance. The attitude of the writer is unusual, for atthe outset he announces his gratitude and loyaltyto his patron, Salcedos predecessor, Manrique deLara, then under chargesfrom which he waslater acquittedin his residencia; and he speaksof Salcedo without any blame or resentment, al-though the governor had deprived him of his mil-itary command. This document is freely

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annotated from another contemporary account,long and diffuse; the two cast much light onpolitical and religious affairs in Manila at thetime, especially on the possibilities for evil em-bodied in the Inquisition.

Extracts from Santa Cruzs Historia (Zaragoa,1693) cover the history of the Dominican order inthe Philippines for 164169. Fray Francisco dePaula is elected provincial in 1641, at which timethe order has barely enough religious to fill itsactual ministriesa lack which is afterward sup-plied as an answer to prayer. The location of theParin is changed, in 1640; and the entire quarteris destroyed by fire, two years later. In 1644Diego de Fajardo comes to the islands as gov-ernorunder whom they tasted all sorts of gov-ernment. The chief events of his term of office

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are recounted, and the more important transac-tions of the Dominican chapter-sessions of 1647and 1650. In the former year dies the aged pro-vincial, Fray Domingo Gonalez; he is succeededby Fray Carlos Gant. In 1648 a patache reachesthe islands in safety, although it has to be burned,immediately after unlading, to save it from theDutch; but those enemies thereupon leave the is-lands, which they have not since infested. Thisvessel also brings a renforcement of thirtyDominican religious, which greatly encouragesthe missionaries; and various ecclesiastical favorsand concessions. Santa Cruz recounts the moreimportant acts of the provincial chapter-sessionof 1650, and furnishes biographical sketches ofmany Dominican missionaries in the islands. Hethen proceeds to relate the arrest and death of Fa-jardos quondam favorite Venegas.

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In 1652 Fray Pedro de Ledo becomes provincial;at this same chapter-session is formally an-nounced the erection of Santo Toms college intoa university; and the mission of Ituy is more fullyorganized. The savage mountaineers of that re-gion are well described by our author; their con-version is a difficult matter. In 1653 distin-guished personages arrive at Manila, includingGovernor Manrique de Lara and ArchbishopPoblete. The Dominican chapter enact that everylecturer in their university must know at least oneof the native languages. In 1654 attempt is made,but fruitlessly, to send a mission to Japan; finally,five missionaries succeed in reaching China,where they labor zealously to convert the hea-then. The provincial chosen in 1656 is FrayJacinto Gali, but he dies soon afterward, whilevisiting Cagayn; his place is taken by Fray

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Lucas Montanero. On August 20, 1658, occurs anearthquake, itself more severe than that of 1645,but its succeeding shocks being lighter. TheDominican convent is badly injured, and the fri-ars with difficulty find lodgings. A large ren-forcement of missionaries arrives in this sameyear. At the chapter-session of 1659, the Domin-icans refuse to permit their missionaries in Chinato accept offering of lands, fearing that theChinese may regard them as actuated by selfishmotives. At that of 1661, Fray Felipe Pardo (af-terward famous as commissary of the Inquisitionand as archbishop of Manila) is elected provin-cial. Two years later, arrangements are made forprinting a ritual for use by the missionaries of theorder. In the same year (1663) Salcedo arrives atManila as governor; his career is briefly re-viewed. The provincial elected in 1665 is Fray

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Juan de los Angeles; and in the following yearthirty-nine more Dominicans join their brethrenin Filipinas. The ship which brings them is de-tained by bad weather on the coast of Smar,where a Jesuit missionary shows them all mostgenerous hospitality, refusing any compensation.A letter from the head of the Dominican order toMorales is reproduced. In 1667 Archbishop Pob-lete dies at Manila, after fourteen years service.In that year the intermediary chapter-session isheld, at which measures are taken to restrain themembers of the order from unauthorized interfer-ence with, or censure of, the civil government.Two more Dominicans arrive from Mexico in1668, and the remarkable escape of one of them,with several other Spaniards, from death by ship-wreck is related. Several friars proceed, amidgreat difficulties, to the Chinese missions. The

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Dominicans are laboring among the Zambales,many of whom become Christians and settle inmission villages; and they hope that they maysoon do the same for the heathen Irrayas.

An account of the Augustinian friars in the Phil-ippines for 164170 is furnished by CasimiroDiaz in his Conquistas. At the chapter-session of1641, Fray Gernimo de Medrano is elected pro-vincial. Soon afterward, Archbishop Guerrerodies; a sketch of his life and character is presen-ted by Diaz. Three years later, Medrano is suc-ceeded by Fray Alonso Carvajal; and Diego Fa-jardo comes as governor of the islands, his per-sonal and official character being outlined by ourwriter. The threats of the Dutch, and their con-quest of Hermosa, fill the Spaniards with greatanxiety. Unfortunately, Fajardo is dominated by

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the influence of a favorite, Venegas, to whichvery ill results are attributed. The peace madewith the Moros is only temporary; for when theysee the Spaniards so harried by the Dutch theyagain infest the Visayas. The Acapulco galleonsarrive safely, although the Dutch ships lie in waitfor them. One of them carries the new archbishopof Manila, who dies just before reaching the is-lands. In 1647 the Augustinians choose FrayDiego de Ords as their provincial. Soon after-ward, they decide to establish in Mexico a hos-pice for their religious who must halt there ontheir journey from Spain to the Philippines. Inthis same year the Dutch finally cease to molestthose islands; and in Jolo they are, althoughfavored by the natives, unable to dislodge theSpaniards. They are also foiled in an attack onZamboanga. An Augustinian friar is killed by the

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Negritos, of which people Diaz gives an interest-ing description; this murder is afterward avengedby Heaven, all concerned in it becoming lepers.Diaz mentions in forcible terms the unhappiness,suffering, and terror caused in Manila by theharsh measures of Fajardos favorite. Anothergreat misfortune is the loss of the galleon Encar-nacin, which brings ruin to many citizens ofManila.

In 1650, Medrano is elected provincial of his or-der for the third time. With much difficulty, theAugustinians finally succeed in despatching aprocurator to Spain to obtain a renforcement ofmissionaries. Diaz relates the events of 165152,mainly including the harsh and illegal acts of Fa-jardos favorite, Venegas, and the latters down-fallthis being brought about by the courage of

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the Augustinian provincial Medrano, who makescomplaint of Venegas to the governor. In 1653,Fray Andrs de Verdugo is elected provincial;and the new governor, Manrique de Lara, arrives,with Archbishop Poblete, and bishops for all thethree suffragan sees. Fajardo is sent to Spain, butdies on the voyage; his favorite Venegas dies inprison, and all his property is confiscated. Thenew governor and archbishop do all in theirpower to remedy the sad condition in which theyfind Manila. The latter, however, attempts to en-force the right of episcopal visitation of the friarsin charge of parishes, whereupon those posts areabandoned by the religious orders. The matter isreferred to the Audiencia, who enjoin the arch-bishop to suspend the visitation in such cases un-til the Council of the Indias can take action on thequestion; that Council did not support his claims.

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Diaz discusses quite fully the subject of such vis-itation, largely from the practical standpoint; heargues that the system in vogue in Nueva Espaacannot be properly applied in Filipinas, whereconditions are so different. Poblete devotes hisenergies to rebuilding the cathedral, which hadbeen ruined in the earthquake of 1645; but manyobstacles hinder its completion, and it is not ded-icated until 1671. In 1654 a renforcement ofAugustinian missionaries arrives, who are greatlyneeded in the province. Brief notices of these arepresented; all of them are natives of NuevaEspaa. Diaz relates the oppression of the nativesin the building of ships for Manila, which hasbeen the cause of several past insurrections; theloss of some galleons by shipwreck is consideredby many a judgment from Heaven on the cruel-ties practiced on the natives in building those

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vessels. In 1656, Alonso Quijano is elected pro-vincial; during his term, many members of hisprovince die, and its burdens are very heavy.Ords is again elected provincial in 1659. Diazrelates the great losses of the Philippine peopleduring Manrique de Laras term, mainly by ship-wrecks, which bury men, money, and ships. In-surrections of the natives occur, which arequieted, but at much loss and cost. In 1662 FrayAlonso Coronel is elected provincial; especial at-tention is given by the Augustinians to their mis-sions in northern Luzn. The galleon sent out thatyear reaches Acapulco in safety; this gives op-portunity for the new governor Salcedo and anAugustinian mission, who have been waitinglong in Mexico for a ship, to pass over to Filipi-nas. A Recollect mission also arrives in the sameexpedition. Compelled by storms to land on the

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coast of Cagayn, they all make their way over-land to Manila, experiencing great hardships.Diaz presents brief notices of all the new mis-sionaries of his order, and relates the more im-portant events in the early years of Salcedosterm of office. Dissensions arise between the twonew auditors, which later result in disaster to thewhole community. Manrique de Lara is sent backto Spain, and exonerated from the charges madein his residencia. Salcedo accomplishes much inshipbuilding and the extension of commerce.Fray Alonso Quijano is relected provincial ofthe Augustinians in 1665; that chapter again re-fuses the governors demand for lists of its priestswho act as curas, the Dominicans also decliningto furnish such information. In that same year theAugustinians begin a mission to the Apayaos, incharge of the fervent Fray Benito de Mena; he

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succeeds after many labors and hardships, in es-tablishing three villages of these converts.Salcedo determines to undertake some conquestthat would result to the honor of God and extendthe Spanish government; the council that hesummons for advice on this point agree (bothmilitary officers and superiors of religious or-ders) that the most promising enterprise of thissort is the conquest of the Igorot tribes in north-ern Luzn. Diaz gives a brief sketch of thesepeoples, and relates their conquest by a Spanishexpedition (1668), and the subsequent conversionof many heathen there by Augustinianmissionaries.

Salcedo causes a galleon to be built at Albay, thelargest and best yet made in these islands. Diazcomplains of the practice of sending criminals

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from Mexico to Filipinas. In 1667, the first mis-sion to the Marianas Islands sets out; it is com-posed of Jesuits, under the leadership of San-vitores, later famous for his martyrdom in thoseislands. The provincial elected by the Augustini-ans in 1668 is Fray Dionisio Surez, character-ized later by our writer as being more angel thanman. The number of missionaries in the order isfar too small for its needs (a lack shared also bythe other orders), and they are rejoiced when arenforcement of seventeen religious arrive inthat same year at Manila. Certain shipwreckedpeople from some remote and unknown islandare driven at that time on the shores of Capul Is-land; and some Spaniards are drowned while try-ing to cross the Embocadero. Salcedo governsfive years, incurring great enmities among prom-inent persons in the community, which end in his

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arrest by the Inquisition, and a harsh imprison-ment until his death. Diaz, who often visitedSalcedo while in durance, gives an interestingsketch of him, and praises his pious resignationand patience in affliction; but he carefully re-frains from further comment on the events con-nected with Salcedos arrest, or the persons en-gaged in it. Diaz mentions very briefly the as-sumption of gubernatorial authority by the audit-or Bonifaz (whom he commends as discreet anddisinterested), and some of his notable acts dur-ing his brief rule. At one time, he nearly loses hislife by a musket-ball, whether fired intentionallyor not is uncertain. Salcedo is twice embarked forNueva Espaa, but is driven back by storms onthe first voyage, and dies while on the second. In1669 arrives the new governor, Don Manuel deLen. His government is praised, as establishing

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in the islands peace and plenty; commerce flour-ishes, and there are no wars or revolts. With Lenalso arrive thirty-two new laborers for theAugustinian missions, a welcome addition totheir forces. The usurper Bonifaz takes refuge inthe Franciscan convent, where he remains untilhis death. The Council of the Indias pronouncessentence against him, and renders decision in fa-vor of the auditor Coloma. In the spring of 1670occurs a religious function which had been longin disuse, the publication in the cathedral ofManila of the edicts of the Inquisition; this is ac-companied by processions and various ceremon-ies. The Augustinian province is enabled to con-duct its labors much more satisfactorily, and withgreater results, by the aid of its new missionaries.

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A rambling, gossipy account of Manila and thePhilippines in the middle of the seventeenth cen-tury, with much entertaining information regard-ing persons and events therein, is furnished bythe Dominican friar Domingo F. Navarrete, in hisTratados historicos (Madrid, 1676); it is from re-lations of this sort, and on account of these char-acteristics, that the student gains additional andvaluable side-lights on the history of any time orcountry. The Tratados is mainly devoted to theempire of China, where its author was a mission-ary during 165869; we present here (in bothtranslation and synopsis) such part as relates tohis stay in the Philippines (164853). Navarretedescribes the journey thither, in picturesque andlively fashion. Acapulco has an infernal cli-mate. The missionaries are obliged to make thejourney from Lampon to Manila by land, a trip

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full of hardship and danger; but they are de-lighted with the beauty of Pasig River, adornedwith palaces, gardens, and villages. At the time,the islands are governed by Diego Fajardo, whohad great gifts for government, for he had a hor-ror of money and of women. Navarrete censuresCorcuera for many things, among them the im-positions levied on the natives, which he de-scribes in full; these occasion so much oppres-sion and extortion that the Indians flee from theislands, or refuse to sow their fields. He mentionsvarious instances of this oppression. In ramblingand discursive fashion he relates the leadingcharacteristics of the natives, the occupations ofthe missionaries, the changes in official circles,etc. This document will be concluded in VOL.XXXVIII.

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THE EDITORSMarch, 1906.

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MISCELLANEOUSDOCUMENTS,16691676

Events in Filipinas. [Unsigned; Franciscode Figueroa?]; January 15, 1669.The Dominicans in the Philippines,164169. Baltasar de Santa Cruz, O.P.;1676. [From his Historia.]The Augustinians in the Philippines,164170. Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A.; 1718.[From his Conquistas.]

Manila and the Philippines about 1650(to be concluded). Domingo FernandezNavarrete, O.P.; 1676. [From his Trata-dos historicos.]

SOURCES: The first of these documents is ob-tained from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayerlibrary), ii, pp. 643692. The second, from SantaCruzs Historia del Sant. Rosario (Zaragoa,1693), pp. 44 et seq.; from a copy in the posses-sion of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. The third, fromDiazs Conquistas (Manila, 1890), pp. 444 etseq.; from a copy in the possession of James A.Robertson. The fourth, from Navarretes Trata-dos historicos (Madrid, 1676), pp. 299332; froma copy in the Library of Congress; this documentwill be concluded in VOL. XXXVIII.

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TRANSLATIONS: The first document is translatedby Emma Helen Blair; the remainder, by JamesA. Robertson.

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EVENTS IN FILIPINAS,1668

Copy of a letter written by a citizen of Manila toanother at the court in Madrid

It is notorious among all the people of these is-lands that Don Diego Salcedo,1 as soon as hetook possession of their government, deprivedme of the command that I held as captain-general

of the artillery thereinwithout any further reas-on than that I was a follower of Don SabinianoManrrique de Lara, his predecessor. The lattergoverned these islands with ability as his worksshowbestowing honors with liberal hand on allthe citizens of this state; and rewarding all whosestanding and services deserved it, and even manymore. How little gratitude he received for thesefavors may be learned from his own confessionand statement. He suffered much in the residen-cia which he furnished of his government; al-though he deserved to leave it with laurels, he ex-perienced intolerable severities inflicted by those

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whom he had most benefited. Don Diego was notcontent with depriving me of my command, butdesired to inflict further injury upon me, and onewhich would result in more annoyance to DonSabiniano Manrrique de Larato whom I owewhat I am; and I have striven to repay, to someextent, by personal service the much that I owedhim by attending to the business matters thatcame up in his residencia, and providing an outfitof stores for his voyage. In order, therefore, to re-move me from Don Sabinianos side, Don Diegocommanded me to go with some infantry to pro-tect the coast of the province of Tayabas; he said

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that he had news that the armed fleets of Borneyand Mindanao were roaming about infesting thevillages of the island of Mindoro, and that theycomprised 170 vessels. His object, as abovestated, was evident in the scanty equipment ofmen and supplies that was furnished to me. I re-mained there until Don Sabiniano entreated that Imight be withdrawn [from that post], since thetime of his embarkation for Nueva Espaa wasvery near, and he desired to settle with me somematters relating to his outfit, as his Lordshipcould not do this with any one else. But my per-mission [to retire] came so late that when I

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arrived in this city Don Sabiniano was already atthe port of Cavite to go on shipboard; and I hadonly five days in which to aid his Lordship, whenthe ship set sail. I bring forward all this in orderto show that I am not governed by prejudice.

Now, stating the case, I declare that on October 9of this present year at one oclock at night thepalace was entered by the father commissary ofthe Holy Office, Fray Jose Paternina, with thetwo alcaldes-in-ordinary, General Sebastian Rayoand Don Nicolas de Pamplona, Sargento-mayorDiego de Morales, and Captains Don Gonzalo

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Samaniego (a nephew of the commissary) andDon Juan de Vargasboth citizens who hold thatoffice in this royal camp, each commanding acompany; also Don Juan de Robles, and three orfour others. Twenty other men remained in vari-ous offices of the palace, and eighteen or twentyfriars of St. Francis all armed. These visitorsseized Don Diego immediately placing on him apair of fetters; he was in his shirt just as he wassleeping, and without giving him time to put onhis white drawers they thrust his Lordship into ahammock, and carried him a prisoner to the con-vent of San Francisco. There they shut him

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within a cell with soldiers as guards to secure hisperson. The company who were on guard in thepalace, on hearing the noise, were ready to springto their arms; but the master-of-campwho wasDon Agustin de Zepeda, whom I have alreadymentioned, went to make the guard-room safe,and gave orders that no one should stir, becausethe Inquisition had been performing its duty.

By morning the news of this unheard-of occur-rence had spread around; and by the time the citygates were opened the people were inamazement, which could only be understood by

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one who should know by experience the great-ness and power of a governor of these islands. Iwas alcalde-mayor of the province of Tondo, andit gave me no little anxiety to notice the mutter-ings of the Indians who seemed to be rising outof a deep lethargy.

[As for the question] whether the Holy Officecould act without the coperation of the supremeauthority here, since [the governor is] a person-age who represents in these islands the royal per-son, there is not a learned person in the two reli-gious orders of St. Dominic and the Society who

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will not answer it in the negative. And as the loy-al vassal has no greater obligation than to obeythe commands of his king and natural lord, and inregard to the faith, that which is taught by ourmother the Roman Catholic Church, without[giving it] any other interpretation than that givenby the holy doctors of the Church, I know notwhat to say, since I will not withdraw from thisor retract one jot. The disputes which Don Diego,when he came from Nueva Espaa to governthese islands, had with the father commissaryFray Jose Paternina over some differences andgrievances were public and notorious; and those

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whom the father commissary carried with him[for this arrest] were nearly all enemies of DonDiego. It is not a rash assumption by those whoare more inclined to reflect that this affair wasthus hurried through more through passion thanthrough virtuous zeal. I base my opinion on thefollowing reasons, not to mention many otherswhich I reserve for their proper time, as I havenot leisure at present for writing more atlengthsubmitting myself to the correction ofthe Holy Office; for I am, and am proud of being,a Christian Catholic and a descendant of theCatholic knights.

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The first, as I said, was that the father commis-sary was at outs with his Lordship on account ofdisputes between them during the voyage.Moreover, the father commissary was poor andhis provincial, father Fray Alonso Quijano, hadnot provided him with any post as prior in his or-der, and had not treated the commissary as thelatter wished. Then too, the governor had givenno office to Captain Don Gonzalo Samaniego,the commissarys nephewwhom his uncle thecommissary so valued, and so endeavored toprovide for; and, although the nephew was ap-pointed a captain in this royal camp, he was not

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captain of any company on account of thescarcity of men, since the renforcements sent bythe viceroy of Nueva Espaa to his Lordshipwere very limited.

The master-of-camp was a declared enemy, be-cause a few months before Don Diego had arres-ted him and placed him in the castle of Santiagoat the port of Cavite, and brought suit againsthimfrom which he afterward came out free.

[The same is true of] General Sebastian Rayo forthe following reason: that during the five years

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while Don Diego was governor Don Sebastianwas twice arrestedonce by order of Don Fran-cisco Coloma, former judge of the residencia ofDon Sabiniano, on account of matters pertainingto the said residencia; and because on CorpusChristi day, when it was celebrated this year, herefused to allow the captain of the guard, DonJuan de Ezquerra, to walk in the place belongingto the alcaldes. [General Sebastian Rayo], notwishing the captain of the guard to retire from hisplace accompanying the procession, turned to-ward his Lordship, and in a loud voice said to the[officials of] the city of Manila, Only his

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Majesty and those who represent his royal personcan settle this matter, and no one else can do sowith proper zeal. His Lordship was displeased atthe manner in which he spoke to him in so publica place, while walking in the group of the Audi-encia with the honorable auditors, and regardedhis speech as disrespectful. When the processionwas ended, the governor ordered the general tobe arrested and placed in the castle at the port ofCavite, bringing suit against him. During this in-terval, the said General Rayo was at the point ofdeath; for he was in distress from the dampnessof that locality and the disease of beri-beri from

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which he suffered. At his petition the governorremoved the general to the city, so that he mightstay in his house as a prisoner, until the conclu-sion of his suit; but the imprisonment of hisLordship occurred before that time.

Captain Don Nicolas de Pamplona, the second al-calde, also bore a grudge against his Lord-shippartly on account of the said imprisonmentof the master-of-camp, Don Agustin de Cepeda,his brother-in-law; and partly because his Lord-ship had imprisoned him also, because complainthad been made to his Lordship by father Fray

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Pedro Bautista, former provincial of the Order ofSt. Francis, that the said captain while alcalde-mayor of the province of Bulacan had levied a re-partimiento of Indians to cut timber for buildinghis house in the city.

Sargento-mayor Diego de Morales was also re-sentful because his Lordship sent him to theprovince of Cagayan for military service, and it isnot long since he was recalled thence.

The provincial of St. Francis, Fray Francisco So-lier, was a man of very little discretion although

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virtuous; and the [Franciscan] guardian, FrayMateo de la Asuncion (who was quite un-educated) came two years ago with a shipment offorty religious of his order. The other fathers, hissubordinates, did not conceal their anger againsthis Lordship for having commanded them to takeout of the ship that sailed this year for NuevaEspaa the custodio2 whom they were sendingthither; they did not consider the grants that hisLordship had made to their orderat one timegiving them 5,000 pesos by means of which theywere able to complete their church, which had arepresentation of Paradise. They talked so

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indiscreetly about the governor that many per-sons were afraid to hear them. Similar thingscould be said of the rest who were present at theseizure of his Lordship.

Having arrested the governor, that very night thefather commissary wrote a letter to the auditors,who had met in a session of Audiencia, inform-ing them of the imprisonment of the governorand demanding that they open his Majestys de-crees, in order to carry out the royal willsincehis Majesty commands that in an emergencywhen there is lack of a governor, either through

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death or for other reasonable cause, the royalAudiencia shall govern in civil affairs, and thesenior auditor in military matters. Don FranciscoColoma undertook to assume the military govern-ment as the senior auditor in the court; but thiswas opposed by Don Francisco Mansilla, whoclaimed that he was the senior because he tookthe oath one week before Seor Coloma did so.He said that although afterward he allowed SeorColoma to take precedence, it was through hisfear of the governor, Don Diego de Salcedobe-cause the latter came from Espaa on very intim-ate terms with Seor Coloma, and his Lordship

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desired Seor Coloma to take precedence andnever surrender his rank as senior.

Seor Coloma alleged the fact that he was in pos-session, and other arguments, and nothing wassettled; and as the desire and the ambition tocommand were shared alike by all, the cunningof Don Juan Manuel de la Pea Bonifaz3 was em-ployed for his appointment as judge of the con-troversy. This he soon obtained, [the others]thinking that he would quickly settle the diffi-culty. He said that he had no notes of the actswhich had been issued regarding this case, and,

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that he might come to a clearer understanding,these should be handed over to him; and statedthat in a few days he would announce his de-cision regarding the difference in priority. Allagreed to this; but immediately another and moreimportant question arosewho was to hold the[disputed] authority in the interval while DonJuan Manuel was deciding the question of senior-ity? The latter, as one who was sagacious, findinghimself now the umpire of the dispute, told SeorColoma that his position would be aided by de-positing the authority in his hands [i.e., DonJuans]; and he said the same to Seor Mansilla.

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As each one of the claimants desired to propitiateDon Juan in behalf of his respective claims, bothagreed that the authority should be deposited inhis handsnot heeding the numberless diffi-culties that might result from this, as was actuallythe case. For, finding that he possessed the milit-ary command, he began his schemes that verymorningpaying compliments to the officersand displaying great kindness to the soldiers,pitying them for their many privations. Then, tak-ing the money of Governor Don Diego deSalcedo which had been seized,4 on that veryday, the night after Don Diegos arrest, Don Juan

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ordered the signal to be given for calling the sol-diers together, and paid the infantry their arrearsof wages. All, delighted with the money then re-ceived and the greater amounts that they expec-ted afterward, rendered thanks to the possessor,or rather usurper of the new post of command;for it has ever been that novelty is applauded bythe common crowd.

The two claimants continued their efforts to as-sert their rights; but, without hearing them orwaiting for anything more, the new commanderissued an act after consulting two advocates, the

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licentiates Don Eugenio Gutierrez de Mendozaand Don Juan de Rosales,5 without consulting oreven noticing the fiscal of his Majesty, whom byright this matter concernedfor as the partieshad a year or two before referred the decision re-garding this seniority to the royal Council, hisMajesty [alone] could not settle this point; andaccordingly until the royal and supreme Councilshould render their decision, the [disputed] au-thority must remain ad interim in his gift. DonJuan ordered Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran, anotary-public and his confidant, to proceed to no-tify the parties and the fiscal. Seor Coloma, for

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reasons and motives of his own, consented to theact; Seor Mansilla replied that he had argumentsto bring forward, and the same reply was givenon the part of the treasury.

During this interval the self-appointed governormade every effort to transfer his sway to thepalace; and by the advice and opinion on thisdamnable intention given by his two confid-antsDon Francisco de Figueroa, a crafty manof a perverse disposition; in conjunction with theturbulent nature of his second confidant, the not-ary Zurbaranhe, chosen by himself,

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commanded the companies of the soldiery tomarch, and with a squadron of horse took posses-sion [of the palace]. The people were amazed, notknowing what to do at sight of so monstrous anact; and he who was most ambitious was most si-lent at seeing the new and hasty introduction ofthe auditor Don Juan Manuel [into the govern-ment]astonished that this man (although hewas the most recent of the auditors, and hisMajesty commands that in case of the governorsdeath or other emergency, the senior auditorshould direct military affairs), although excludedby the said decree, could usurp the government

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by the power which he had in a few hours ob-tained. From that time the minds of some personswere continually inflamed with anger, although itwas dissimulated on account of the distrust whichvery properly prevailed toward him; but I willleave this for a later account.

Don Juan Manuel continued his rule apparentlyin peace, although many persons were greatly ir-ritated at his conduct; but, as conscience prickedhim, he lived in fear and with more anxiety thanwas necessary, for the companies of soldierswere all stationed near the palace where he now

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lived as the superior who had gained entrancetherein.6

A very few days later, the gentlemen of the royalAudiencia with the fiscal of his Majesty went atday-break to take refuge in the house of the Soci-ety of Jesus in this cityavailing themselves ofthe sacred house for the greater peace and quietof the community. There, seating themselves in asuitable apartment, they held a session [of theAudiencia]; and for this purpose had made ar-rangements to carry with them the small sealwhich the chancellor, Don Tomas de Castro, had

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procured. From that place the Audienciasummoned the city [council], who immediatelywent thither in obedience to this callthe two al-caldes and the regidorsas also did the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp of the garrison. Thisbeing learned by the usurperbecause not allwent, as would doubtless happenhe immedi-ately commanded that the soldiers be assembled;and he issued a proclamation that all under pen-alty of death and being considered traitors to hisMajesty, should resort to the palace where hewas, and not to the house of the Society of Jesuswhere the auditors were. This was promptly

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obeyed, because Don Juan was found to be thecommander of the troops. Herein the people didnot sin through evil intentions, for they are veryloyal to his Majesty, but through ignorance, notknowing whom they ought to obey, or what wasmost to his Majestys service; and as they heardproclamations summoning them all to the palace,under penalty of incurring treason to the king,they quickly obeyed.

The usurper being hindered by warlike prepara-tions, the gentlemen [of the Audiencia] occupiedthemselves in issuing orders addressed to all

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persons of high standing and to the military of-ficers,7 that they should immediately, under pen-alty of being considered traitors to his Majesty,proceed to the house of the Society of Jesus.When the usurper learned this, he forestalledtheir intentions by sending a large body of in-fantry, who completely surrounded the college onthe outsidewith the strictest orders that theyshould not allow any person to enter it of anyclass whatever, nor would he even allow their or-dinary provisions to be carried inusing sophist-ical arguments to assure the common people thatno one was required by obedience to go there, for

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the meeting of the auditors was of no accountsince they did not hold it in the accustomed placeand hall.

In order to prevent disturbances, the auditors de-siring peace and general tranquillity issued a roy-al decree in order that the usurper might becomeobedient [to their authority]. Therein they statedthat as Don Francisco de Montemayor y Mansillahad surrendered the right of seniority that heclaimed, the authority of captain-general had inthe name of his Majesty been handed over, andits possession given to Don Francisco Coloma for

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the government of military affairs, in fulfilmentof the royal will.8 The delivery of this royal de-cree into the hands of the usurper was entrustedto the zeal of the Society of Jesus, which alwayshas been steadfast in the royal service; for no lay-man dared do this, seeing him so carried away bythe desire to rule and in possession of the militaryforce. Some of those fathers went to the palace(Father Geronimo de Ortega, lecturer in theology,bearing the decree) and gave themselves into thepower of the usurperwho, ignorant of theirmission, at once received them; he answered the

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fathers with insolence, using offensive languagetoward them.

The speaker [i.e., father Ortega] explained to himthat the colleges of the Society always stood andwould stand with open doors to receive the kingour sovereign, for its members are his loyal vas-sals; for that reason the religious while awaitingthe decision of the usurper, patiently endured notonly the epithets cast at them by the ignorantrabble, calling them traitors and rebels, butalso the language of even Fray Francisco Solierwho spoke to them very rudely. There were also

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other annoyances which I must omit, and whichshould be imputed to Fray Francisco and hisguardian and to the commissary of the Holy Of-fice; for although each one of these ought to havebeen attending to his duty, ambition kept them allthree at the palace, which they did not leave for amoment.

The usurper, carefully seeking arguments for areply to the auditors in order to justify his pur-poseand on one side being stimulated by con-science to the blind obedience which he ought, asa vassal of his Majesty, to give to the royal

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decree; and on the other, being dominated byself-love and the ambition to gain power andriches, which distracted his mindtried to obtainfrom some of his mercenary confidants those ar-guments which were best suited to his desires, asamong those who surrounded him there were notlacking some in whom depraved purposes hadthe ascendant. Don Juan preferred the advice ofhis special confidant, Don Francisco de Figueroa,who counseled the usurper to notify the peoplethat the royal Audiencia which was at the houseof the Society because the auditors had gonethere to organize it, had sent to the palace to

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summon him under penalty of treason to hisMajesty if he did not at once render obedience;that accordingly all should consider whether ornot it was expedient for him to go. [He advisedhim], as is proper in a community, to go aboutbut a little while waiting for those persons ofhighest station who form its head. Figueroashowed his cunning by notifying some of his in-timates to reply (as they actually did) that it wasnot expedient for the usurper to go to the Soci-etys house; but that the auditors should come tohold their sessions in their customary and properplace, the hall [of the Audiencia], and that then

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he was under obligations to obey [the summons].Thereupon the rest agreed with this opinion ofthe first speaker; and, in order to justify his evilconduct and impute it to the people, he causedthem all to assemble togetheralthough some re-cognizing the mistake avoided this by going outwithout being noticed, being overlooked amongthose who were discussing the affair; and withthe above decision they sent away the religious.

The usurper tried in various ways to break up theassembly of the auditors and the city officials,who were at the Societys house. The first was a

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plan to beguile with promises Captain Don Nic-olas de Pamplona, one of the two alcaldes-in-or-dinary, to induce him to leave the house; and thissucceeded, on account of his lack of sense. For,carried away by those promises, he asked theauditors permission to go to his house and visithis wifewho, as they informed him, was in thepains of childbirthprotesting that he would re-turn; but as soon as he went out, he went to seethe usurper, who ordered him not to go back un-der penalty of being a traitor to hisMajestywithout heeding that Don Nicolas wasan alcalde-in-ordinary and could not be

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subordinated to him, even if he were legitimatelythe military governor, but only to the auditors,who directed the civil government.

It was not so easy to persuade his companion,General Sebastian Rayo, who, as a man of abilityin these matters, knew that the royal personresided in his court and not in the usurper. Thelatter, in order to trample on any opposition to hisplans, committed the greatest iniquity than mansimagination can conceive; this was to avail him-self of his intimate friend the commissary of theHoly Office, to take General Rayo under pretext

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of [a requisition from] the Inquisition from theSocietys house. The commissary, carried awayby his own personal aims and his ignorance andtaking advantage of the peace and quiet prevail-ing among the people (which, he hinted, was [theresult of] his own religious zeal), gave orders, ascommissary of the holy tribunal, to Don Geron-imo de Leiva, commissary in the province ofYlocos, and to Captain Don Luis de Monrroy,notary of the Holy Office, to go with their badgesdisplayed and in behalf of the Inquisition. Theysummoned the said alcalde, Sebastian Rayo, whoas a Catholic Christian immediately

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obeyedmuch to his cost; for the usurper, an-noyed that he had to employ the holy tribunal inorder to secure the general, availed himself of thesuit that Don Diego de Salcedo had broughtagainst him, and kept him a long time prisoner inhis house under the guard of soldiers.

The city council being thus broken up, the royalcourt still remained entire, which gave the usurp-er no little anxiety in plotting the means mostsuitable for securing the object of his longing.For this purpose he sent a message to the auditorsthat they must within a very limited time hold

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their sessions at the palace, under penalty ofdeath if they did not obey, since they were caus-ing disturbances and were violating the peace;and he declared that he would aim the artillery atthe college of the fathers.

In these and other unheard-of evil acts the usurp-er and his counselors continued; and the auditorswent on issuing writs to the more prominent cit-izens commanding that they should, under penal-ties of death and being considered traitors to hisMajesty, render obedience to the auditors, sincethe royal person resided only in his court. These

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efforts were useless, for the guards posted by theusurper permitted no person to leave or enter thehouse; but the auditors spent two days and anight in these occupations without descendingfrom their tribunal for a momentwith courageenough to render up their souls in the service ofhis Catholic Majesty.

The usurper was surprised to see his designs frus-trated, and, knowing the great love that DonFrancisco de Coloma had for his wife, made ar-rangements, availing himself of the cunning andsubtlety of his counselor General Don Francisco

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de Figueroa, that the latter should go in companywith General Francisco Garcia del Fresno in hisname to talk with the wife of Seor Coloma, giv-ing her to understand that if the auditors did notdepart [from the Societys house] within the limitof three hours, he had already resolved to end theaffair in blood. The unhappy lady, as soon as sheheard this decision from the envoys, entered hersedan-chair and went to the Societys church; shesent some one to call her husband, and they re-mained alone in conversation. The result of thismeeting was, that Don Francisco without beingseen by any one entered his wifes chair, leaving

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her in the church, and went to his own house.Thus the wickedness of General Figueroa, theusurpers counselor, succeeded in breaking upthe royal court, since the only persons remainingwere Seor Mansilla and his Majestys fiscal.

That the usurper might better take vengeance onDon Francisco de Mansilla y Montemayor, he as-sured him through the agency of the father vicar-provincial Fray Diego de San Roman, and theschoolmaster Fray Juan de Paz (who were shin-ing lights in the Dominican order), that Seor deMansilla and the fiscal could go with all safety to

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their own houses, and that he would do them noinjury; consequently they began to feel relieffrom the extreme hardship that they had suffered.On the next day the auditors were unable on ac-count of their fatigue to repair to the Audiencia;and immediately, on that same night, [the usurp-er] ordered the arrest of Don Francisco de Mans-illa by the soldiers, placing him in the castle atthe port of Cavite. He ordered the guards undersevere penalties not to allow Seor Mansilla tospeak to any person, and this lasted many days.At the entreaties of the superiors of the religiousorders he was allowed to receive communion, but

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not to leave the castlewhere I will leave him, inorder to continue with other things that werehappening.

The tyrant had obtained his greatest desire, andterrified [any who might oppose him] with theexample of Seor Coloma. The usurper pro-ceeded with his rule, rewarding most those whomost deserved punishment for their enormouscrimes. He appointed persons to offices givingthe chief and best one, which was that of Calami-anes, with the title of sargento-mayor of the fleetof Yloilo to Captain Don Gonzalo Samaniego,

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the only nephew of his best friend, the commis-sary of the Holy Officewho also recommendedthose who showed themselves most prominent inthe arrest of Don Diego de Salcedo. This the tyr-ant readily and gladly followed, giving the chargeof the Sangleys Parian to Captain Diego dePalencia, and honoring with new appointments asadmirals Captain Don Juan Robles y Cortes andCaptain Don Juan de Vargas Machuca; and he re-warded not only the others who assisted in thesaid imprisonment, but those who most aided theusurper for their own private advantage.

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As the usurper was supplied with a large quantityof moneythat which he had seized from DonDiego, and the situado9 which had just arrivedfrom Nueva Espaahe undertook to be gener-ous at the cost of his Majesty in order to concili-ate others, issuing money-orders and makingpayments at his pleasure. Accordingly, the firstbusiness which he despatched was to issue a war-rant to himself, not only for what the king owedhim, but, as that was not sufficient for him, [headded] several thousands more on account ofwhat would yet be due for his official services;10and for his son, a boy of eight or nine years, who

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held a military officewhich, as it was needless,Don Diego would have abolishedhe orderedthe certification and payment of the entireamount. To satisfy those whose support was im-portant to him and to justify himself to thepeople, he ordered that all the arrears [of pay]which the royal treasury was owing to the audit-ors be paid in full; and afterward [only] what heallowed was paid to them. Nor was anything paidto such persons as were not concerned with thearrest of Don Diego, or at least [approved] his de-tention in prison.

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As so much property had been seized from DonDiego,11 especially in jewels and gold, there wasoccasion for temptation to the most upright manwhen the inventories were made; and, after it wasplaced in the royal treasury, for cunning schemesto acquire many ducados with this wealth.12 Thefirst scheme, which was adroitly planned by theusurpers confidant General Figueroa, was thatall the gold which had been seized should besoldalleging the pretext that if it were kept fora later time it would depreciate in value, and hisMajesty would incur great loss; for at this time,as the foreign ships were here which came to

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procure gold, it had [a greater] value. Withoutany ones understanding the matter, all the goldwhether wrought or not was sold at auction to thesaid General Figueroa at the rate of fourteenpesos a tael (which is a weight of ten silver reals)for the wrought gold, and thirteen pesos a tael forthe unwrought; but he had previously bargainedwith the foreigners to take all the gold, at seven-teen pesos a tael for the wrought and fifteen forthe unwrought. [This was done] so that the usurp-er might divide up the surplus with a profit ofmore than 14,000 pesos, the proceeds on thequantity of six thousand taels (counting wrought

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and unwrought) which was placed in the royaltreasury. As I remonstrated that this baseness hadbeen committed against God and the king, theywere fearful and reopened the auction on the fol-lowing day, saying that the usurper was unwillingthat all the gold should be sold to one manonlyas if it would be difficult for craft to ar-range that the gold should be divided up amongten or twenty persons, all tending toward thesame end, that of their selfishness and greed. Re-cognizing their object, I alleged thatgrantedthat their intention is that all the gold should notbe sold to one citizen only, for which reason the

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sale of the preceding day was annulledafter Iasked the price of the gold, I desired to obtain1,000 taels of the unwrought gold, offering on thespot fourteen pesos a tael for the said gold, andsaying that, if I were allowed to carry away allthe unwrought gold at that price, I would take it.They showed surprise and were annoyed at me,but finally concluded the sale at the said price offourteen pesos. Only some 1,400 [taels] weresold, leaving the rest for other auctions; and itwas not certain, [to judge] by those that afterwardwere held, whether all the remainder of the gold

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was sold at the same price of fourteen pesos; forsome lots were knocked down at thirteen pesos.

For these and other evil acts Fortune supplied theusurper, for a notary with the man who has theworst reputation and most malicious designs ofany in these islands, named Tomas de Palenzuelay Zurbaran, who is well known to everyone. Theusurper prepares his documents and despatcheswith this man only, in whom he has great confid-ence and by whom due form is given to his unjustand illegal acts. Further, the fiscal of his Majestyhas demanded by repeated letters, that [the gold]

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be not sold; but he has never answered these ornumberless other letters which the said fiscal haswritten regarding the imprisonment of Don Fran-cisco de Mansilla, and on various other matterswhich he has demanded (as he is continually do-ing). And as the fiscal was ill, the usurper ap-pointed Licentiate Antonio Quijano, an advocatein this royal Audiencia, that he might be present,as he has been on behalf of the fiscal, at the auc-tion sales which have been made of the goods ofDon Diego.

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The religious orders persisted in asking for therelease of the auditor Don Francisco de Mansilla,as also did many influential persons; but they didnot succeed. They caused the usurper, however,much sorrow at seeing that the auditor had somuch popularity, while his own tyrannical dis-position desired that all the citizens should coun-tenance his iniquitous conduct in the unjust im-prisonment of the auditorwhich his own fearshad accomplished, since the session of the royalAudiencia could not be held without SeorMansilla; for no one was left except Seor Co-loma, and he could not constitute the Audiencia

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alone and without another auditor. It is clear thathis ambition craved adulation of his evil act, fortyranny always experiences profound fears andsuspicions, which conscience stimulates.

To palliate his wicked conduct toward the inno-cence of Seor Mansilla, he schemed to bringsuit against him for trafficking in barter and mer-chandisealthough the poor gentleman never in-tended or even imagined engaging in that pur-suitbringing forward witnesses according tohis own liking. Among those who were swornwas one who was the most malicious intimate of

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General Don Francisco de Figueroa; and he testi-fied before the above-mentioned notary, Tomasde Palenzuela y Zurbaran, the declared enemy ofthe imprisoned auditor. It was a divine Provid-ence that Seor Mansilla was not accused of aninfamous crime, for that would have gonethrough very easily.

The usurper became tired of the said letters fromthe fiscal of his Majesty, who, sick as he was andis, in order not to fail in the obligations of his of-fice, was continually at work at the evident riskof his health in requiring the information that was

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due himalthough without any result; for, as Isaid, they now did not answer his letters, andtheir only care was to find some way of exilinghim, declaring that he was a disturber of thepeace. Indeed, I think that no long time willelapse without his being suspended from the ex-ercise of the office that was conferred upon himby his Majesty; and the cause of that will be [theusurpers] wicked intentions.

The tyrant knew well that among so many therecould not fail to be some loyal hearts who, asthey could not for lack of power check his

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insolent acts, did not openly express their desireto avail themselves of whatever opportunity timemight present to distinguish themselves in theservice of both Majesties; and even if they couldnot do so with deeds, at least they would write tohis Majesty giving him an account of all that hadhappened, so that the prompt remedy that so dif-ficult affairs as these require might be applied,and the islands not be exposed to destruction. Al-though these islands are in the view of so manynations, nothing of what I have related leakedout, so deep was his mistrust; for he took precau-tions by detaining here the ships from all the

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neighboring kingdoms without permitting one ofthem to depart until the middle of Januaryatwhich time no one could reach the English andDutch ships, which sail every year from Bataviaand Ba[n]tan for Europa in the middle of Decem-berin order to hold this government for alonger time (of which we who are loyal desire [togive] information) instructed by his confidant,the traitor General Figueroa. The losses and ex-penses which he caused to the ambassadors ofkings, the owners of private ships, by this deten-tion cannot be estimated; nor can I relate the

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complaints which all uttered regarding this unex-pected action.

For the greater suffering and punishment of thecommunity, the demon kept the usurper so blindthat he concluded that he could with money per-petuate himself in the government. Accordinglyhe opened the door for greed by means of hischaplain, who is an outcast Carmelite from Mex-ico. This man, on account of serious disturbanceswhich he caused in his province and the murderof their provincial by some of his associates, withanother man of his faction was, with them,

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banished to these regions, their sacred habits be-ing taken from them. As soon as this man arrivedat these islands, the tyrant, who was then an aud-itor, sheltered him in his house; his name is DonGabriel Coronel; and the agreements in lawsuitsand the gifts of all the traders are settled withhim.

[Complaint was made by] the ambassador of theking of Siam and his factorwho came to takecare of the goods which he carried on account ofhis king, in order to dispose of them profitably inthis cityand another Moro, a citizen of the said

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kingdom, named Juan Guaroni, who came withthe ambassador as administrator of the propertywhich the ruler of the said kingdom had sur-rendered to Don Diego de Salcedo. It was de-manded from him for purchase, [and comprised]thirty-two cates and nine onzas of musk; thirty-two onzas of ambergris; ten bezoar stones, andone of porcupine; six pieces of sarasas;13 six[word omitted?] of cocoanuts; and eight pieces ofchintzaltogether worth 3,500 pesos, for whichthey had not been paid. For, a few days beforethe imprisonment of Don Diego, these goods hadbeen handed over, and the contract had not even

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been solemnized; and then, as the said arrest oc-curred, they proceeded to the presence of thecommissary of the Holy Office asking that thesaid goods be returned to them or else that theyreceive satisfaction for their just value. He com-manded that a copy [of this demand] be given tothe party [concerned], who immediately acknow-ledged the entire amount; besides, they proved bya great number of sworn witnesses that the saidgoods had been handed over to Don Diego, andno payment had been made for them. The affairbeing so thoroughly verifiedas will appear bythe said acts, to which I referthe said

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commissary refused to give any orders until theambassador and the others understood the road[to be taken] and availed themselves of the ex-pelled Carmelite, the usurpers chaplain; and anagreement was reached with him, and they pur-chased justice for seven hundred pesosfivehundred pesos for the usurper, and the remainingtwo hundred for his intimate friend, the commis-sary of the Holy Office. They handed over thesilver by the hands of the said Don Juan Guaroni,the said ambassador and all being scandalized atseeing persons of so high position committing soshameless actsespecially the commissary. As a

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proof of his lack of sense, he went out one daythrough the public streets with his badge ex-posed, hanging from a bunch of little gold chains;and during a period of more than two monthscontinuously all the officials of the holy tribunalwent about wearing their badges displayed, to theoffense and general dread of all the people. Asfor the condition in which these islands are, Ileave it to the most moderate person to consider[what it must be] when they are governed by anusurper[and that] through his chaplain, a manexpelled from a religious order so austere as isthat of the Carmelites of the City of Mexico; he is

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also a friend of Father Paternina, a revengefulman, who for his own private purposes accused,by writing, before his provincial a religious of hisown province named Fray Cristobal de Leon, anative of Monforte de Lemos. [This Fray Cristo-bal] had attained in his order all the most honor-able positions save that of provincial; [but FatherPaternina accused him] of practicing usury andbeing a Jew, [pursuing him] with such persist-ency and hatred that he did not halt until he hadcaused Fray Cristobals death by a rigorous im-prisonment. For this religious, in view of the un-just treatment inflicted on him, taxed the said

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commissary with being disqualified for being hisown relator,14 since he had been a galley-slavesentenced by the general of his order at the con-vent of Burgos. Witnesses were brought forward,men who had served on that very galleyin par-ticular, a religious named Fray Diego Gutierrez, ason of the convent of San Felipe el Real at Mad-rid, who related the affair with abundant proofsand affirmed that it was true; indeed, I had sever-al times before heard it from witnesses worthy ofconfidence.

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The tyrant remained in constant mistrust at see-ing that although he held the auditor Don Fran-cisco de Montemayor a prisoner in the castle atthe port of Cavite, he was distant not more thanthree leguas from this city, and that he mightmake his escape some night and cross the bay insome little vessel and come to join Seor Co-loma; then they could form a quorum of theAudiencia and punish the lawless acts that he hadcommitted. In order to prevent such a suspectedemergency, he determined to exile the auditor15to the province of Oton, or to some other at a dis-tance of more than 200 leguas from this city; and

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this was done, the blow being inflicted onDecember 30 of the past year 1668 (the tyrant ad-opting the nefarious scheme of his notary, Tomasde Palenzuela y Zurbaran) with a party of paidsoldiers without the poor devil knowing wherehis voyage ended. For this purpose, the notarycarried to the castellan of the said port ofCavite16 (a confidant of the usurper) an order thathe should, as soon as he had received it, com-mand his sargento-mayor, Captain Juan Gomezde Paiba, to go with a sufficient number of sol-diers and the notary to take away from the fortthe auditor Don Francisco de Mansilla and place

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him aboard the champan which was already pre-pared for this voyage. When they undertook toexecute the said order against the person of thesaid auditor, the latter notified the sargento-may-or not only once but several times to be carefulwhat he did, since a mere sargento-mayor wasnot the person to arrest a councilor of hisMajesty; that this matter belonged to no inferiorofficial, and that he would not go without an or-der from the royal court. He declared that if hisperson were treated with disrespect, he would re-gard the officer as a traitor to the king; and as thecivil governor (which he is) he ordered him to

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summon the castellan, for he already imaginedevil to himself. The sargento-mayor went out,and came back with the same orderadding thatif the auditor refused to go on board willinglythey would place him in the ship by force. Theyhad stubborn controversies; then the father vicarof St. Dominic at the said port came up and ad-vised the auditor what was best for him at thepresent time, regarding which they did not agree.Finally the sargento-mayor ordered, since hiscastellan had thus commanded, that four soldiers,the strongest in his detachment, should attack theauditor. The latter defended himself for a long

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time with a small staff that he had in his hand,declaring and protesting that any man whoshould dare to injure his person was a traitor tothe king; but finally he gave up exhausted, andthey carried him aboard the champanwhich im-mediately set sail without giving him opportunityto take with him anything, whether clothing orcomforts, for his personal use. All this occurredat nine oclock at night on the said day, Decem-ber 30the poor gentleman leaving his houseand his family of marriageable daughters unpro-tected, in unending affliction and tears, without

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knowing to what place their father had been ban-ished.17

The usurper made strenuous efforts to learn whohad consented to his having, by securing thecommand and authority, trampled on the obedi-ence that was due and which he ought to give tothe commands of the royal court; and, as he suc-ceeded in learning that I was one of those whomost keenly resented his actswith some othergentlemen, although not manyand that I hadrendered obedience to the royal decree which theauditors had sent me and had very carefully

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observed it while they were in power, he con-ceived a special hatred against those who were ofmy opinion. This was particularly directedagainst me on account of my not having dis-played and showed to him the royal decree,which, as I say, I hold; another reason was, be-cause I had said as I now say, that the commis-sary of the Holy Office could not carry out the ar-rest of Don Diego without consulting the su-preme authorityexcept in a case where hefeared the flight [of the accused]. And even if anygovernor intended to act thus, the [interference ofthe] Holy Office was not necessary, since the

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royal Audiencia was more than sufficient to se-cure his person. But I do not say that the fathercommissary may not have sufficient authority tomake, as he did, the said arrest. For this reason,and because I am a loyal vassal of his Majesty,with a few other gentlemen toward whom theusurper felt no good-will, he [treated us as hedid] without further cause than the deposition ofa captain named Don Juan Manuel de Corcuera.This man declared that his comrade, Captain DonLuis de Matienzo, had told him that Don Diegohad sent to a lady a list containing the names ofthose who were loyal, in order that they might

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release him from the rigorous imprisonment inwhich he was and is,18 and replace him in hiscommand and government. He said that the saidCaptain Luis disclosed it to him, and showed thesaid list to General Don Fernando de Bobadilla,charging him to make me acquainted with it, inorder to make arrangements for setting his Lord-ship at liberty. The usurper found [in this a]means for his vengeance, and accordingly gaveimmediate information to the father commissary,his intimate friendwho on December 13 of thepast year 68, about eight oclock at night, orderedthat all of us concerned therein or on the [above]

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list should be arrested.19 This order was executedduring the day-break watch, and we were placedin this fortress of SantiagoGeneral Fernando deBobadilla, a well-known gentleman of Sevilla;Sargento-mayor Don Nicolas Sarmiento yParedes; and myself. In other dungeons, in theguard-house, they confined Admiral Juan deYtamarrin; the captain of cuirassiers, Don Anto-nio Lopez de Quirs (who was in Flandes); andCaptain Don Luis de Matienzo, a dependant ofhis Lordship. The strictest orders were given [toour guards] on penalty of death, that no one couldsee us or speak to us, and besides, to keep us all

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in strongly-riveted fetters, and in dark and closedungeons.

As all men went about in fear and amazement atwhat they had seen, the infliction of harsh treat-ment and imprisonment on the said Don Fran-cisco de Montemayor without his prerogatives ascouncilor of his Majesty and one of the civil gov-ernors availing him, it was not necessary to knowmore than that the usurper sent to summon anyman at an unseasonable hour of night in order tohave him promptly taken within the church [i.e.,for sanctuary]. Accordingly as soldiers went on

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the night I have mentioned asking for GeneralDon Diego Cortes and his Majestys factor,Sargento-mayor Juan de Verastian, those personsknew that they were under suspicion, and weresmuggled into the convent of San Nicolas in thiscity belonging to the discalced Augustinians; theconvent was immediately searched. He securedthat the church was of no avail to them, sincethose persons were also proscribed [i.e., by theInquisition]; however, the soldiers did not comeacross them.

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The prisoners spent one week thus confined andharshly treated, and at the end of that time theyconveyed us all closely guarded and [exposed] topublic shame to the tyrants palacewhich wasfull of people, who came to see what had neverbefore been seenmen of rank and station con-veyed in such guise and with so great clamor.The guards proceeded through the halls passingus from one to another until we reached the nextto the lastwhere sat the usurper with LicentiateManuel Suarez de Olivera, whom he appointed asassociate judge, and who was receiving the con-fessions of all. Without any blame resulting [to

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us from these] and without giving us a copy ofthe charges, they notified us of our banishmentand stated that this was done at the request of thefather commissary of the Holy Office, for thegreater security of the custody and person ofSeor Diego de Salcedo. Immediately they senton shipboard General Don Fernando de Bobadillaand Sargento-mayor Don Antonio Lopez deQuirs; and as I replied that they must give metime in which to settle the accounts of hisMajestys royal income, since I had just been ex-ercising the office of alcalde-mayor of Tondo,they granted me only ten days.

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As for the cause of our imprisonment, he saidthat it was because we had intended to rescueDon Diego and kill the usurper and the master-of-camp. I was not ignorant that the usurper hadno authority to try my causeeven though hewere the legitimate military governor, and I hadcommitted a crimesince I did not hold a milit-ary post. It was the civil governor who should trythis cause, all the more if the crime is that of tak-ing human life; moreover, [the usurper] intro-duces himself as judge of his own cause. Muchless [should he try the cause] if the crime[alleged] belongs to the Holy Office, since it has

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exclusive jurisdictionnot to mention other ar-guments, which I here omit. The other [prisoners]fearful of irritating further a man who is riding sowith loose reinsso violating the laws, both hu-man and divine, following only that of Sic volo,sic jubeo,20 etc.but protesting that they wouldoppose him when a suitable opportunityarose.21 I would write numberless other thingshere, if my condition would permit me the oppor-tunity; but this I have not, since even to writethese lines it was necessarysince I remain inthis rigorous imprisonment, surrounded byguards who watch the steps that I take and the

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words that I speakto write by snatches with theutmost caution and care that the guards shouldnot notice what I was doing on account of theevident danger to which I shall expose myself ifthe usurper knows it; and when I finished a sheetI sent it immediately to the college of the Societyof Jesus. I ought to be pardoned, therefore, forthe blots on my manuscript, and other defects,since I had to keep my attention on the door, lestthe guard should enter and catch me at this.

It is no wonder that hostile tongues condemn thefather commissary, Fray Jose Paternina, as

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having acted with passion in the imprisonment ofhis Lordship, for various reasons. First: his Lord-ship, before coming to these islands, while hewas in the City of Mexico had carnal intercoursewith a woman who was a relative of the saidcommissary. The latter came to know this, anddeclared himself the mortal enemy of his Lord-ship; and thus arose and began, while they wereon the voyage to these islands, a strong aversion,which was kept up during the voyage, and waspublic and notorious. After arriving at this citythey were on very bad terms; and besides, thecommissary is ambitious, greedy, and not of

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exemplary life. Moreover, he is very revengeful,keeping the city stirred up with the word Inquis-ition, and summoning [before it] men for mat-ters of little importanceto the scandal of thecommunity and the discredit of those thussummoned, for no one knows for what purposethey are arrested; this is keenly felt among ourcountrymen, since we boast of being [good]Catholics, as we are.

Another reason: He was greatly displeased at see-ing that the profitable position of alcalde was notgiven to his nephew Don Gonzalo Samaniego

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(whom he loved and valued highly) nor even tohis own Paternity a priorate to his liking; indeed,his provincial, Fray Alonso Guijano kept him inthe convent on account of recognizing his evildisposition, and as Fray Jose did not know thelanguage; besides, the provincial had other reli-gious of long standing and ability with whom tofill the priorates. The commissary attributed thisto the dissensions which he had had with hisLordship in Nueva Espaa and on the voyage;and fancied that it was Don Diego who had ar-ranged the matter with his provincial, as thosetwo were friends. There is proof of this [my]

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statement; for as soon as he secured the imprison-ment of Don Diego, the first and most importantoffice that was filled was given to his nephew,conferring on him first the rank of sargento-may-or of the armada of Oton. For himself, he madearrangements with the usurper to receive hisstrong recommendation to the priorate of the con-vent in this city, which was immediately given tohim by the provincial. Finally, it is he who rulesthe usurper; for there is a mutual understandingbetween them on account of what they couldmake known regarding the great amount that islacking and does not appear in the wealth which

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was seized from his Lordshipcoin, ingots, and[wrought] articles of gold, and diamonds. And he[i.e., the commissary] is at present rich andhonored, respected and feared, succeeding withwhatever he wishes, pleases, and purposes.

As I have not time for more, I will set down thenames of those who had most to do with the im-prisonment of the governor, Don Diego deSalcedo; they are the following:

First, the master-of-camp of this royal regiment,Don Agustin de Zepeda, who as master-of-camp

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maintained the guard with a company of Spanishinfantry, who was and is on duty, as is custom-ary, in the palace.

The two alcaldes-in-ordinary, General SebastianRayo Doria and Captain Don Nicolas dePamplona. The latter seized his Lordship by thearm while he was sleeping, which caused him toawake and sit up in his bed; and Don Nicolasheld him so tightly that his Lordship feeling thepain told him that he must not hurt him like that.The other replied arrogantly that Don Diego hadoppressed all the people, and that they had had

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enough of him; and his brother, a religious of St.Francis, Fray Geronimo de Pamplona, allowedhimself to say to his Lordship, Let us have noarguments. His Lordship replied to this that hemust be more civil; and that even if the holytribunal arrested him he would not allow any oneto treat him with insolence, because he represen-ted the royal person.22

The sargento-mayor Juan Jirado, or Tirado; theysay that he held a dagger at the breast [of DonDiego], and as a reward they elected him thisyear alcalde-in-ordinary.

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The unemployed captains Don GonzaloSamaniego (nephew of the commissary) and DonJuan de Vargas, whom they made admiral andgave him the office of Tayabas; he is my brother-in-law.

Captain Don Juan de Robles Cortes; he only re-mained with the commissary, who asked thatDon Juan should not leave his side; they after-ward made him admiral of the caracoas, and hewas chosen this year alcalde-in-ordinary.

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Captain Diego de Palencia, my brother-in-law, asalguazil-mayor of the Holy Office, placed the fet-ters on Don Diego.

Captains Don Luis de Morales and Grabiel de laJara; they went with six other men and seized thehalberds; and when the halberdiers tried to gettheir weapons, these men had already gained pos-session of them all. Others remained at variousstations in the palace.

The provincial of St. Francis, Fray Francisco So-lier, with the guardian of that order, Fray Mateo

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de la Anunciacion, who went with a nakedsword; and sixteen other religious of St. Francis.All of them carrying arms entered the apartment;and the two first named were the ones who madethe most noise.

Those who countenanced the usurper Don JuanManuel when he failed in the obedience which heought to render to the royal Audiencia when thatcourt summoned him are the following:

In the first place, the commissary, Fray Jose dePaternina.23

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The provincial of St. Francis, [Francisco] Solier,and the guardian, the aforesaid Fray Mateo; theynever left his side or the palace, for which reasonthe government was taken by force.

General Don Francisco de Figueroa who, as hisconfidant, and being so subtle, has counseledwhatever the usurper has done. He went to thehouse of the Society and treacherously professedobedience to the royal Audiencia; then by craft,under the pretext of subduing the usurper, hegained permission to leave the house and re-turned to the palace, where he gave information

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of what he had seen, in every way acting [as one]without God and without king. Then followed inhis very steps the notary Tomas de Palenzuela yZurbarana man who is liable to commit anywickedness whatever on account of his evilnature and ambition.

The alcalde Don Nicolas de Pamplona, who, be-ing in the house of the Society and having withthe city [officials] in a body rendered obedienceto the king our sovereign, as represented in hisroyal Audiencia, carried away with his own shal-low mind and great ambition, left the house with

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the false assertion that he would return, andpresented himself before the usurper, renderingobedience to him; this man they made command-er of the armada.

The commander of the artillery, Francisco Garciadel Fresno, for with him and the following that hehad, he authorized and encouraged and wasjoined with the crafty Don Francisco de Figueroa.These two terrorized the wife of the auditor DonFrancisco de Coloma, so that she should drawaway her husband within three hours, fearing lesthe should risk his life with the other

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auditorswho were maintaining the organizationand existence of the Audiencia in the library ofthe Society of Jesusbecause they were going todemolish that house with cannon-shots. The goodlady went out in much fear and proceeded to thehouse of the Society; and from her visit followedthe departure of her husband [from the house],and the organization of the Audiencia was brokenup.

All the military officials, except the master-of-camp, whom the auditors already held, and thesargento-mayor of this royal regiment, Don

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Nicolas Sarmiento y Paredes, who obeyed themandate of the auditors. The usurper, angry atthis, conferred that command on Sargento-mayorDiego de Morales, who is still serving therein.

The licentiates Juan de Rosales and Don EugenioGutierrez de Mendoza; they were the two judgesappointed by the usurper to decide the questionof the seniority claimed by each of the two audit-ors, Don Francisco de Coloma and Don Fran-cisco de Montemayor y Mansilla; and, having ob-tained the opinions of these judges, the usurperadjudged the authority to himself.

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All these were the men who were most active onaccount of their being the most influential per-sonsnot to mention many others of less rank;or the people who sinned through ignorance andnot through evil intention, for they knew notwhom they ought to obey. As they heard repeatedproclamations of treason to the king, who was atthe Societys house, [with command that] theyshould not go to the palace, they all took the pathof obedience, as loyal vassals of his Majestyasthey would have done without any doubt if theusurper had given opportunity to the royal Audi-encia so that the auditors could command that a

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proclamation be published. But as for those inauthority, on account of their rank and station,who received the royal decree and failed to obeyit, and others who carried it to show to the usurp-er, I do not say of such that they are free fromblame.

I set down the names of all those who werepresent in both encounters with full particulars,and without being moved by prejudice; and Iname my two brothers-in-law, so that no inquisit-ive person may accuse me of being prejudiced.

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Many other names I do not place here, since therest are persons of less importance.

[Note, apparently by Ventura del Arco: The let-ter concludes with an account of his servicesassargento-mayor of the royal camp, purveyor-gen-eral of Pintados, deputy of the captain-general inthe said provinces, and captain-general of the ar-tillery. He was an encomendero; and he musthave written this in the fortress of Santiago, onJanuary 15, 1669 (which is its date).]

1

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While in Mexico on his way to Filipinas, Salcedo personallyraised the sum of 100,000 pesos, and spent it in procuring soldiersfor the islandspaid and voluntary enlistments, not convicts.And in order that the officials at Mexico might not hinder or ob-struct the despatch of the situado (which that year amounted to220,000 pesos), he agreed with them that they could deduct intheir own favor 30,000 pesos, which they were to invest in mer-chandise in Manila and China, and remit to the persons who drewup the document, ... to which Governor Salcedo had to accede,since in no other way could he have obtained the succor [for theislands]. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 494, 495.) 2

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A dignity among the Franciscan friars, inferior to that of provin-cial (Dominguezs Diccionario national). 3

He came to Manila in 1666, as auditor. Although in Mexico hehad received two years pay, he reached the islands so poor thathe had no money for paying the first third of his media anata; atthis, Salcedo pitied him, and compounded his debt with the royalofficials. Bonifaz then proceeded to scheme and intrigue for hisown selfish ends, occasioning much scandal and commotion inManila. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 512516.) 4

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When Salcedo was arrested, all his property was seized, and thecommissary of the Inquisition took possession of all his pa-persincluding letters, royal decrees, and official docu-mentsbooks of accounts, and papers in lawsuits against variouscitizens. These last the commissary, induced by gifts and bribes,surrendered to the persons concerned without keeping any recordof such suits. The commissary gave many jewels and other valu-able articles seized from Salcedo to his relatives and friends, espe-cially to the usurper Bonifaz. The latter appointed Diego dePalencia, one of the conspirators, as alcalde-mayor of theSangleys and their Parin, which is the most profitable officethat can be bestowed in these islands, and royal depositaryinvirtue of which latter office a considerable part of Salcedos

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wealth was placed in his hands, part of it being placed in the royaltreasury. Later, the commissary secured possession of most ofwhat Palencia held; and the usurper spent most of what had beenplaced in the treasury for paying the soldiery and securing thefriendship of the citizens. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 578,579.)

It is possible that the author of this document is Francisco deFigueroa, who was alcalde-mayor of Tondo in 1660 (Diazs Con-quistas, p. 575). 5

Rosales was a lawyer, whom the usurper released from jail, wherehe was placed for crimes deserving death, and made an alcalde.

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He was one of Bonifazs most unscrupulous advisers and abettors.(Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 605.) 6

The tyrant, fearful of attempts to deprive him of his usurped au-thority, not only maintained a guard of bowmenmaking his son,ten or twelve years old, their captainbut stationed in his housetwo companies of musketeers from the royal troops, each of ahundred men, all being paid from the royal treasury, somethingwhich no proprietary governor had ever done. Besides this, hesent an escort of twelve soldiers every day with his son to theschool where he was learning to read and write. (Ventura del ArcoMSS., ii, p. 580.)

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7All the military forces, both soldiers and officers, sided with theusurper Bonifaz, except the commandant of Fort Santiago,Lorenzo de Orella y Ugalde. Later, Bonifaz changed nearly all theimportant military offices, conferring them on his favorites andsupporters. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 556, 557, 563.) 8

In Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 619625, is a copy of the docu-ment by which Mansilla ceded (October 14, 1668) his right ofseniority to Colomafollowed by a notarys attested statementthat this cession was made effective. On pp. 627641 may befound the proceedings of the Audiencia thereon, in its sessions atthe Jesuit college, and its decree issued to the loyal citizens.

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9This amounted to 400,000 pesos, although 500,000 were neededfor the expenses of the islands (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp.611, 617). 10

Within less than six months the usurper drew from the royal treas-ury 8,000 pesos as salary, and 9,000 in gold ingots from Salcedossequestered property. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 612.) 11

It is also suspected that, with the information and account thatthe father commissary will send to the tribunal of Mexico, theywill seize there the great wealth which the said governor had

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during late years sent to his correspondents, which, according tocommon report, exceeds 200,000 pesos; and this consignment offunds entirely refutes the suspicion that the sai