Passive voice kaa in Ancash Quechua and its relation to the middle voice A cognitive-functional account*

Carlos Molina-Vital

Rice University

A comprehensive study of the passive voice suffix kaa in Central Quechua is still missing in the Quechuanist (Huaraz-Huaylas dialect) based on its use with transitive and intransitive verbs. Next, it will focus on the so-called lexicalized uses of ka, in which this suffix is considered to be part of the stem and not contributing really to a derived passive meaning. It is proposed that those cases are similar to those of transitive and intransitive literature. This work will provide a cognitive-functional analysis of this suffix using Ancash Quechua data

Abstract

passivized verbs, and they are better accounted for by the abstract passive schema defined as: (i) an affected/experiencing participant is in the subject position, and (ii) volitionality has been suppressed as much as possible for the initiation of the situation depicted by the event. Evidence for this analysis comes from the

interaction between the causative suffix tsi and some cases of lexicalization of ka. The passive suffix can be found as intransitive verbs taking active meaning when using tsi e.g. wanuy, to die, becomes wanutsiy to a passive suffix defined by contrast to the middle voice in a continuum of volitionality present in subject affectedness, the extremes being passive ka (reducing volitionality) and middle ku (enhancing volitionality).

used to create an intransitive lexical-middle verb (a naturally occurring middle situation). Those verbs can be kill. Finally, this work argues against the notion that ka is not really a passive but some kind of middle. AQ has

1. Introduction

The passive voice in Quechuan languages is far from having been exhaustively studied. This is surprising, since passives are, very likely, the most studied type of construction in the modern linguistic literature. Compared to the amount of pages devoted to the meaning and use

*

numerous other consultants I interviewed in may-june 2011 in different regions of Ancash. During that time, Nelly Snchez, Lucinda Marcos, Pedro Senz, and Csar Vargas, all of them bilingual teachers, were excellent assistants to my work. Needless to say, any mistake in this work remains my exclusive responsibility.

providing valuable data and insights about the meaning of suffixes in Ancash Quechua. Also, I want to thank

I want to thank Dr. Flix Julca-Guerrero for his patience and help in answering many of my questions and

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of middle ku in any Quechua dialect, the passive voice suffix kaa 1 has been, to the best of my knowledge, mostly neglected. I think this is consequence of the disparity in the attention given to the main groups of Quechua languages. While passive kaa is found mainly in some varieties of Central Quechua, where the less studied varieties of Quechua are grouped, it is completely absent in the dialects members of Southern Quechua, which includes well studied varieties such as the prestigious Cuzco-Collao dialect, Ecuadorian Quichua and Bolivian Quechua.

In addition to this, passive ka is perceived as a derivational suffix less productive (and perhaps less interesting) than middle voice ku. In fact, the few pages devoted to the discussion of passive voice in Ancash Quechua (henceforth AQ), perhaps the most studied Central Quechua dialect, present an overlap between passive and middle voice. Thus, some authors (Snow and Stark 1970: 218, Parker 1973: 7, Adelaar with Muysken 2004: 229) consider kaa to be a middle-passive suffix. This seems to be validated by the common equivalence between passive sentences and their Spanish translations using the middle pronoun se, mainly with an impersonal or semi-passive meaning.

1

coda is a consonant or glide). I will transcribe respecting the difference between short and long vowel since in that

The suffix kaa presents the allomorph kaa in closed syllables (i.e there are no long vowels in syllables whose

way it is easier to contrast the passive suffix with the middle one in the context of vowel lowering. Let us remember that ku in the context of cislocative mu, first person object -ma, benefactive -pu, and causative tsi, is produced as kaa, which is a homophone with one of the forms of passive voice.

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The present work is part of a larger project dealing with the voice system in some varieties of the Quechua family. By presenting a detailed analysis of the functions of the passive suffix ka in transitive and intransitive verbs, as it is used in the Huaraz-Huaylas dialect of AQ, a clearer idea of the complex interaction between the passive marker and verb lexical semantics will be obtained. This more precise view of the contribution of ka to the meaning of a sentence will allow us to properly understand the relationship between AQ passive and middle voices. Finally, this work also argues against the idea that ka is not really a passive voice marker. There is no reason to appeal to the notion of a standard (periphrastic) passive voice that (optionally) includes the notion of a definite agent for the event. The structure of the present paper runs as follows. In section 2, I will present the main ideas about the passive voicekaa in previous studies, as well as the data used in the present study. Section 3 will examine data from sentences with transitive and intransitive verbs, while paying particular attention to the lexical semantics of the verb with which passive combines and the context in which the sentence is located. After that, section 4 will present a semantically based definition of kaa, i.e. an abstract schema capable of accounting for the commonalities in the observed used of AQ passivized sentences. Section 5 will apply that conceptual definition to cases of verbs with lexicalized or idiomatic uses of kaa. The objective is to demonstrate how a carefully detailed definition on semantic grounds not only 3

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provides a clear motivation to the apparently idiosyncratic uses of ka, but also uncovers certain regularities in the interaction of verb lexical semantics, causation, and voice. Finally, section 6 wraps up this work by discussing the proper relation between passive and middle voice in AQ, a preliminary typology of passive situations in AQ, and a general typology of event based on the grammatical behavior of AQ verbs regarding causation and voice. 2. Previous descriptions of AQ passive voice and characteristics of the present study 2.1. Description of kaa in previous studies

As it was mentioned in section 1, grammars and articles devoted to AQ do not devote much space to the description or discussion of the functions of the passive suffix kaa. Perhaps this is due to the fact that most of the studies published since the seventies up to this very day tend to be very broad in their descriptive goalsfor instance, Julca (2009a: 227) doesnt elaborate on the topic of passive voice beyond what Parker had already offered in his grammar (1976: 116-117). Still, some concepts are recurrent in the different sources that dealt with the meaning and function of passive kaa: the possible ambiguity in the meaning of the passivized sentence, the status of ka as a real passive when compared to the functions and meaning of a traditional (periphrastic) passive construction, and the difference in productivity between transitive, intransitive, and idiomatic verbs using kaa. a. Possible meanings of events marked with kaa. 4

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Snow and Stark (1971: 219), and Parker (1976: 116), dealing with the Northern Conchucos and the Huaylas dialects of AQ, respectively, present similar views on the meaning of the suffix kaa. According to those authors, the subject of a sentence with a verb marked with that suffix is the logical object of the event i.e. is the participant with the more patient-like role. These authors say that this passive meaning is particularly evident when kaa is used with transitive verbs, as in the following examples. (1) Yam -ta apa -ka rqa n

firewood carry PAS PAST 3.SG

The firewood was carried. (Parker 1976: 116)

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(2)

Rikaa ka n. see

It appears / It comes to view / It is evident. (Snow and Stark 1971: 218, Carranza 2003: 88)

PAS 3.SG.PRES

However, those authors notice that the meaning of kaa is not at all equivalent to the traditional periphrastic passive voice widely described for Indo European languages. Instead, the AQ passive suffix combines a middle meaning with a passive one. Parker (1976: 116), Carranza (2003: 88), and Julca (2009a: 227) consider that the middle interpretation, which they call reflexive, is one of the main meanings of the kaa. 2 However, this meaning is a possible

2

medio-passive. I assume, based on the examples provided and the altogether brief descriptions provided, that the

In the Quechuanist tradition the term that covers the notion of middle voice tends to be reflexive and other times

interpretation on top of the more basic passive meaning (i.e. a subject that is a logical object or patient). (3) Allqu wata ka yka n dog tie

The dog is being tied / The dog is getting tied (is tying itself). (Parker 1976: 116) (4) Wayta kicha ka ski rqa n.

PAS IMPF 3.SG.PRES

flower open PAS PERF PAST 3.SG

The flower was opened. / The flower opened up. (Snow and Stark 1971: 218) Thus, most authors agree on the fact that AQ presents two basic meanings: (i) a middle one, only possible if the subject of the passive sentence is animated, and (ii) a passive one, that affects both animate and inanimate subjects in the passive sentence. However, some authors prefer to characterize kaa without appealing to grammatical relations. Instead, they refer to the way in which the event takes place. Larsen (1976: 3), following Swisshelm (1972: iv), defines kaa as a derivational suffix that presents the event as a resulting or remaining state. Also, she observes that most of the times a verb with kaa conveys the meaning of becoming or turning into something. 3

affects him/herself.3

authors consulted consider that kaa can convey the typical middle situation in AQ, one in which the initiator Adelaar (1977: 138) takes a similar approach to the definition of passive kaa in Tarma Quechua, a related

Central Quechua dialect in the region of Junin. He defines its function as conveying actions that are not under the control of the principal participant. In addition, the subject can be affected by the event or perform it under certain schema for AQ kaa, as I will show in section 4. specific circumstances that condition the event. This kind of definition is entirely compatible with the abstract

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To sum up, -kaa is considered as a passive marker mainly on the basis of how it affects grammatical relations it allows that the participant with the patient-like role for an event takes the subject position. Also, besides being the affected/experiencing participant, an animate subject can be considered as an initiator. This introduces the middle meaning of a sentence with

kaa. Needless to say, a sentence like (1) cant take a middle interpretation, since the inanimatepatient yamta (firewood) cant initiate the process of being carried upon itself. However, some authors propose a definition of kaa that is based on how it modifies the way in which the action takes place it presents the event as a resulting state or a transition from one state

1sPAS IMPF 3.SG.PRES

t. D ft rawata ka yka n PAS IMPF 3.SG.PRES 7

into another.

b. Status of kaa as a true passive voice marker

Parker (1973: 8) briefly discusses if it is completely appropriate to consider kaa a passive marker. By appealing to a typical derivational strategy, he claims that a sentence like (5) can be transformed into (6). (5) Pedru wallpa ta

Pedro chicken ACC tie

Pedro is tying the chicken. (6)

Wallpa wata ka yka n chicken tie

The chicken is being tied / The chicken is getting tied.

However, despite the apparently passive transformation, sentences like (6) dont allow the expression of the logical subject (i.e. the initiator or agent). This, on the other hand, is perfectly possible with typical periphrastic passive constructions. The English translation (6) strongly suggests that the event of tying the chicken has been carried out by an agent, most likely, a defined one. Thus, Parker (1973: 8, 1976: 116-117) claims that the expression of the logical subject or agent is impossible in AQ. Consequently, -kaa is better described as a semipassive suffix.

Snow and Stark also acknowledge a special status for kaa; however, they are not very clear in the way they elaborate this idea. Those authors consider that kaa is more specifically the medio-passive or activo-passive voice (1971: 219). The idea behind this definition might be that the subject of the verb with kaa can still be considered as an initiator, provided that is animate; but the main factor to call the whole construction a passive is that the subject is an affected entity. Still, Snow and Stark insist in saying, like Parker, that the logical subject the person responsible for the action is not expressed (1971: 219). I will argue in section 6 against considering the middle meaning of kaa as basic, when one constant feature of that suffix is to convey the absence of a logical subject (i.e. the lack of a volitional initiator). c. Productivity of kaa with different kinds of verbs

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Finally, when presenting the suffix kaa, authors associate the interpretation of this suffix to the kind of verb it modifies, and how frequently that combination takes place. First, the passive interpretation of kaa is clear with transitive verbs a subject is clearly the affected entity, the logical object of the event. Consequently, all the previously quoted authors state that transitive verbs the most natural context for the presence of kaa. On the other hand, the interpretation of ka in intransitive verbs is considered much less productive by all those authors. The use of ka with intransitive verbs makes it problematic to understand how it can be considered a passive marker, since the basic transformation from active to passive is conspicuously missing is the starting point is a verb with only one participant (normally regarded as an agent or initiator). Of the authors consulted, only Snow and Stark (1971) and Parker (1976) acknowledge those passivized intransitive verbs as exceptional in their nature. The first authors regard them as idioms; while the second author considers them as cases of lexicalized uses of kaa (i.e. the intransitive verb with ka is considered a whole lexeme, not a formation of a verbal stem plus the passive suffix). Swisshelm (1974: 478) mentions the verb

punukay, to sleep in the passive, as an exceptional case that means to be overcome bysleepiness, which is the same as to fall asleep. Still, as it will be observed in section 3, the use of ka with intransitive verbs is not completely unusual, since there is evidence for creative/productive use of that combination. 9

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Certainly, there are more cases of transitive verbs used with kaa; but, as Parker (1971: 8-9) notices there are some transitive verbs that do not accept the use of ka. For instance, muskiy, to smell, or armay, to bathe (a body), dont form *muskikay, to be smelled, or

*armakay, to be bathed.Consequently, intransitive verbs can be marked passive in AQ, although not nearly as commonly as transitive verbs are. In addition to this, most authors observe that the meaning of intransitive passivized verbs is idiosyncratic and needs to be learned as a whole entry instead of being produced through derivation. Still, there seems to be more complex restrictions regarding which verbs can be passivized. For instance, having two participants (the most basic definition of transitivity) is not enough for a verb to take kaa. Likewise, having only one participant (the most basic definition of intransitivity) does not preclude the use of ka for several verbs of that

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class. 2.2. On the historical origin of kaa

The passive voice suffix kaa has been registered in some Central dialects including all the AQ varieties (Parker 1973, Hintz 2000, Julca 2009a), Tarma Quechua in the northern part of the Junin region (Adelaar 1977: 138, 2006: 126), and the Huallaga Quechua dialect (Weber 1989: 233-241). Additionally, Cajamarca Quechua (a Northern Peripheral Quechua dialect) presents the analogous form ka (with short vowel only) for passive (Quesada 1976: 129). 10

Southern Peripheral dialects like Cuzco Quechua currently dont have a suffix historically related to kaa. However, Parker (1973: 7) claims, based on observation of classic grammars of that dialect, that the form kaya was used with a similar meaning (see the discussion below). Snow and Stark (1971: 218), and Parker (1976: 116) claim that kaa likely comes from the Proto-Quechua copula *kay, to be. This is not surprising, since the use of an auxiliary verb in the creation of passive voice is a common tendency crosslinguistically (Keenan and Dryer 2005: 333). Still, I consider that further inquiring into the origin the passive suffix will shed some light on the peculiarities of its function. A very interesting fact, provided by Parker (1973: 7) is that Cuzco Quechua used, until perhaps the end of the 19th century, the form kaya with a similar passive meaning the subject experiences a state as a result of an external circumstance; in other words, the subject is presented as affected by a resulting situation. Parker suggests that central varieties, which allow distinctive vowel lengthening, might have reduced the proto form *kaya intokaa.

The origin of *ya is not discussed by Parker (1973). However, I believe that this form is included in the following Cuzco Quechua suffixes: durative raya (AQ raa), desiderative

naya (AQ naa), reiterative paya (AQ paa), and transformative ya (AQ yaa). 4 Based on the

4

paa, and kaa as models for verbal derivational suffixes.

The lengthening of yaa in AQ might be the result of an analogical process that takes the AQ forms raa, -naa, -

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meaning of those suffixes, it is possible that ya indicates subject general affectedness or, in particular, interest 5 in an event that is prolonged (-ra ya), potential (-na ya), 6 and repeated (-

pa ya). In other words, speakers of Quechuan languages tend to present the initiator of thosekinds of events as personally affected by the particular way in which they are carried out. This is at the base of the very meaning of ya as a transformative suffix that derives a verb from a noun. (7) Machu ya rqa -n.

elder.man TRANS PAST 3.SG

He became an old man. (Cuzco Quechua)

1sya rqa n.

t. D ft ra12

(8)

Awkis

elder.man TRANS PAST 3.SG

He became an old man. (Ancash Quechua)

A transformation is a strong form in which a participant becomes affected. Thus, it could be argued that the passive form *-kaa comes from the combination of ka (stem for to be) and a suffix that expresses affectedness in the subject. This is in agreement with Larsen (1976) and Swisshelm (1972) definition of kaa, in which the notion of change of state and result play a central role. Certainly, more research is needed through comparison of different Quechua5

middle (a form equivalent to the traditional notion of ethical dative) and reflexive in different Quechua dialects6

Affectation and interest are two notions that easily overlap as the frequent use of middle voice ku in indirect

attests.

nqa). This would present naya as the affectation in the subject from an impending event. Thus, in Cuzco Quechua mikunayashani means I am feeling like eating.

Notice that here na might be related with the nominalizing suffix na (historically derived from future marker *-

dialects, and the diachronic origin and grammaticalization of passive markers in other languages to determine the validity of these claims. However, I believe that the semantic analysis proposed in this work for ka in AQ strongly suggests that the notion of affectedness of the subject and that of a stative situation are at the very base of the origin of the Quechua passive marker. 7 2.3. About the data used in the present study My analysis of the passive suffix kaa in AQ is based on textual data (folkloric narrative, chronicle and autobiography, and one academic publication written), elicited data from a two bilingual AQ-Spanish consultants, Dr. Flix Julca Guerrero, and many examples from other academic publications on AQ.

First, it must be acknowledged that are two main sub-dialects in AQ: the Huaylas and the Conchucos varieties. There are some clear phonological, morphological, and lexical differences. For instance, the latter variety has four suffixes not present or used differently from Huaylas Quechua (Julca 2009a: 81-82). However, those differences do not affect mutual intelligibility (Julca 2009a: 92).7

stative meaning. An analysis of the grammaticalization process involved in the development of modern Quechua

In this regard, I think the Quechua passive might have started as a serial-verb construction with some adjectival-

passive voice, as well as an account for the reasons why Southern dialects have stopped using the passive form

kaaya are beyond the scope of this paper. Givn (2008) presents a typology of passive constructions and thereferences within are a good starting point for further research in this area.

grammaticalization processes involved in the development of modern passive voice systems. That work and the

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The vast majority of the data has been taken from the Huaylas dialect, particularly the one spoken in the Huaraz province. It comes from the two-volume collection of narrative from the Huaraz province written by Santiago Pantoja, published by Jos Ripkens, and profusely annotated by Germn Swisshelm. To my knowledge, that work is not only the richest source of texts for AQ, but also presents a wealth of data, description and analysis painstakingly organized and presented by Swisshelm in his first appendix to volume 2, a comprehensive study of the verbal derivational morphology in AQ (Swisshelm 1974). Also, I have used a more modern version of the folkloric tale Achikay, as it is presented by Prspero Colonia (Colonia 2002). I have also used, to a lesser extent, an academic publication collecting essays on Intercultural Bilingual Education (Chvez and Julca 2009a) written in AQ. This book is an interesting source of data, since it takes AQ to a form of use considered not adequate for an indigenous language. This has posed interesting expressive challenges to the authors, bilingual native speakers of AQ and Spanish, who had to use an indigenous language in a truly creative way in order to communicate the abstractions of academic discourse. In addition to those textual sources, I have worked with Dr. Flix Julca, a native speaker of AQ and an expert in that Quechua variety. He kindly provided numerous sentences, glosses, and explanations on the subtle semantic differences found among the suffixes studied in this paper. Finally, I have made use of data present in academic texts on AQ. For the Huaylas 14

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variety, Carranza (2003) a dictionary presenting numerous examples, has been very useful. Also the classic AQ dictionary by Parker and Chvez (1976) has provided valuable data, particularly to contrast potential cases of lexicalization of ku and ka in verbs with the data presented by Carranza (2003). Regarding the methodology employed, this works follows both a functional-typological and a cognitive approach to language phenomenon. 8 Through the observation of actual uses of certain linguistic elements in a context that goes beyond sentence level, the linguist proposes a plausible conceptual definition (an abstract schema in the terms of Langacker 1987) that accounts for the commonalities of those diverse usages. This method is mainly an inductive one, since starts with the data and through comparison of the different uses arrives to a general

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description.

Finally, the description of the uses of kaa is strongly rooted on the idea that language and general cognition share the same representational structures. In other words, the basis of8

this account of the passive voice include Croft (1991), Haspelmath (1990), Hopper and Thompson (1980), Haiman

A list of works in this tradition that I have closely followed for both theoretical and methodological guidance in

(1983), Givn (2001), Kemmer (1993), Langacker (1987, 1991, 2008), Nss (2007a), Rice and Shibatani (1985, 1998, and 2006). All of them coincide in the following principles: (i) crosslinguistic comparison of data that has the same semantic function reveals structural tendencies in how information gets organized, (ii) there is no clear

distinction between specific linguistic knowledge and other kinds of conceptual knowledge, (iii) language is part of a network of knowledge using categorization principles with no clear cut distinction between categories, since the result of a historical process in which they adequate to communicative needs and become conventionalized as abstract representations (i.e. they move from a richer representational meaning to a more abstract and restricted grammatical one), therefore, the study of language cannot dissociate synchronic stages from its diachronic origins. they form a continuum regulated by the needs of specific usage, and (iii) linguistic elements and constructions are

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language use if not some underlying structure beyond the speakers common sense. Instead, it is the speaker common sense what he/she conventionally takes into account at the moment of representing reality what is actively used in the creation of linguistic constructions. In that sense, I have used notions such as focus of attention, profiling, prototype, extension from prototype, schema, and even others more general ideas related to the particularities of Andean culture in order to provide a functional and conceptual motivation to the use of ka in the overall meaning of the analyzed examples. In this sense, I havent restricted the analysis of

kaa to its purely structural, valency changing uses. Instead, as I hope to demonstrate, thosefunctions are a consequence of a more basic semantic description of ka that interacts with the lexical semantics of verbs and the functions of passivized sentences in the whole context. 3. The different functions ofkaa: its use with transitive and intransitive verbs

AQ passive has been presented in different grammars and articles about verbal morphology in that language as a construction that puts an experiencer or affected participant in the position of subject. In addition, the passivized sentence does not provide any mention to a volitional initiator (i.e. and agent) responsible for carrying out the situation. In the present section I will examine different uses of ka with transitive and intransitive verbs in order to show that affectedness of the subject and lack of volitionality are complex notions. 3.1. Passive voice ka and transitive verbs 16

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It has been observed (Siewierska 1984: 8-23, Givn 2001: 125, Shibatani 1985: 837) that passive voice is crucially determined by prototypical transitivity i.e. the direct transmission of energy from initiator (agent) to an endpoint (patient). However, AQ passive does not simply present the active schema implied in the transitive prototype promoting the patient to subject position and maintaining the notion of an event actively realized by an agent that is still present, but defocused. Instead, most cases of a transitive verb with ka express the situation as if there is no agent involved, a basic impersonal interpretation. AQ uses passive voice to change the conceptual organization of the relation between participants and event, not with pragmatic objectives, as the defocusing hypothesis in Shibatani (1985) proposes. Sentences (9), (10), and (11) present cases of transitive verbs with ka presenting events in a spontaneous way, or as if they are just a result of an unspecified process i.e. one in which the way it was carried out, a notion strongly dependant on an agent, is not relevant. (9) Tsay -chaw -shi qaqa -chaw huk punku rura -kaa -ri -rqu -naq.

that LOC HS boulder LOC one door make PAS INC PERF NRPST 362: 7) 9

(They say that) there, on the boulder, a door appeared [Lit. "a door became made"] (V.2.

9

indicate volume 1 and volume 2 of that work, respectively. The first number indicates the page in which the example is located. Finally, the number after the semicolon indicates the line in the text in which the sentence is will be separated by a hyphen. exactly located. If the example covers more than one line in the page, then the beginning and final line number

Location of the examples taken from Pantoja et al. 1974 will be given in the following way: V.1. and V.2.

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In the context from which this sentence was taken, the boulder opens magically, which clearly requires lack of agency something just takes place without control or involvement of the affected entity. Given that this situation is non-agentive due to a supernatural situation, -

ri can contribute an energetic reading i.e. the event involves a quick change of state thataffects the initiator (Maldonado 2007: 858-859). Still, supernatural is not the only context in which lack of volitionality is prominent; in (10), the constant motion of the soil makes clods dissolve spontaneously; while in (11) the wheat grain automatically separates from the dirt thanks to the wind blowing.

(10) Naqana muru almost yapay again tsay that sow chaka

machka -kaa flour

When it's already getting to the time of sowing, we turn over the soil again, so that the ground clods get dissolved. [Lit. turn into flour] (V.1. 202: 9-10) (11) I pasaypa raki -kaa -na -n 3 mati -paq -qa, -wan.

and a.lot huk ladu one side

And so that it (the wheat) separates very well, we throw it (to the wind) on one side with a gourd cup. (V.1. 208: 33-34)

1s-y INF -pa ora -ri hour turn.over ITER tsaqma ground PAS kurpa -ri soil.clod PL INC -na separate PAS -chaw LOC wawya -ntsik CONC

t.1.PL.INC -kuna CONC -n 3

-yka

IMPF -ntsik,

-mu

CISL SUBDS 3

-pti

-n -na

DISC EV

-m,

throw 1.PL.INC gourd.cup INST

D ft ra-paq. DAT DAT TOP 18

Another situation related to lack of volitionality is when an event is conceived as a resulting condition. In other words, -kaa suggests that the subject is the result of a process that has taken place necessarily, without the need of an initiator consciously controlling it. The verb

ayllu (to gather) used in the passive voice expresses that something has accumulated, eitherby inertia, as in (12); or as if accumulation takes place as a consequence independent from the original intention of the agent putting things together, as in (13). (12) Tsay -man allaapa yaku ayllu -ka -yku -naq that DIR a.lot

A lot of water accumulated there from the snowcapped mountains. (V.1. 12: 42-43)

(13) Hinantin Kullash

everywhere ABL gather IMPF molle.log 52-53) -pita alli ABL well

They picked logs from here and there. A big number of molle logs accumulated. (V.1. 20:

The previous sentences show a result in which volitionality was missing. This form of conceptualization is suggested by the fact that the accumulation process can take an extended period of time to become noticeable. Resultative passive situations are considered carrying little to non-volitionality due to the way in which the event is elaborated through time. It is commonly assumed that identifiable volitional initiators carry out actions through a consecutive and continuous sequence of stages. This gives an event a precise temporal boundary. In other 19

1s-pita ayllu -yka shuyni

water gather PAS EMP NRPST snowcapped PL

rahu

-kuna -pita. ABL

t.-yaa PL ayllu -ka

-mu -naq

CISL NRPST log -yku

tronku -kuna -ta. -naq. PL

ACC

abundant gather PAS EMP

D

NRPST

ft ra

words, an event actively performed takes certain amount of time in which the initiator has continuously engaged into originating, developing and ending the event as a unified process. The opposite situation is to present an event as taking place as a discontinuous sequence of stages or just occurring without due unified process. This is exactly what lies behind resultative situations that take place eventually, though a slow and discontinuous process, which strongly blurs the notion of a volitional initiator. However, resultative situations can take place due to dynamically carried out events, although not directly initiated. (14) Mana pi no komba -pis

who ADD

sledgehammer wilu -yku paki -r

beat EMPH PERF NRPST boulder ACC TOP break SUBSS open PAS INC AG DAT kicha -kaa -ri -q -paq.

Since there was nobody around, the moron, picking up his sledgehammer, beat up the boulder, so that it broke open. [Lit. "so that it ended up open by breaking"]

In cases like the previous example, the passive event shows an affected entity that undergoes a process not by the direct initiation of an agent, but as a natural consequence of another event. In that sense, the boulder is not opened by the person doing the beating, but it

1ska -pti -n 3 -ta -rqu -naq qaqa

be SUBDS 3 DISC palla -rku

t.-n -na -r, -ta

-sh, sonso -qa

HS moron TOP

ACC pick UPMT SUBSS -qa,

D ft ra20

opens naturally as a consequence of the act of beating. The opening is clearly non-volitional, and the agent is not presented directly doing the opening, but mainly as an inductor. There are still a few cases of use of ka that resemble the typical passive voice in which the subject is directly affected by an implied agent, represented by the next example. (15) Tranka -kaa -ku -yku -ya -: tsay -chaw -na

block PAS MID EMPH PL 1 that LOC DISC

We were completely blocked there [i.e. we couldn't go through]. (Larsen 1976: 3)

I think that in this case, even if it can be imagined that there is some factor actively doing the blocking that affects the subject of the passive sentence above, it is only a possible interpretation that co-exists with the already presented resultative reading. Therefore, AQ passive voice presents a situation in which not only the subject is evidently affected, but also, there is little or no concern about how the action got initiated. Even when presented with events in which the expectation of an active agent carrying it out is strong, -ka allows to see the affected subject as a secondary consequence (something that ended up in that way), and not as directly produced by an agent. Sometimes, an event can hardly be understood as lacking direct agency i.e. an event that cant be portrayed as taking place on its own either naturally or magically, or as a resultative. This is the case of asiy to look for.

1s

t.

D

ft ra

21

(16) Juan -pa

Juan GEN corpse 3POS ACC all

tullu

n

-ta

llapan Colca -pa

Juans corpse was sought through all of Colca (region). 10

Colca GEN look.for PAS PRT 3S

asi

ka rqa -n.

The use of ka in (16) still suggests some impersonal meaning, one in which an agent is assumed, but it is undefined or diffused through a collective effort or repeated instances of the act of looking for. To sum up, evidence from ka used with transitive verbs suggests that one of its main functions is not to eliminate the notion of an agent in an event, but to reduce it as much as the lexical and contextual meaning of a verb allows. The other function, more in line with the traditional definition of passive, is to presents the subject as an affected entity. This can be regarded as a form of radical defocusing of the agent on conceptual and not pragmatic grounds. Consequently, the focus of the AQ passive is on the affected entity, either as an experiencer or

1s

t.

D

ft ra

a result.

The uses presented here show that the translations provided by Parker (1973, 1976) and Julca (2009a) to their examples with kaa are misleading. All of the cases of passivized transitive verb found in the data are better described as events that clearly depart from the

10

main consultant for this work.

Examples without explicit indication of its source have been elicited with the assistance of Dr. Flix Julca, the

22

transitive-active schema still present in the periphrastic passive of Indo European languages used to translate the AQ passive. 3.2. Passive voice ka and intransitive verbs There are quite a few cases of intransitive verbs used with kaa in the data analyzed. In those cases, the initiator of those events is normally considered to be volitional. Therefore, kaa needs a characterization not restricted to the promotion of a participant to the subject position, since intransitive verbs only have one participant. A conceptual definition in which -kaa presents and event as implying as little volition as possible, and with a main participant affected by an event is preferable.

While it can be argued that an impersonal-resultative meaning is the common to all uses of transitive passivized verbs in AQ, intransitive dynamic verbs with kaa are closer to a type of spontaneous situation lacking control from the initiator (see note 3 above). In those cases, the subject participant is affected by the event that he/she unwillingly initiated. As I have suggested for transitive verbs, the agency suppression function of ka applies in agreement with the context and the lexical semantics of the verb. Thus, dynamic events like nontranslational and translational motion tend to be understood as situations in which the initiator lacks volitionality and is, consequently, similar to an experiencer. (17) pasaypa -na -sh lataa -kaa -ri -naq. 23

1s

t. D ft ra

extremely DISC HS crawl PAS INC NRPST

(she) aimlessly crawled a lot. (Colonia: 2002: 18) In (17) the verb lataay, to crawl, takes the passive marker ka in a situation in which

clearly the girl is carrying out the motion event. In this case, impersonality or resultative readings are not possible since the subject is clearly identified and the verb, being intransitive, does not present an affected entity that could be seen as a result of an event having taken place. The context of this sentence presents the subject a girl running away from a witch that wants to kill her as extremely exhausted. The way in which volitionality is suppressed here expresses that the girl is moving by inertia, with no energy at all. A very similar interpretation of kaa can be seen in the next sentence: (18) Tsay -na maa -sh tari -rku

that DISC HS find UPMT since kacha -ka -shqa

Suddenly he finds a donkey, because he got untied and was wandering around grazing (V.1. 290: 22-23)

In the situation described, the donkey is walking in a way that shows no direction, which can be attributed to a lower degree of control over the actions. This means that it is possible to have an animate initiator lacking volition. Consequently, it makes more sense to use the more neutral term initiator instead of agent, since this last term strongly suggests the notion of a volitional initiator, and ka can create initiators that are non-volitional. 24

1s-n

release PAS 3.SG.PLUP graze

t.ushpa

D3.SG.PRES one -pa huk

ashnun -ta -ku -r

donkey ACC TOP

-qa,

ft rapuri -kaa

ITER SUBSS walk PAS NRPST

-naq.

In the next example, the absence of an explicit agent produces a different way of suppressing volitionality. (19) Mana tsay -qa, nuqa -man -mi tsay inbidiya tuma -ka -yka -mu -nqa. no If not, that envy will be returning to me. (V.1. 246: 32-33) that TOP I DIR EV that envy

turn PAS IMPF CISL FUT.3.SG

Here tumay (to turn), a verb used mostly intransitively (Cf. Parker and Chvez 1976), presents ka. This suggests either a transitive interpretation of tumay (meaning to return something), or a supernatural interpretation in which things just happen beyond any possible logical explanation. In the first case, the envy conceived in the story as a curse that affects the health of him who has received it from an enemy is sent back to the subject, a healer, if certain ritual conditions are not met. Therefore, this is not a dynamic event in which a defined agent is "sending envy" back to the subject. Thus, volitionality gets suppressed by diffusing the natural immediateness of the causal chain to the agents action there is an immediate, not eventual, reaction expressed in an affected entity. In the second case, the supernatural interpretation, the whole context of a healers activities provides the basis to present envy as turning around towards the shaman by unexplainable forces. Another interesting case of non-translational motion that gets marked passive is sutakay, to stretch. The event is presented in a way that strongly resembles a middle situation, a change of posture. 25

1s

t.

D

ft ra

(20) Nina aru -shqa suta

fire cook NMZ stretch PAS 3.SG who ADD talk 1.OBJ NM 258: 11)

-ka -n,

pi

-pis rima -ma

-shqa

The cooking fire stretches, someone calumniated me. [i.e. the flame gets pulled] (V.1.

As I will show, this case is perfectly acceptable as a case of volitionality suppression producing a spontaneous reading. One problem we need to deal with first is that sutay is commonly used as a transitive verb: (21) I tsay -man wina ka fill rku yaa shu rku pti -yki

and that DIR suta pull

PAS UPMT SUBDS 2 -nki siyilu

UPMT PL

And when you are put inside of it [a basket], they will pull you up to heaven (V.2. 350: 106-107) 11

Sutakay is a transitive verb used passively that, due to the particular meaning of theresulting situation (a stretched entity) can be seen as an intransitive event. In this interpretation, the flame is portrayed as having undergone casually some form of pull, therefore it stretches. I believe it is necessary to stress that the flame it is not presented as the initiator, even if this is a

11

periphrastic passive voice in English or Spanish in which the event has taken place actively and it is portrayed

Notice that in this case, the verb winay to fill is in the passive voice. This case resembles the cases of

from the perspective of the affected entity the girl, who had been running away from the witch, receives a

basket from heaven, and she is filled in the basket so that she can be taken to heaven and finally escape the basket, and there is no one around to do this action actively. Therefore, the idea that filling up the basket is passive voice as an agency suppression device since the event is supernatural.

witch. Let us remember that the girl will be miraculously put into the basket, since she is not getting into the active and that the passive kaa is more like traditional passive is only an illusion: it conforms to our definition of

1s

3.FUT 2.OBJ heaven DIR

-man.

t.

D

ft ra

26

plausible way of construal. 12 The flame is merely the object of the process of stretching, a situation that is conceived as just happening, without reference or allusion to any initiator. In other words, given that the context of the saying is related to superstition, the nature of the sign to be interpreted (in this case, the flame stretching situation) tends to be considered spontaneous, and not impersonal. Broadly understood, AQ atmospheric events can be considered intransitive verbs. They are complex cases that merit separate study under the subject of impersonality. However, there is a very interesting example with tamyay, to rain, used in the passive voice. (22) Tsay tiyempu -m allaapa tamya -ka -yku that time That time it rained a lot. (V.1. 140: 100) EV a.lot rain

To understand this case properly, we need to observe that tamyay is used in Pantoja et al. (1974) with middle marker ku to convey a modal meaning, as in it rains strongly (tamyakuykun, 120: 372-373), or a more basic middle meaning: (23) I waraa -ra -yaa -mu -rqa -: sabadu

and be.dawn INC PL

And when we woke up on Saturday it was raining. (V.1. 128: 127)

12

state that necessarily affects it. In some sense, this middle meaning resembles the one the English verb grow has in relationship to kaa. the sentence The children grew very tall. I will devote section 5 to present this type of middle situation and its

middle situation in which a well defined initiator (in this case nina, the flame) undergoes a natural change of

This is a second form of interpreting the function of kaa. In this case, the transitive verb sutay is presented as a

1s

t.

PAS EMPH PAST 3.SG

-rqa

-n.

CISL PAST 1.SG Saturday DIR

D

ft rarain

-man tamya -ku -yka -pti

MID IMPF SUBDS 3.SG

-n.

27

If we follow Pantoja et al. translation for the previous sentence, it seems odd to understand a middle form in which there is an energetic meaning, since there is no change of state. Any other middle situation seems not to apply to (23). Instead, I want to propose that this use of ku is nothing but the very basic middle notion of a volitional initiator acting in a way that affects itself. In order to understand this, the initiator should be clearly defined in a way that makes him/her/it redundant to mention. Hence, the nature of the initiator of tamyay is similar to that of referents located in the permanent semantic memory of a speaker, i.e. globally accessible definite referents (Givn 2001: 461). If the initiator is some broadly understood animate individual such as, say, patsa, the world, the act of raining is not impersonal, but volitional. 13 Moreover, the act of raining never leaves the sphere of the initiator. Simply put, the conceptualization behind AQ use of tamyakuy involves that the world rains, and at the same time, the action of raining never leaves the locus of the world, which satisfies the schematic definition for ku a volitional agent acting in a way that affects itself.

13

in constant interaction with the community. Also, some varieties of Arabic can assign an overt subject meaning the world to atmospheric events (Hussain Hijazi, personal communication).

This is in complete agreement with the Andean culture, in which elements of nature are considered living beings

1s

t.

D

ft ra

28

The rationale behind assigning volitionality to the world, nature, or any other analogous individual can be traced to the regularity exhibited by atmospheric phenomena. One way in which individual volition is manifested is by maintaining a certain order following a schedule or a plan takes conscious effort. As a result of this, I suggest that atmospheric phenomena are seen in AQ as a manifestation of certain natural order, responsibility of an individual tacitly identified as the world or nature. Thus, logically occurring events depend upon an initiator operating in a rational way. Evidence in favor of this perspective is provided by the use of ampiy, to be dark, to be nighttime an atmospheric-like verb commonly

used with ku: (24) patsa

time/world night MID EMP SUBDS 3 DISC HS 2002: 8)

While it was getting dark... [Lit. While the world / time was getting dark] (Colonia

Having proposed that atmospheric events are volitionally initiated for AQ speakers, the possibility to use a passive construction for (22) becomes much less of an oddity, and more of a way to express a situation lacking any logic. Furthermore, the narrator presents that rain as a situation that is explained by the people as a punishment from the patron saint of their town. Considered in itself, the describe rain is highly unusual rain; it is, then, an event that lacks logic, which is a form of expressing a volitional initiator. 29

1sampi -ku -yku -pti

t.-n -na -sh

D

ft ra

Finally, while the previous cases gave emphasis to the subject as an initiator lacking volition, or simply as experiencing certain situation (a resultative interpretation of sorts), AQ passive can also suppresses volitionality in intransitive verbs is by changing the basic dynamic meaning of the verb into a non-agentive event, in the sense proposed by Haspelmath (1990: 38-40). This is perfectly compatible with an initiator that lacks volitionality. This is the case of

hiqakay to germinate (from hiqay, to go out). 14(25) I aypa ka -pti -n -qa, wakin some -ta apura -y -pa -m

1sSUBDS 3 mashta -ri -qa, spread INC TOP -ntsik. kinwa

and inti sun No

enough be -man DIR that

TOP

ACC rush INF ADVZ EV

1.PL.INCL -qa hiqa

t.

Mana tsay

quinoa TOP go.quickly PAS INC CISL 3

-ka -ra

-mu -n

-mi. EV

And when there is enough, we quickly spread some under the sun. If not, the quinoa germinates [Lit. "comes out"]. (V.1. 206, 26-28)

To sum up, intransitive verbs using ka are interpreted as situations in which suppression of volitionality has taken place. One way to express this is by presenting an initiator as nonvolitional, while, at the same time, goes through the event as an experiencer, as in (17) and

14

die (fro animate beings).

given in Parker and Chvez (1976) as a case of lexicalized use of kaa, since the basic form wanuy means to

Also, this can be considered to be the case of the form wanukay, to wilt, to die (for plants). This form is

D

ft ra

30

(18). 15 Another way is to present the situation as taking place spontaneously; in other words, as the eventual result of certain circumstances beyond the control of the experiencing entity in the subject position, as in sentences (19) and (20). Finally, a passivized event can be presented as a non-volitional version of its active form, which requires non-volitional initiators specific to that kind of event, as in (25). 4. The abstract schema for AQ passive voice kaa The data presented in the previous section allows a complete revision of the notion of passive voice, as offered by the earlier studies on AQ reviewed in section 2. It is problematic to maintain the idea that kaa marks a pragmatically oriented alteration of the active-transitive schema in order to present the patient-like participant as the subject of the event. A more general notion, volition suppression, has been constantly invoked as a main factor to understand

different uses of passive verbs in AQ.

In other words, AQ passive voice doesnt seem to be a prototypical passive in the sense portrayed by Shibatani (1985), since it doesnt have a pragmatic main function. Instead, it clearly parallels the AQ middle voice because it re-structures the relation between participants15

conceptualized as prominently including a participant suffering the consequences of an event beyond his/her/its control, or acting as non-volitional initiators.

y (to twist oneself), awi kaa y (to lean), tikshu ka y (to lean, to lose ones balance), tikwa kaa y (to lean), quri -ka y (to curl up, to wrinkle), qitsqu kaa y (to dislocate). All of these verbs can be

in AQ, presents a list of passivized intransitive verbs that are express non-translational motion events: qaypu kaa-

Villari (2009: 36), using Carranza (2003) as a source for verbs in her study of the semantics of the middle voice

1s

t.

D

ft ra

31

and the typical transitive-active schema in order to alter the conceptualization of the event. My claim is, consequently, that AQ passive voice is not rooted on promotion or topicalization of a patient-like participant while preserving the concept of an active-transitive relation. Instead, it portrays the situation as having suppressed volitionality and strong emphasis in the affected nature of the subject participant. 16 I propose that the correct characterization of AQ passive voice is an abstract schema centered in two parameters:

(i) Subject affectedness parameter: the subject of the passive sentence with kaa is a patient-like instance, either already affected or experiencing the event. 17 volitionality as possible. (ii) Volitionality suppression parameter: the event is presented as involving as little

It must be noticed that the kaa schema is the mirror image of that of ku. 18 Instead of having a subject affected as an endpoint, the subject in ku is affected as an initiator; also,

16

argues that the deactivation of a situation is the main function of passives constructions, capable of motivating both agent backgrounding and foregrounding.17

The perspective I am taking here has been developed on diachronic basis by Haspelmath (1990: 59-62), who

participant interacts with the events process. An endpoint participant is only affected if it undergoes the transmission of energy in the most passively way possible (it only receives the energy and changes as a direct consequence of the external intervention of the initiator). An experiencer endpoint participant, on the other hand,

The distinction between being affected and being an experiencer for a participant depends on how the endpoint

The notion of experiencer, thus, includes that of affectedness, but assumes that there is some form of reaction or affectedness or affected to refer, in general, to affected and experiencing entities, unless otherwise specified.

also receives the energy transmission; but it contributes in a non-volitional way with the completion of the event.

disposition in the affected participant that is required in the conceptualization of an event. I will use the term

1s

t.

D

ft ra

32

instead of presenting a non-volitional form of initiation of the event, -ku enhances the volitionality with which the event was initiated. This parallel suggests an elegantly ordered voice system in AQ, and that the notion of passive is constructed more in opposition to middle, and not to active, as it seems to be the case for the typical (periphrastic) passive voice in English or Spanish. Some elaboration on how those parameters work is provided next. Regarding the subject affectedness parameter, it should be kept in mind that AQ passive is focused on the results of the energy transfer process. This means that the energy process is seen at its conclusion, where it affects the endpoint participant. The subject of AQ passive is, thus, an affected entity. Subject affectedness in AQ middle sentences requires that the subject has some interest or reason to be affected, which makes the subject also a more active initiator. Something very different occurs in AQ passive sentences it is the affected nature of the subject what becomes more prominent through the use of kaa. That participant is viewed as being affected as much as it is allowed by the nature of the event marked passive and by the

18

uses of that suffix. The parameters for that form of middle voice are (i) the initiator concretely affects his/her own

The abstract schema for middle voice ku in AQ is somewhat more complex, since there is more variety in the

body, with the necessary psychological (for instance, pain) and physical changes (for instance, noticeable alterations in form of the affected part) that this entails; and (ii) in doing so, the initiator engages in an activity displaying a higher form of volition as a result of (a) the initiators strong interest in carrying out an event in which he/she is prominently involved, and (b) the fact that affecting oneself is much less natural than affecting an external object.

1s

t.

D

ft ra

33

context in which the event is framed. This implies that a passive subject is primarily receiving the effects of the event, and not willingly seeking to obtain any form of affectedness. Notice that I am deliberately expressing the way a linguistic parameter work as gradual. This is based on the theoretical assumption that linguistic constructions are the result of the interaction between the meanings of its parts. However, individual meanings are not expressed in fixed, inflexible ways. Quite the opposite, the tendency of linguistic units is to provide possible paths of conceptualization. Given the right circumstances (i.e. if no conflicting notions are found combining in the same phrase), then the meaning of a linguistic unit can go all the way. Thus, sometimes subjects of passive sentences are portrayed as exclusively experiencing a situation. In other cases, the lexical semantics of the verb requires that the presence of an initiator is never lost. The passive voice accommodates to that basic meaning by reducing volitionality in the initiator to the point in which it is understood for that passive event as only an automatic reaction to a stimulus or a disposition to be an experiencer.

With respect to the volitionality suppression parameter, it indicates that the event requires little to none involvement of a participant carrying out the event. It is not clear if this notion can be completely separated from subject affectedness, particularly because a patientlike participant is usually the one with the lowest level of volitionality in a prototypical active-

1s

t.

D

ft ra

34

transitive event. 19 Still, lack of volitionality is a conceptual component of AQ passive that motivates the use of ka not only with situations that inherently portray affectedness going on (active-transitive events), but also with intransitive events. 5. On the interaction between causation, lexical-middle voice and passive kaa. There are several entries that present kaa as an intrinsic part of the word in the dictionaries of Parker and Chvez (1976), and Carranza (2003). However, those authors just like Snow and Stark (1971), Swisshelm (1974), Parker (1976), and Larsen (1976) do not provide any particular discussion on the reasons why some forms should be considered lexicalized or idiomatic uses of the AQ passive. Even if, as those authors claim, intransitive verbs are more likely to be considered lexicalized instances of kaa, there are also cases of transitive verbs among them. The difficulties posed by the idiosyncratic meanings of those lexicalized forms can be accounted for if we consider that they are the interaction between the particular lexical semantics of those verbs and the abstract schema that defines kaa: those events have a subject experiencer that, at the same time, is inherently involved in carrying out the event. Still, in doing this, the subject participant is involved in a situation displaying as little

19

transformation), as suggested in section 2.2, then the first parameter evolved into a situation with little volitional involvement, perhaps as a way to reinforce the contrast between kaa and ku in Central Quechua.

Also, if the origin of kaa is on the combination *-ka, be, and *-ya subject affectedness (later

1s

t.

D

ft ra

35

volitionality as possible. In other words, the only possible way for those events to take place is through the non-volitional involvement of the experiencer. 5.1. Two basic cases of lexicalization of kaa A typical example of lexicalization of kaa is punukay (to fall sleep, from punuy, to sleep). It is a case in which the initiator lacks complete volitionality and experiences the event as something beyond his/her control. (26) Imanaw mi how ka be EV r tsay chusku -m that four ni -n, allaapa uti very punu -shqa

Since the four of them were very tired they fell asleep immediately. (V.1. 342: 97-98) The way in which the subject of the previous sentence engages in the act of sleeping is completely non-volitional. However, the act of sleeping doesnt come from any external unidentified source: it can only be attributed to some natural condition already present in the subject. In other words, even if the subject experiences passively the event of falling asleep, that event couldnt have taken place at all if the subject didnt have a disposition to fall asleep. The experience conveyed with passive voice depends ultimately in the experiencer, even if he/she is not aware of it.

1sEV SUBSS EU 3 huklla

tire NMZ kaa ri PAS INC PL NRPST ya -naq.

immediately sleep

t.

D

ft ra

36

Also, in agreement with the schema for kaa, the subject of punukay is portrayed as affected i.e. they ended up asleep as a result of an event in which they had no control, which is clearly a resultative interpretation. However, the act of falling asleep is a common part of the process of sleeping there is a moment in which unconsciously animate beings enter into sleep. This has made the use of punukay extremely common to talk about the process of sleeping. The consequence of this frequency effect is that there is a word like punukaakaykuy (Cf. Parker and Chvez 1976: 129 and verified by my consultant) meaning to fall asleep when one is supposed to stay awake. I think that the presence of two passive suffixes is a strong indicator that kaa is considered as part of the stem punukay. Then, the use of kaa on the lexicalized form indicates that falling asleep takes place against expectations, which is similar to the rain event in (22). Still, this seems to be a very incipient process, since there are no other cases of duplication of kaa attested in the data.

Ayllukay, to reunite, to get together, is a case of lexicalized kaa that uses a transitiveactive verb: (27) Tsay tardi alli -pa kampana -ta kuna toka ra tsi ya pti -:,

that evening ADVZ bell good many 308-309) atska nuna person PL

On that evening, when we began to toll the bells, a lot of people reunite there. (V.1. 34:

1s

t.ACC toll

Dgather PAS INC PL

ayllu kaa ra yaa mu

ft raINC CAUS PL CISL PAST 3 rqa n.

SUBDS 1

37

I believe that cases like these reveal a different conceptualization of the act of reuniting in AQ speakers, compared to that of English or Spanish speakers. While in those languages speakers see the act of reuniting as a volitional behavior, AQ speakers prefer to take the other perspective people get together because the is a reason that make them get together. Moreover, the act of getting together is automatic, a natural process expected from everybody and, thus, the volition from the individuals is strongly diminished in the event, although not completely absent, since they are ultimately responsible for going to the point of the meeting. Thus, a collective behavior is presented as closely as possible to a non-volitional one, which is in full agreement to the life-style of Andean communities many issues are discussed in assemblies that require the presence of all the comuneros, the adult members of the community. Events like the ones presented suggest that the use of kaa in lexicalized situations cannot be accounted for by assuming that they are marginal cases that do not conform to the way in which a transitive event turns into a passive one in AQ. Instead, they seem to be particular only because they keep a distinctively little, but crucial, level of involvement in an otherwise experiencer participant in the subject position. 5.2. The semantic motivation for the lexicalization of kaa

1s

t.

D

ft ra

38

In order to gain a better understanding of what makes some events more likely to be considered instances of lexicalized use of kaa a closer examination of the reasons behind lexicalization is in order. Weber (1989: 238-241) is the only author, to the best of my knowledge, that has proposed a more detailed analysis of the cases of lexicalization of kaa in his landmark grammar for Huallaga Quechua a dialect genetically related to AQ. He considers the presence of the causative tsi and reciprocal naku immediately following kaa as a diagnostic of lexicalization, since strongly transitive verbs like maqay (to hit, identical in AQ) cannot take the form * maqachinaku whose AQ equivalent would be the unattested

maqatsinaku. Additionally, Webers take on the properties of passive verbs is quite restrictive.For instance, he considers that it is odd that an intransitive verb takes passive marker (1989: 238). Consequently, he claims that passive intransitive verbs are good candidates to be

considered lexicalized cases of kaa.

I am well aware that Weber deals with a different, although closely related, Central Quechua dialect, and that the explanation proposed in his reference grammar of Huallaga Quechua was necessarily concise. However, based on the data in Pantoja et al. (1974), Colonia (2002), and Chvez and Julca (2009a), I think that his account of lexicalized kaa is insufficient. Even if there are no cases of kaa(a) tsi naku (passive causative reciprocal) in those AQ texts, there are several cases of kaa(a) tsi for mantsakay (to be afraid), 39

1s

t.

D

ft ra

ushakay (to be finished / destroyed), and kachakaay (to heal). Those verbs are also presentin the list of lexicalized cases of kaa provided by Weber (1989: 238-240). I will propose that the reason for the use of kaa with verbs like those is basically the same that I proposed for

punukay and ayllukay the situation is presented as involving a subject experiencer thatnecessarily participates, although with clearly reduced volitionality, in the way the event is carried out. In addition, the notion of an experiencer inherently involved in the event, even if it is not acting volitionally, is a basic requirement for the use of causative tsi. In fact, -kaa cannot be really part of a lexicalized verb since it interacts with tsi to deriving verbs that are equivalent to active-transitive ones.

Let us begin by analyzing the semantics of the passive verb mantsakay. It has a subject that can be considered as completely affected by fear (i.e. experiencing it), and not engaging willingly in the act of fearing (which is represented by the active form mantsay). This is congruent with the notion of a resulting state brought up in a way that doesnt necessarily involve volitionality i.e. that passive verb does not suggest that someone deliberately scared the subject of mantsakay. This is clearly the situation for (28) below: (28) Tsay -na -sh nuna -kuna -qa mantsa -kaa -ya -q TOP fear

that DISC HS person PL

Then the people usually got scared. (V.1. 248: 55-56)

1s

t. D ft raPAS PL HAB 40

Something similar occurs with the verb ushakay meaning to be finished, in the sense of having undergone a process of substance diminishing. The basic form ushay, to finish, is considered here a typical active-transitive situation. In the next sentence the subject limpu

gasulinan (all of the gas) is presented as having undergone the effects of being depleted,without implying that someone or something directly produced the depletion of content. (29) Tsay -mi huk that EV one all gas chusya -q -chaw, huk LOC one -shqa.20 NMZ kamiyon taa -ku -yka -naq, truck

be.empty AG 3

sit MID IMPF NRPST

limpu gasulina -n

Then, at an empty place, a truck, having run out of gas, remained stopped [Lit. a truck was stopping] (Vol 1. p. 109, 108-109)

To finish a substance is an active-transitive situation. The use of kaa presents the situation as lacking a volitional initiator. In this case, the situation is a logical result of the truck having been driven for a long time. Thus, the resulting situation is entirely responsibility of external factors, and the gasoline is merely an affected entity. It is important to emphasize that with this meaning, ushay takes direct objects: (30) Llapan lichi ta usha ri r, mantsa ka shqa lla keda ri n.

20

quite frequent in the data, not only with lexicalized uses of kaa, which suggests that the nature of the passive suffix is different enough from that of the so-called past participle. The apparent incompatibility arises because it is in languages like English or Spanish that past-participles are, at the same time, part of the passive constructions.

argumentation about the basic meaning of the lexicalized forms of kaa. Suffice to say that this combination is

The presence of the nominalizer shqa, considered traditionally a past participle form, will not affect my

1susha -ka finish PAS

t.

D

ft ra

41

all

When he finished all the milk, he ended up scared. (V.1. 298: 8-9)

milk ACC finish INC SUBSS fear

PAS NMZ DLM remain INC 3.SG.PRES

The semantics and syntax of ushay (to finish) also includes a sense that is very similar to that of naturally occurring spontaneous events like puchquy (to ferment) or ismuy (to rot). Thus, it can be considered not only a transitive verb, but also a lexical form of middle. This means that at least some morphologically unmarked intransitive verbs can be considered as representing basic voice situations, just like morphologically unmarked transitive verbs express basic active events (Shibatani 2006: 262). Lexical-middle verbs are defined by having an initiator that experiences the event carried out in a natural way, because of being predisposed or inherently capable of doing so. In other words, there is something inherent to the participant that facilitates that the event takes place. Those events are, consequently, situations in which the initiator is an inherent experiencer, and it couldnt be in any other way if the event is going to properly take place. Contrary to middle events marked with ku, the initiator in lexical-middle situations is not acting with an enhanced level of volitionality. Instead, it is seen as naturally disposed to undergo situations that will necessarily affect him/her/it (as it is evident in situation of progressive deterioration like

puchquy or ismuy). That is why those verbs are still middle situations, minus the sense ofenhanced volitionality.

1s

t.

D

ft ra

42

This is exactly the case of ushay (to finish) when it implies that its subject is also an experiencer whose temporal nature, instead of the physical one seem on (29), allows the act of finishing to take place naturally. For instance, raymi in (31) is a noun that is defined by having temporal duration. (31) Raymi usha ri rqa -n.

celebration finish INC PAST 3.SG The party ended.

For verbs like ushay, when referring to temporal situations, if the initiator acts in a very natural way, there is no need to use any extra marking like middle ku. What this means is that lexical-middles are seen in AQ as situations in which the participant carries out the event by entering on some kind of flow of events that demand no more volitionality than being prone or disposed to enter that kind of situation.

The last case that I will use to propose an alternative approach to the nature of lexicalization of kaa is kachakaashqa, meaning healed (from kachay, to release, in the sense of breaking free from an illness). (32) Tsay kuna qa mana na that PL TOP no sh kacha kaa ya q na tsu.

(They say that) those ones didnt heal anymore. [Lit. didnt get released (from an illness)] (V.1. 162: 32)

1s

t.

DISC HS release PAS PL HAB DISC NEG

D

ft ra

43

This sentence shares with (28) and (29) an event that takes place affecting the subject participant without his/her volitional involvement. This is something to be expected, since organisms heal as a progressive and naturally occurring process that lies beyond their conscious control. In addition to this, the individual is inherently involved in the event of being healed, despite that involvement being non-volitional involvement. This is because it is their body the one that decisively contributes, by shifting from illness to wellness, to the act of healing. This parallels the non-volitional, but decisive involvement of the experiencer in mantsakay and

ushakay an unavoidable reaction or consequence depending on the subject is always presentfor those events even in their passive forms.

The relationship between passive kaa and causation requires a more detailed explanation of how the latter phenomenon takes place in AQ. The next subsection will deal with a necessarily basic presentation of causativity in this language in order to understand why certain passivized verbs have an active-transitive meaning with tsi. 5.2.1. Basics of causativity in AQ It was mentioned that it was Weber (1989: 238) who noticed for Huallaga Quechua that causative and reciprocal suffixes only combined with kaa in lexicalized cases. The contrast provided by that author is between the acceptable allakaachinakuy (to heal each other) the Huallaga Quechua equivalent of AQ kachakay and the impossible *maqakaachinakuy (to 44

1s

t. D ft ra

make them hit each other).

As I said, the exact combination of passive, causative and

reciprocal is absent from the examined AQ texts. Of course, this does not mean that combination is inexistent, since direct elicitation is required to determine whether it is an impossible or just unusual combination. However, the combination kaa + -tsi (passive and causative) was present in several instances of the verbs in (28)-(32). 21 The following sentences illustrate that combination:

(33) Tsay -shi tsara -tsi

that HS grab CAUS PL NRPST.3 devil afraid]. (Pantoja V. 1. 222: 73-74)

So they made [him] grab [it] so that he scared the devil [Lit. they made the devil be

(34) Tsay -qa usha -kaa -tsi

That TOP finish PAS CAUS 3.FUT 2.OBJ EV

That (one) will destroy you. [Lit. that one will make you be finished] (V.2. 382:31) -sh kacha kaa tsi ku ya q

(35) Tsay na

that DISC HS release PAS CAUS MID PL HAB 57)

They healed him [Lit. They made him get totally released (from an illness)]. (V.1. 248:

21

There are other few cases of this combination in the texts consulted: a. b. c. d.

Purikaatsiy (Pantoja et al. 1974: 274, 97-99): Literally, make (a horse) walk; implied, riding a horse. Rurakaatsiy (Chvez and Julca 2009a: 159): Literally, make something to become done; implied, to Illakaatsiy (Chvez and Julca 2009a: 159): Literally, make (our education) disappear; implied, to Churakaatsiy (Chvez and Julca 2009a: 151): Literally, make (the foxes) become ready (to die);implied, to almost kill (the foxes). create.

waste (our education).

1s-yaa -naq -shu

diyablu -ta

ACC fear

mantsa -kaa -tsi

PAS CAUS CONC 3 DAT

-na

-n -paq.

t.-nki

D-m.

ft ra

45

An initial observation of those sentences tells us that the combination kaa + -tsi conveys a more active meaning, clearly equivalent to a transitive event. Noticeably, no verb with a prototypical active-transitive meaning like maqay (to hit) was found using that combination, which to some extent corresponds to Webers observation for Huallaga Quechua (direct elicitation is required to determine the impossibility of that combination). 22 This situation suggests that Webers insights for Huallaga Quechuas lexicalized cases of kaa might be related to the equivalent cases detected in the AQ. Following Webers assumption, the use of tsi with kaa could be licensed only in cases of lexicalization of the passive suffix. I will take a different approach to explain why that combination is creating active verbs in (33)-(35). The key to understand why forms like mantsakay, ushakay, and kachakay can take causative tsi lies in the understanding of causation in AQ as an inductive process centered on the effects that the overall event produces. In other words, -tsi in AQ presents a situation with the following schema:

A causer induces the causee to experience the effects that the caused event normally produces.

22

ashunuta maqakaatsishqa means Juan made the donkey get hit, but there is nothing said about whom or what did the hitting. More elicitation is required her with other speakers. However, even if the use of maqakaatsiy is possible as the indirect causation of an impersonal event, it contrasts with the active-transitive meaning of kaa and tsi in mantsakaatsiy, ushakaatsiy, and kachakaatsiy.

One native speaker of Southern Conchucos Quechua (an AQ dialect) expressed that a sentence like Juanchu

1s

t.

D

ft ra

46

This means that the construal of the situation is focused (profiles) the experiencer qualities of causee, instead of presenting it as the initiator of the caused event. This notion of causativity is similar to that of a transitive-active event. However, the crucial difference is that the transmission of energy from initiator to endpoint is direct in a transitive-active situation, while it is indirect for causativized situations. Still, affectedness of an endpoint is equally displayed with prominence on both transitive-active and causativized situations. (36) Qam allqu ta maqa nki

you dog ACC hit You hit the dog.

(37) Qam allqu ta

you dog ACC hit

You made the child hit the dog. (Parker 1976: 121)

The transmission of energy in both the transitive-active (maqanki) and the caused event (maqatsirqayki) target a patient (the direct object allquta) in pre-verbal position. However, (37) introduces the agent of the caused event as another direct object (wamrata) to emphasize that the participant carrying out the caused event has been directly induced to do so. This is clearly reminiscent of a ditransitive construction, since AQ allows double object for that kind of events (Cf. Julca 2009b). However, it seems that the most common way of representing a causative situation for a typical transitive verb in AQ does not involve a ditransitive construction, but an oblique 47

1s2.SG.PRE maqa tsi

t.

CAUS PAST 2.SG child

rqa yki wamra -ta

ACC

D

ft ra

participant with the instrumental suffix wan, as in (38); or just an implicit participant that initiates the caused event, as in (39). (38) Qam allqu ta maqa tsi rqa yki wamra -wan

you dog ACC hit

You let the child hit the dog. (Parker 1976: 121) (39) o kuti -: kompadri friend shqa n NMZ 3

CAUS PAST 2.SG child

INST

or hit

return 1.SG.PRES CAUS 1.OBJ ma

-: -man ku tsaylaya -pita? ABL

1 DIR INT just.there

maqa tsi

Or do I return just there to (see) my buddy, because he let (them) beat me up. (V.1. 330: 120)

The previous sentences use tsi to convey a less direct form of causation. The causer allows the event to affect the causee, and in order to do that it uses (indirectly) other agents that carry out the event. Therefore, in AQ the initiator of a caused transitive event is marked with accusative ta if it has been forced to do something; but if the causation is indirect (i.e. allowing something to affect the causee), then the initiator of the caused event is marked with instrumental wan or it is not mentioned, but implied in the context (Parker 1976: 121, Julca 2009: 238). In sum, causation in AQ seems to be concerned mainly with how a participant becomes affected in an indirect way. The way in which this participant (the causee) becomes affected is in direct relation with the lexical semantics of the causativized verb. The more volition required 48

1s

t.

D

ft ra

in the caused event, the more indirect the causation tends to be. In other words, the resulting causativized verb expresses allowing something to take place. On the other hand, the less volition required in a caused event, the more direct the causation is. Crucially, if volition in the way an event takes place is extremely reduced, then the meaning of a causativized event becomes equivalent to a transitive-active event Take for instance the verb kuyuy (to move). In its basic form it is a fairly abstract intransitive motion verb (Cf. Parker and Chvez 1976, and Carranza 2003). It can be considered a lexical-middle, since the initiator necessarily experiences the effects of the event, since a normal (i.e. non-emphatic) transmission of energy never left his/her own personal sphere. Interestingly, when it expresses the act of moving something / someone, it uses tsi.

(40) Marka -: -pita hita kuyu tsi ya

town 1 ABL throw INC 1.OBJ INF ACC want AG PL move CAUS PL 108) ma 1.OBJ 3 n tsu. NEG

Those who want to throw me out of my town wont make me move. (Carranza 2003:

(41) tsay na

that DISC HS person.from.Conchucos TOP move CAUS 3.SG.PRES

After that, the person from Conchucos moves it (the dead body). (V.1. 294: 38) There is no use of kuyuy with a direct object to express the exact equivalent of the

(lexical) causative to move (something). I think that the use of tsi in situations like (40) and 49

1sri ma -sh chukis

t.y ta

D

muna q kuna pis,

qa kuyu tsi

ft raADD n

(41) is strong evidence that AQ speakers recognize certain events as presenting an affected participant that, at the same, is necessarily an initiator acting in a way that requires very little volitionality. 23 Those are lexical-middle situations they present an initiator that is also a necessary experiencer when carrying out an event that is not, by definition, attempted towards an external endpoint (i.e. intransitive verbs). Consequently, lexical-middles have a particular kind of initiator, one that is conceived as using the lowest possible kind of engagement in an event, and still being able to show clear self-affectedness. Even if AQ causation is focused on how the causee becomes affected though the participation (direct or indirect) of a causer, it seems that the prototypical causative event requires a participant that initiates the caused event. For transitive verbs, that initiator is a third participant for causativized transitive verbs, but it is the second participant in causativized intransitive events; that is, the direct object. Causativized intransitive situations, thus, conflate the notions of affectedness and initiation in the causee participant.

23

situation. Still, if we follow Talmys typology of motion events (1985), move is a very abstract kind of event that doesnt have specification for path, nor manner. Moreover, the basic notion of taking a new location associated to the act of moving is associated to entering into a new state, which affects an inherent property of the initiator (location is a basic conceptual parameter for existence). Interestingly enough, a language like English uses the form to move not only to indicate physical displacement, but also permanent re-location, as in to move to a

The case of kuyuy is, at first, complicated to perceive as a lexical-middle, since it seems to be a fairly dynamic

new house. Thus, kuyuy, to move can be seen as a naturally occurring that affects an inherent property of the initiator (location), even if they have volition clearly involved (but not profiled).

1s

t.

D

ft ra

50

(42) Nuqa tsuri yki ta I son 2

I make / let your son sleep. (Julca 2009a: 237) In the previous example there are two different ways of causing the sleeping event. If the

ACC sleep CAUS 1.SG

punu tsi

-:

affected causee is considered less volitional, then the causation is more direct (the subject of the sentence is actively doing something in order to get the child to sleep). On the other hand, if the causee is considered more volitional, then the causer is only allowing the child to sleep. The fact that those verbs are not considered similar to active-transitive events in their meaning evidences that intransitive events like punuy, to sleep are not lexical-middles like kuyuy, to

1s

t. D ft raAn initiator acts volitionally, although directly or indirectly inducted by the causer, in order to affect the causee. This takes place for typical transitive-active conceived as having a clearly volitional initiator, as in the interpretation of (42) situations, as seen in (37), (38), and (39); or for intransitive verbs that are involving allowing the event to take place. An initiator starts the caused event as a reaction to the induction produced by the causer. This implies some form of volition, but fairly reduced compared to the previous case. This takes place with intransitive verbs with an initiator that acts as a consequence of the induction affecting him/her/itself, as seen in (40), and in 51

move.

Also, this is evidence that, although backgrounded, the notion of an initiator of a caused event is still relevant to the interpretation of causativized verbs. Consequently, we have three different ways in which causation can be initiated: (i)

(ii)

the interpretation of (42) involving direct manipulation of the initiator of the caused event. (iii)

An initiator does not start the event with noticeable volition, but he/she/it is naturally predisposed to allow the situation to take place in conditions that are lexical-middle events it has something in its nature that is a requirement for move in (41). commonly met (i.e., not exceptional situations). This kind of initiator appears in the causation to be successfully carried out, as it was argued for kuyuy, to

Case (iii) reminds us of other cases of tsi used with intransitive verbs in AQ (as well as in other Quechua varieties) that are understood as expressing an active-transitive event. This should be considered an indicator that those intransitive verbs are actually lexical-middles with an initiator very low in volitionality, but still indispensable in order to allow the event to take place, making the initiator mainly an affected entity the central meaning conveyed by a causative construction as it was argued before.

A classic example of this kind of verb is wanutsiy, to kill. Although that concept is a typically transitive event in many different languages, in all Quechuan languages it is an intransitive verb marked causative (Cf. Shibatani and Pardeshi 2002: 139). (43) Kanan -mi kay garuti -wan wanu tsi now EV this club INST die ya shqa yki

Now I will kill you with this club (V.1. 146: 36-37)

1s

t.

D

CAUS PL 1.SG.FUT 2.OBJ

ft ra

52

A verb like wanuy (to die) is conceived as a lexical-middle that includes an experiencer. Although non-volitional, that same experiencer is required to contribute to this event due to possessing some inherent characteristic; in this case, being mortal. Another example of a lexical-middle verb that provides an active-transitive interpretation with tsi is ushay (to finish) when it is understood as requiring a temporal frame. (44) I tsay -mi kima wata ta ran wayi -ta usha tsi shqa ka ya -:.

and that EV three year ACC CONT house ACC finish CAUS NMZ be PL 1 And after that we finished the house in three years. (V.1. 194: 69-70)

To properly understand the previous sentence, we must take into consideration that, while

ushay basically takes as a subject nouns that express temporal situations like, raymi, partyin (31), it very commonly takes nouns that are the product of a process as direct objects. In other words, the endpoint participant in (44) is metonymically presented as the full process of building a house. Thus, (44) should be understood as someone causes a house to become finished. The building of a house is a non-volitional participant metonymically expressed by its ending product, wayita, the house in accusative. As a participant, it has the intrinsic temporal profile that is required so that the act of finishing can take place. Thus, -tsi can be used to indicate that that event is induced to take place in the experiencer participant the

1s

t.

D

ft ra

53

house becomes built, since a causer has made the process of building the house to run its expected course with an affected entity resulting from that process. 24 Just as it was the case for kuyutsiy (to move something), and wanutsiy (to kill),

ushatsiy (to finish something) suggests that in AQ the following semantically motivated ruleexists to make lexical-middles