THE ORIGOOF THE THRACIAN PRAETORIANSIN THE TIME OF SEVERANS

7/27/2019 THE ORIGOOF THE THRACIAN PRAETORIANSIN THE TIME OF SEVERANS

1/21

AMERICAN JOURNAL

OF ANCIENTHISTORY


2/21

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ANCIENT HISTORY

Editor, New Series: T. Corey Brennan, Rutgers University

Associate Editor: Christopher Mackay, University of Alberta

Assistant Editors: Dobrinka Chiekova, Bryn Mawr College; DebraNousek, University of Western Ontario Editorial Advisory Board:W. Robert Connor, President, The Teagle Foundation, New York;Erich S. Gruen, University of California, Berkeley; SabineMacCormack, University of Notre Dame; Stephen V. Tracy, The OhioState University and Director, American School of Classical Studies,

Athens.

Editorial assistant: Andrew G. Scott, Rutgers University

For Contributors: From New Series volume 1 (2002) the editorialoffice of the Journal is at The Department of Classics, Ruth AdamsBuilding 007, Rutgers University, 131 George Street, New Brunswick,NJ 08901-1414, (USA), tel. 732.932.9493, fax 732.932.9246, email:[email protected]. For further information, please visit the journalwebsite www.ajah.org. All editorial correspondence should be

addressed to the Editor.

Typescripts intended for publication should be at least double-spaced(text and notes), with the notes numbered consecutively and followingthe text. Journals should be abbreviated as in LAnne philologique;modifications customary in English will be accepted. No indication ofthe authors identity should appear on the typescript: the name andaddress should be on a separate page. References to the authors ownwork should be in the same style as references to the work of others.Personal acknowledgments should not be included: they may be added

after the article has been accepted for publication. Authors who wantrejected articles returned should enclose postage.

For Subscriptions: From New Series volume 2.2 (2003) [2007] AJAHis published by Gorgias Press. All correspondence on business,subscription, advertising and permission matters should be addressed toGorgias Press (AJAH), 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ 08854 (USA),tel: 732-885-8900, email: [email protected]. Subscriptionsare $85/vol. for individuals and institutions, plus shipping, handlingand sales tax when appropriate. All prices are in USD and payments

can be made by credit cards or checks drawn on US banks. Prepaymentis required for shipment.


3/21

T H E RO MA N E MP I RE

D U RI N G

THE SEVER AN DYN ASTY:CAS E STU DIES IN HIS TORY,

ART, ARCHITECTURE , ECONO MY

AND LI TER ATURE

Edited by Eric C. De Sena(American Research Center in Sofia

and John Cabot University, Rome)

This volume is dedicated to the tens of mi l l ions of brave people

in North Af r ica and the Near East

(the homelands of Septimius Severus and Jul ia Domna)who in 2011 and 2012 have r isked and, even, lost their l ives

in order to improve the conditions

of their countr ies and to achieve the unalienable rights of l i fe,

l iberty, justice and the pursui t of happiness.


4/21

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA

www.gorgiaspress.com

Copyright by Gorgias Press LLC2013

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American CopyrightConventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in aretrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without theprior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.

Printed in the United States of America

2013

9ISBN 978-1-59333-838-1 ISSN 0362-8914


5/21

v

TABLE O F CON TENTS

ditors ote ................................................................................... ixntroduction ..................................................................................... xi

SEVERAN HISTORY AND LITERATURE ...................................1

The Parthian Campaigns of Septimius Severus: Causes, and Roles in

Dynastic Legitimation ...............................................................3Mark K. Gradoni

Unitas ex Africa: Was Tertullian the Origo

of Imperial Unification? ........................................................25E.T. Walters

URBAN TRANSFORMATIONS

DURING THE SEVERAN PERIOD......................................67

La Gallia Mosellana nellet dei Severi:

il caso del Vicus di Bliesbruck ................................................69Jean-Paul PetitSara Santoro

Water Works and Monuments in Gaul in the Severan Age:

Some Considerations...............................................................95Alice Dazzi

More Water for Rome: Nothing New in the Eternal City?

Water-Related Monuments as Part

of the Severan Building Program .......................................... 117Jens Koehler

A Note on the Architectural Decoration

of the Severan Period in Pamphylia and Cilicia .................... 151Mjde Trkmen-Peker


6/21

vi THE ROMAN EMPIRE DURING THE SEVERAN DYNASTY

LAttivit edilizia a destinazione pubblica fra i Severi

e i Soldatenkaiser: continuit e trasformazioni ..................... 173

Simone RambaldiIl tempio di Serapide sul Quirinale:

note di archeologia e topografia tra Antichit e Medioevo. .. 207Ottavio Bucarelli

Alcune osservazioni sulla Sicilia durante il periodo dei Severi .... 227Giancarlo German

Vestigia architettoniche del periodo di Settimio Severo

in Tunisia .............................................................................. 255

Paola Puppo

ASPECTS OF SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

DURING THE SEVERAN PERIOD.................................... 285

The Origo of the Thracian Praetorians in the Time of Severans ... 287Ivo Topalilov

Un riempimento fognario di et Severiana dalle cosiddette

Terme di Elagabalo a Roma .............................................. 301Edoardo Radaelli

La ceramica ad ingobbiatura nera di Treviri

una merce costosa in Pannonia durante lepoca Severiana ... 341Eszter Harsnyi

Baetican Oil and Septimius Severus ............................................. 361Lcia Afonso

Economic Growth in the Early and Middle Imperial Periods,

Pre-200 AD: an Economic Approachfrom a Peripheral Hispanic Province,Lusitania ................... 377

Jos Carlos QuaresmaEconomy and Trade of Sicily During Severan Period:

Highlights Between Archaeology and History...................... 415Daniele MalfitanaCarmela FrancoAnnarita Di MauroThematic Maps By G. Fragal


7/21

TABLE OF CONTENTS vii

SEVERAN ART AND IDEOLOGY ............................................ 463

Between Tradition and Innovation

the Visual Representation of Severan Emperors ................... 465Florian Leitmeir

Ideological Messages and Local Preferences:

the Imagery of the Severan Arch at Lepcis Magna ............... 493Stephan Faust

Elagabalo invictus sacerdos: limperatore fanciullo

e la centralizzazione del sacro attraverso

lo specchio delle monete ....................................................... 515Andrea Gariboldi

The Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman Forum:

a Re-Consideration ................................................................ 541Maria Lloyd


8/21

287

T HE O R I G O OF THE THRACIAN PRAETORIANS

I N T H E T I M E O F S E V E R A N S

Ivo Topalilov(Shumen University, Bulgaria)1

When Septimius Severus entered Rome in 193 AD he disbanded the prae-torians and replaced them with soldiers of the legions which had raised

him as an emperor. These soldiers were of provincial origin whichchanged radically the composition of the Guard; the old mostly Italianguards were replaced by mostly Thracians, Panonians, Norici, Moesiansetc. who first served in the frontier legions and then transferred to Rome(for the transfer, see Kennedy 1978, 288296). This is the so-called re-form of Septimius Severus of the Praetorian Guard (Passerini 1939, 171180; Durry 1968, 247249). The change is reflected not only in the im-

pression left by the new praetorians on the local population, vividly de-scribed by Cassius Dio, but also on the way of recording the new recruits.Some of the questions have already been discussed, mainly the replace-ment of the tribe with the pseudo-tribe as well as the effect of constitutio

Antoninianaon the soldiers names (Benefiel 2001, 222229). The newsituation, however, impacted also on the way of presenting the origo ofthe new praetorians. In many instances, the 47 letter abbreviations usedto indicate a recruits origo are ambiguous and could refer to more than

1 My sincere thanks go to Dr. Adam Kemezis for the language correctionsand useful comments on the draft of the paper.


9/21

288 THE ROMAN EMPIRE DURING THE SEVERAN DYNASTY

one city. These examples are numerous, and one could not ignore such

cases like Hadrianopolis (Thrace)/Hadrumentum (Afr.), Augusta Traiana(Thrace)/Traianopolis (Thrace), Philippopolis (Thrace) /Philippis (Mace-donia), Beroe (Thrace)/ Beroe (Macedonia) etc. The lack of any specificstudy on deciphering the abbreviations of the laterculi had let somescholars to conclusions not supported by the inscriptions and other datawe posses. Thus, according to a military diploma of in March, 1st, a. 152a certainP. Aelius P. f. Vol. Pacatus was honourably discharged from thePraetorian Guard. His origin was initially written as {Marcia(nopoli)},

but corrected to Philipp. The publisher of the diploma is inclined to ex-

pand this abbreviation asPhilipp(opolis) (Pferdehird 2004, 9799, n. 33,fig. 6062). If so, this means that it was a long time before 193 AD thatthe Thracians were recruited for the Guard (Pferdehird 2004, 99, n. 6).

The problem of this interpretation arises when studying the epigraphicmaterial found in Philippopolis, Thrace. Of some 1200 epigraphic mon-uments of Philippopolis and its territory, not more than 10 are in Latin,the rest are in Greek. The common way of obtaining Roman names andcitizenship in second century in Thrace was by a military career, whichdid not involve membership in the emperors tribe especially after Hadri-

ans reign and consequently the pseudo-tribes appeared and the veterans,mostly praetorians from the end of second century were assigned to them.The only tribe to which the Thracians were assigned, and most probablythe elite of Thrace, was that of Quirina, the tribe of Vespasian in whosereign they were granted Roman citizenship. The auxiliary Thracian veter-ans themselves were not enrolled into the Emperors tribe afterward asrevealed by the military diplomas. This is why the Thracian praetorianshad to use pseudo-tribes in laterculi praetorianorum when discharged.Thus, it is quite unlikely thatP.Aelius P.f. Vol(tinia) Pacatus originatedfrom Philippopolis, Thrace. It, however, fits well with other possibility the Roman colony of Philippis, Macedonia. According to Dio V \ p \ \ p x(LXXV 2, 4) which is proved by the epigraphic monuments of the secondcentury (Passerini 1939) On the other hand, the epigraphic monumentsfound in the colony suggest that many members of the tribe of Vol(tinia)were settled there, and not in Philippopolis where none have been attested

so far (see for instance Philippi 45; 59; 492; 493; 712 etc.). This was no-ticed as early as 1863 by C. Grotefend (Grotefend 1863, 139), followedby Kubitschek (Kubitschek 1889, 243244). So, having in mind the epi-


10/21

THE ORIGO OF THE THRACIAN PRAETORIANS 289

graphic monuments found in Philippis and Philippopolis, the written

sources, the specific of the Roman onomastics and citizenship in Mace-donia and Thrace in the middle of second century, it is more likely thatP.Aelius P. f. Vol. Pacatus originated from Philippis, Macedonia, instead ofPhilippopolis, Thrace, as proposed in the bibliography.

This is just one simple example how the name of two cities very closeeach other might confuse modern scholars since the Philip cited in thediploma could be interpreted as Philipp(opolis) orPhilipp(is) according-ly. And this is not the only one. Similar confusing was made by C. Ricciwhen studying the Thracians in Rome. Thus, in CIL VI, 32 515 [---]s

Scalvinus Philip is cited (b, 32). According to Ricci, the case here isabout a praetorian from Philippopolis (Ricci 1993, 176, n. 3) whileA. Passerini and G. G. Mateescu are inclined to think that the soldieroriginated from Philippis (Mateescu 1923, 91; Passerini 1939, 158). Thisis not the only discrepancy. The same is the case with sp(eculator)

P(ublius) Valerius Rufus Philipp from CIL VI, 32 520 (Mateescu 1923,95; Passerini 1939, 158; Ricci 1993, 176, n. 4), the praetorian P. AeliusValerianusPhilof 126 AD (CIL VI 32 516, 8)(Mateescu, 1923, 94; Pas-serini 1939, 158; Ricci 1993, 194), the praetorian [---]nicius Q. f. Vol.

Maximus Philip of c. 136 AD (CIL VI, 32 518 a)(Mateescu 1923, 95;Passerini 1939, 158; Ricci 1993, 197) etc. (see for instance CIL VI,3559). More interesting is the case with M. Aur(elius) M(arci) f(ilius)

Fl(avia) Bassus Philip of CIL VI, 32 624, b 3 which A. Passerini, G.G.Mateescu and G. Forni without hesitation interpreted as Philip(popoli)(Mateescu 1923, 109, n. 2; Passerini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 80), but thisexample is missing in Riccis list (Ricci 1993, 177). The problem herearises since the next veterans mentioned in this column: M. Aur(elius)M.

f. Iul(ia) Cottus Philip (b, 4),M.Aur(elius)M.f.Iul(ia)Fuscus Philip (b,5),M.Aur(elius)M.f.Iul(ia)Aprilis Philip (b, 20), [---]M.f.Iul(ia)Lar-cus Philip (b, 23) and [---] CorbuloPhilip (b, 24) were all identified asoriginating from the Roman colony of Philippis (Mateescu 1923, 119, n.4; Passerini 1939, 178). In this very inscription, however, the veteransfrom the Thracian city are cited with Trimon(tio) (CIL VI, 32 624, a, 89)(Mateescu 1923, 9697; Passerini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 79) or Tru-mi(ntio) origo (c, 3). So, it remains unclear why M. Aur(elius) M(arci)

f(ilius)Fl(avia)Bassus Philip should have originated from Philippopolis

which was presented in this inscription as Trimon(tium) and how the dis-tinction was made withPhilip cited as origo in all the examples here. Thepresence of pseudo-tribe ofFl(avia) instead of the ordinaryIul(ia) is not a


11/21


crucial point considering the pseudo-tribe specifics. Similar is the case in

which Ulpia Scupis is used (CIL VI, 37 184, c, 11) instead of the formalcolonia Flavia Scupinorum (see ILJug. III, 1380).On the other hand, in some studies these praetorians were assigned to

Philippopolis and this is regarded as explicit evidence of organized set-tling of veterans in Philippopolis or of the urbanization carried out by thelast Thracian kings during the time of Julian-Claudian dynasty (Gerov1980, p. 40, n. 3).

This confusion seems to be, however, quite out of place for the Ro-man army where nothing is by chance and the records as revealed by the

modern studies were made in a very strict order without any doubt (seefor instance Echols, 19551956, 119120). So, in order to escape suchconfusion and misunderstanding, an attempt will be made in this article tofind or at least to propose a kind of solution to that kind of problems andtry to show how the Roman authorities also coped with those problems.The cases under discussion here will be Philippopolis (Thrace)/ Philippis(Macedonia), Augusta Traiana (Thrace)/Traianopolis (Thrace) and Beroia(Thrace)/Beroia (Macedonia).

PHILIPPOPOLIS (THRACE) OR PHILIPPIS (MACEDONIA)

Before starting the study it should be mentioned that Philippopolis is oneof the cities in Thrace which had two names Greek and Roman. Taci-tuss note Oppidum sub Rhodope Poneropolis antea, mox a conditore

Philippopolis, nunc a situ Trimontium dictum (Plin. NH, IV, 11, 41) and in Claudius Ptolemaeuss Geographia(III, 11, 12) show clearly the case. Consequently, it is not surprisingly

that the origo of many Philippopolitans praetorians, soldiers, and citi-zens in Rome and the provinces in the inscriptions is Trimontium, full orin abbreviations. Thus, in CIL VI, 37 184 one finds M. Aurel. M. f.Ulp.Bubalus Tr[---] (b 20), M. Aurel. M. f. Ulp.Dubitatus Trim (b, 21)andM.Aurel.M.f. Ulp.Petronius Trim (b, 24). Undoubtedly, Trim hereshould be interpreted as Trim(ontio) as shown by C. Ricci (Ricci 1993,176). The same is the case with CIL VI, 32 624 where [---]l Montan(us)Trimon (a, 8) and [---]l Maupus Trimon (a, 9) are attested and which werealso recognized as of Trimontium origin (Mateescu 1923, 9697; Pas-

serini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 79). In fact, all abbreviations of this kindsuch as IRIMU (CIL IV, 32 624, c, 3Trimu ?), Trim in [---]Aurel.M.f.QuiOrestes Trim (CIL VI, 43 640, 7), natus Tremontiae (CIL VI, 2566)


12/21


were accepted as being a part of the name Trimontium (Passerini 1939,

177; Forni 1985, 84, 9596; Ricci 1993, 176). The same is the case withT. Ael. Dizo Trim, [---]Ael. Victor Trim andM. Aur. Dines Trim found ina laterculus set up in Viminacium in 195 AD (CIL III, 14507). In these

inscriptions the tribe of Quirina or the pseudo-tribe of Ulpia was added, if

any, to the nomenclature of the veterans.

The cases with the Greek name of the city Philippopolis are morenumerous, even in Rome. Thus, we know of the funeral stela ofFirminiusValens where he is natus in prov(incia) Thracia civit(ate) Philippopol(i)(CIL VI 2954= ILS 2137). The full presentation of the citys name is to

be found in the stela of Aur(elius) Bithus, natione T(h)rax civesFilo(po)pulitanus (CIL VI, 2601=ILS 2055); T. Aurelius Mestrius, civesPhilip(p)opolitanus (CIL VI, 32 635); Aur. Mucianus, reg. Philippo-poli[ta]ne (CIL VI, 30 685); Val. Sarmatius, civis Filopopuletanus (CILVI, 2785) and others. Similarly, from Lugudunensis the funeral stela of

L(ucius) Sept(imius) Mucianus, veteran of legion XXX Ulpia Victrix

P(ius) F(idelis), who was domo Philippopoli (CIL XIII, 1891), is known.

In the laterculi, the city is presented asFilippopo (CIL VI, 32 536), inCIL VI, 32 563-Filopopoli, in CIL VI, 32 635-Philopopolita, in CIL VI,

32 629-Philop. As one might observe, in these cases the identification ofthe city as Philippopolis is undisputable (Passerini 1939, 177; Ricci 1993,176).

The study is summarized in table 1, the date after M. Clauss (Clauss1973, 5595) and R. Benefiel studies (Benefiel 2001, 221224). A fewcomments should be made on this.

First, it is quite clear that the Thracians from Philippopolis present be-fore 214/215 AD only appear with the Trimontium origo in the laterculi.That name was also preferred in the private inscriptions from that period.The origin of the persons who set up those inscriptions is, however, un-clear.

Second, it seems that in 214/ 215 AD a change occurred and Philip-popolis is cited as origo of the Thracians in both official and private in-scriptions instead of Trimontium. In fact after 214/215 the Roman nameTrimontium was no longer in use, and only Philippopolis remained. Theline between the uses of both of the names, which is date 214/ 215 AD, isvery clearly observed.


13/21


Table. 1. Trimontium-Philippopolis in the praetorian inscriptions in Rome

citation date type praetorian origo

CIL VI 37184

204. laterculus M. Aurel. M. F.VLP.Bubalus

Tri[m(ontio)]

M. Aurel. M. F.VLP. Dubitatus

Trim(ontio)

M. Aurel. M. F.VLP. Petronius Trim(ontio)

CIL VI 32640

209 laterculus Aur. M. F. Qui.Orestes

Trim(ontio)

CIL VI2566

209 funeral Aurel. Mucianus Tremontio (sic)

L. Maupus Trimon(tio)

L. Montanus Trimon(tio)CIL VI 32

624214215

laterculus T. FL.T.F.Qvi.Antiochus

[T]r(i)mu(ntio)

CIL VI 32536

Severi laterculus []hus Philippopol(is)

CIL VI 32563

211217

laterculus Aur. Diogen(es) Filopopolis (sic)

CIL VI 32629

214225

laterculus [] Philop(popoli) (sic)

CIL VI 32625

214225

laterculus Aur. Marcianus Phil(ippopoli)?

CIL VI 32543

227 dedication []F.FL.Appolodorus

civesPhilippopolitanus

CIL VI 32

635

Severi dedication T. Aurelius

Mestrius

civis

Philop(p)opolitanus(sic)


14/21



CIL VI 32909

Severi [] Philopo(poli) (sic)

CIL VI 30685

241 dedication Aur. Mucianus reg.Philippopoli[ta]nae

CIL VI 2601

III c. funeral Aur. Bitus civis Filopopulitanus(sic)

CIL VI

2785

III c. funeral Val. Sarmatius civis Filopopultanus

(sic)

CIL VI2954

III c. funeral Firminius Valens civit. Philippopol.

These cases should undoubtedly be attributed to the Thracian city. Insome of the laterculi, however, dated till Septimius Severuss reign, theorigo of a certain number of praetorians is reveled simply asPhilipp andthis raises questions. One such example isP. Valerius Rufus Philipp men-

tioned in an inscription of 144 AD. (CIL VI, 32 520) and whose origin isbelieved to be from Philippopolis (Ricci 1993, p. 197), or from Philippi(Passerini, 1938, 158; Durry 1968, 246247; Fol 1968, p. 205, 108).And this is not a lone example. According to C. Ricci P.Aelius Valeria-nus, Phi[lip] (CIL VI, 32 516, 18), P. Valerius Rufus Philip (CIL VI,32 520, a, III, 10), and [---]nicius Q. f. Vol. Maximus, Philip were fromPhilippopolis (Ricci 1993, 194, 197). These veterans, however, were as-signed to Philippis by A. Passerini and G. G. Mateescu (Mateescu 1923,91, 94 95; Passerini 1939, 158) as mentioned above which shows that no

rule is established among the scholars for such cases. With an exceptionwhich is that ofM. Aur(elius) M(arci) f(ilius) Fl(avia) Bassus PhilipwherePhilip was developed as Philip(popolis), discussed above, A. Pas-serini usually developedPhilip asPhilip(pis). Thus, in CIL VI, 32 518 ismentioned a certain [---]nicius Q. f. Vol. Apronianus Philip (a, 3) of 136AD, in CIL VI, 32 520 the aforementioned P. Valerius Rufus Philipp(a, III, 10) or [---]s Scalvinus Philip of CIL 32 515 (b, 32)(Passerini 1939,158). The assumption made by C. Ricci for [---]nicius Q. f. Vol.Maximus

Philip andP. Valerius Rufus Philipp finds no proof in the onomastic ma-

terial and its specifics in Thrace, whether epigraphic inscriptions or mili-tary diplomas. And this confusion is not by chance since the Roman col-ony Philippi is usually presented as c(oloniae) Philippensium, col(oniae)


15/21


Iul(iae) Philippens(is), but also as Philippis, Phil(ippis), col(oniae)

Philipp(is),Philipp(is), Philipp(iensis), Phil(ippensium), P(hilippensium),P(h)il/ip(p)is etc. Outside Macedonia the colony is presented as Phil-ip(pis), Philippis, Philipp(iensis). In the military diplomas the colony isinscribed as Philipp(iensis), Philippie(n)sis (CIL XVI, 12) orPhilip-

piensis as origin of the witnesses (CIL XVI, 10), which contradicts theThracian examples where Philippopolis is always presented in its fullform. The examples are numerous: M. Aurelius M. f. Ulp(ia) Potentius

Philippopolis (CIL XVI, 189),Philippopol(i) ex Thrac(ia) (RMD II, #105; RMD IV, # 277) etc. These observations, from the onomastcics an

the written sources, and especially Cassius Dio, who clearly states thatthe praetorians of second century originated from Italy, Spain, Noricumand Macedonia (LXXV 2,4), let me to follow A. Passerinis assumptionthat the abbreviation Philip orPhilipp in the laterculi should be a markfor soldiers originating fromPhilippis in Macedonia. Thus, the Thraciancity of Philippopolis was presented in a more developed way so not to beconfused with the colony in Macedonia.

AUGUSTA TRAIANA (THRACE)OR TRAIANOPOLIS (THRACE)

A similar situation exists for Augusta Traiana/ Traianopolis. Here, theidentification problem arises from the very beginning with the local coin-age of Augusta Traiana where the city is presented on the reverse as . The problem with the identification of the coinagehas already been solved, but some confusion about the inscriptions stillremains. It is probably for this reason that A. Passerni and G. Forni ig-

nored any other evidence and accepted that the Thracian city was alwayspresent with its local name, but not Augusta Traiana (Beroea) (Passerini1939, 177; Forni 1985, 75, 9293). And henceforth comes the second

problem of correct identification ofBeroe(a), mentioned in the laterculiwas it the Macedonian or Thracian city?

The name of Augusta Traiana is found in the official military recordsincluding the military diplomas. A diploma of Jan. 1 237 AD was issuedforM. Aurelius Suri fil. Valentwhose origin is mentioned as Aug (usta)Traiana ex Thracia (Roxan 1994, 332333, # 198). The same is the case

with the praetorian M. Aurelius M. f. Aug(usta) Posidonius Trajana ofJan., 7, 231 AD (Roxan2003, 593596, # 315). This name is to be foundalso among the funeral stelai such as the stela set up forMucatralis


16/21


Auluzenis, militis leg. III Aug. who was natione Thrace(!), natus in civi-

tateAugusta Traiane(n)sie(!)(CIL VIII, 3198). It is for these reasons thatwe should expect Augusta Traiana to be used in the laterculi, especiallyhaving in mind the fact that Thrace was regarded as reservoir for soldiers.

In the some inscriptions the origo of the praetorians is cited by the ab-breviation Trai (CIL VI, 32 627), Tra (CIL VI, 32 628), Traipo (CIL VI,32 624, b, 25), Troian (sic)( CIL VI, 32 624, d, 30), Traip (CIL VI, 32640), Traian (CIL VI, 2385=32 533, 32 536). This could be interpreted asTraiano(poli)( Passerini 1939, 177; Ricci, 1993, 176177) orAugustaTraiana (Forni 1985, 135). There is no doubt that Traipo in CIL VI,

32 624, b, 25 and Traip in CIL VI, 32 640 should be interpreted as Traia-nopolis (see for instance Mateescu 1923, 122, n. 1; 126, n. 11; 127).In the rest of the cases, however, the identification is not so certain.

Here, the pseudo-tribe used in the nomenclature of the praetorians givesus a clue. Caesarea Germanicia is presented in CIL VI, 32 624 as

M. Aur. M. f. Cae. Paladus Germanicia (d, 10)(Forni 1985, 137). As iswell known the pseudo-tribes were in most cases part of the city-name,and it is not surprising to have other example such as that of CaesareaGermanicia.Aug(usta) is a pseudo-tribe and also a part of the city-name.

It is therefore reasonable to suggest that the praetorians with pseudo-tribeAug(usta) and Trai as origo actually derived from the Thracian city Au-gusta Traiana (see Mateescu 1923, 118, 122, n. 1; Forni 1985, 135). Theexamples under discussion are as follows: M. Aur. M. f. AVG. AvitusTroian (sic)(CIL VI, 32 624, d, 30), [---] Aurel. M. f. AVG Seneca Traiand [---] Aurel. M. f. AVG. Aquila Trai (CIL VI, 32 640, 2, 6), and

M. Aurel. M. f. AVG. Marcianus Tra (CIL VI, 32 628, 16). It is worth-while to note that for our case that in CIL VI 32 640 in order to escapemisunderstanding, the origo of the praetorian [---] Aurel. M. F. Ulp.

Ianuarius is cited differently as Traip (37). It is the same case with theother inscription CIL VI 32 624 where [---]arcus Traipo is cited(b, 25) contrary to Troian (sic) cited in the next column (d, 30). Here isalso mentioned M. Aur. M. f. Ael. Afrodisiu(s) Tra[---], most probablyfrom Traianopolis, Thrace (d, 32).

BEROE(A) (THRACE) OR BEROE(A) (MACEDONIA)

Cases with the correct identification ofBeroe(a) are more problematic.A. Passerini did not even recognize veterans and soldiers from the Mace-donianBeroe(a) and assigned all the Beroe(a) cases to the Thracian city


17/21


(Passerini 1939, 158, 177178). It seems that G. Forni followed him

(Forni 1985, 9293). In this respect the case of [---A]elius T. f. Ulp. Ne-pos Bero(e)(Ferrua 1962, 124125, fig. 4) of 170/171 AD. is significant.Scholars believe that this should be identified as the Thracian city(Passerni 1939, 177; Fol 1968, 205, 113; Forni 1985, 9293; Ricci1993, 176177), and if this is so, this conclusion contradicts that of Cas-sius Dio and the epigraphic monuments found in Rome showing that theThracian praetorians entered the Guard only after 193 AD. Therefore, it ismore plausible to assume that [---A]elius T. f. Ulp. Nepos Bero(e) wasactually of Macedonian origin.

There are several possible solutions to this problem. The easiest wayis to assume that in all cases dated before 193 AD, a Thracian origin of apraetorian should be doubted and a Macedonian origin is much more like-ly. We still have Dio Cassius, mentioned above. In the other cases, weshould refer to the onomastics as in the case above. It is quite clear thatthe Roman names used in the peregrine city in Thrace where were mostlyused by Romanized Thracians and those used in the Macedonian

Beroe(a) where Italian immigrants settled stand in sharp contrast. Thus,in CIL VI, 32 625 is mentioned a certain Aur(elius) Mucapor(us) d(omo)

Beroe(a)(a, I, 9) who was of Thracian origin given his Thracian cogno-men (on the cognomensee Detschev 1957, 314315). There is no doubtthat in this case the Thracian city is meant. The opposite is the case of

M.Aurel. M. f. Serg. Nasiabus Ber[---] mentioned in CIL VI, 37 184(c, 9) and counted as Thracian (Passerini 1939, 177). There are two ob-

jections: the first is the use of the tribe of Sergia which is quite uncom-mon in Thrace and Augusta Traiana; and the second is the use of the Ro-man cognomenNasiabus which is not found in Thrace. This cognomen,however, is found in the name ofLorenius Nasiabus in inscription foundin Pompeii (Grattarolo 2000, 156; CIL IV, 4861) which fits well with theevidence of Italian immigrants settled in Macedonian Beroe(a) and whohad non-imperial gentilicia, most of them unknown in other parts of Mac-edonia. According to F. Papazoglou the first negotiatores and their fami-lies settled in Beroe(a) in 1st c. BC to 1st c. AD (Papazoglou 1988, 146,n. 36). It is for these reasons thatM. Aurel. M. f. Serg. Nasiabus Ber[---]mentioned in CIL VI, 37 184 (c, 9) was not of Thracian origin, but mostlikely a descendent of one of those immigrants that settled in Macedonian

Beroe(a) from Pompeii in the 1st c. AD.Another group of veterans that might have belonged to the Macedoni-an city are those mentioned in CIL VI, 32 624 and CIL VI, 32 628. In


18/21


CIL VI, 32 624 one findsM. Aur. M. f. Ul(pia)Fabius Beroe(a) (b 6) and

[---]s Beroia (b, 26) and in CIL, 32 628M. Aurel. M. f. Maior Beroe(a)(15). These praetorians are again counted as Thracians (see Passerini1939, 177), but it is doubtful since some other praetorians from AugustaTraiana are cited in these very inscriptions coming from TRA[---] orTROIAN (sic!) as origo andAug(usta) used as a tribe (CIL VI, 32 624, d,30; 32 628, 16). This problem was discussed above. It is noteworthy thatthe praetorians from MacedonianBeroe(a) used the pseudo-tribe Ulp(ia),quite inappropriate for instance for Augusta Traiana, possibly establishedin Hadrians time, but consistent with the recognizing of the title of

in the time of Nerva (cf. Papazoglou1988, 144145). As for [---]udensBeroe(a)(CIL VI, 32 536), the caseremains unclear.

The result of the analysis on the Thracian origo of the praetorianscoming fromBeroe(a) andAugusta Traiana is presented on table 2.

ble. 2.Augusta Traina-Beroe(a) in the praetorian inscriptions in Rome


CIL VI 32628 Severi laterculus M. Aur. M. F. Aug.Marcianus Tra(iana)

32 640 209 laterculus [M] Aurel. M. F.Aug. Aquila

Tra(iana)

Aurel. M. F. Aug.Seneca

Trai(ana)

32 624 214215

laterculus M. Aur. M. F. Aug.Avitus

Troian(a)(sic)

32 536 Severi laterculus M. I[ucun]dusSeverus

Traiana

32 625 214225

laterculus Aur. Mucapor d. Beroe

As for other inscriptions we are aware of a funeral stela ofAur(elius)Brimursius, nat(ione) Thrax civis Bero[e]nsis who was equites singularis.The stela was set up by his sonAur. Emeritus and wifeAurelia Pelegrina(CIL VI, 3196). It is possible that in CIL VI, 3559 also the Thracian citymeant was [] Stratus, Bervua (sic). But this is only private inscriptions.As shown above, the origo of these praetorians in the military diplomas


19/21


wasAug(usta) Traiana ex Thracia orAug(usta) Traiana whereAug(usta)

is used as a tribal designation.After this very short analysis, three observations can be made.First, the laterculi show that the official Roman name of the city is

preferred in the nomenclature of the praetorians or soldiers instead of thenative name in the inscriptions in Rome and of military officials in theLatin provinces. This phenomenon is specific to the time before Septimi-us Severus. Thus, the praetorians from Philippopolis used only the Ro-man name of Trimontium while those from Beroe only AugustaTraiana.

Second, the change of this practice and the advance of the native nameof the cities is clearly observed in the year 214 AD when Philippopolisand Beroe came into use. The year is not by chance. It is well established

by studying the rosters in Dura Europos where the edict of Caracalla, theconstitutio Antoniniana, which was proclaimed in 212 AD actually af-fected the military records at the earliest in 214 AD (see Gilliam 1965,8390). This is exactly the date when the advancement of the nativenames Philippopolis and Beroe in the praetorian laterculi can be clearly

observed. I believe that this correspondence is not by chance and weshould propose a strong connection between that change and the effect ofthe edict. Accordingly, we may presume that the imperial chancellery andarchives preferred using before that time only the Latin name of the pere-grine cities in Thrace; consequently only Trimontium and Augusta Tra-iana were cited in the inscriptions. This requirement was obviously aban-doned after 214 AD and the new praetorians were able to use the nativenames of their home cities.

Third, despite the theses proposed in the literature for the lack of any

accuracy and rules in the military records, it seems that such uniformityexisted. As we may note, in these cases where Philippopolis is mentioned,a distinction between that name and the name of the Roman colony ofPhilippis is clearly observed. In order to make such distinction the nameof the peregrine city is presented not by the four-letters abbreviationPHIL as usual, but with more elaborated name such as Philippopol(is),Filopopolis, Philopopolitanus, Philipopolitanus etc. Thus, it was clear thata particular praetorian was from Philippopolis in Thrace and not fromPhilippis in Macedonia. The case with Augusta Traiana Beroe is more

complicated since the full likeness between the name of the Thracian andMacedonian cityBeroe(a). The military diplomas, the laterculi and offi-cial inscriptions show that in these cases the Roman name Augusta Tra-


20/21


iana was used instead of the native Beroe(a) and the confusion with the

Macedonian city was avoided. Thus, in a military diploma of January, 1

st

237 AD M. Aurelius Suri fil. Valentis cited with Aug (usta) Traiana exThracia, in another diploma of January, 7th 231 AD M. Aurelius M. f.

Aug(usta) Posidonius Trajana is mentioned.The correct identification of the origo of the praetorians wherePhilipp

is developed as Philippis raises the question of the attribution of the pseu-do-tribe Iulia to Philippopolis which is accepted in the bibliography. Thisalso calls into question the proposed organized settlement of veterans inPhilippopolis or urbanization of the city proposed after this pseudo-tribe.

REFERENCES

Benefiel R., A New Praetorian Laterculus from Rome, Zeitschrift frPapirologie und Epigraphik, 134 (2001) 221232.

Clauss, M., Zur datierung stadrmischer Inschriften: tituli militum praeto-rianorum, Epigrafica, 35 (1973) 5595.

Detschev, D.,Die thrakischen Sprachreste, Schriften der Balkankommis-

sion. Linguistische Abteilung XIV (1957).Durry, M., Les cohortes prtoriennes, Bibliothque des coles franaisedAthnes et de Rome (1968).

Echols, E., Roman army records, The Classical Journal LI (19551956) 119120.

Ferrua, A., Iscrizioni pagane nelle catacombe di Roma via Nomentana.Epigraphica 24 (1962) 106139.

Fol, A.,Les Thraces dans lEmpire romain dOccident(IerIIIe s.). Deu-xime partie: documentation pigraphique, Godinik na Sofiiskija

universitet Istoriko-filologieski fakultet LXII, 3 - History (1968)193274.Gerov, B., Landownership in Roman Thrace and Moesia (IIII c.), Go-

dinik na Sofiiskija universitet Fakultet po zapadni filologii LXXII2 (1980).

Gilliam, J. F., Dura Rosters and the Constitutio Antoniniana, Historia14 (1965) 8390.

Kennedy, D. L., Some observations on the Praetorian Guard, AncientSociety 9 (1978) 275301.

Kubitschek, J. W., Imperium romanum. Tributum discriptum, Pragae,Vindobonae, Lipsiae ILJug. III (1889).


21/21


Mateescu, G. G., I Traci nelle epigrafi di Roma, Ephemeris

Dacoromana, I (1923) 57290.Papazoglou, F.,Les villes de Macdoine a lpoque romaine, Bulletin decorrespondence hellnique, Supplment XVI (1988).

Passerini A., Le coorti pretorie, Studi publicati dal R. Instituto Italianoper la Storia Antica, fasc. I (1939).

Pferdehird, B.,Rmische Militrdiplome und Entlassungsurkunden in derSammlung des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, Katalogevorund frhgeschichtlicher Altertmer, 37 (2004).

Ricci, C., Balcanici e Danubiani a Roma. Attestazioni epigrafiche di

abitanti delle province Rezia, Norico, Pannonia, Dacia, Dalmazia,Mesia, Macedonia, Tracia (IIII sec.), In L. Mrozewicz, K. Ilski(herausg.),Prosopographica (1993) 141208.

Roxan, M., Roman Military Diplomas 19851993, University CollegeLondon Occasional Publication 14 (1994).

Roxan. M., Holder, P.,Roman Military Diplomas 19932003 (2003).ael, A., ael, J., Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos

MCMII et MCMXL repertae et editae sunt. Situla 25 (1986).

THE ORIGOOF THE THRACIAN PRAETORIANSIN THE TIME OF SEVERANS

Documents

Transcript of THE ORIGOOF THE THRACIAN PRAETORIANSIN THE TIME OF SEVERANS