THE OF - McGill Universitydigitool.library.mcgill.ca/thesisfile61768.pdf · ,AMES CAULFEILD THE...
Transcript of THE OF - McGill Universitydigitool.library.mcgill.ca/thesisfile61768.pdf · ,AMES CAULFEILD THE...
,AMES CAULFEILD
THE EARL OF CHARLEMONT
PORTRAIT
o FAN
IRISH WHIG PEER
by Janice C. Vaudry Dcpartment of History, McGi 11 University
Montrea l
July, 1988
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research
in partial fulfi11ment of the requirements for the degree of r~astet' of Arts
@ Janice C. Vaudry, 1988.
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ABSIRACT
This work is an attempt to give a more complete understanding of James
Caul fei 1 d, the earl of Charl emont. Hi stori ans have tended to ei ther mi ni-
mize his role as commander-in-chief of the Irish volunteers or to blame him
for their fa:lure to achieve parliamentary reform in 1783. He has been
presented as a two-dimensional, and at times almost comic, figure of eight-
eenth century Ireland. In examining his memoirs and correspondence, his
biography, various manuscript materiai, as well as other secondary sources,
it is possible to see Charlemont as the complex man he was and as an able
and apt leader of the volunteers. By gaining a more complete picture of
this man, wc in turn achieve greater knowledge of this period of Anglo-
Irish relations.
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. .. RESUME
Cette oeuvre tente de donner une compréhension plus complète de James
Caulfeild, le comte de Charlemont. La plupart des historiens ont eu la
tendance de parler de son role comme chef des volontaires Irlandais au
minimum, ou bien de rejeter le blâme sur lui pour avoir inachève en 1783 les
réformes parlementaires. Charlemont a été presenté comme un Irlandais à
seulement deux dimensions ou un personnage comique du dix-huitième siècle.
En utilisant ses mémoires et sa correspondance, sa biographie et divers
manuscrits et autres sources seconda ires, il est possible de voir le comte
en totalité comme l 1 homme complet qu'il était et le chef capable et le choix
propre des volonta~res. Avec 1 'obtention d'un portrait plus complet de
cette homme, nous acquérons ainsi une connaissance plus entip.re de cette
époque des rélations Anglo-Irlandaises.
... .. TABLE OF CONTENTS
PrefaCf and Acknowledgements.
Chapter One - Charlemont1s Background, Early Life, and Grand Tour.
Chapter Two - Return to Ireland and England.
Chapter Three - Involvement in Ireland and the Volunteers.
Chapter Four - The Dungannon Convention.
Chapter Five - The Dublin Convention.
Conclusion.
Appendix l - A Select List of Books in CharlerlOnt l s Library.
Appendix II - A List of the Members of The Club, 1764-1784.
Appendix III - The Monks of the Order of St. Patrick.
Appendix IV - The Dungannon Convention.
Appendix V - Delegates to the Dublin Convention.
Appendix VI - Charlemont on Edmund Burke.
Bibliography.
III
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The year 1782 is of critical importance to the history of Ireland.
It was the year when legislative independence from England was gained. In-
extricably linked with this achievement was an organization of armed citi
zens known as the volunteers. James Caulfeild, the first earl of Charle-
mont, was chos,en as their commander-in-chief. Despite this eminent position,
his substantial contributions to the political and social affairs of Ire
land in the second half of the eighteen century have been largely overlooked.
Historians have tended to concentra te on the more vlsib1è men of his time,
in particular Henry Flood and Henry Grattan. In order more fully to under-
stand the volunteers, their successes and failures, it is necessary to
examine the character and actions of the man behind t1em 'Ilho was their
chosen leader.
The first biograohical study of Charlemont, by Francis Hardy, was oub-
lished in 1810. As Hardy knew the earl, this is an invaluable aid in under
standing him. liardy vias openly sympathetic to Charlemont and this bias is
obvious to the reader. The other work on Charl emont \'Jas vwitten sorne fort y
years ago by Maurice Craig. While this author also covers the span of
Charlemont's life, he spends a great deal of time in discussing the archi-
tecture of the period and Char1emont's contribution to this through his own
residences. The \'Jorks by Hardy and Craig are the only biographies of
Char1emont to have appeared.
The eighteenth century 'I:as a period of transition, a century of flux,
political1y, socia11y and to sorne extent philosophically. This is reflected
in the men of the period -- in their actions and writing -- men like Edmund
Burke, Benjamin Franklin, David Hume, William Hogarth and Henry Grattan.
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Charlemont knew each of these men anà corresponded with most of them as
well as with others. In his knowledge and interests he reflected the age
in which he lived. Although it is often the nineteenth and twentieth cen
turies that are ewphasized in Irish history with the eighteenth regdrded
as a period cf calm before the storm, these years were not without their
turmoil. lt is to this century that historians may look for the beginnings
of Irish nationalism as expressed by Dean Swift and later by the volunteers.
The character of the volunteers and their conventions, held in Dungannon and
Dublin in 1782 and 1783 respectively, l'las shaper.! '/argely by Charlemont and
hi s fa 11 D'vers.
By examining the biogl"aphies, his correspandence and memoirs and the
pa pers of some of his contemporaries, it is possible to gain a more
thorough knowledge of this man and by extension the political and social
circles in which he travelled. This work pulls together these sources
which combine to produce a three-dimensional character. What follows is
an attempt to explain Charlemontls tenure as chief of the volunteers ip
light of his diverse talents, his friends and his knowledge, and above all
his character traits. Here was a man who represented Irelandls interests
and whig politics at their purest. Charlemont has a place in the politic
al history of Ireland which grew out of I-Jis soclal position. By gaining a
greater understanding of him we add to our understanding of the Ireland of
the eightee~th century.
The Studies in Irish Hist0!1. is used as a model for forme Therefore
peerage titles and the houses of parliament, for example, are not capitali
zed unless used in a quotation which does so.
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Any work of historical research ;s dependent on the assistance of
manyothers. 1 would like ta expr'=ss my appreciation for that given me by
the Head Librarian at the Royal Iris'"' Academy, by the staff at the National
Library of Ireland and at the British Library and its r1anuscript Depart
ment. Many times the Reference Librarians at i.JcGill University helped in
tracking down elusive sources and the staff at ~1cGill's Inter-L ibrary Loan
\'1ere able to obtain them.
1 would like also to ackno\lJledge the inspiration of Dr. Brian Jenkins
who gave me my fi rst taste of Iri sh hi story \'1hi ch prompted me to pursue
this interest. He, along with Dr. Karl Schvveizer encouraged me along the
way. Dr. Schvveizer also read parts of the thesis and gave useful comments.
My tllesis supervisor, Dr. Herel'Iard Senior, is owed a great debt of thanks.
He has guided me in this project over the years. 1 have learned much from
his example as a scholar.
Last, but not least, 1 wish ta express my gratitude to my parents
and family for their support, encouragement and understanding throughout.
l 1.
The earl of Crarlemont has been neglected by Irish historians for two
re~sons' his unobtrusive character, and the brilliance of his contempora
ries -- Henry Grattan, Henry Flood and Edmund Burke. Edmond Malone, the
Shakespearian critic and a contemporary of James Caulfeild, the earl of
Charlemont, called him "the politest man lever knew." While this I,rIould
perhaps be expected of a man of Charlemont's social position, the earl dif
fers from the general pattern of his peers in other aspects of hi s character.
He \\las generally recognized by contemporaries as a major personage in the
Ireland of his day.
He succeeded hi s fa ther to the rank of vi scount a t the age of seven.
A succession of tutors were employed to instruct Caulfeild until finally the
Rev. E. I~urphy assumed the pos; ti on permanently. Shortly thereafter Caul
feild embarked on the prescribed grand tour. After travelling abroad he
returned to Endland ana from there to Ireland where he assumed his seat in
the house of lords. The public careers of many of his contemporaries did
not move beyond this poi"t. A cursory examination of the earl's own public
record would, except for his role with the volunteers, also appear routine.
For a man who was silent in the bouse of I~rds, however, the earl is
credited by the historian W.E.H. Lecky as exercising "a very great influence
in l ri sh po 1 i ti cs. Il 1 He was the patron of Henry Grc}ttan and fri end of Henry
Flood and Edmund Burke. However this alone would not give a man widespread
i nfl uence in the a ffa i rs of hi s country. From where then, di d hi s i nfl u-
en ce come? It may be suggested that the private character of the earl of
Char~emont was a stronger guide for his contemporaries than his voiee in
the hOIJse of lords would have been. A man's personality is molded and shap
ed ta a great extent by those around him, by his geographical surroundings
and by his formal education. These factors must be taken int.o account in
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assessing the formation of Charlemont's character and, in turn, his public
actions.
James Caulfeild, fourth viscount and first earl of Charlemont, spanned
the eighteenth century, dying in 1799 at the age of 71 on the eve of the
union between Ireland and Great Britain. It is natural to aSSUlTle therefore,
that he was a man of the Enlightenment, a product of his times. His career
reached its climax in 1782 at the zenith of both the Enlightenment and the
Anglo-Irish ascendency.
The ei ghteenth century ~'Jas not rea lly an age of revol ution even though
it ended with two. It was, rather, an age of optimism on the part of the
intellectuals and middle-class public. "Rtformism might slowly make head-
way, but revolution was only likely to come by accident." 2 It was the age
of the salons ir rror,ce and the literary circles in England: a period of in
tellectual ferment. 3 This ferment produced the French Encyclopédie, Mon
tesquieu's L'esprit ces lois and Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations.
ln Ireland a period of internal peace prevalled. The landlords ' posi
tion and power was underpinned by the increasing number of lower and middle
class protestants. 4 The year 1731 saw the establishment of the Dublin
Soci et y , set up ta promote agriculture, ITlanufactures and the useful arts.
It was a reflection of the widespread concern ta imprave the Irish economy.5
The eighteenth century in Ireland was alsa the apex of the Anglo-Irish
ascendency who felt sufficiently secure to achieve the legislative independ
ence of their country.
However, ta understand Ireland ar.d England politically during this time
is nat to unders:i1lld trie earl. His sphere of interest extended beyand poli
ti cs and i ndeed beyond bath the cauntri es menti aned abave. Hi s trave 1 s i n
cluded the Continent, Ita1y, Greece, Turkey and Egypt. He also carried
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on an extensive correspondence with Edmond Malone, the Shakespearian critic.
Apart from this he was a member of Dr. Samuel Johnsonls literary circle and
his interests embraced architecture and classical antiquities. Far from be
ing a two-dimensional product of his age, the earl was a complex amalgama
tion of the various intell ectual and cul tural currents of the eighteenth
century which lent a depth of character making him something more than a
mere man of hi 5 times.
The last quarter of the eighteenth century was an age of revol uti on
aries and orators, but the earl was neither of these. Instead Charlemont
was the mOderating and stabilizing influence on the politics of his day.
His social position a110wed him access to the peers of both realms and his
private interests brought him into contact with a broad range of men. In
spite of his social eminence and acknowledged influence in the political
circles of Dublin, ilÏstorians have at best acknowledged in passing the de
ference pa id to him by hi s contemporari es. An extended grand tour whi ch
took him as Îar east as Constantinople, a keen literary and artistic in-
terest and an intense love of Ireland combined to produce in the figure of
Charl emont. a man tt~usted by a 11 and respected for hi 5 good wi 11 and 50 li d
judgement.
The Caulfeild family began its association with Ireland when Toby Caul-
feild came to Ireland with the ear1 of Essex and, as commander of a troop of
horse, he was at Kinsale when it was taken from the Spaniards in 1601 6 when
Spain sent four thousand troops in support of the Irish rebels led by Hugh
o Neill and Hugh OIConne11 J That same year, Toby Caulfeild was placed in
charge of Fort Charlemont in the county of Armagh by lord deputy Mountjoy.
Knighted in 1603, he became governor of the counties of Tyrone and Armagh
in 1608. He received one thousand acres of the estate of the rebel earl of
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Tyrone in 1610 and in 1620 was created baron Gharlemont.
William Caulfeild, grandfather of James, \'las attainted by King James'
parliament in 1689 which naturally was reversed by that of King William in
1692. The latter monarch a1so gave Caulfei1d the governorship of Armagh and
Tyrone, the command of a regiment of foot and the governorship of Charle
mont. He continued his career in the armed services in the West Indies in
1702, under Peterborough in Spain in 1705 and by 1708 had reached the rank
of major-general. At his death in 1726 in Dublin, he was the oldest noble
man in the dominions of King George. S The third viscount, a1so James Cau1-
feild, married Elizabeth, only daughter of Francis Bernard of Castle Bernard
in county Cork. 9 The viscount appears to have taken his role as a member of
the Ang1o-Irish ascendency serious1y, as a count for the parliament of 1727
shows him to have been in attendance at fifty-one of sixty-five meetings.
Only seventeen of the thi rty-three peers \'Jere present for a th; rd or more of
the meetings, and only John Dillon, the earl of Roscommon attended more. 10
From this beginning James Caulfeild succeeded to his place in the ascendency,
when in 1734 at the age of six, he became the fourth viscount and eighth
baron of Charlemont.
Little is known about James Cau1feild from the time of his birth in
Dublin on August 18, 1728 until just prior to his embarking on his grand
tour in 1746. His memoirs are clear1y stated as being his political memoirs,
and as such, rare mention is made of his chi1dhood. Even his biographer,
Francis Hardy, \'witing shortly after the ear1's death, is unable to shed
more light on his youth.
As was commoll in the eighteenth century, Caulfeild \'Ias privately educat
ed. Three tutors, including an anglican clergyman, Philip Skelton, passed
rapidly through their ro1es between 1742 and 1744, when another member of
5.
the estab1ished cnurch, Edward Murphy, assumed the position of tutor and
friend to Caulfeild. He wou1d remain a friend until his death, sometime
after 1744. 11 Caulfeild ' s mother married again in 1740 to her cousin,
Thc,mas Adderley. He was a country squire, and as a smalT landlord, exem
plary in establishing and encouraging local industries. The re1ationship
between him and Caulfeil d was not however, one of father and son. Ra ther,
Caulfeild seems to have looked to Adderley, as his legal guardian, for ad
vice and entrusted his estate management to him while abroad. Aclderley ' s
tone of address in thei r l etters i s one of deference and recognitlOn of hi s
being his step-son's social lnferior. Later in their relationship Caulfeild
was to break with his guardian.
Adderley was, to sorne degree, responsible for the resignation of Skel
ton from his position as tutor. When Adderley sought to ensure his position
in the event of Lady Charlemont's death, he asked for Skelton's assistance.
Skelton's connections at the Bank of Fede and Wilcox would have made this
possible. Adderley had ln the meantime been offered security by the Bank
of Mr. Dawson, whose offer he accepted. This annoyed Skelton who felt he
had been i mposed u pon and humil i a ted. Adderl ey himse 1f was opposed to some
advice Skelton had given his pupil Caulfeild. After these disagreements
Skelton resigned his position. Yet he retained a high opinion of his pupil
and in 1743 dedicated Truth in a Mask, a volume of allusions to religious
truth, to Caulfeild. At the beginning of this work he wrote IIIIt was for
many and weighty reasons, which in charity he forbears to mention, that he
chose to qu i t hirn 50 soon.'" 12
Caulfeild wou1d later prove himse1f to be a good scholar. Indeed he
would include among his friends sorne of the greatest literary, philosophical
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and political minds of his time. However, in 1744 when f4urphy took over his
tutorship. Caulfeild was virtually a tabula rasa. Despite the time apparent
ly wasted with hi s previous tutors, Caulfeild made up lost ground under
Murphy, a former headmas ter who had been persuaded to 1 eave the publ i c aca
derny for a private position. r'lurphy was a classical scholar. having pub
lished, among other works, an edition of Lucian. 13 Writing ta Caulfeild in
1747 of hi s progress as a pupi l he says:
you had for two years so app1ied yourse1f ta your studies that, cansidering the 1itt1e or next ta no knowl edge with whi ch you set out. you really did wonders not on1y as to the quanti ty you read, but as to the manner in \'Ihich you understood it, general1y ectualling and sometimes even surpassing men 9f celebrated learning and great penetration. 4
Despite an auspicious beginning under his new tutor, it seems Caul-
feild's interest in his studies had begun to wane. f1urphy believed a grand
tour was the required remedy and in the autumn of 1746 Cau1feild went
abroad. In a more extensive explanation for arranging the tour, r~urphy
\vrote his pupil from The Hague in 1747.
Your love of cards and sitting up to late haurs \lIas noticed and sorely regretted by every one that keeps your constant company. Strong expressi ons of thei r fears and concerns for you have l had from their mouths, and more than once. l softened the thing by urging that you were unwell and wanted amusement, al1d defied cards or dice ever tG get the better of such sense and caution as you were mas ter of ... 15
Cùulfeild had begun to abandon ideas of university and was neglecting his
books. As Murphy feared that the young man woul d take up with the "young
profligates of (his) country", flight from Ireland seemed the only safe re
course. Murphy continued his reasons for urging the tour by saying:
Had you remained at home but to this day, even in the innocent play and indolence with which you have spent your time here, your character were, even this day, gone. --For, my lord, you cannot abroad, much less at home, escape t"e busy sharp looks of men. A l ittl e man may for awhile, but you, not possibly.16
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Caulfeild left Ireland for the Continent at the age of eighteen to begin his
travel s.
fv1urphy ' s solution to Charlemont's apparent problem of indolence was
not a newone. The first traceable reference to a grand tour is found in
Richard Lassels ' , An Italian Voyage, or a Compleat Journey Through Italy,
published in 1679. The idea itself is older. 17 The eighteenth century saw
a rise in the number of travellers to the Continent. This increase in
tourism was not restricted to the British, but included Europeans generally,
in particular though the French and Germans. The grand tour itself however
was principally the domain of the British. 1B The main destinations for
these tourists were Paris and then the major Ital ian cHies of Rome, Venice,
Florence and Naples. There were variations on this depending on the in-
terests of the traveller and the conditions prevailing on the Continert at
the time.
Charlemont left to begin his tour when the War of the Austrian Succes
sion was nearing its end, and while the Jacobites, under Charles Edward,
were attempting ta establish James as king. Lord Charlemont's real educa-
tian can be said ta have begun when he went abroad in 1746. The normal
lergth of a grand tour was two years, but he was away from Ire1and for nine
years, returning ta England only in 1755.
I\s Francis Bacon put it, "When a Travailer returneth, let him not
leave the Countries, where he hath Travailed, altogether behind him."
Charlemont noted in his memoirs that he had dwelt too long in foreign lands19
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but \'Iould !lever regret the experience he acquired abroad. Edmund Burke,
writing to Sir Charles Bingham in October 1773, cited Lord Charlemont as
evidence against imposing an absentee land tax.
Suppose a ~uardian, under the authority or pretence of such a tax of police, had prevented our dear frlend Lord Charlemont, from going abroad, would he have lost no satisfaction? Would his friends have lost nothing in the companion? Would hlS country have lost nothing in the cultivated taste, with which he had adorned lt in so many ways? His natural elegance of mlnd would undoubtedly do a great deal; but 1 will venture to assert, without the danger of belng contradicted, that he adorns his present residence in Ireland much the2~ore for having resided a long time out of it.
8.
It is during these years of travel that Charlemont formed and strength
ened his beliefs and philosophies, both social and political, and expanded
his general knowledge of people and places. Although required by social
custom to frequent the English society circles of the foreign countries he
visited and resided in, Charlemont also pursued his own inquiries beyond
the "English Colonies" in the places he visited.
Upon leaving Ireland in 1746, Charlemont proceeded to Holland, where
he \'1itnessed the "revolution" which saw the Prince of Orange established as
the stadtholder. The Orange party under William IV l'las re-established in
pmver. 21
From Holland Charlemont next travelled to the English camp in Germany
where he spent sorne time with William, duke of Cumberland. 22 Charlemont
does not seem to have remained there until the end of the War of the Aus-
trian Succession for in 1747 Murphy wrote to remind his pupil of, and urge
him to take, the adv i ce proffered by John r1ontague, Lord Sand\'Ji ch to the
young man to continue on to Turin in Italy. Murphy quotes Lord Sandwich as
saying, !lThere you have a polite and friendly court, where both French and
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Italian are well spoken, and there you have good academies of all kinds." 23
It was believed that Turin was the best place for Charlemont, and 50 he took
the advice, entering an academy for one year.
The academies in their modern form were socities devoted to the study
and promotion of literature, science and art, either singly or in combina-
tion. From the time of the Italian Renaissance the academies enjoyed a
period of great growth and encouragement. While the precise academy which
Lord Charlemont attended is not known -- in 1737 there \'!ere seven in Turin
it is possible that it may ha'Je been the Royal Academy of Savoy. Dating
from 1719 it was one of the academies of Belles Lettres. This would be
congenial to his love for, and great knmvledge of, classical literature.
Al though he al so s hOI'!ed sorne i nteres tin sci ence, the Roya 1 Academy of
Sciences was not founded in Turin until 1757, after Charlemont hdd returned
home. 24 Turin appears to have continued as a prominent centre for the arts
and sciences, as in 1778 an academy for painting and sculpture vIas establish-
ed there. It is probable therefore that while resident in Turin Charlemont
\'Jas given ample opportunity to broaden his knowledge in various fields,
something of which he seems to have taken advantage.
Charlemont's place in the hierarchy of society was enough to assist him
in meeting the notables of Italian society, as well as other interesting and
important forei gners abroad. He met and began a fri endshi p with The Pri nce
Royal of the House of Savoy which included the rest of the Sardinian family.
British tourists in Italy were often presented to the Pope, the kings of
Naples and Sardinia and the grand duke of Tuscany. With the exception of
the Sardinian court at Turin, these and other Italian courts did not domin
ate the pastimes of the British resident there. 25 Charlemont was also in
timate with the marquis St. Germain, who in 1749 was sent as ambassador from
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Turin to France. It was in Tut"in as \'1ell that he met David Hume, the Scot
tish historian and philosopher, who was to remain a friend for years to
come. Charlemont was greatly attached to Hume's society, but considered
tha t he \'Jas not overly i nfl uenced by the phil osopher si nce he, un li ke Hume,
\vas "ever a sincere Christian and devout Whig." Charlemont go es on to sQy
in ev en stronger terms that he believed Hume's philosophical essays to "have
done 50 much mi schief ta manki nd. 1126
On October 27, 1748 Charl emont 1 eft Turi n and travell ed by 'tlay of
Balogna to Rome. 11is time that wintel~ l'Jas spent between Rome and Naples.
Although he was away from life in Ireland, Charlemont was not out of touch
""ith it. Thomas Adderley, Charlemont's stepfather and r,1.p. for Bandonbridge,
l'la!:. in c.harge of the young manls affairs while the latter was abroad. In a
letter ta Charlemont dated 1748, Adderley first noted that. his stepson \'Jas
highly regarded ;n Ireland. He then infonned his v/arri that he had gone ta
the lords justices to ensure that Charlernont \vould succeed Arthur Acheson
in the government of Armagh county on the latter's recent death. 27 This
correspondence between the two continued during the time Charlemont was
away, with Adderley keeping him aware of social and political news as well
as giving him brief, general managerial reports.
In the spri ng of 1749 Cha rl emont sa iled from Leghorn on the coast of
Italy. His destination \'/aS the city of Constantinople. While most travel
lers confined themselves to the usual routes within the Continent, a few
ventured beyond thern. Some like Lady r'1ary ~~ortley Montagu, were "simply"
travellers, others were more specifie in their purposes, often travelling
because of an interest in classical architecture and archeology, and Charle
mont was one of these latter. He was accompanied by Mr. Francis Pierpont
Burton, later baron Conyngham, ~1r. Scott, and the tutor Murphy; they were
11.
joined later by Mr. Richard Dalton, a painter \ ... ho went as draughtsman.
Murphy and Charlemont had heeded the advice of the earl of Sandwich pre
viously and it is possible that he had inspired the young man in this trip.
Montague, the fourth earl of Sandwlch, had toured the Mediterranean, includ
ing in his travels SlClly, Egypt, Cyprus, Greece and Turkey.28 A similar
itinerary was follm'Jed by Charlemont which took up most of 1749; he did not
return to Ita 1y until 1750.
The extent of his trave1s -- the Greek main1and and islands, Egypt and
Turkey -- coup1ed with the fact that Charlemont kept a record of this in
cluding his observations and thouqhts, makes this a critical time in under
standing the deve10pment of his character. He came of age in Constantinople.
The fact that he undertook such a journey suggests an adventurous spirit.
Obviously curious about other sites beyond the normal bounds of western
Europe, Charlemont was intent on observing the manners and customs of the
countries he visited sa that he could supplement his available sources.
This is especia11y evident in his account of Turkey.
Francis Hardy, in his narrative of Char1emont's life, gives us a brief
description of these travels. Obviously though the best account is that of
Charlemont hirnself. The first stop on the excurS~on was Messina soon fol
lowed by j-laHa which they revisited on their return. From thel'e the party
went on to sorne of the Greek iSlands, then north to the Dardanelles and Con
stantinople. Here they remained for about one month. Charlemont was aided
ir his investigations there by the resident English doctor -- Dr. r'lordack
t~acKenzie. Upon leaving the city they travelled down the coast of the
Aegean, visiting more of the ls1ands on their way to Alexandria. Although
Charlemont's acco~nt of his time in Egypt has not survived, we do know that
he visited there fram references he has made to it in his other journa1s
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and from the fact that in later life he continually told one particular
story of his adventures there \I/hich all of his friends knew. 29 From Egypt
he \"as forced by winds to go ta Rhodes and then to Athens. He visited many
of the islands closer to the Greek mainland as well ~s numerous cities on the
mainland itself. He returned to Rhodes and from there sailed Lo Malta where
he spent fort y days.
Charlemont's journal of his trip to Greece and Turkey is not a dav Lo
day account, but is rather a collection of essays written partly at the time.
and added to throughout his lifetime. The title of his essay on the Turks
is in itself enlightening: An Essay! towards a new Method of Travel writ-
ing! Seing a succinct Relatlon! of several! Miscellanious Occurrences!
during my Travels./ Pri ncipally relative to the Character of the! Several
Nations II/ith v/hom l hadj Intercourse.! With S0me observations,! Homosum,
hUl1larlÏ nihil a me alienum puto!! The proper study of mankind is Man.; Haec
olilll memenisse juvabit. 30 He is interested, not 50 much in the countryls
history, but in the people themselves. \1.B. Stanford, in his book on
Charlemont's travels, considers him to be more a sociologist than an his
torian. 3l
At the outset of hi s essay on the Turks, Cha rl emont goes to ureat
lengths to describe his purpose in writing. He states that we, as Western-
ers, tend ta regard nations whose civil izations differ from ours as bar-
barians. Thi sis wllat has happened to the Turks. Charl emont comes to the
defense 0'= the Turk by enumerati ng the sources of our information on him and
why they should be considered as unreliable.
The fir5t source Charlemont discussed was the missionaries and other
"Ramite" oriests, \vho, either thraugh reliaious zeal or resentment of the
way the Turks treated them, were hostile ta the Turkish customs and so
13.
misrepresented them. These missionaries and priests have tried to persuade
us, says Char1emont, that it 1S impossible for an unbeliever to be an honest
man, which lIill grounded Notion joined to their inveterate Prejudices, r.;ust
surely render their Testimony of 1 i ttl e wei ght .. 1132
Another obvious source of prej udi ced information was the Greeks, \'/ho,
being conquered by the Turks, could not be relied upon as impartial witnesses.
Charlemont points out a third dubious source -- the Christian merchants in
Constantinople and the other Turkish cities. They had taken up residence in
Turkey a,ld other foreign countries solely to make their fortunes. Buyers
and sell~~s tend naturally to disagree, and Charlemont reminds us that the
Turk is IIno~ al1ways (sic) \"Irong ll in these disputes. 33 The public ministers
of the West at the Porte were also to share in the blame for the injustice
done to the Turks. The Turkish officials at the Porte had a natural feeling
of superiority \'Ihich caused them to treat foreign ministers in a rnanner \'Jhich
the latter felt was less than their due. The Turkish court lIis a little too
apt to look upon all Envoys rather in the light of honourahle Spys, than \'/ith
that profound Respect, which they naturally suppose is due ta their nation. 1I34
Our only remaining source of information was the traveller, but here
too Charlemont hesitated to accept these accounts verbatim and noted his
reasons for this. rlost travellers, he argued, were resident for only a
short time and were not primarily concerned with obtaining an accurate pic-
ture of the Turks. As vlell many Turks \\fere inaccessible to ~~esterners dnd
little attemp-t: was made by the latter to make Turkish acquaintances. The
language barrier \Vas another obvious hindrance to open communication. The
travellers' information came, not from original sources, but often From the
aforementioned unreliable ones and was therefore further distorted. Charle-
mont asserted that if we stopped to consider how little travellers know of
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their neighbouring countries where information is easier to obtain, we
would not expect much of them elsewhere.
14.
Charlemont believed that the task of discovering the true nature and
custom of a people was too difficu1t a task for the average traveller.
This information \"as obtained only by careful and accurate observation,
directed by the soundest judgement and further assisted by a long residence
accompanied by close connections \'/ith people of al1 ranks. 35
This lengthy introduction ~ontinues before Charlemont begins his first
Turkish essay. He suggests that we misrepresent the manners of those we
are observi ng because \lJe l ack the background know1 edge whi ch wou1 d hel p to
explain a particular action. As an example of this he cites the expecta-
tion of gifts on the parr of the Turks, \'ihich was resenteL~ to sorne deyree by
the Westerners. It is seen by Lnem as simply t;le anticipation of a bribe,
whereas, Charlemont argues, it l'las an ancient custom dating back to bibli-
cal times. He goes on to provide several examples and states that this
offering shifted from its L'se in rel igious practices to become an offering
given to monarchs, who were viewed as being divine. Charlemont's sole p~r
pose in discussing this particular custom was "to shew how very precarious-
ly They judge, \llho presume paremtorily (sic) to decide upon and to infer
national Characters f,'om r,ational Customs ... "36 In order to emphasize his
point he orfered several Western practices which might be viewed as bar
barous hy thl~ Turks. He did l'ot claim ta be writing an apology for the
Turks; his qualifications would not admit that, nor did he feel that the
Turks ~ere totally free of the defects of character charged to them. Charle
mont was indeed an acute student of human nature and champion of fair play
when he stated that among both nations and individuals "perfect Depravity
is as seldom to be found as perfect Virtue." 37
,.........-------------------------------
15.
Charlemont was very much a c1assical historian or "antiquarian" a!: he
sty1ed himself. His avowed purpose in his travels was to study at first
hand the Greek antiquities \'1hich remained. His opinion of historians was
that they "perpetually copy each other, and view the world from their Closet
1138
says.
His remarkable knowledge of the classical writers perrr::ütec; both es
He was not content to make conj~l..i.lÀr~~ about cdstoms or the ruirls he
was examining; he traced their histories back through the classical authors
and compa red thei r information with hi s findi ngs.
Apart from the interest in th2 ruins, monuments and inscriptions found
on the group's travels, there é.re several recurring themes in the essays.
Charlemont discusses the virtue of tolerance as practised by the Turks; he
also refers to such concepts as 1 iberty and patriotism. There are times
when he seems ta imply similarities be"tween the Turks and the Anglo-Irish
ascendancy; he also brings ta mind the rule of the Castle in Ireland.
Each of these bei ng a mi nority rul ing a majori ty.
Charlemont noted in particular the treatment of their slaves by the
Turks. In general they were \l/ell treated and allowed to practise their reli
gion. The Turks, in their actions towards thei" slaves l'/ere following what
was set down in the Koran, and were practising 1 -t:hat noble Principle of
Toleration ... "39 The Greeks, conquered and ruled by the Turks at this time,
were allowed by the latter to enjoy ilL iberty of Conscience and Freedom of
worship in the highest Perfection Il This attitude was not restricted to
Constantinople, Charlemont points out, but was also found in other Turkish
cities in Europe, Asia and even Egypt. He faund that the Turks treated
their slaves better than the French, Italians and Maltese.
He continues his comments in an aside ta his main narrative. While
perusing the notes to a late editian of Shakespeare, he had come across a
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passage by Doctor Johnson. It showed IIhow sadly the Turks are misrepresent
ed Even at this Day, in these en1ighten 1d Times and byone of the most en
lighten1d r~en of the most en1ighten 1d Nation of Europe ... " Johnson stated
that if it was part of the r~ahometan religion to exterminate Christians, th en
they in turn were justified in making war on them in self defense. Char1e
mont comments that "It is plain that this wise, devout, and 1earned Man is
wholly ignorant that the Turks are .•. the People of all others most inc1in
ed ta To1eration .... It is somewhat whimsical to see such a Man as John
son at thi s day impersonating St. Bernard, and preaching a Cru sade ... 40
Although Charlemont makes much of re1igious toleration, he nevertheless ap
plauds the Turks for prohibiting roman catho1ics fram prose1ytizing: lias in
al1 well regulated Governments it ought to be 1141
Llberty is dnother theme repeated in the essays. In the context of
discussing how ~ small islanà such as rJaxos could keep a large standing
army, Charlemont concludes IIBut what will not Liberty enable Men ta perform,
when accompanied by every physical Advantage? Even in the 1ess genial clim-
ates of the North She can raise the frozen inhabitants to Heros!1I42 In
this sentiment he perhaps presages the volunteers.
In the same vein, he contemplates the scene of the Athenians under
Themistac1es hastily building the city walls for their defense. He sees
them as working II VJÎ ~h all the a1acrity and zeal of freemen who labour for
their own security. Hastily, vigorously, and cheerfully they Execute the
task assigned them, and, sacrificing their prejudices on behalf of their
patriotism. 1I43 Here again his thoughts could be app1ied to the Irish situa
tion, as indeed there are moments in his narrative when Char1emont compares
a situation under discussion directly to that of the Irish. One such example
...,..
17.
is that of the Athenian system of magistrates. They were given limited
power by the Turks, but l'e argues that if the Athenians wou1d allow the ar
chans to properly decide their cases th en appeals ta the Turkish officials
would be unnecessary. The Athenians wauld then retain their civil power and
would be able to regulate their awn affairs. He says however, that "(a)
wisdom of this sort is scarcely to be expected from any people whatsoever,
as we Irishmen have long known to our cost ... ,,44 Obviously he saw a
parallel to the judicial, and legislative systems then operating in his own
country.
If Charlemont's patriotism as an Iris~nan is evident in his narrative,
50 too is his affinity for England. In Athens he had several interviews
and conversations v/ith the vaivode there. 45 "One in particular in which he
desired from us some account of the English constitution and Govermnent
when his surprise at the liberty, \'Jhich we enjoy, was truly characteristic
and ridiculous.,,46 While Charlemont l'las obviously quick to point out the
benefits of the English system, he also recognized its weaknesses and was
willing to learn from the Turkish system. He noted that their judicial sys
tem might appear summary when compared to that of the Eng1ish, but that it
had its advantages. In a SUlt, the loser IIlos es nothing but his cause, and
success cornes unattended by ruin." There were no pleadings, oratories, de
murrers or writs of error in the Turkish court. Charlemont's sense of
humour cornes through when he states that the "cl ient has not here the
satisfaction of paying to hear his cause ably defended, nor the pleasure of
being able to delay from term to term the doubtful sentence.,,47
The legal system continued to occupy Charlemont's thoughts. On one
occasion he disguised himself as a Greek and accompanied, as his attendant,
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the principal interpreter to the English in the city, in order to gain ac-
cess ta the Porte. As such, he was able ta go about undisturbed, making his
observations before his presence was detected. On passing the Great Hall
where the Divan, or court, had Just been held he noticed several Turks at
prayer. Charlemont reflected on the effect of the Hall being thought con
secrated and holy by the Turks. He admired the
striking propriety of this ldea and the sound policy of imprinting upon the minds of the people such an opimon, as nothing surely could ever be devised more proper or more likely to procure respect and venerati1n for the laws than that the Hall of Justlce, thl supreme seat of judicature, should be venerated and revered as sacrcd and holy ~round. 48
For all that, he still recognized that the Turkish judicial system was
not without its faults. It fell t0 the level of a trade, he believed, when
the Judges allowed themselves to profit from their positions. He commented
that his readers should not find it difficult to lmagine the effects of
this "when we consider the usual consequences of the sale of parliamentary
seats among us." This attitude \'/as not confined to the Turkish judges, but
was also to be found among the French and even the English, he noted. Des-
pite the fact that a judgeship was supposedly given for merit, it was often-
times bought, if not directly with money then "more dearly and infamously
purchased by the sacrifice and by the barter of reason and of conscience in
parl iamentary proceedings. 1149 Whil e Charl emont obviously had respect for
positions of authority, including that of the king, he remarked on the man
ner in which the sultan was shielded from the people's view when in public.
This idea he believed probably came from II-chat slavish and impious opinion
that kings in all respects are gods on earth and should resemble the
divinity as well in his invisibility as in his other attributes." 50
....
... ..
19 •
Continuing his discussion of the social and political conditions of the
states he was visiting, Charlemont laments the decline of Athens -- its in-
habitants having been reduced to being "slaves to a slave of the slave of an
emasculated negro \'/ho is himself a slave!" This 1S a far cry from \~hen
I\thens \lIas "renowned and revered through al1 ages -- the boast of Europe!
the nurse of demigods! monorolist of learning, of arts, of arms! "
He adds, "Blest as citizens of the \'1orld, your fello\'! citizens still are
free, and Britons are no\·, Atflenians!/I As a student of classical history and
living at a time when there l'las a renewed interest in the Classical Age of
Greece and Rome, Charlemont's lamentations are understandable.
Seing a man with connections in the political and social circles of
bath England and Jreland, his investigations duriny his tour in the Medi-
terranean into these same spheres should be viewed as a natural expression
of his intellectual curiosity. The comments which Charlemont added to his
essays at later dates are as revealing as his original thoughts. On his
compari son of 8ritons as Atheni ans, he noted tha t "Thi s \I:as wri tten in the
reign of George II \'Ihen England was a free country."51 Although vJe do not
have an exact date for sorne of these later addendums, from their content
they apoear ta have been \'fritten after the probl ems \'Iith the American colon-
ists and Ireland. His despair and criticism of what England had become is
obvious in his writings.
Cities, kingdoms, empires, as well as men, though the period of their existence be somewhat longer, ... finally perish and fall to decay; and the huge skeleton alone d~nonstrates the vastness of the once tremendous giant! .. \'Jhat \'Jas the British Empire under the administration of William Pitt? Alas, vJhat is it nov!? Dying dying - dying - and, which is \~orse, a prey to ignorant quacks her on1y physicians, who greedy of fees, study only to make the mast of their patient, without ever aiming at
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her cure ~ .•. Bri ta i n ~ the Greece, the l ta ly of latter Times! The illustrious daughter of the Ocean - the Queen of Commcrce~ The Patroness of Science - the mother of Philosophy! Invincible in war -- unrivalled in the arts of peaee! The Arbitress of Europe ~ ~lay more. the Asyl um of Free 1·1en, the Assertor of 1 iberty, and tlle Seourge of Tyrants! Sad reverse! ~;hat is she now! She deserted her maxilllS. 5he turned to folly. She became tyrannie. She is fallen! l find in my note book the following fantastical flight on rny first eonter.lOlatinq the ruins of Athens, \'Jhieh, ~ith the ass~stane~ of a 1ittle superstition, might be exalted into something prophetie, and therefore on1y 1 have copied it: Ils this the renowned Athens? How melancholy would be the ref1ection should we suppose, what certainly must come to pass, that in a fe\'! ages het~ce, London, the Carthage, the fviemphis, the Athens or" the present \'Jorld, shall be reduced to a stdte like this, and travellers shal1 come, perhaps froril Americ~, to view its ruins. 152
20.
His vie\~ on tyranny and liberty and his belief in the fallen state of
England reflected his position as a whig in opposition. Using the analogy
of the restrictions placed on Turkish women, Charlemont comments on tyranny
in general. "The anxiety by which tyranny is always accompanied surpassed
the vain and unnatural pleasure of depotism, and their tyrants, like poli
tical despots, are eonsequently strangers ta the delight of governing sub-
jects who are free and haopy ... Il and further. Il i n proportion as the tyrant
is degraded the lot of the slave becomes still more abject." 53 It is not
difficult to project these sentiments on to the relationship between England
and her American colonies as well as Ireland.
Tt should be remembered that these travel journals are the end product
of many yea rs 1 work on the part of Charl emont. Ir them we have the observa-
tions and opinions of the young man, combined with his more mature reflections.
Charlemontls rereading and commenting on his previous writings allows his
reader ta see the consistency in his beliefs which he maintained to a great
... .. 21.
extent throughout his life .
An adventurous spirit coupled \Vith an inquisitive mind 1ed him away
from the usual track of the Hestern traveller. Although forced by custom
to make the required social contacts l'Iith the members of the English com-
munit y in each major city, he also atteillpted to meet the ordinary citizens
and 50 gain a tr'uer picture of his surroundings. he regretted that in Con-
stantinople much of his time was "necessarily, though foolish1y, taken up
with ceremonious visits ta Ambassadors etc. __ ,,54 He did not generally re-
cord in deta il any of the converSd ti ons he had wi th the Turks or Greeks he
met. This is regrettable as he did meet notables like the archbishop of
Athens. He did hm'/ever recount one conversation with lia sensible Turk".
but makes the comment that "r.1Y questions (\>Jere not) in every respect such as
l 1 d . 1 h h d b 1155 wou nOloJ Wl s l t ey a een. .. . Ar.lOng other things, he \'/as in-
terested in knovling from this Turk the contents of the Grand Signor's lib-
rary, hoping to discover missing parts of Tacitus. Char1emont ' s interests
a1so lay in discovering ëlnd preservinl] inscriptions on the ruins he visited.
As his stated purpose for the journals was to provide his readers \Vith
an account of his travels, he has, for the most part, done so. He has also
justified his self-imposed title of antiquarian. On1y rare1y does he allow
himself to make direct references to current events in England and Ireland.
Presumably this was because he intended to allow only a limited circulation
of hi s fini shed \·wrk. He states cl ear1y on the tit1e page of the Greek
essays: "Hri tten for my OVin Amusement/ And for that of my Fri ends/ On1y
... No she1f, in open Stall, displays my Works,j Begrimed by Paws of Shoe:
Boys, (sic) of Jack Burkls."
Despite their l imited scope, these essays revefll Char1emont 1 s admi ration
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for such virtues as religious tolerance and freedofll of conscience. They also
demonstrate his openmindedness ln dealing with places and people unfamiliar
to himself. He appears willing to incorporate the beneficial aspects of
their various institutions into those of his o~m country. Charlemont also
shows himself to be sensitive to foreign customs, and quick to accuse ~Jester
ners of neglecting to understand people and customs beyond their immediate
ci rc 1 e.
The man who was to become the commander-in-chief of the Irish volunteers
is also the man of these journals. /\lthough ternpered by re-writing and
maturity, the steady and moderating character is perceptible in the pages of
his essays even at the young age of t~/enty-one. This continuity of character
is not a negative quality, fOI' here, as in later life, Charlemontls diverse
interests added to his appeal.
Cha rl emont returned to Ita ly a fter th; s ra ther l engthy tour. The ac
count of his time in Italy, as previous1y noted, ;s extreme1y sketchy. In
keeping \'Jith his penchant for journa1s it ~vould seem most probable that he
di d keep SOllle sort of record or notebook of observa t i ons on hi s 1; fe there.
His biographer Hardy states that such an account cannot be found. This,
a10ng with the 10ss of his Egyptian journal ~ is to be regretted.
Seing fluent in Italian, Charlernont v/as able to circulate with ease
among those whom Hardy descri bes as bei ng of "rank and fashlon. Il Charl e
montls love of literature is evident ,=ven at this time, as he included among
his social circle eminent !talian literary figures. At Turin, he renewed
his friendship with the Prince Royal of the House of Savoy and attended his
marriage. One of his c10sest friends in Italy \'Ias Lord Bruce with whom he
made short excursions, notably to Sienna and Lucca. Sometime in 1751
... ..
23.
Charlemont appears ta have moved his residence from Turin ta Rome, where
he spent the next two years. Hardy notes that he \<las one of the earliest
examples of an Englishrnan keeping a house for himself in that city.
Among the acquaintances Charlemont had while in Rome were the Car-
dinals Albani and Passionel and Pope Benedict the Fourteenth. There was
considerable intercourse between the Pope and himself in the course of
which each ac~uired an admiration and respect for the other. Charlemont
also met the French ambassador then resident, the duc de Nivernais. During
this time he developed a lasting friendshio with the marquis of Rockingham. 56
Their common political ground was a natural bond and this friendship was
one of the more important benefits which Charlemont took home to Ireland
with him. Towards the en~ of 1753 Charlemont was confined to Rome by a
"l ong and serious indisJosition." Throughout his life f,e vias periodically
incapacitated by variou'.i illnesses, but most profoundly by rheuillatism. By
t1arch 1754 he was able to travel again and spent the months until July
bet\Jeen Turin and Florence.
It appears that Charlemont had decided by now ta return home -- per-
haps because of his recent illness. His guardian, Adderley, wrote him at
Turin in early 1754 ta info'l:1 his ward that sorne of the boxes he had sent
ahead \Vere waiting for him at the customs house in Dublin. Hhile Charle-
mont was naturally concerned with the wcll-being of his goods, including
various artifacts he had collected, he was most likely Just as interested
in Adderley's ne~vs that Dublin had been in a turmail all that past \'JÏnter
wi th the governiTIen t be i ng Il pe l ted wi th li be l s . 1157
Charl emont l eft !ta ly sarnetime after July 1754 and travell ed ta France
by way of Spain. His travelling companion in France was Mr. Edward Elliott •
later Lord. They proceeded to Bordeaux intent on meeting j·;ontesquieu and
( 24.
indeed stayed at his estate for three days. Although still relatively
young, being on1y tvJenty-six Charl emont must have favourably impressed the
philosopher as the blo saI" each other frequently in Paris. In this city, as
in the other major cities he visited, Charlemont was in the company of the
foreign as well as native nobility. Among them here l'Jere Lord Albemarle who
had served under the duke of Cwnberland and l'las M.P. for Chichester, count
Poniatowski of Poland, il. de Nivernais, II/hom he had met in Italy along \I/ith
his father, the duc de Nevers, St. Palaye, He1vetius and the marquis de
!1irabeau. His stay in Paris \/as brief as he was back in England in 1755.
Almost immediately upon his return his involvement in politics began as he
assumed the role of negotiator, which role, a10ng with that of advocate, he
l'las ta repeat several times.
=
26.
1W.E. H. Lecky, A History of Ire1and in the Eighteenth Century New Edi-tian, London, 1892, p. 202.
2R•J . v:hite, Europe in the Eighteenth Century, New York, 1965, p. 23.
3\~hite, p. 129.
4J .C. Beckett, The Anglo-Irish Tradition, London, 1976~ p. 65.
5Seckett, p. 75.
60ictionary of National Biography, Oxford, 1959-60 reprint, Volume III, p. 1237.
7La\'wence J. rkCaffrey, lrcland: From Colony to !~ation State, Englewood Cliffs. Ne\'! Jersey, 1979, pp. 5, 6.
8r'laurice Crais, The Vo1unteer Earl, London, 1948, pp. 17,18.
9Cra i g, p. 24.
10Franci~ GoditJin James, lreland in the Empire, 1688-1770, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1973, p. 98 note 35.
11 Cra i 9, pp. 28, 29.
l2Samuel Burdy, Life of Philip Skelton, reprinted from the edition of 1792 with an introduction 6y Norman /.loore, Oxford, 1914, pp. 85,86.
13Francis Hardy, t'lemoirs of the Po1itica1 and Private Life of James Cau1feild, Earl of Charlernont, London, 1810, p. 6.
14Historical r·1anuscripts COlTimission, ;lemoirs and Carres ondence the Earl of Char1en:ont, Report 12, Appendix X. H,r,1.C. Rep. 2, p.
l51-U1. C. Rep. 1 2, p. 1 78.
16H•H•C• Rep. 12, p. 179.
17 Geoffrey Trease, The Grand Tour, London, 1967, p. 1.
18Jeremy Black, The British and The Grand Tour, London, 1985, p. 1.
19 5 H. M. C. Rep. 12, p. .
20Thomas \~. Copeland, ed., The Correspondence of EdlTlund Burke, Cambridge, 1960, volume II, p. 479.
21petrus Johannes Blok, 1\ History of the People of the r~etherlands, New York, 1970, volume 5, p. 114 and Bernard H.r·1. Vlekke, Evolution of the Outch Nation, New York, 1945, p. 264.
--------------
22Hardy, pp. 6,7.
23 H .r1. C. Rep. 12, p. 179.
24Encyclopedia Brittanica, 1910, volume l, pp. 97-105.
25S1ack, p. 166.
26Ha rdy, p. 7.
27 H • M • C. Rep. 1 3, p. 180.
28S1ack, p. 23.
27.
29John W. Croker, ed., The Life of Samuel Johnson, by James Boswell, New York, 1833, volume 2, p. 194.
30Ro:r'al Irish Academy, Chal~lemont r~anuscripts 12R5, (R.I.A. 12R5), volume 1, tit1e page of Char1emont ' s r~emoirs of the Turks.
31 W•8• Stanford and E.J. Finopou1os, eds., The T,'avels of Lord Char1emont in Gr~ece and Turkey, 1749, London, 1984, p. 3.
32 R. I.A. 12R5, ~. l.
33 R. I.A. 12R5, p. 2.
34 R. I.A. 12R5, p. 3.
35R• I.A. 12R5, p. 4.
36 R. I.A. 12R5, p. 7.
37 R.I.A. 12R5, p. 133.
38 R.I.A. 12R5, p. 121.
39Roya1 Irish Academy, Charlemont Hanuscripts 12-2-6,(R.I.A. 12-2-61, p. 20.
40 R. I.A. 12-2-6, p. 22 verso.
41 R. I.A. 12-2-6, p. 24.
42 R. I.A. 12-2-6, p. 46
43Stanford, p. 108.
44Stanford, p. 113.
45The terrn 1 Va i vade 1 or 1 Hay\'lode 1 referred to a 1 eader of an a rmy. Originallya Slavic title it was also given to sorne inferior Turkish officers.
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f 46Stanford, p. 129.
47Stanford, p. 165.
48S t'll1ford, p. 170.
49Stanford, p. 21 b.
50Sta nford, p. 181.
G1 Stanford, P!J • 192, 193.
52Stanford, pp. 134, 135.
53Stanford, pp. 201, 202.
54Stan ford, p. 176.
55Sta nford, p. 177.
56Hardy, p. 26.
57 H.r1. C. Rep. 12, p. 191.
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30.
Political events in Dublin during the l750s played an important role
in solidifying Charlemont's predisposition towards whig politics. A con
flict arose within the government of Ireland beginning in the autumn of 1753
which centred around Henry Boyle, speaker of the house of commons. The
primate of Ireland, George Stone, was intent on using his influence with
the other faction in the house, under the leadership of John Ponsonby, to
oust Boyl e from the speakershi p. Hi s purpose was to replace Boyl e with
Ponsonby and then, wi th the a; d of the Ponsonby' s, manage the commons.
Boyle was determined to defend his position and took his stand on the issue
of the commons' control over finance.
Although precedent supported the right of the king to claim any sur
plus from the treasury, Boyle and his backers succeeded in having the bill
with the clause of consent to the crown defeated. The result of this was
the dismissal of the leading placeholders who had defeated the bill, and
the eventual installation of Ponsonby as speaker. Dublin had reacted
favourably to the bill's defeat and the king wanted to be assured of the
new gover'nment's ability to obtain a majority in parliament. The lord
lieutenant. the duke of Dorset, who had supported Stone, was replaced.
Boy1 e and the others \;,ho had been di smi ssed were compensated; and Stone,
whom Henry Fox described as "a fa1se, artful, meddl il1g priest" was dropped
frolll favour. 1
The biographer Hardy ascribes to Charlemont the role of mediator be
tween Boyle, who was Charlemont's cousin, and primate Stone subsequent to
this play for power. Charlemont thus assumed the role of mediator which
he continued to play for the rest of his life. It proved to be a role
31.
suited to his temperament and his long time abroad had kept him apart fram
the feuds and animosities of recent years He could rise above the "evil
tendency of these i nterested broil s. Il Noreover, he !lad interests on both
sides. Charlemont believed that although Boyle appeared ta have been in
opposition to the government out of a feeling of patriotism, his actions
stemmed ";n fact from the private motive of keeping out of the hands of
Stone ,,2 Yet Charlemont l'las only involved as intermediary at a per-
sonal rather than a political level in this affair, as he claims that he was
unaware of the emoluments which were negotiated as compensation at the same
time. This event convinced him that "the mas" of patriotism is often as
sumed ta disguise self-interest and ambition, and that the paths of violent
oppositions are tao frequently trod as the nearest and surest road to office
and emol ument. 113
Charlemont reflected in his diary that the events of 1753 had shawn
that the government might be opposed and with success. The people, he be
lieved, had begun ta think about the difference between political freedom
and servitude -- "a reflection which for many years had been overlooked, or
wholly absorbed in the mobbish misconception of Whig principle."4 The Irish
had been taught that there \~as more in the character of a whig than "implicit
loyalty to king George, a destation of the Pretender, and a fervent zeal for
the Hanover succession .... In a word, Irishmen were taught to think, a
lesson which is the first and most necessary step to the acquirement of
liberty."5 Charlemont then, If:;ry soon after his return from the Continent,
confirmed his opiniop. t~~t in Ireland a permanent and respectable opposition
to fjovernment was neLessary to i ts pol; ti ca 1 we ll-bei ng.
Although he had returned to Eng1and by 1755, Charlemont did not go
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immediately to Ireland. In March of 1755 Adderley informed Charlemont of
his opinion that if his \'Jard intended to remain in England for any length of
time, he would do well ta cultivate friendships with the 1I\'lOrthy and ingenu
ous men there. 1I6 Maintaining a residence in both Dublin and London gave
Charlemont access to the men of politica1 anJ artistic importance in Eng
land and Ireland. While his social position guaranteed hinl a certain level
of acceptance, it was his own character and merits that maintained and en-
hanced that level and upon which his friendships were based.
One such friendship was with the artist William Hogarth. It is not
known when they first met, but Hogarth was commis51oned to paint two por
traits of Charlemont. The first, shows the then viscount at the age of
thirteen with his mother. 7 The second portrait, begun after Charlemont's
return from his travels, is unfinished. Of this latter portrait Charlemont
wrote to Hogarth in 1759 from his house in Mount Street expressing his re
gret that he was too busy to sit for the artist as he was leaving shortly
for Ireland. He expected to be back in London early in the new year. He
also informed the artist that he was unable to pay him for another work he
was doing, but that if Hogarth was in need of it he would arrange for the
money to be sent from Ireland. 8 In January Charlemont wrote again send;ng
100 pounds in payment. He realized that the sum was not adequate but sug
gested that the artist consider it representative of Charlemont's ability to
pay and not of Hogarth's artistic merits. IIImagine that you have made me a
Present of the Picture, for 11tterally (sic) as such 1 take it, and that 1
have beg'd your Acceptance of the inclosed Trifle -- As this is really the
case 119
The relationship between the two men was not limited to this exchange.
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33.
Presumab1y Hogarth p1ayed a part in advising Char1emont on his purchases of
art. Late in November 1758 Char1emont bought a painting attributed to
Rubens -- 1I01d Man's Head" -- of which Hogarth, upon seeing it, seemed to
approve. The next day however he sent his friend a 1etter declaring his be-
1 ief that the painting was a forgery. Char1 emont kept thi s letter because
he bel i eved it i llustrated "the singular Humour of that great and truely
(sic) original Genius Il ...
Novbr 26 1758
My Lord,
1 endeavour'd in vain last night to get the Tradigy 1 promis'd to send or bring your (lord)ship this morning however 1 will try for the Authors consent ta bring it. and 1 do not absolutely despair of success. 1 do not think there is any kind of i11 nature in Enjoying su ch a mans fo11ies. by the way my Lord 1 have Something upon my conscience to disburthen if that head l saw yesterday 1S not done as follows 1 am mistaken. Recipe an old bit of coarse cloth and Portray an old bearded Beggars head upon it with the features much in shaddow make the eye red and row some slurrs of the Pencill by way of freedom in the card and band clap a vast spash of light upon tne forehead from which gradate by degrees from the Blacking ~ot, varnish it well, and lt will do for Langford of Prestage. 1 scarce ever knew a fizmonger who did not succeed in one of these masterpieces. one old Peters famous for 01d Picture making, used to say, even ln comtempt of those easiest parts of Rubens productions that he could sh-t old mens Heads with ease consider my lord he was a dutchman.
1 am my Lord your rnost obd humble Svt. W: Hogarth lO
Hogarth, besides advising Charlemont on his purchases, also chose a
folio of his own prints which Charlemont desired to pu~chase.ll In February
1757 Hogarth had announced his intention to abandon painting comie histories.
Charlemont approach hirn some time after this and co~vinced him ta accept a
commisslon to paint one more of these for himself. He left the theme and
/
34.
priee to Hogarth. The result was IIThe Lad,yls Last Stake. 1I Although Charle
mont was either unwilling or unable to pay Hogarth its true value -- the
latter is more probable -- he retained the artistls respect. Years later
r1rs. Hogarth wrote to Lord Charlemont stating that her husband "a1ways used
to mention, with the greatest pleasure and gratitude, the honour of that
friendship your lordship eonferred on him, with that ease, and politeness,
peculiar to yourself; and 1 ean say with the greatest truth, that, the kind
manner you always behaved to him, was the highest pleasure he felt, in the
close of his 1ife."12
While Charlemont was indeed financially secure, his inability ta pay
Hogarth more than 100 pounds suggests that cash \"as not always ready at
hand. Certainly he had the means ta travel and to pursue his passion for
collecting artistic and literary warks. Perhaps Charlement is to be believ
ed when he says that this \"as a case of his l'having \'Jrong calculated my
expenses Il ra ther than hi s bei n9 pars imonious.
Charlemont took great pleasure in pursuing his literary interests.
This included collecting books for his library. He did not hesitate ta ask
his friends to make purchases on his behalf if they came upon volumes which
he was looking for. Charlemont appealed frequently to one friend in par
ticular, Edmond Malone. Besides the comnon interest in rare volumes they
enjoyed discussing Shakespeare.
In a letter ta Charlemont dated London April 5, 1779 Malone writes
that he nad been busy buying ald plays for him and had approximately 120
"rare old quartos tl \'/hich he \'/ould have bound and sent oVt::r to Dublin. He
adds that he is continuing his own works on Shakespeare, and goes on to
discuss sorne of the works ~/hich he credits to the Elizabethan author and
l
35.
points out some that he bel ieves \'1ere written by others. "~Jhen l come to
print 'Pericles', l shall avail myself of your conjecture in the last act,
and 1 hope you will allow me ta have the credit of mentioning to whom 1 am
indebted for 50 happy an illustration. ,,13 Previous to this Charlemont had
written his "dear i~edll, praising his work. IIThe history of man is on all
hands allovJed to be the most important study of the human mind, and what
is your chronological account of the writings of Shakespeare other than the
history of the progress of the greatest genius that ever honoured and de-
l ighted human nature?1I14 He notes that he had IIl ong since" read Robert
Greene's play, published in 1598, but was unable to see any resemblance to
"/\ T1idsummer Night's Dream." Charlemont requested that t1alone look for
first quartas of specifie works of Spenser, which would then make his edi
tion comolete.
Charlemont's literary interests went beyond Spenser and Shakespeare.
His library \'Jas sold in 1865 by Sotheby's after the death of his son, the
second earl of Charlemont. It seems as though sorne of the library remained
or was not included at this time as there is a record of a second sale in
1892 after the third earl's death. This second sale included many presenta
tion books to the first earl from his literary contemporaries like Piranesi,
Horace ~!alpole, Edmond Malone, Leland, and Henry Brooke. 14 The catalogue
for the sale, which began on la July 1865 and continued for the next seven
days, lists 2477 items. 16
As was common during the eighteenth century, Charlemont belonged to
several clubs in London. One of these was the Society of the Dilettanti.
Another \'/hich also reflected his interests was simp1y cal1ed "The Club."
It was founded in 1764 by sir Joshua Reynolds and Dr. Samuel Johnson. In
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1772 the members agreed to dine together once every two weeks while parlia
ment was sitting. It was a sInall group, originally twelve, whose numbers
increased only gradually until in 1780 it had thirty-five members and it
was resol ved never ta exceed fort y . They met origina 11y at the Turk' s Head
in Gerrard Street until 1783. After this they occupied a succession of
places unti1 finally they sett1ed at the Thatched House in St. James' Street
in 1799. 17
On Friday April 30, 1773 Boswe11 dined with Dr. Johnson at Topham Eeau
clerk's where he met Charlemant, Reynolds and other members of this
"L iterary Club. Il Boswell was being voted upon that evening as a candidate
to join their society. Later tilat year Beauclerk wrote Charlemont lament
ing the fact that the club \A/as in a "miserable state of decay" in the lat
ter's absence and that it would most likely expire unless he came saon ta
relieve it. Beauclerk sounded as though he believed Charlemont had his
priorities confused l'ihen he \'Jrote in his letter, "1 suppose your confounded
Irish politics take ur your \'Jhole attention at present." 18
The discussion at these dinners must have been interesting if not stimu
lating \'Iith such a variety of talents represented. Indeed Boswell suggested
that if their club could form a university in St. Andrew's and each was to
teach his specialty, then they would rebuild that city and dra\'J a "wonder
ful concourse of students." 19 While Charlemont enjoyed the meals and their
accompanying conversations, he believed that what was said during the even
ing should go no further. Boswell had published a conversation between Dr.
Johnson and Charlemont and the earl was far from pleased even though it was
on a trivial matter. He IIthought the whole plan of r~r. Boswell's l'JOrk in
compatible with the freedom and indeed sacredness of social intercourse.,,20
This response on the part of Charlemont is characteristic of his sense of
37.
propriety.
Along with his interest in art and 1iterature Char1emont was a1so ex
panding his po1itica1 know1edge at this time. When not attending the par1ia
mentary debates in person, either in Dublin or London, he always remained
informed through the attendance and correspondence of his friends. Char1e
mont may have wanted to return to Dublin during this period of the late
1750s, but ill-health kept him from so doing. He was repeatedly stricken
with rheumatism and upon his return to England in 1755 was virtually in
capacitated for two and a hdlf years. After suffering through a succession
of physicians and treatments he made the acquaintance of Dr. Charles Lucas
who was to serve him for many years.
Lucas was a fervent Irish patriot who began his career as such in 1735
when he published a pamphlet attacking the fraud in pharmaceutica1s which
led to the passage of an inspection act. He continued in the se1f-appointed
ro1e of ombudsman when he accused the board of a1dermen of usurping the
pm'lers of the council of Dublin. In 1748 he was proclaimed an enemy of his
country; he fled to London, and from there to the Continent. His disen
franchisement was lifted in 1760. Although he was neither a great orator,
nor a great pamphleteer, his importance lay in his ability to keep matters
of general importance before the public. 2l
Charlemont blamed his own reluctance to speak in the house of lords
from this period of illness. It had kept hirn from attending the debates,
and th en when able he found that he had lost the youthful nerve to speak in
public. As proof of his willingness to make his views on important issues
known, 'as well as of his early desire to achieve constitutional elnancipation
from England, Char1emont makes a point in his memoirs of describing a scheme
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38.
he had devised to bring these matters to a head. He and an unnamed friend
had formulated a fictitious la\" suit which Charlemont was to appeal to the
lords of Ireland. He foresaw its coming to trial because the lords had
never relinquished their right of judicature, but rather "had strongly and
nobly protested against (its) abrogation." 22 This law suit would force
the issue of who had judicial authority in Ireland. The plan was never car
ried out and Charlemont acknowledged in retrospect that the time had not
been right for such a move.
When George III ascended the throne in 1760 England was in the midst
of the Seven Years' War, and the tide had begun to turn in her favour. A
little closer to home, other matters were claiming the attention of the new
monarch. He had decided on the necessity of rnarriage and had chosen
Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Stre1itz as his wife.
The occasion of the royal \'Jedding gave Char1emont a vehic1e by which
he could demonstrate his \'Jillingness to act on Ireland's behalf. It was
an instance of appare~t triviality but of great imoortance in princip1e,
involving the right of the Irish peerage ta walk in the procession at the
marriage of George III. This right was to be denied them and the peeresses
in London appealed to CharlenJont. He was sensible to the fact that "any
degradation of her oeerage \lias in effect a dishonour to Ireland .. ,,,23
Charlemont first tried to engage the other Irish peers then in London
to assist in this task but found them unwilling ta risk alienating the
king. On1y George Brodrick, viscount r~id1eton rallied to the cause. They
took the matter to the ear1 of Halifax who had recent1y been appointed
lord-lieutenant of Ireland, who in turn presented the affair to the king.
George III was wi11ing to allow the right, provided precedent could be
39.
found; he gave them until the following morning to do 50, when the argu-
ment would be presented ta a eounei1 for its deeision. Char1emont then was
pressed to provide sueh arguments as wou1d convince the opponents. He de
cided to apply to John Perceval, earl of Egmont with whom he was well ac
quainted. Egmont, despite the early morning visit of Charlemont, was
pleased to assist him. Char1emont had chosen an able ally. Egmont had
written a pamphlet on the precedency of t~e Irish peerage in England and
thus was able to suppl y him with a strong list of instances. The matter
was finally settled in favour of the Irish peeresses only after a division
in the council referred the ~atter back to the king. 24
In 1764 Charlemont wrote to an unidentified lady that he had been i11
again and longed to be able to pursue a more active life. He asserted
that action, even turbulent acticn, \'1as better than inaction. Inactivity,
he continued, leads to a dead calm in which "the soul loses the pleasure of
exercising its principal function." The influence of En1ightenment tbought
is evident when he declared bis belief to ber that frequent storms are
needed to purify the air and that ~lature had not intended man to be content,
but rather co look ever on, to hope for qreater perfection. 25 This desire
to be active continued throughout Charlemont's life, and when periodically
unable to be 50 because of recurring attacks of rheumatism, he maintained
his involvement in Irish affairs and life in general through correspandence
with his friends.
ft was not uncommon in the eighteenth century for the Irish nobility
to movt= ta Eng1 and permanent1y and Cha rl emont woul d have appeared justifi ed
in fo l1'm'li ng tne examp le of others. He di d keep ares i dence in London un-I
til 1773 .. Up until that point he usually spent the manths between sessions
of the Irish parliament in London. Charlp~ont admitted that the idea of
40.
residing permanently outside of his native country was appealing simply
because, with the exception of Richard Marlay, all his friends and acquaint
ances were Englishmen. This is a slight exaggeration but certainly he did
have a large circle of friends in England whose company he missed.
Realizing how strongly he was pulled towards England, Charlemont was
determined to provide an excuse for a more direct attachment to Ireland and
subsequently began to improve his new estate at Marino on the outskirts of
Dublin. It was purchased about 1755 on advice from 11r. Adderley.
Charlemont was quite adamant in stating his belief that residence in
his O\'m country l'las the first of all political duties, without which the
others were impractical. "Let it not be said that Ireland can be served
in England. It never l'las ... The Irishman in London, long before he has
lost his brogue, loses or casts away all Irish ideas, and from a natural
wish to obtain the goodwill of those with whom he associates, becomes in
effect, a partial Englishman./I He continued to elucidate his views on
this. One must act for the universal good, he conceded, but, he argued,
this l'las usually accomplished by contributing to the prosperity of one's
own country from \'Iithin that country. /l1~hat can the unconnected Irishman
perform in England? Whatever his consequence mRy be at home, it is lost
in the vast circle of English importance. The resident Irishman may be of
consequence even in England. The Engl ish Irishman never can./l26 With this
as his credo, it comes as no surprise that Charlement chose to make Ire
land his permanent home and to involve himself in her affairs.
{
1
(
'J.C. Beckbtt, A History of Modern Ireland, 2nd edition, London, 1981, pp. 193, 194.
2Historical ilanuscripts Commi s~; on, Reeort 12, AEpendix X, (H J~. C. Rep. 12), p. 5.
3 H.t1. C. Rer· 12, p. 6.
4 H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 7.
5 H.~1.C. Rep. 12, p. 7.
6 H.H.C. Rep. 12, p. 208.
42.
7r'laurice Craig, The Volunteer Earl, London, 1948, pp.23, 36 note 9.
8Sritish Library, Additional r~anuscripts (Add. r'1ss.) 22,394, Subscribers Names to Hogarth's Four Prints of an Election Ec. 1754, Folio 33. Letter from Charlemont to Hogarth, Mount Street, 19th August, 1753.
9British Library, Add. f/1ss. 22, 394, Folio 35. Letter from Charle-mont to Hogarth, Dublin 29th January 1760.
10Sritish Library, Add. r'~ss. 40, 015 D, r1iscel1aneous Letters and Papers.
11Ronald Paulson, Hogarth: His l ife, Art and Times, New Haven Connecticut, 1971, p. 266. One of the major collections of Hogarth's work is at the Fitzwi 11 iam fv1u seum, Cambridge. The twenty-four vo l urnes of mounted prints, including an immense collection of piratings and copies, are the collection of J.R. Joly of Dub1;n. The f1V'st two volumes are Lord Charlel:lOnt's Collection, formeà by Hogarth himself, with not very accurate data in Charlemont's handvJriting. (Paulson, p. 73).
12paulson, p. 279. Quoted from H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 388, 1etter dated 30th Ju1y 1781.
13H.i~.C. Rep. 12, p. 343.
14 H.t~.C. Rep. 12, p. 339.
15The Irish Book Lover, volume (13-14), August 1921 - December 1924.
16See Appendix l for some of the items listed for sale.
17James Croker, ed., The Life of Samuel Johnson by James Boswell, New York 1833, p. 533.
18 Croker. p. 227.
43.
19Croker, p. 357. Boswell suggested the following rnernbers teach what he considered to be tlleir specialties at their university. Boswell wou1d teach civil and Scottish law; Burke - Po1iticks (sic) and eloquence; Langton - Greek; Colman - Latin; Nugent - Physick (sic); lord Chdr1emont - modern history; Beauclerk - natural philosophy; Vesey - Irish antiquities and Ce1tick (sic) learning; Jones - Oriental 1earning; Goldsmith - poetry and ancient history; Charnier - commercial politicks (sie); Reynolds - painting and the arts which have beauty for their object; Percy - practical divinity and British antiquities; Chambers - Eng1ish law; and Dr. Johnson would teach logick (sic), metaphysicks (sie), scholastick (sic) divinity. Bos\'Jell noted that they were 1acking only a m~the-mati ci an.
20Francis Hardy, ~·lemoirs of the po1itical and private lire of James Cau1feild, 1810, p. 401.
2l0ictionaryof National Biography, Oxford, 1959-60 reprint, vol. XII, pr. 231-234.
22 C R 12 8 H.M.. ep. ,p. .
23 H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 16.
24H.t~. C. Rep. 1 2, p. 1 7 .
2SChar1emont Correspondence, arranged by Edward Groves, 1825, Series I, 1 etter no. 3.
26 H. r~. C. Rep. 12, p. 1 5.
... .. 45 •
Charlemont, at the age of 50, was a man who enjoyed a wide circle of
friends, both in the social and political worlds of the time. He included
among his friends such men as Edmund Burke, Dr. Samuel Johnson, and the
artist William Hogarth. Despite associating with these and other very public
figures, he preferred ta maintain a certain amount of anonymity. This was
especially so in politics where he allowed others to become the focus of
attention. Perhaps this was because he was quite aware of his position in
Ireland and wanted to preserve a sense of interested neutrallty. He may be
considered Ireland's first gentleman; certainly the knowledge gained from
his travels, his character and his friends had combined ta give him a place
of respect in Treland.
However much he may have wished to remain in the background of Irish
affairs, Charlemont found himself taking a central role in political events
when, in 1778, he was made titular head of a military association. For at
least the next hülf-decade this position was to occupy his energies almost
entirely. The occasion which pulled him into this role was the reappearance
of the Irish volunteers in the third year of the American War of Independence.
The English garrisons stationed in Ireland had been sent overseas to
fight. Although this left Ireland without a defensive force there were no
imminent threats to its security. This situation changed when France,
Spain and then Holland entered the war on the American side. Ireland was
ob',liously vulnerable to invasion; this was a condition which Britain did
not pave the manpower to rectify. Thi s was not an unprecedented occurrence
for t:le Irish. They had faced similar circumstances during the War of the
Austrian Succession. The people of Ulster had organized themselves into
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volunteer companies against a rumoured attack by Charles, the Pretender
to the British throne. 1 A more serious threat presented itself during the
Seven Ye~rs' War.
There had been rumours of a French invasion in 1756. Samuel B1acker,
a correspondent of Charlemont's, wrote him frow Tandragee, county Armagh
in April of that year stating that now was the time to show patriotism in
the protection of king and country against the French. He a150 expre5sed
his opinion that if Ireland were to be attacked it would be by enemies
from withi n the cou ntry "who are bred up with the not i ons of Eternù 1 Sa 1-
vation by the Utter annihilation of Protestants. lts (sic) against these
home Enemies we are to arm ... 2 Three years later the war \'Jith France \'/as
continuing ta have its effect on Ireland. ~Jriting from Whitehall in June
1759 Richard Rigby informed Charlemont of the duke of Bedford's plan ta
augment some of the foot battalions ta be kept in Ulster for three years
or until the end of the war. He a1so lnquired whether or not Charlemont
was one of the noblemen willing to undertake the expense (of raising a
troop).3
Farrell, an Irishman in the service of the French who had assumed
the name of Thurot, made an invasion attempt upon Ire1and in 1760. ~e
landed at Carrickfergus and forced the garrison there to surrender. He
then demanded and received an indemnity of food and money from Belfast.
Encouraged by thi s he decided to i nvade tha t city and extort a ransom.
His plans were thwarted by the arrival of some 3,000 volunteer troops.
These were joined by others to make a total fc,rce of 5,420 from the
counties of Antrim, Dawn and Armagh and were successful in forcing Thurot
ta beat a retreat and depart the port. The account of the invasion in
',. '.,
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47.
the Annual Register for 1760 eulogized the French commander. "This sole in-
sult in our coasts was severely punished; and not a vessel concerned in it
excaped. The public indeed lamented the death of the brave Thuret, who
even whilst he commanded a privateer, fought less for plunder than honour;
whose behaviour was on all occasions full of humanity and generosity; and
whose undaunted courage raised him te rank, and merited distinctien." 4
The ability of the protestants to raise troops so quickly demonstrated
their willingness to come to Ireland's dpfense when needed. These were
local men, armed and equipped at their own expense. When Lord Charlemont
arrived in Carrickfergus after Belfast had been successfully defended, the
assembled companies were drawn into formation and paraded before him. Some
carried as arms old firelocks, but most were armed only with a Lochaber
axe, which was made by affixing a scythe to the end of a pole.
Charlemont had felt it incumbent upon him as lieutenant of Armagh to
proceed to Belfast from his residence in Dublin to help ageinst the in
vasion threat. There he was given the task of acting as escort for one of
the French prisoners. The wounded leader Flobert had been entrusted to
Charlemont's care while he was transported to England. The earl's opinion
of the people's reaction ta the threat to their security was a positive
one. He believed that they showed an ability to be formed into organized
troops and to abey commands with loyalty.5 Althou9~ these volunteer as
sociations may not have looked like effective defensive forces, they had
proven themsel ves on thi s occasion. Of equa l importance was the fact that
the framework was in position to ceunter any further invaSlon threats.
Therèfore in 1778 when Ireland found itself again without adequate protec-
tian from the Crown's forces, these associations were able to fill the void
48.
wh en Cà 11 ed upon to do so by thei r commanders.
In 1763 there were disturbances again in the North, but this time
caused by int~rnal problems. In Ulster, the protestants and dissenters,
or presbyterians, led insurrections in protest of the way the clergy of the
establ ished church were collecting their tit~E:S c'\nd of the heavy taxes im
posed to pay for the construct ;cp and upkeep of the roads. 6 Cha rl emont in
his memoii's, explains the situation and supports the feelings of the
-:en,:;Iro:r.y \,I-iel- rotivated them to action. While he did not deny the need
fcr collecting tithes and taxes, he believed the (eaple should be properly
informed of decisions made on their t/?!/t;lf and that the tenilnts should see
their money beir.g put to proper use.
Ri ots had broken out under the l eadershi li of thr- pfctestant Oakboys
and Charlemont again felt it his c.:uty as li~utero(l't of the county of Armagh
to go to the area and attempt to assist in quelling the actioi1. From
Newry he wrote George Stone, the archbishop of .A.rmagh requesting further
aid in the form of troops. TI11S show of force coupled with the arrest of
the ringleaders succeeded in quietening the atmosphere in the North. In
recognition of t.he role played uJ C;Iè.I·lc:ront, the new lord-lieutenant,
the Earl of Nortll'l'1lJeY'l(.1r,c! 1 cminated him for Elevation from viscount to
Earl of Charlemont. Charlemont thought that the services he had rendered
had only been his dut Y to perform. In accepting, he "'él!tl:d it to be made
part of the patent for the promotion that it was given in recognition of
service and was not a favour C0nler.r~,: I_~. the government. "I thought i t
indispensably ·le':t!~(" ... "-_: ~(, ~.t:pulate with the lord lieutenant that my
acceptance should not be construed hto the smallest intention OT SlIfrl')-
-.t;~ rT,y parliamentary conduct to be in any degree influenced, which 1
t, 49.
positively declared shou1d be as free as ever." 7
The political atmosphere of Ireland in the latter half of the eigh
teenth century had begun ta shift tm'/ards greater activity. The decade
beginning in 1760 sa~" a growing concreteness ta the d~mands of the patriots.
They had three major polltical aims: a greater control of the budget by
the Irish house of commons, more frequent par1iamentary electians, and ta
reduce the patronage of the Castle and the number of crown pensions
given. 8 From 1763 onwards the Irish house of commons began to press for a
Habeas Corpus Act and a bill limiting the length of par1iament. In 1765
a bill securing the tenure of Irish judges during good behaviour was added.
As the Irish parliament had no fixed period of tenure, save the life of
the king, an Octennial Act was passed in 1768 which secured an election for
the Iri sh parl i ament every ei ght yea rs.
Since Lord Charlemont and hlS friends kept each other apprised of
par1 iamentary debates and affa i rs through thei r correspondence, it was not
unnatural -For him to write Her''-j Flood and include a report on a recent de
bate in the English house of commons he1d on 12 March 1766. The matter
under discussion was a bill limiting the number of Irish ports from which
wool could be exported and limiting the number in England through which it
could be imported. "Burke supported the cause of Ireland in the ITIost mas
terly manner and the bill was rejected. ,,8 This issue of free trade was
one which \'las later taken up by the volunteers. Ireland's economy was suf
fering under the restrictions imposed upon her by England. Even more ga1-
ling v-Ias Englùnd's apparent inability to realize that what benefitted Ire
land benefitted her as well.
A money bill in 1769 was rejected by the Irish house of commons because
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it had not originated with them. Lord Townshend, the lord-lieutenant,
wanted par1iament prorogued because of this breach of Poyning's Law, which
declared that no bill could be brought into the Irish parliament without
the consent of its Eng1 ish courterpart through the office of the lord
lieutenant. Over the centuri es this 1 aiV had become more symbo1 ic than ac
tua1, because the Irish parliament was able to 1egis1ate quite freely on
internal matters. 10 Lord Char1emont with Flood and the lords Louth, ~lount
morres, Powerscourt and Longford signed a protest to the lord-1ieutenant ' s
proposal. Despite the opposition to the move, par1 iament was prorogued
until 26 February 1771." The action on the part of the hou~ê of commons
was indicative of the growing desire to be 1egislative1y independent of
Britain. This independence was to be acquired de jure and not simp1y ac
cepted without 1egal backing.
The growing turmoil in the American colonies, although distant, was
not totally removed from the experience of many of the Irish. Benjamin
Franklin vislted Dublin in 1771 and expressed his hope that "our growing
weight might in time be thrO\'In into their scale, by joining our interest
to theirs(there) might be obtained for them as well as for us, a more
equitable treatment from (England).,d2 The American conflict still in
vo1ved litt1e more than the sympathies of the Irish protestants who, see
ing similarities to their own relationship with Britain were inclined to
favour the American cause. Char1emont ' s views were much like those of
the Rockingham whigs with whom he associated. His corrl?spondence with
Burke and Rocklngham kept him apprised of their sentiments. 13 In his
memoirs, Charlemont notes that the major objective of Lord Townshend's
vi ceroya 1 ty was to get parl i amentary approva 1 to i ncrease the standi ng
51.
army. Despite the support within Ireland for the colonies, the Irish
parliament voted money to aid Britain in its efforts there. Char1emont did
not support using Britlsh troops to fight in America because he was not con
vinced that the co10nists ' cause was wrong. 14
The American Revolution and the increasing unrest in Ire1and gave the
whigs in opposition sufficient power so that the government was forced to
1isten and to begin to make concessions, especially to Ireland. Yet Lord
North's ministry made an effort to treat the Irish in a generous manner.
North's wi11ingness to negotiate was amp1ified by a fear of a repetition of
the Ar.lericùn examp1e, and a fear of an invasion \'Jhen France open1y support
ed the Americans beginning in 1778. It was evident that the opposition
in England was willing to support the Irish in their demands and to keep
the issues before the house. The marquis of Rockingham drew the para11~1
between the American and Irish situations wh en in 1779 he said that the
American war had started with addresses and petitions fo1lowed by non
importation agreements. He stated further that many were of the opinion
that Ire1and had been p1aced in a situation that justified resistance.
Meanwhile the danger of a French invasion gave rise to a force 1ike
that which had greeted Thurot in 1760. With the regu1ar forces out of the
country, and being without an adequate militia, the Irish responded by form
ing volun~eers of Home Guards. The Irish had taken up arms for home de
fense, but having done so, as Rockingham found out, they might be engaged
"for the purpose of resisting the oppressions of the British government." 15
The volunteer movement began a1most simu1taneous1y in Wexford and Bel
fast in 1779. They divided themselves into companies, each with its own
uniform, munitions and commanders. The various guilds and professional
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classes, including the lawyers of Dublin, formed companies. Many were com
posed of tenants, with their landlords serving as officers. A1though the
roman catholics were not permitted by the penal laws to bear arms, they did
contribute financia11y to the movement, and later some even joined the ranks.
The roman catholics of Limerick presented 800 pounds to the volunteers '
treasury.16
The need for a resident defensive force had become ap~arent again in
1778-79. Charlemont was one of the few members of the aristocracy who gave
their support to the movement before it gained any degree of government ap
probation. After 1779 the movement spread quickly and gained popular appeal.
Char1emont ' s invo1v~~ent at its earliest stages is indicative of his desire
to act for Ireland's benefit. He believed strongly in his country's right
to defend itself and did not hesitate to involve himself. 17 In May 1779
the lord-lieutenant estimated the volunteer numbers as being less than
8000, and sorne of these were without arms. 18 From thp beginning ot this
stage of volunteering, the desire to be seen as the de facto defense of
Ireland was evident. As the corps assumed uniforms they were trained in
military manoeuvres. The leaders of the various units were assisted in
training by Irishmen returning from fighting in America. 19
It was a natural progression for the volunteers to take up tne cause
of the patriot party. The belief in th~ necessity to defend Ireland was one
that was easily expanded to include, not simply a physica1 defense, but one
of honour as well. In certain regions of Ireland the political character of
the volunteers was apparent almost from it5 emergence in 1778-79. This was
particularly 50 in the areas with pockets of protestant inhabitants, notably
Wexford, Cork and Ulster.
A society was formed in Dublin in 1779 which hld uùvious political
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overtones, considering its membership. It went by the title of the IIMonks
of the Order of St. Patrick ll or more commonly, IIThe r~onks of the Screw. 1I
Although it was still in existence after the conventions at Dungannon and
Dublin, like the volunteers themselves its membership soon dwindled. From
what little is known of this organization it appears to have been a hybrid
of Francis Dashwood's IIHell Fire Club" and of those who met at the "Thatched
House" in London.
The Hell Fire Club with its meeting-place of Î'ledmenham Abbey has long
given rise to rumours of its activities. These allegedly ranged from devil
worship to the ravishing of virgins. No such imaginlngs exist of the Nonks
of the Screw. Similarities with the Hell Fire Club are limited to the use
of monk's garb for the meetings and a liberal attitude toward the consump
tion of alcohol. Charlemont, a member of the Monks of the Screw, knew Dash-
wood from another social ensemble the Dilettanti Soc1ety -- which lS
still in existence. 20 Membership in this latter circle was based on having
travelled in Italy. It \'/as formed in 1734 by a group of gentlemen essen
tially as a dining club. Over the next two years it developed into a club
with the aim of fostering a love of art. The majority of its or1ginal mem
bers were young noblemen or men of wealth and position who had recently re
turned from their Continental travels. Sorne of these were: Charles Sack
ville, the duke of Dorset, t~e honourable William Ponsonby, Richard Gren
ville, the earl of Temple, Rev. Arthur Smith, archbishop of Dublin, Mr.
William Fauquier, a banker and director of the South Sea Company, Henry
Harris, the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod in Ireland, Peter Delme, the
lord mayor of London and sir Hugh Stimson, the duke of Northumberland and
l ord-l i eutenant of 1 re 1 and. On thei r return to London they \'Jere eager Il not
only to compare notes of their experiences and acquisitions, but also to be
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regarded as arbiters of taste and culture in thei r native country. 1121
The Thatched House is a 1 ittle more difficul t ta document. There was
a tavern on St. James street in London known as the Thatched House taverne
It was frequented by Dashwood and hi!> circle. 22 It was also a meeting place
for a number of Char1emont ' s friends. From his correspondence it appears
that many of the opposition in Westminster met at this tavern to discuss
parliamentary affairs and strategies. On Tuesday May 8, 1769 Edmund Burke
wrote ta Lord Charl emont informing him of a recent debate in the house and
concluded by saying that all of the minority \'/ere dining together at the
Thatched House. Burke 1 isted sorne of those who had spoken against the
motion. These included Lord John Cavendish, Dowdeswel1, vJedderburn, G1ynn,
Cornewall, Seymour, Beckford. Barre, Grenville, sir G. Saville, Edmund
Burke and Whitworth. Lord t~ountmorres wrote Charl emant on the foll owing
Saturday, ;'1ay 11, at the request of Lord Rockingham also to inform him of
the recent proceedings in the house. r'1ountmorres mentions as well that he
would be dining at the Thatched House and that he hoped to do the same on
the day preceding the meeting next session. He further expressed his hope
that the subdivisions of the minority would be "consolidated into one grand
constitutional party .1123
The f~onks of the Screw have been credited wi th hel ping to spread the
spirit of volunteering. Among its ranks were many of Ireland's leading
political figures. Others were judges and members of the Irish bar. They
met every Saturday during the law term at a house on Kevin street in
DUblin. 24 As Patrick was the Manks ' patron saint, it may be inferred that
the members considered themselves to be loyal Irishmen with Ireland's wel
fare among their chief concerns. It would be unlikely that these men (25)
could gather in Dublin at this time and not have the discussion turn to
55.
the political and economic future of their country.
Although the volunteers were needed as a defensive force, the govern
ment would not at first recognize them or give them the necessary arms.
Moreover the arms that could be attained were often in a state of disrepair.
A series of letters between Charlemont and William Brownlow, who was organiz
ing volunteer companies in Armagh, il1ustrates their spirit and a1so the
restrictions they faced. Brownlow wrote requesting a grant of arms for the
volunteers. Charlemont believed the ones stored at Charlemont castle were
functional, but Brownlow corrected him saying that he had possession of one
hundred IImusquets and bayonets since the year 1760" which were unserviceable
and the arms at Charlemont vIere no better. 26 Prior to this the earl had
written that he had arms for nine hundred in storage and that they were in
spected frequently. A month later, September 1779, Brownlow again wrote to
Charle:mont informing him that he had petitioned the government for permis-
sion to use the arms in his possession and had received a "quibbl ing answer ll
from the lord-lieutenant stating that although arl11s had been issued to the
governors for the preservation of peace, he had II no t i ssued any for the
purpose of armi ng any Vol unteer campan; es ... . Il
The lord-lieutenant went on to say that he relied on Brownlowls judge
ment tha t the a rms "w; 11 be made use of in the mos t proper manner for the
public service. 1I Brownlow commented to Charlemont that this IIdistinction
1 confess, i s too nice for me ta comprehend." 27 It appeared as though the
government was playing él game of semantics; by not using the term 'militia'
to refer to the volunteers, they denied them official status, yet were con-
tent to allow them to be Ireland's homeguard.
The vo1unteering spirit spread gradually but persistently. The
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government watched the movement carefully, not wanting to support it or to
provoke any confrontations. The vo1unteers had enough manpower and arms by
1780 to have posed a serious mil itary threat to the Castle had that been
their intention. They made it known that their military potential was held
in abeyance only awaîting the right provocation. Since the removal of most
of the troops garrisoned in Ireland to fight in the American colonies. the
vo1unteers had been its only significant military presence and they could
easily have attained their political desires sooner with a use of force.
The majority of the volunteers were conservative and preferred to pursue
a constitutional route first. As the "Army of the People" they pledged not
to support "insurrectionary force or agrarian tumult." They did not give
credence to any anarchic, levelling or republican ideas as embodied later
in the rhetoric of the French Revolution.
The rea1 threat and power of the vo1unteers derived fram the fact that
they l'lere seen as representing the po1itica1 will of the people. Tlleir
leadership \'/as drawn from among the great opposition men of the day and
thelr ranks included representatives from virtually every level of Irish
society. Writing te England towards the end of 1779 the lord-lieutenant ex
pressed his belief that the numbers of volunteers were growing because the
public held the vie\'1 that they were \oJorking to attain desirable and justifi
able palitical rights for Ireland. 28
(
'R.N. Sibbett, Orangeism in Ireland and Thraughout the Empire, London, p. 202.
58.
2Roya1 Irish Academy, Original Corres ondence of James late of Char1emont, arranged by the ev. war lroves, First senes, Volume l, letter number 56.
3 R.I.A. Groves, letter number 74.
4Annual Reglster, 1760, (Belfast), p. 57.
5Historical Manuserlpts Commission, Manuscripts and Correspondence of the Earl of Charlemont, Report 12, Appendix X, (R.M.C. Rep. 12). pp. 12, 13.
6 H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 137.
7 H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 142.
8Franeis Godwin James, Ireland in the Empire, 1688-1770, Cambridge, r1assachusetts, 1973. p. 262.
9Thomas W. Cope1and, ed., The Correspondence of Edmund Burke, Cambridge, 1958, Volume I, p. 193 note.
10R.R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratie Revolution, Princeton, New Jersey, 1959, p. 288.
11 H. M. C. Rep. 12, p. 28.
12 Ian R. Christie, Wars and Revolutions: Britain 1760-1815, London, 1982, p. 99.
13For 4~mples of this correspondence see The Correspondence of Edmund BUI Re, Copeland, ed.
14 H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 31.
15Herbert Butterfield, George III, Lord North and the People, 1779-1780, London, 1949, p. 88.
16Thomas MaeNevin, History of the Volunteers of 1782, Dublin, 1845 p. 84.
17Charlemont went to the North again in 1763. He took his roles as lieutenant of the county and as landowner very seriously. He believed that the problems faced by the tenants of high tithes and taxes and 10w incornes refleeted the general economic problem facing Ireland at that time.
18MaeNevin, p. 12.
19MacNevin, p. 88.
20Eric Towers, Dashwood; the Man and the My th (London), 1986, p. 61.
21Sidney Calvin, ec., History of the Society of Di1ettanti, London, 1914, p. 4.
22T 63 owers, p. .
59.
23H• M. C. Rep. 12, pp. 293, 294. The deba te appea rs ta have been over the question of whether the House had the right to debate a cause once the judlcature had decided upon it.
24Char1es Phillips, Curran and His Contemporaries, New York, 1851, p. 64.
25See Appendix III for a 1ist of members.
26H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 352.
27 H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 355.
28MaCNevin, p. 88.
61.
There are two major events in the history of the volunteers of 1782
which i11ustrate both their power and their weakness. Two conventions were
he1d, in 1782 and 1783, each with its own distinct outcome.
The first convention was he1d at the church of Dungannon in February
1782. Two hundred delegates were chosen to represent 25,000 men from Ul
ster. Jonah Barrington believed that the site for their assembly was
chosen for its sanctity, in order "to give the greater solemnity to this
memorable proceeding. 1I1 This was indeed a memorable proceeding and the
delegates realized it. They marched to the church, b/o by two, dressed in
the uniforms of their respective regiments and can'ylng thelr regimental
coats of arms. They represented a combination of rales that were usually
kept distinct, that of IIthe armed soldier and the deliberative citlZen." 2
These men had come together to demonstrate their wi 11 ingness to protect
lreland against an external force. They were equally determined ta present
their demands for the redress of the grievances.
Such an occurrence was not without precedence. It had its counterpart
in the continental congresses held in the American colonies. There too,
men had assembled to discuss the position of the colonies and to formulate
a petition to George III enumerating their grievances and outlining the
course of acti on they woul d pursue.
The fact that Britain had not yet solved its problems with the American
colonies meant that she could not afford to risk exacerbating those cl oser
to home. Had the volunteers not been determined ta achieve their goals
through constitutional means they could have posed a very rea1 threat to
Britain. They had shown that they were able to organize and arm themselves.
Furthermore they had popular support behind them which meant that they could
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swell their ranks in a short time. Barrington estimates that within one
week the volunteers cou1d have raised a force which England did not have the
means with which to cope.
The initiative for calling a general convention of the Ulster regiments
was taken by the southern battalion of the lst Ulster Regiment which was
eommanded by the earl of Char1emont. Its officers and delegates met on 28
Deeember 1781. After "having declared that they beheld with the utmost con
cern the little attention paid to the constitutional rights of Ireland. by
the majority of those, whose dut Y it was to establ ish and preserve them,
Il they invited every volunteer regiment in Ulster to send thelr delegates
to a convention called for February 15, 1782 at which time Ireland's situa
tion would be their topie of discussion. 3
Prior to this meeting Charlemont had \'/ritten to his friend Edmond
11alone describing the present situation of "Politicks" in Ireland. This
letter, dated Dublin Oecember 17, 1781, inc1uded a protest which Charlemont
was desirous of having printed in a London paper. While we do not kno\'1
either the author or the protest's contents, it may be speculated that
Char1emont or one close to him was responsible -- perhaps Francis Dobbs.
Considering Charlemont's concerns at this time its theme was most likely
centered upon those grievances which were to be discussed at Dungannon. In
his cursory description of Irish politics Char1emont presented a picture of
a determined people struggl ing against an unsympathetic government. He
wrote, liA strong Poeple (sic) -- a weak Minority, weak, l mean in numbers,
but in Abilities transcendent a Secretary ... frequently provoking at-
tacks, and little able to sustain or repel them -- Flood, whose incomparable
conduct stdnds unrival 'd thro ' all the annals of Parliamentary History, more
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active, and, if possible, more able than ever -- The Court is however, for
the present triumphant, and Poeple extremely dissatisfied __ "4 Charlemont
was indeed correct in his assessment of the people's temperament. They
were unwilling to maintain the present state of affairs.
Henry Flood and Henry Grattan were the main political spokesmen of the
volunteers. Grattan sat in the Irish house of commons as a member from
Charlemont's borough from which he had been returned in 1775. 5 Bath of
these men had what they believed to be Ireland's best interest at heart, but
became divided over what this involved. The final break came after the Dun
gannon convention in 1782 and was most obvious at the Dublin convention held
in 1783. Upon Flood's election to the English house of commons after the
defeat of his reform bill in 1783, Charlemont also broke with hlm. He felt
that Flood had betrayed himself and Ireland and showed this by removing him
from the position of eventual guardian of his children. 6
Both of these men, Flood and Grattan, were necessary for the political
development of the volunteer movement. It was not any mil itary expertise
that they might have possessed that made them invaluable, rather it was
their political beliefs and their willingness to work to achieve independ
ence for Ireland. They provided the opposition within the house to balance
their out-of-doors counterpart embodied in the armed citizenry of the volun
teers.
One of the other leading figures in the volunteer movement was the earl/
bi shop of Derry. Here was a man who loved the fl amboyance of the mil ita ry
uniform and gloried in his ecclesiastical dignity and did not hesitate in us
ing them to create an entrance. He was vociferous in making his presence
and his views known. Charlemont tolerated him, but barely, characterizing
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him in his memoirs as lia shallow stream, rapid, noisy, diverting, but use
less. 1I7 He had long been known as an eccentric of unepiscopal habits. Af
ter the convention of 1783, the earl/bishop tried to sustain the movement
for a wholly independent Ireland and gained support from a northern bat
talion of volunteers. The historian Froude noted the irony of this that
IIThe emancipators of their country (would choose) for their favourite leader
a Britlsh Earl and a Bishop of the Irish Established Church. 1I8
Along with being tltular commander-in-chief of the volunteers, Charle-
mont was also colonel of the southern battalion of Armagh volunteers. His
major fOt' this force \'Jas Francis Dobbs. Dobbs, a somewhat eccentric man,
was a leading member in Dublin society in the last quarter of the eighteenth
century noted for hi s wi t and poetry. He became a member of a vo l unteer
corps and took a keen interest in the political future of Ireland. Later he
was returned as a member for Chariemont's borough and spoke passionately
against the proposed union in 1800. In his days as a volunteer major he
published several noteworthy pamphlets on the political situation. 9
After tak i ng hi s degree from Tri nit y Co 11 ege Dobbs was ca 11 ed to the
Irish bar. Like most contemporaries his sympathies during the American Re-
volution lay with the colonists, even though his brother represented the
Crown as governor of North Carolina. In his publication liA Letter to the
Right Honourable Lord North, on his propositions in favour of Ireland"
(Dublin, 1780) he urged Britain to give legislative independence to Ireland
before the volunteers felt the necessity of taking it for themselves. Dobbs
was among the delegates to the Dungannon convention in 1782 and met with
Charlemont, Grattan, Flood and a Mr. Stewart to draw up their resolutions
prior to the general meeting. 1 0
Although Charlemont differed in personality and political views from
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sorne of the leading volunteers, the earl was an obvious choice to head this
movement. As he represented the middleground of the patriots and volunteers,
he was possessed of the qua1ities needed ta draw the disparate elements to
gether. He was respected by the executive in the Castle, and had a network
of connections in British aristocratic and literary circ1es and was re-
presented by Gratta~ in the Irish hou se of commons. He was well read and
had travelled extensively. Above all he was trusted and respected by all
the parties and persons concerned with Irish affairs.
There were understandably differences among the volunteers on the
cathollc question. The official view of the volunteers was that the en-
franchisement of roman catholics was not to be among their immediate demands.
Henry Flood and the earl of Charlemont opposed the motion to enfranchise the
catholics, while the bishop of Derry was one of its most ardent supporters.
Derry had long been a proponert of giving catholics an active role in Irish
politics. He had worked to promote a spirit of toleration amongst the
Irish and played a prominent part in getting the relief act passed through
parliament which exempted roman catholics from taking the odth of supremacy.
Charlemontls own stance on the Irish catholics changed over the years.
His attitude and those of other members of the Anglo-Irish ascendency should
be divided into personal and political views. During his stay in Italy he
naturally associated with those of rank and fashion. As noted, he included
among his circle of friends the cardinals Albani and Passionei. He a1so be-
came known to Pope Benedict XIV. There were a number of informa1 audiences
l' between the two and Charlemont greatly admired the man. 1
In 1772 Charlemont had tried but failed to get a bill passed through
the Irish house of lords giving catholics ninety year leases on their cabins
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and an amount of land on which to cultivate potatoes. He was censored by
his peers for this. He mentions this incident in his memoirs as a contrast
to the spirit of to1eration which had become more prevalent a few years 1ater.
He described the Penal Code as 'IlThe oppressive disabilities under which the
Catho1ics of Ireland had long groaned ... '" and which were '''harsh and tyr-·
ranica1. II ,12 Perhaps his long residence abroad had ë<ided in fostering this
spirit of to1eration which the earl possessed. On returning to Ireland, he
hmlever did not find a similar attitude prevailing among his peers. "'1 can
not so far flatter my contemporaries as to ascribe their change (in attitude
towards the Penal Code) in any great degree to so honourable and virtuous a
cause as the spirit of toleration.".13
At the time of the Dungannon convention Char1emont did not support
catholic emancipation. He later softened his stance and became an advocate
for their enfrancl1isement. 14 Although \'lilling to grant concessions to the
catholics, Charlemont, as in most things, be1ieved that moderation shou1d be
employed. In retrospect he believed that had a more gradual approach been
fo1lowed the relationship between the two groups wou1d have been 1ess tense. 15
A spirit of to1eration for the roman catho1ics had been spreading across
protestant Europe and had moved into Ireland by the 1780's. Grattan cer
tainly supported enfranchisement and 50 too did many in the north of Ire
land. The dissenters were a majority of the population there, and they tended
to promote reform. Shortly after the vo1unteer conventions had been he1d,
Lord Carysfort wrote to Charlemont from St. Petersburg. He stated that the
question of voting for roman catho1ic enfranchisement had nothing to do
with toleration, but was "mere1y a Question of political Expediency."l6
This echoes the earl's view and his stance at the conventions, notably at
Dublin, must be seen in this light. He did not be1ieve that it was the
l 67.
appropriate time to demand the vote for the catho1ics. He did be1ieve that
it shou1d be given therr., but not in 1783 and only on a gradual basis.
Like most men of the Enlightenment, Charlemont had pride in his tolera
tien. Illustrations of his attitude to those of other faiths are given in
his journal of his travels in the Turkish empire. In his journal he gives
a brief commentary on the history of the relations between the West and
this Islamic country. In recounting the history of the Crusades and thp
general Western approach to the Turks he states that much cf o~r information
is prejudiced, built upcn successive biasea accounts. He refers to the Crll
sades as "that frantick and disgraceful period of our History ... (when) the
8arbarians of Europe lured by the spoils of Asia made Religion a Bawd to the
worst of Purposes. 1I 17 He continued to argue that although the West calls
the Turk a barbarian, the term is in the eye of the beholder. In order to
impress hi s poi nt upon the reader he recounts severa l soc i a l practi ces com
mon to western society \'/hich would be termed 'barbarian ' by the Turk.
Charlemont saw himself as being liberal, broadminded and tolerant towards
other cultures. It must be emphasized that Charlemont, like others, was able
to separate his political from his religious or cultural feelings of tolera
tion.
Compari.:.Gt", hève been and will continue to be made between Ireland and
the situation in the American colonies during the period from 1760-1785.
Certainly the volunteers of 1782 owed their existence to the fact of the
American Revolution. n:€ example of the colonists did not prompt the Irish
to rise in arms against British rule, but the removal of troops from Ire
land to help fight over the water did result in the formation of volunteer
companies, as we have noted. Their origir,al intention had not been to act
as an out-of-doors pol itical opf:'ositicr,. This was a role that was gradually
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assumed.
The bond of sympathy between Ireland and the American colonies cannot
be denied. Many Irish protestants emigrated to the colonies and their link
with the homeland remained strong. In 1775 the Irish par1iament committed
itself to the support of Britain in fighting the rebe11ing co10nists. The
motion di d not pass wi thaut appos iti on. At thi s time Henry Fl aod had accept
ed the position of vice-treasurer and therefore had to side with the gavern-
ment. He described the Irish troops sent te America as "armed negotia
tors.,,18 It was a phrase which eventually caused Flood politica1 embarrass
ment. Char1emont described the colonists as oItermed rebels for their heroic
struggles ;n vindication of their natural l'ights.,,19 Other than this state
ment Charlemont was oddly quiet on the subject of the American cause. His
support for, and i nterest in it may be i nferred from crypti c comments Ile
made in letters. Among his cerrespondents who openly voiced their support
for the American colonists were William Drennan and Francis Dobbs.
It is remarkab1e by its absence that Charlemont never recorded a meet
ing between himself and Benjamin Franklin. Franklin addressed the Irish
parliament and met with prominent figures in Dublin society during his visit.
Char1emont was in Dublin at the time and would certainly have been inc1uded
among those whom Dr. Frankli~ would have met. A letter from sir Edward
Newenham, M.P. te Charlemont dated December 31, 1789 wou1d tend to support
the probability of Franklin and Charlemont having met. Newenham writes:
"Knowing your esteem for rea1 patriots, l would not omit this opportunity
of acquainting your lordship that l had a letter this day ... 7rom the
venerable Franklin at Philadelphia .... He very patheticaly inquires how
'Charlemont, the general of the Irish Volunteers, does' ... ,,,20 While the
leaders of the patriot party supported the American cause, it was not part
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69.
of their platform and they would not have considered leading Ireland along
the path marked by their American cousins. They could empathize with their
grievances only too \'le l l, but the Ameri cans 1 methods of redress were not
those of Charlemont and Grattan.
Although the volunteers did not realize it, they were at the zenith
of their power at the time of the Dungannon convention. It was the positive
reception to their demands which encouraged some of them to press for more
concessions from Britain when they later met in Dublin. The situation had
changed by then, without the volunteers really being aware of the subtle
shift in the political atmosphere and this had a profound effect on their
future existence. The immediate outcome of the Dungannon convention was
much more propitious. Twenty resolutions were passed by the delegates. 2l
These were concerned with several important rights which the delegates be
lieved had been transgressed by Britain.
One of these rights was that of free trade. Jonah Barrington says
that this was the watchword of the volunteers. Indeed, they took the cause
of free trade as symbolizing the infringement upon their liberties by the
British government. The Dublin volunteer artillery undcr the command of
James Napper Tandy had gone on parade with placards on their cannons stating
IIIFree Trade or speedy Revolution. 11I Britain had imposed trade embargoes on
Irish goods in order to protect its own markets and to keep the Irish pro
ducts out of American hands. This had s€verely hurt the Irish ecollomy. To
illustrate their loyalty to Ireland many volunteer associations passed reso
lutions declaring that they would not use non-Irish goods. Barrington gives
a stanza from a favourite march of the volunteers which illustrates their
sentiments on the subject. "Was she not a fool,/ Wl,en she took of our wool ,f
To leave us 50 much of the/ leather, the leather?f It re1er entered i,er
1
)
(
•
70.
pate,! That a sheep's skin, well beat,! Would draw a whole nation! To
gether, Together. 1122
Besides the issue of free trade there was that of achieving legislative
independence from Britain. It was realized that if Britain granted conces
sions on the question of Ireland's trading markE..ts that they would be made
for the good of the empire as a whole and not solely for that of Ireland.
The Ulster volunteers and their supporters wanted legislation to originate
and pass in Ireland without it having to be sent to Westminster where it
was often altered. Su ch a move \'lOuld help to ensure that Ireland's welfare
was the paramount concern. Further, it would affirm her position as a
separate nation with her own interest:s.
Prior to the convention Grattan and the patriots in opposition had at
tempted to have Poyning's Law repealed. Poyning's Law had been originally
passed in 1494 and amended under the reign of Philip and Mary. It stated
that a 11 Iri sh bill s had to be submitted by the chi ef governor and council
in Ireland to the king and council in England where they might be approved
as they stood, modified or suppressed. Only those bills which had thus been
approved in England could return to Ireland for passage through the Irish
parliament. 23 The attempt at repeal by Grattan had failed to pass in the
legislature the previous year, 1781. As a result an appeal had been made
for the support of the volunteers. The convention declared Poyning's Law
to be '~nconstitutional and a grievance." They further demanded the inde
pendence of Irish judges 50 that the administration of justice would be im-
pa rt i al.
The final reso1ution adopted by the delegates was one respecting the
relaxation of the penal laws. They supported a greater tolerance of the
roman cathol ics and stated that "we conceive the measure to be fraught with
-
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71.
the happiest consequences to the union and prosperity of the i nhabitants of
Ireland." 24 The historian J.C. Beckett attributes its inclusion to the work
of Grattan. 25 Whether true or not certainly it must have been discussed by
the 1 eaders and agreed upon before putti ng i t to the del egates. The reso-
1ution's wording is something of a compromise because although there was a
spirit of toleration prevai1ing among the vo1unteers, its degree varied.
As stated, sorne supported immediate enfranchisement while others, including
Charlemont, advocated a more gradua1 appraach ta political equallty.
The volunteer delegates had met at Dungannon on 15 February 1782. The
earl of Charlemont WdS not in attendance. Oespite this, his influence over
the affairs was still felt. Charlemont, and sorne of his leaders, Grattan
and DobDS included, had met before the convention assemb1ed to discuss the
issues and had decided upon the resolutions to be put fOr\'/ard. The ear1
did not attend on the fifteenth for Ü/O reasons: he di d not want to a rouse
the criticism that the sentiments expressed in th= volunteers 1 resolutions
were not thei rs but hi s, and further, he di d not want ta have ta defend
parliament if it were attacked. He feh such a c:efense on his part might
precipitate a spl i t in the ranks. 26
Char1emont ' s first reason for not attending seems weak upon considera-
tion. It must have been obvious to those who knew the men and the issues
that the earl was i nvolved in the drafting of the ideas put forward. lt is
apparent that he had faith in the abilities of men such as Dobbs and just as
importantly, in the mood of the volunteers, to be assured that the intent
and tone of the resolutions would not be altered by any ensuing debate.
His second reason is consistent \'Jith his character. While the conventions,
at Dungannon and more 50 at Dubl in may be seen as threats to the authority
of the Irish parliament, Charlemont would never have tulerated a usurpation
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72.
of its power. Such a move \'Jould have been viewed as being unconstitutional
and disloyal to the king. SA in this matter he chose ta avoid any possible
confrontation which would have had a deleter;ou~ effect on the delegates and
on the volunteers as a \'Ihale.
The volunteers had cammitted themselves to Ireland's cause and had de
monstrated the means by which they would attain the;r goals. This resolve
to pursuo .'eform by constitutional avenues was praof of the;r layalty ta the
king. They believed that Ireland could achieve legislative independence
fram Britain \'Iithout resorting to revolutionary means, unlike the American
calonists. This desire ta demonstrate or emphasize their allegiance to the
crown was shown in the language of the document 1 isting their resolutions.
The Dungannon conventi on shoul d be seen as marki ng the 1 imit of the vol un
teersl
pO\'Ier. It stands in stark contrast ta that held in Dublin the
following year. Much of the reason for this lay with the changing political
conditions at home and abroad. The outcome of February 1782 was a positive
one but unfortunately gave the volunteers a false sense of their own power.
(
(
lJohan Barrington, The Rise and Fall of the Irish Natio~, London, 1844, p. 1 02.
2Barrington, p. 105.
74.
3Francis Hardy, Memoirs of the Political and Private Life of James Ca u lf e il d, 181 0, p. 21 2 .
4Royal Irish Academy, Ori inal Corres ondence of James late earl of Charlemont, arranged by John P. Prendergast. Prendergast, Volume II, letter number 32.
50ictionar* of National Biography, (O.N.B.), Oxford, 1959-69 reprint, Vol. VIII, pp. 18-425.
60.N. B., Vol. VII, pp. 331-335. also Prendergast, Volume X, 1etter number-1~
7Historlca1 Hanuscripts Commission, Manuscri ts and Corres ondence of the Earl of Charlemont, Report 12, Appendix X, H.M.C. Rep. 12 ,p. 2.
8James Anthony Froude, The Eng1ish in Ire1and, London, 1872, p. 393.
9D.N•B., Vol. V, pp. 1037-1038.
1 00avi d Smyth, "The Vol unteer I~ovement in U1 ster: Background and Deve1opment, 1745-85 11
, unpub1ished Ph.D. dissertation, Queen's University, Belfast, 1974, p. 105. This Mr. Stewart is most 1ike1y colonel James Stewart of Ki11ymoon who was among the leaders who cooperated with Charlemont. H.t·1.C., Rep. 12, p. 68.
11 Ha rdy, p. 26.
120ona1 j'lacEgan, "Charlemont and the Penal Cade ll in The Catho1ic Bulletin, Volume 19, 1929, p. 611.
13MacEgan, p. 612.
14(Henry McDaugall), Sketches of Irish Pa1itica1 Characters, London, 1799. p. 37.
15 H. r~. C., Rep. 12, pp. 44, 48.
16prendergast, Volume III, letter number 20.
17Royal Irish Academy, Charlemont Manuscripts, 12R5, (R.I.A. 12R5), Vo 1 ume 1, p. 9.
18Les1ie Hale, John Philpott Curran, London, 1958, p. 49.
19 H.M.C., Rep. 12, p. 42.
'.'
::..
75. 20Historical Manuscripts Commission, Manuscripts and Correspondence of
the Earl of Char1emont, Report 13, Appendix vtt!, (H.M.C., Rep. 13), p. 113.
21See Appendix IV.
22Barrington, p. 76n.
23J.C. Beckett, The Making of Modern Ire1and, London, 1966, new edition, 1981, p. 51.
24Thomas MacNevin, History of the Vo1unteers of 1782, Dublin, 1845, pp. l 56-160.
25Seckett, p. 222.
26 H.1~. C ., Rep. 12, p. 68.
77.
"This day, sacred to the glorious institution of the Volunteers of Ire
land, was observed with brilliancy and zeal./I Thus began a description in
The Morning Herald and Dail;~_Advertiser for Friday, November 14, 1783 of an
event ten days previous in Dubl in. The account continued wi th a description
of the troopsl mustering led by "the General Lord Charlemont" and of them
marching from St. Stephen's Green to College Green where they circled the
statue of King William. Around this rnemorial "were labels in large charac
ters, with the following inscription: The Vo;unteers of Ireland. overturned
the Cadaverous Simple Repeal, must now effectuate an equal Representation of
the People."
This newspaper did not hesitate to recount the arrival of the volun-
te ers in its city and to express its opinion of how the political situation
stood and what results the vol unteers mlght expect. On Tuesday November 11
it had written: "The great object of the associated corps, in Illeddling with
the parl ialllentary representat;on is obvious. The mob in general having arms
in their hands, v·Jish to secure priveleges, which at present they do not pos
sess. If, as they \'Iill do, they get the electlve power \'Iithin the;r in-
fl uence, and command, thei r offi cers w; 11 form the House of COllllllons, and
then no fear of their voting ample pay to themselves and electors, and Ire
land will at one stroke be converted ;nto a military republic! Its connec
tion wlth England will be totally cut off, and we must either attack her with
a force that shall at once crush her efforts, or see her in as close a
connection with as Illuch greater dependance on France. Everything is driving
speedily to this issue and those republican zealots in England who have by
their correspondence, tried what they could to inflame this spirit, should
be hung out to the worl d as objects of contempt and destati on! Il Much had
1
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78.
happened in the intervening months to bring the volunteers to this demon
stration in Dublin. A cursory look at the general political events and
more specifically the successe5 of the volunteers would lead one ta be-
l ieve that in November 1783 there \'las no further reason for their existence.
ln the time between the Dungannon convention and November 1783 when a
similar meeting l'las held in Dublin, the American colonists and Great Bri
tain had succeeded in negotiating and signing a peace treaty in Paris.
The ending of the war effected a change in Britainls ability to deal with
matters in Ireland. British troops would now be available to quell any dis
turbances in 1 rel and. The vol unteers were no longer necessa ry as a defen
sive force. The American Revolution had allowed the patriots a bargaining
tool. Britain was not wi1l1ng to risk a repetition of the events across
the Atlantic. Therefare concessions had been made to the demands of the
volunteers and the patriot party.
The resolutions passed by the volunteers at Dungannon had been sent
ta the government and had been accepted. This accession on the part of the
government can be attributed to Rockinghamls having succeeded Lord North.
With whigs in power in Britain, the whigs in lreland could expect a certain
degree of sympathy for their goals; they were not disappointed. Perhaps
the most important desire of the patriots at this time had been to achieve
legislative independence. This had been granted, but some questions of
ul timate authority sti 11 relllained. The primary contention had to do with
the repeal of the ISixth of George Il. While the question of its power
was a legitimate concern, the debate over its repeal reflected a rift
between Grattan and ilood. Flood had lost sorne of the support of the volun
teers and saI." himself as now living in Grattanls political shadow. By seiz
ing upon the issue of the repeal of 16 George Il he was attempting to
regain credibility and to show that he had Irelandls best interests at
heart.
79.
Henry Grattan believed that a simple repeal of 16 George Il was suffi
cient to restore to Ireland its full rights. Flood argued that a total re
nunciation was necessary to negate its legal intent. Charlemont wrote that
the country had been divided into two parties over this issue. He vlewed
renunciation lias the offspring of envy and disappointed ambition,lI He saw
it as an issue springing from Flood's frustrated rivalry with Grattan.
Grattan himself was convinced that repeal was sufficient, yet at the same
time renunciation was Floodls idea and Grattan "detested the child for the
sake of the parent. Il Grattan fel t himself pledged to supporting the Port-
land administration and to maintaining Ireland's connection with England.
50 Charlemont writes: "thus his private credit and his private animosities
uniting themselvEs witr. party principle, he became in effect, perhaps ev en
unknown to himself, a party man." 2 To Charlemont, becoming è Iparty man l
or one \'iho sacrificed his own principles to those of -che ~arty, was not
something to be admired. Ingratiating oneself to either the government or
to a particular party was, to the earl, an objectionable practice. It did
not trouble him when he was out of favour at the Castle. He wrote that
"in Ireland, as in a country governed by delegated authority, court favour,
and that kind of half-confidence, which is a11 that an honest man can ever
enjoy, ought to be despised and avoided as injurious to its possessor, and
no way serviceable to the public. 1I3
The issue of repeal versus renunciation die not restrict itself to the
debates within the hou ses of parliament. Public opinion became involved
and the people were worried about Irelandls position. Originally Charlemont
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80.
subscribed to Grattanls viewpoint. He hoped that when the 'obnoxious ' act
\</as repealed it would be preeeded by a preamble or clause formally renounc
ing "all righ J• and claim to the usurped pOI'/er of binding Ireland ll by Bri
tish acts of parliament. Although the declaration of Ireland's inderendence
had been made in April 1782 and had been supported by 5ritain. the people
of Ireland had become uneasy about the constitution's security. It \'l'as be
cause of this that Charlemont changed his position and felt that renunciation
hùc t'ecome a necessity, not legally, but in order to calm J,he pur-lie.
"(T)hough in my private opinion enough had beer done, rer.unciation on the
part of England was now become ab50 1utely neeessary, and that the country
't'JOuld never be quiet without it."4 The lord-lieutenant Temple became con
vinced of this necessity as well. Acting upon this adviee a renunciation
bill was passed ear1y in 1783. 5
At this point it appears as though the patriots had achieved what they
had estat1ished as their aim -- name1y the independence of Irela1d. As
Led': ,'_ i 1'~!.. out "Much had i ndeed been ga i ned - the i ndependence of the
judges, the control of the army, the appe11ate jurisdiction of the Irish
House of Lcrds, the extinction of the power of the Privy Counei1 to origin-
ate, suppres~, or a1ter Irish 1egislation, the renunciation of the power of
the bri~ish Parliament to legislate for Ireland, the full and repeated
acknowledgment of the doctrine that the Klng, Lords anc Commons of Ireland
had alone the right to make her laVis." 6 Britain and Ireland shared a
monarchy but their legi~.l,'tl,;rcs ~!(:re distinct.
Although their presence was no longer required there was no move to
disband the various volunt~~r regiments. However there was a plan put for
ward to create fencible regiments and to appeal to the volunteers to jaïn
01 v,.
these new ranks. This would have created a militia under government con
trol. Chdrlemont did not approve of such an inti;gration. In a lett::!r d~L
:-rl1rrr' Dublin, September 27, 1?82 he writes: liA rr:eas~lI"e r.as ce en 1ately
pursued, totally contrary to my opinion ann early a(:vice, which has, as
indeed 1 expectea, given universal offe~ce - 1 mean the rai5ing (of) regi
ments of 'Fencible' IT,en." Sorne of the volunteer units felt 50 strongly
about ~h:·~!= fErcibles that they had dec1ared that they would nct cooperr.tE:
with them against any invaders. The earl felt [h3: t~i~ ~~~ tee extreme a
stance and placed Ircland in darI9PI~. fi C(tn~prollise \\'luld be to issue a re
solution stating that in the event of an invasion the volunteers would cc
opera te '1litr' t.he fencibles although they did not approve of them. His re
gard for the role of the volunteers is evident when he states that "This,
... 1 am sure is necessary, as the safety of thi,:: t,lr!'llf' [,çainst in-
vasion depends entirely upon the. upiili'w fcrmed by foreigners of the
strength of the Volur,tN.:YS, and cf t~,eir hearty determination at every risk
to defend the;r country."? Charlemont would naturally want te maï"~Clln
He irotegri~y of his beloved volunteers. 8y rema;ning ê. distinct corps
they would reta;n their identity as I~·21.1I-,c'!:- ~f'cple standing for her de-
fense. What was just as vital was their ability to remain independent of
any government, \<!hich they would be unable to do as members of a fencible
iorce r)UHI("o"i..:ro by the government. The volunteers stood fol' \.!,I> l:tfense
of Ireland and her people; they were noc :,leC:qed to the maintenance of
any one particular party in power.
Charlemont asserted his belief that "Every man who leaves the Volun
teers for this new service will become odiQ~s, ?~~ th( plan itself will be
detested as the cause of desertion." Furthermore he did not think that
the risk of having sorne of the more moderates leave the volunteers should
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82.
be taken because it \'las they, along with Charlemont, who had kept the regi
ments in check. Charlemont had communicated these sentiments to the duke
of Portland, then lord-lieutenant in the hopes of averting disturbances at
a time wh en Ireland could least afford them. Despite this, fencible regi
ments were established with some of their officers being taken from the
volunteers. The earl's predictions came true. "Riots were everywhere fre
quent ... The very cbildren were taught to lisp scurrility; and 'Fencible'
was the universal l'lord of reproach .... (The) Government lost its popularity;
the country lost its peace .... "8 Desnl Le this apparent attack upon the
s~rength and unitJ cd" the volunteers they remained together with Charlemont
at their head.
After 1782 the volunteers could have disbanded until su ch future date
l'Ihen they might again be called to assist in defending Ireland from invasion.
However fram that date they had taken on her political independence as their
goal. The suc cesses of 1782 had given the volunteers new momentum and in
stead of basking in the glory, they beliE"/t::'::! lt'dt t",(: 1:;p,e was ripe for
more benefits for Ireland.
Sorne of the volunteers were of this mind while others were indeed con
tent with the progress made. Flood was the obvious leader of those who
wanted further reform. The debate over renunciation versus repeal had
swung popular opinion to his side. With the English government's renouncing
the '5ixth of George l' Flood and his supporters among the volunteers were
entrusted with serving the Irish constitution. This raised the further
question of who truly represented the interests of the Irisn people; given
the character of the borough franchises the volunteers might clainl to be
more representative than parliament. 9 Parliamentary reform was not a ne\'l
idea in either Ireland or England particularly in the second half of the
l
-
eighteenth century. The volunteers under Flood were not prepared to put
it in their agenda.
83.
During the spring and summer of 1783 meetings were held by various of
the volunteer corps to discuss reform and a meeting was called for Septem
ber, again at Dungannon, to discuss ways of obtaining equal parliamentary
representation. Among their pronouncements was that the "elective franchise
shall ex tend to those, and those only, who will exercise it for the public
good. 1I10 They then proceeded to draw up a list of reforms and a motion
limiting supplies to the government until an adequate response was made to
their grievances. They also agreed to call a convention of delegates from
the four provinces who would meet in Dublin on November lOth. This body
was tû assemble shortly after parliament I,,,,j itself assembled. The conven
tion's purpose was to draw up a plan for parliamentary reforme
Flood, Grattan, Charlemont and the bishop of Derry sought parliamentary
reform as a legitimate goal, but were understandably divided on the means
by \'/hich it could be achieved. The dispute over renunciation had sharpened
the antagonisms between Grattan and Flood but there was more involved than
a personal quarrel. Grattan felt indebted towards the English whigs, par
ticularly Charles James Fox and the duke of Portland. These men had pushed
through the British parliament the legislation giving Ireland legislative
independence. They were not in a mood ta make further concessions dt the
moment and Grattan w~s determined to keep their good will.
Flood, who did not share Grattanls connections and felt that hp. still
had a reputation to make, had little to lose by pressing for further reform.
Consequently parliament became a battleground between the two men, provid
ing entertainment for the galleries and the press.
... .. 84 .
Flood called Grattan a IImendicant patriot ll and GY'attan called into
question Flood's honesty as an lrishman and patriot. Eventual1y the two
walk~d out of the house and a duel was arranged. At this point the sergeant-
at-arms intervened and it was prevented. Froude wrote that lia Parliament in
which two leading members could rate each other 1ike fishwomen was l~n1ikely
to command authority in Ireland, or confidence in the sister country.lIll
80th Flood and Derry were determined ta achi Eve reform. But they tao
were divided. Derry, who once described roman catholicism as a "silly but
harmless religion" wanted to enfranchize the catholics. Flood would not go
along with this, but like Derry was prepared to use the volunteers to secure
reform.
They cannot have gauged the changed political climé'te both in Eng1and
and Ireland or they would hi"ve rea1ized that their chances for success were
small. Derry's stance on the issue was contradictory to what one would have
expected of a member of the estab li shed church and as a member of the Bri-
tish peerage. He was not one known to fo 11 ow the norm. By a 11 accounts he
was an eccentric who delighted in flamboyant displays of his position.
Froude maintains that it was "ra ther from love of excitement and vanity than
from personal interest in Ireland, (that) he assumed the character of a war
like prelate of the: middle ages." 12 Another contemporary stated that "he
was certainly one of the most turbulent of those turbulent times." In 1784
the Irish cabinet threatened him with imprisonment for his violent agitating
spirit. 13 Charlemont himself had little good to say of Del'ry. He agreed
with Lord Chesterfield's saying that Illat the beginning God created three
different species, men, women, and Herveys.'11 -- Hervey being the family
name of the bi shop of Derry. Charl emont further accused him of creati ng
chaos in Ire1and, motivated by des ire to have revenge for disappointed
f
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85.
ambition. He alludes to Derry's having been denied the see of Durham and
the 1 ord-1 ieutenantcy of Ireland. 14 Whether the earl/bishop was moti vated
to seek the enfranehisement of the roman eathol ies because of a firm belief
in their right to this or because he saw an opportunity to foment division
between England and Ireland while drawing attention to hi01self, it is diffi
cult to say. Whichever, the government in Ireland certainly saw him as a
tnreat and did not wan~ to see him take the cha i r at the Dubl i n ~onvention.
Derry deserves some eredi t for bei ng the fi rst emi nent member of the
Irish establishment ta champion enfranchisement of the cathol ies. It would
heneeforth be a political issue and Grattan would bec orne one of its advocates.
Yet everythi ng Derry did appeared to be an aspect of hi s persona l eccentri
cities; his insatiable appetite for publicity, and his reluctélnce to dis
tinguish between the possib"'e and the impossible. Flood had better judge
ment, but he was an ambi t i ous ma n prepared to gamble for the sake of power.
Nei ther man was prepared to face facts.
The facts were that the Engl ish garrison had returned to Ireland and
that neither the English whigs nor English publie opinion was prepared to
make further concessions. Moreover, the eonservative land owners who finane
ed and led most of the volunteer corps were not prepared for eivil war.
For all that rnuch depended upon who ocr:upied the chair at the Dubl;n
convention. Derry wanted the chair ând expected to get it.
If Cha rl emont, 1 ike Grattan, had refused to have anythi ng to do with
the volunteers, Derry \'/ould certainly have been chairman. While this rnay
not have led to civil war it might have led ta unpleasant incidents, and
minor disorder. Yet Derry was not the obviaus candidate. The volunteers
would gain credibility by putting Charlernont in the chair, while his
presence gave the proceedi ng dignity and importance .
86.
Charlemont has never explained his reasons for letting his name stand
for president of the convention. He was looked on as the father of the
volunteers, and he was not prepared to desert his children. Apart from this,
as presiding officer he could exercise the role most consistent with his
temperament, that of mediator. In his own words IIl moderating and guiding
those measures which 1 coul d not with effi cacy oppose, anà directing that
torrent which might otherwise have swept down all before it. 1I15
Charlemont and the volunteers understood that the viceroy Lord North
ington was supported by general Burgoyne who had at his disposal a sufficient
force to keep the assembled volunteers under control.
At the time of the Dungannon convention the volunteers represented the
sum total of the physical force in Ireland. They were now in essence a
moral force, capable of impressive armed demonstrations but \~ithout effect
ive means of standing up to the regulars. They could no~ stage a success
ful coup dl éta t. The mora l force whi ch they represented was much di spersed
by internal divisions. In this respect Derry underlined the divisions by
raising I.he catholic question and demanding total separation between Bri
tain and Ireland. A letter signed Lucius published in the !i~rning Herald
and Daily Advertiser on 27 October 1783 compared Derry to Harlequin, acting
under the three disguises of earl, bishop and general. He then accused him
of not acting in a manner which would support either Ireland or the British
consti tution. Furthermore Derry was said to have opposed the motion at
Dungannol1 to insert the word 'constitutional l in the proposal that the as-
sembly would support their resolutions IIlby every means in their power. III
"Lucius ll asserted that this implied Derry was will ing to take up arms
against parl iament "if it refused to obey the mandate of an unconstitutional
~ssembly.1I This writer was at a l')$s to explain why Derry was given a
1
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87.
position of leadel'ship among the volunteers, as in his opinion he did not
in any way help Ireland's cause. 16
Until such time as the volunteers used their arms against the gavern
ment it wauld nat provoke an attack. Parliament had twice voted thanks to
the volunteers for their service to Ireland. Parliamentarians realized that
their best safeguard was to have Charlemont in the chair at the convention.
Few among the volunteer ranks would dare to challenge his autharity.
The delegates who met at Dublin were there to seek a refarm in parlia
mentary representation. They attempted to justify their assembling by
adopting a resolution which said "That the Protestant inhabitants of this
country are required by the statute law to carry arms and ta learn the use
of them, and are nat by t.heir compliance of tne legis1ature excluded from
the exercise of their civil rights." 17 They be1ieved that they weY'e within
the law, both in being armed and in meeting to discuss their rights as
Irishmen. The meeting went on to make the usual pronouncements of loyalty
to the king before they moved on ta the business at hand. The earl/bishop
of Derry moved that a commi ttee be set up composed of one member from each
county which would draw up a reform proposal to be submitted to the assemb1y
as a who1e for its approva1. Flood l'Jas not originally inc1uded on this com
mittee unti1 Derry put forward his name. Much of the resu1ting plan of
reform took shape under Flood's guidance. The earl/bishop's proposal
favourable to the roman catho1ics was opposed by Char1ernont, Flood and their
supporters. 18
An event occurred at the convention which created sorne amount of con-
fusion amongst the delegates. Sir Boyle Roche rose, saying he was commis-
sioned to speak on behalf of Lord Kenmare through whom the catholics
-
.. .. 88 .
usually made their views known. Roche stated that the roman catholics did
not want ta press for reform at this time; "their OYlly desire, at this
time, was ta enjoy (the favours ~iven them by parliament) in peace, without
seeking in the present distracted state of affairs, to raise jealousies and
farther embarass the nation by asking for new ones." 19 This statement was
received with surprise by the de1egates. Derry rose to denounce Roche's
statement and to reassert that the catholic community did indeed seek a re
dress of its po1itical situation. Froude attributes sir Boyle Roche's ac
tions to the des i re on the part of the 1 ord-1 i eutenant ta work on the divi
sions amongst the delegates in arder ta weaken their unit y and influence the
autcome of the convention. Lecky pravi des further support for thi s, quoti ng
a l etter of North; ngton to Char1 es James Fox dated Navember 17, 1783 in
whi ch the l ord-l i eutenant says, Il 1 The next step '/'Jas ta try by means of our
friends in this assembîy ta perp1ex its proceedings and ta create confusion
in their deliberations, in order ta bring their meeting into contempt and to
create a necessity of its dissolving itself. '1I20
The attempt by the government to exert some degree of clandestine con-
trol over the convention's proceedings failed to achieve its goal. On
Saturday November 29 Flood proposed to the assembled delegates that he and
the other members of the hause of commons present shou1d to go the house and
move for leave to bring in a bill, which was his plan of reform. He also
moved that the convention shou1d not adjourn until the result of the motion
in the house of commons shauld be known. Although this motion passed,
Charlemont did eventua1ly persuade the delegates to adjourn until the follow-
ing Monday. He feH that Flood' s motion of non-adjournment was improper
in that it implied that the convention had a co-extensive authority with the
houses of lords and commons. 21 Charlemont did nat want the possibility to
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arise for arly direct linkage between the houses and the convention. It had
been his idea thar any plan of reform agr2ed upon at that time would not be
presented to parl iament without first being circulated to the volunteer
corps about the country who woul d meet to either approve it or to suggest
alternatives. He hoped that this \'/ould avoid direct conflict with the
government. 22
Charlemont's more cautious approach was not fol1owed this time however
and a group, dressed in their volunteer uniforms and headed by Flood, took
the convention' 5 plan to the house of commons. It was met with hasti 1 i ty
and the confrontation l'!hi ch Charl emont had feared came about. The issue,
while ostensibly that of reform, was which of the assemblies -- the house
of commons or the convention of volunteers represented Ireland; where did
Ireland's legislating power lie? If the house passed a mot i on a 11 owi ng the
proposal to be presented in the form of a bill then it was iidmitting that
the volunteers and not itself represented the will of the people. The ac
ceptance of the proposed bill from an assembly of armed men would be seen
as an acknowledgement by parliament that it had a tenuous hold on its own
power and on its r;ght to sit as the country's representat;ves and legis·
lators. The bill itself, was not one of the more extreme examples of re
form bi 11 s then bei n9 ci reul ated in Engl and. Yet it woul d have affected at
least two-thirds of the men sitting in the Irish house of commons at that
time, and it was naive ta assume that they would willingly assume the sacri
fices of money and place which would have been demanded. 23
The debate whieh ensued was not concerned prinlarily with the merits of
the bill, but, as mentioned~ with the fact that it originated fram a mili
tary asseflÎbly, and one which had publicly encouraged the comparison of
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90.
itself to the legally constituted parliament of Ireland. Barry Yelverton
was one of those who ably stated the situation when he said, "We sit not
here to register the edicts of another Assembly, or receive propositions at
the point of a bayonet. I~hen the Volunteers forrn themselves into a debating
society, and with that rude instrument, the bayonet, probe and explore the
Conc;titutiùn, my respect for them is destroyed." 24 Another speaker. John
Fitzgibbon, the earl of Clare, called for the bill's rejection saying, III
have also heard that a House of Parliament is to be built at Dungannon, and
that we are to have annual sessions of conventions to regulate the business
of the nation. Gentlemen may call this liberty if they please. 1 call it
the worst kind of tyrrany."25 The motion for accepting the blll for debate
was overwhelmingly defeated by a vote of 159-77.
On Sunday a meeting was held at Charlemont House in Dublin attended by
some of the earl 's closest fri ends to di scuss the si tuation. They agreed
that the public peace should be maintained. Flood had threatened violence
if parl i ament opposed the vol unteers. Charl emont was therefore prepared on
Nonday wh en a delegate arose at the reconvened assembly and began to critic
i ze the house of commons. The earl would not allo\'l this sentiment to take
hold amongst those assembled. In the end two resolutions were passed:
the first was Charlemont's original idea that meetings should be held in
the country ta di scuss reform and to urge it on the parliam~nt; and second
ly "That the necessity of a Parl iamentary reform is manifest, and that we
do exhort the nation, by every constitutional effort, to effectuate such
Reforrr. ,,26
What had started out with a triumphal march into Dublin and a determin
ed effort to bring about parliamentary reform ended quietly and without
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achieving its goals. It is not surprising that the vo1unteers failed in
their attempt at reform in 1783. The convention was doomed even before it
began. It did not have the support of Grattan. Char1emont did not approve
of its convening and only participated in order to prevent the more radical
members from taking charge. The government did not want the convention ta
succeed and \'lOrked to maintain the dissension already existing among the
volunteers. It was also unclear as ta whether the roman catholics support
ed this move for reform. Certainly there were volunteers, Charlemont and
Flood among them, who did not be1ieve the time was right to extend the
franchise. The volunteers had overextenderl their mandate and in 50 doing
had ended on a note of defeat.
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lThe ISixth of George Il was an act of jurisdiction passed in March 1720. It came about because of a law suit where one of the parties appealed successfully ta the I;'ish house of lords and the other party then appPnled to the lords at Westminster. He too was successful. The Irish lords did not wa~t ta execute the decision of their English counterparts. They asserted their rlght of flnal jurisdiction in .reland and asked the king for his support. However the British parllament dld not consider this a matter open for debate and passed "I an act for the better securing the dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland on the crown of Great Britain. III It fun:.hel declared IIthat lt had full authority to make laws lof sufficient force and valldity to blnd the klngdom and people of Ireland'II and it denied IIthat the Irish house of lords had any appellate Jurisdiction. 1I The nght to legislate for Irc1and was nct a new claim
for the British parliament, but this formalization of that claim was resisted by the IrIsh and became one of its st~nding grievarces against
Britain. See J.C. Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland, second edition, London,
1981, p. 164.
2Hlstorical Manuscripts Commission, Memoirs and Correspondence of the Earl of Charlemont, Report 12, Appendix X, (H.M.C. Rep. 12), pp.
79, 80.
3 H.M.C. Rep. 12, p. 78. Char1emont ls support was needed by the government. In 1783 hi s name was put forward as a rnember of the pri vy
council. He would not accept unless Grattan was inc1uded as l'Iell. His views did not always follow those of the government and he was not in
cluded among the meetings at the Castle. It was important for the Cast1e to hold periodic informal interviews with the earl as this helped them ta keep abreast of the sentiments of the Volunteers and the general Irish populus. Charlemont supported the viceroyalty of Temple and evep provided J Voïunteer escort when he left his post. Tt is l'lot surprising
that the government \IIould work to ensure that Charlemont presided at the Dublin convention. Charlemont was the 10gica1 canaidate for the chair and had the support of the majority of the Volunteers as well as the confidence of those outside of it. As their commander-in-chief it
t 94.
was natural for them to elect him to the chair and for him to see it as
his dut y to ensure the ongoing integrity of the Vo1unteers by protecting the proceedings of the convention from its more radical members.
4 H . M . C . Rep. 12, p. 80.
5W.E.H. Lecky, A History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, London, 1892, pp. 333, 334.
6Lecky, p. 334.
7 H. M. C . Rep. 12, p. 419.
8 H.M.C. Rep. 12, pp. 72-76.
9Lecky, p. 344 ff.
10James Anthony Froude, The English in Ireland, London, 1872, Book VII, pp. 369-371.
11 Froude, p. 379.
12Froude, p. 381.
13 (Henry McDouga 11 ) . Sketches of l ri sh Po 1 it i ca 1 Cha rac ters, London, 1799, pp. 65, 67.
14 H.f~.C. Rep. 12, pp. 121-123.
15Francis Hardy, The Memoirs of the Political and Private Life of
James Caulfei1d, 1810, p. 264.
16British Library, Burney Collection, Volume 735, The Morning
Herald and The Dai1y Advertiser, Monday, October 27, 1783.
17Thomas McNevin, History of the Volunteers of 1782, Dublin, 1845, p. 192.
18Hardy, pp. 265 ff.; Lecky, pp. 370 ff.
J.
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19Burney Collection~ Tuesday, NLvember 25, 1783.
20Lecky, p. 370n.
21 Ha rdy, pp. 268, 271.
22Hardy, p. 270.
23LeckY, p. 373.
95.
24F~aud2, p. 388. By wearing their Vo1unteer unifarms, Flood and
thase who accompanied him were reinforcing the image of themselves as
a military force and as an opposition ta the hauses of par1iament.
25 Fraude, p. 391.
26 Hardy, pp. 271,272.
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97.
The earl of Charl emont was more esteemed by hi s contemporari es than
he has been by historians. Moderates and mediators like the earl do not
stand out as men of positive achievement. They appear to be leaders who
ei ther 1 ea'/e achi evements to others or prevent others from achievi ng.
This perhaps is the substance of Charlemont's role in the vo1unteers, but
one not to be despised.
Charlemont was chosen chief of the volunteers and remained in effec
tive control thrGlJghout the years of their stormy existence. The first
question i5 \vhy he was chosen as their chi(~f as this c1early had little
to do with his previous role in politics.
He was, to be sure, a confirmed whig with good connectiors in Eng
land. He was (1150 the patron of Grattan, the most able man in the Irish
parliament. But it was not his cautious support of the patriot cause
VJhich put him on the stage of history. First of a11 Charlernont had the
support and trust of most Irishmen. These were qualities rarely found in
contemporary Ireland, but they were not sufficient in themselves. Charle
mont had gocd judgement and was rarely deceived by men or mi sl ed by
events.
Apart from respect, trust and good judgement Charlemont had a pres
tige which was noc merely the consequence of his eminence as a peer, but
was acquired over the years by long acquaintances with literary lions and
some links with the politically important like the marquis of Rockingham.
Charlemont started out with many advantages as a peer and as a man
of wealth. It provided an entry into the best of circles, but did not in
itself guarantee acceptance, or a close association with the great. His
good manners were undoubtedly an asset but they went beyond the soc i al
98.
polish which Chesterfield so much admired. Charlemont was an intelligent,
serious and well read young man, who was a good listener and possessed of
an independent mind. Above all he wanted nothing for himself save wisdom
and good company. He did not come to ask favours of statesmen or exploit
artists and literary men. (hey could talk freely to him without fear Jf
the consequences.
Although a moderate, who shunned rash moves, Charl emont was adven-
turous, hence his journey to the near East. Like many men of the late
Enlightenment, he prided himself on his ability to sympathize with strange
people like the Turks. This may have helped him sorne in his attitude to
wards the cathol i cs but not a great dea 1.
The qualities possessed by Charlemont were also found in the marquis
of Rockingham and George ~Jashington. They vIere not qualities which can
be eas ily acqui red by those v/ho have to make thei r way in the worl d as
self-made men. They are nevertheless essential in a society which abounds
with ambitious men eager to mùke a name for themselves. vJhile drive and
energy have their useful ness, they often run amuck.
Perhaps the most attractive quality about Charlemont was that he
coul d not be domi nated by flatterers. He was too much the student of
human nature for that. Al though he prefened to think well of his con-
temporari es, there Wa~ no stai n of gull i bil ity in hi s make up.
As the volunteers starteù as a movement independent of governrr:ent
their first need was for respectability and prestige. They needed a man
of some prominence without political enemies, who was trusted by the
Castlt:!, and who better than a senior peer who was a friend of Edmond
Malone, Samuel Johnson and the marquis of Rockingham.
99.
Once appointed. Charlemont had to manage as best he could a network
of military societies which included among their leaders ambitious poli
ticians and irresponsib1e adventurers. From the beginning Charlemont was
on the side of moderation, but did not permit his moderate view to a1ien
ate the men of drive and energy like the bishop of Derry and Flood. They
were part of the spirit of the movement, essential to its existence.
Keeping the volunteers in order was a major task, and Cha~lemont
drove with a light rein, avoiding commitments which could weaken his role
as a moderètor. Hence his absence from the Dungannon conventions, most
notably that of 1782, whose programme he approved and had he1ped to for
mulate prior to its assembling. Throughout he was able to maintain the
po1itical integrity of the Rockingham whigs and if he was guided at al1
it was by Grattan.
It is significant that the death of Rockingham in 1782 opened the
door to schism in the English whig party, which led u1timate1y to its
po1itical eclipse. The sudden removal of Charlemont at any stage might
we1l have fragmented the volunteers.
If Charlemont had doubts about Dungannon, he had more over the folly
of the Dublin convention. He saw it as the consequence of the unfulfi11ed
ambitions of Derry a~d Flood. Like his friend Dr. Johnson, Charlemont
did not take idealism or patriotism at face value. Charlemont saw c1ear
ly that the British government could not be b1uffed into further conces
sions and that the majority of the vo1unteers 1acked the will and the
entire nrovement lacked the strength to wage civil war. He kept the move
ment together while the bluff of Flood and Derry was ca11ed by Grattan.
Just as Charlemont had let the volunteers come into being and go into
... , " ..
...
100 .
politics, he let them dissolve as a political force.
Irish history has heroes and martyrs in abundance and they have
played their parts welle But it has also men of moderation like Grattan
and Dani el 01 Connell who knew when to stop. Charl emont, duri ng the bri ef
years of his influence belongs with the moderates. Although not much
honoured by Irish nationalists of today, Charlemont nevertheless headed a
movement which used the threat of force without breaking the law to as sert
the existence of an Irish nation as an independent entity.
The "Revolution of 1782" is a moral victory for Irish nationalism,
an event which is recognized as a milestone along the road to independence.
It was Charlemont's tactful guidance which made this possible and in so
doing demonstrated the usefulness of the gentleman amateur in politics .
102.
The works listed in this sales catalogue reveal a varied interest in
literature, history, politics and religion. While it is impossible to de
termine if Charlemont read all of the books in his library, certainly some
titles show that they were acquired for their reading value and not as col
lector's items. Charlemont House contained three libraries: the Principal
Library; the Venus Library; and the Rockingham Library. The latter was de
signed by Gandon. A selection of the 2477 items listed for sale by Sothe
by's is provided below along with the comments v/hich accompanied them.
Catalogue/ of the/ t10st Important and Valuable/ L ibrary/ of a/
Nobleman of Great Literary and Artistic Taste,/ Particularly Rich in/
Early English and Italian Literature,/ comprising/ Remarkably Fine
Specimens/ of / Caxton, Wynkyn de Horde, Pynson,/ and other Typographers./
A Beautiful Copy of the First Edition of Shakespeare's Plays,/ And Several
of the Early Quartos of Shakespeare's/ Dramatic Pieces./ A Most Remarkable
and Extensive Collection of Old Plays,/ Rare Volum~s of English Poetry./
Black-Letter Romances and Jest Books,/ The First COI plete Edition of
Aristo, printed upon Vellum,/ Fine Illuminated Manuscripts,/ including/
A Splendid copy of the Evangelists in Greek,/ A Beautiful Roman de la
:{ose,/ Magnificent Volumes by Gower, Lydgate and Ha\'Ies/ etc. &c. &c./ to
gether \'1ith/ Rare Works on Irish History,/ Very Curious Pamphlets of the
Time of Charles 1,/ Lycophronis Cassandra, with the autograph of John Mil
ton;/ Early Voyages and Travels, and/ Works in General Literature.
A rare volume of Ariosto (L.) Orlando Furioso. One of five copies known
printed on vellum.
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103.
At\'Iood n~) History of Reasons of the Dependency of Ireland (against)
Molyneux), 1698.
Annals of James and Charles r (from 1612 to 1642), 1681.
Arnold (Richards) Chronic1e. ,
Il 1 n th i s boo ke i s con teyned the names
of ye baylifs Custos mairs and Sherefs of the Cite of London .... " Black
letter, very rare, but slight1y \'Iormed. 1521.
Co1den (Hon. C.) Historyof the five Indian Nations of Canada. 1755.
Three volumes of Edmund Burke·s Works, 1792.
(Burnet (Bp.) 1 Comp1eat Collection of Papers, in 12 parts, relating
to the Great Revolutions in England and Scot1and, 1689. The 6th collection
contains a Narrative of the r'liseries of rlew England by reason of an Arbi-
trary Government created tl1ere.
Bhagva t-Geeta, 1784 edition.
Works on America: Acts of Dr.Bray·s Visitdtion held at Annapo1is in
i.Jaryland, 1700 -- j·1ernorial of Reli9ion in N(lY'Lh America byT. Bray, 1701;
other Tracts in volume.
Bermuda Acts of Assembly from 1690-1713-14.
New York Acts of Assembly from 1691-1718.
i1ary1and Acts of Assembly (1692-1715).
Grose (F.) f1assica1 Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue, manuscript
additions by Viscount Charlemont. 1788.
Henrici VIII Assertio Septem Sacramentorum udversus M. Lutherum.
Very rare. 1521.
Graves (Rev. E.) Bib1iotheca Cau1fie1diana, or A1phabetical Catalogue
of the Books in the Cau1field Library, Char1emont House, Dublin, manuscript.
1824.
104.
Herbert (T.) D~scription of the Persian Monarchy. 1634
---------- Sorne yeares Trave1s into divers Parts of Asia and Afrique.
with a Revivall of the first Discoverer of America. 1638.
Hay1yn (P.) Aerius redivivus or History of the Presbyterians. 1670.
---------- Cyprianus Anglicus; or the History of the Life and Death
of Archbi shop Laud. 1671 .
Ionian Antiquities. pub1ished by the Society of the Dilettanti. 1769.
Various 1etters, papers relating to Ireland including: Two His
tories of Ireland, the one written by Edmund Campion, the other by Meredith
Hammer (with Henry Mar1eburrough ' s Chronicle of Ireland, Dublin, 1633).
Spenser (E.) View of the State of Ireland. ib.1633. (rare).
Leland (T.) on the Principle of Human Eloquence. presentation copy
from author. Dublin, 1765.
Lennox (Charlotte) Philander, a Dramatic Pastoral. Dedication copy
to Viscount Charlemont. 1758.
Mackintosh, (Sir J.) Vindiciae Gallicae, with manuscript notes by
Earl of Char1emont, 1791.
Milton (J.) Poems, Eng1ish, Italian, Latin and Translations with
Notes by T. Warton. Manuscript notes by Earl of Charlemont. 1785.
Misce11anea in Prose and Verse (by D. Swift and A. Pope) 1728.
Molyneux (W.) Care of Ire1and s being bound by Acts of Par1iament in
Eng1and stated. To which is added the Case of Tenures 1720 (Carew).
Answer to Molyneux. 1698.
r~acaulay (C.) Histor'y- of England volumes I-V, 1763-71.
Massachusetts Laws and Liberties, scarce. Cambridge (U.S.) 1672.
Orrery (J. Earl of) Rernarks on the L ife and Writings of Dr. J. Swift.
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with manuscript verses by Lord Char1ernont. Dublin 1752.
Dedication copy of Truth in a r~ask by P. Skelton. 1744.
Collection of Shakespeare, Shakespeariana, inc1uding works by Malone.
Voltaire Oeuvres avec un Commentaire sur la Henriade par de la
Beaume11e. Geneve 1768-77, Berlin 1775.
A P PEN DIX 1 1
A List of the Members of the Club, 1764-1784.
(John W. Croker, ed., The Life of Samuel Johnson, by James Boswell, New York, 1833, volume 2, p. 533.)
107.
C· Original 11embers Died
1764 Sir Joshua Reynolds Feb. 28, 1792 Il Dr. Silmuel Johnson Dec. 13, 1784 Il Rt. Hon. Emd. Burke July 9, 1797 Il Christlr Nugent, M.D. Nov. 12, 1775 Il Dennet Langton, Esq. Dec. 18, 1801 Il Topham Beauclerck, Esq. rv1a r. 11, 1780 Il Oliver Goldsmith, M.D. Apr. 4, 1774 Il Anthony Chamier, Esq. Oct. 12, 1780 Il Sir John Hawkins, who saon vii thdrew f1ay 21, 1789
Elected
1764 Samuel Dyer, Esq. Sep. 14, 1772
1765 Dr. Thomas Percy, Bishop of Dromore Sep. 30, 1811
1765 Sir Robert Chambers r'lay 9, 1 803
1768 George Colman, Esq. Aug. 14, 1794
1773 Earl of Charlemont Aug. 4, 1799
1773 David Garrick, lsq. Jan. 20, 1779
1773 Sir William Jones Apr. 17, 1794
1773 Agmondesham Vesey, Esq. Aug. 11, 1785
1773 James Boswe11, Esq. j/ay 19,1795
1774 Rt. Hon. Chas. James Fox Sep. 13, 1806
1774 Sir Charles Bunbury, Bart. r~ar. 31 , 1821
1774 Dr. George Fordyce r~ay 27, 1802
1774 George Stevens, Esq. Jan. 22, 1800
C 1774 Edward Gibbon, Esq. Jan. 26, 1794
1775 Adam Smith, Esq. Ju1y 17, 1790
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Elected Original Died
1775 Dr. Thomas Bernard, Bishop of Limerick Ju1y 7, 1806
1777 Rev. Dr. Joseph ~iarton Feb. 23, 1800
1777 Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Esq. July 7, 1816
1777 Earl of Upper ossory Feb. 1, 1818
1777 Rt. Rev. Dr. Richard r'lar1ey, Bishop of t-J:'lterford Ju1y 2, 1802
1777 John Dunning, Lord Ashburton Aug. 28, 1783
1778 Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, P.R.S. June 19, 1820
1778 Rt. Hon. William Windham June 4, 1810
1778 Rt. Hon. William Scott, Lord Sto\lJell
1778 The Earl Spencer
1780
1782
1782
1782
1782
17f.Z
1784
1784
1784
Dr. J. Ship1ey, Bishop of St. Asaph
Lord Eliot
Edmond Malone, Esq.
Rev. ThomBs Warton
The Earl of Lucan
f\ i c!1~ rd Burke, Esq.
Sir William Hamiltcr
viscount Pn1mersont
Chas. Burney, Mus. D.
Richard Warren, ~.L.
Dec. 9, 1788
Fer.. 17,1804
i'lay 2~, 1812
:~ay 21, 1790
:1ar. 29, 1799
Aug. 2, 1794
Apr. 6, 1803
J\pr. 16,1802
/\pr. 12, ~e1L'.
~une 22, 1797
108.
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APPENDIX III
The ~·lonks of the Order of St. Patri ck.
(Thomas Davis, ed., T~e Speeches of the Rt. Hon. John Philpot Curran, London, 1847.)
-110.
"The Monks of the Order of Saint PHtrick, commonly called The Monks cf
the Screw, assembled at their ~onvent, in Saint Kevin-street, Dublin, on
and after September the 3rd, 1779. Il The Society was at its height until
1785, when it begar to lose its importance, attraction and membership.
that:
John Philpot Curran wrote its charter song. The following is part of
The Monks of the Screw
When Saint Patrick our arder created, And c~lled us The Monks of the Screw, Good rui~~ he revealed to our Abbot,
To guide us in what ~e should do.
But first he replenished his fountain W~th liquor the best in the sky;
And he S~'iare by the ward of his Saintship, That fauntain should never run dry!
t·1y children. be chaste ~- Itill you1re tempted; While sober. be \lÏse and discreet; And hu,oble y()ur bodies with fasting ~heneler yau have nothing te eôt.
Then be nct a glass in the Canvent, Except on a festival found;
And this rule ta enforce, 1 ordain it A festival all the year round!
While this charter song would tend to sugge~t that the ~onks of the
SCt"'ew had a ~'iholly social raison d1etre, there were political overtones.
The years wh en it vvas at its height of popularity among the members re
inforces the idea that political discussion and action were also a part
of its appea l .
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*LIST OF ME~1BERS OF THE ST. P,lHRICK 1 S SOCIETY
Founder -- +Barry Yelverton, M. P. afterwards Lord Viscount Avonmore, Lord Chief Baron.
Abbot -- +William Doyle, r~aster in Chancery.
Prior -- +John Philpot Curran, afterwards N.P., Privy Councillor, and Master of the Rolls.
Proecentor -- Rev. \1m. Doy, S.F.T.C.D.
Bllrsar -- Edl1Jard Hud':ion, M.D.
Sacri stan -- +Robert Johnson, 1,1. P., afterwards a Judge.
(Thus marked (*) \-'Jere Honorary Members: thus marked (+) were Barristers.)
Arran, the Earl of
*Barry, James, Painter, never joined.
+Brown, Arthur, M.P., and F.T.C.D.
+Burgh, Halter Hussey, Right Hon., and "".P.; aftenJards Chief Baron.
+Burton, Beresford, R.C.
Ca rhampton. (the) Earl of.
+Caldbeck, William, ICC.
+Chamberlayne, ~:. Tankerville, f4.P.; afterwards a Judge.
Charlemont, (the) Earl of.
Corry, Right Hon. Isaac, t·1.P.; afterwards Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Oaly, Right Hon. Denis, r·1.p.
+Day, Robert, M.P.; afterwards a Judge.
+Dobbs, Robert.
Doyle, John, M.P., afterwards a General in the Army, and a Baronet.
+Dunki n, James.
+Duquery, Henry, M.P.
+Emmet, Temple.
+Finucane, Matthew; afterwards a Judge.
+Fitton, Richard.
+Forbes, John, [·1. P •
+Frankland, Richard, ICC.
+Grattan, Rt. Hon. Henry, t1.P.
+Hacket, Thomas.
+Hardy, Francis, r1.p. (Lord Charlemontls biogr'apher).
Harstonge, Sir Henry, Baronet, and r,1.p.
+Herbert, Richard, N.P.
+Hunt, John.
+Hussey, Dudley, M.P., and Recorder of Dublin.
Jebb, Frederi c, 11.0.
KinÇlsborough, Lord Viscount, f~.P.
+Mocawen,
+Martin, Richard, M.P.
+Metge, Peter, r~.p. ; afterwards a Judge.
Nornington, (the) Earl of.
+~1uloch, Thomas.
Newenham, Sir Edward, 1~.P.
Ogle, Right Hon. George, ~1.P.
*OILeary, Rev. Arthur.
+OINeill, Charles, K.C., t~.P.
Palliser, Rev. Dr., Chaplain.
+Pollo.:k, Joseph.
112.
+Ponsonby, Rt. Hon. George, M.P.; afterwards Chancellor of Ireland.
c
113.
+Preston, William.
Ross, Lieut-Colonel, M.
+Sheridan, Charles Francis, rl.p., Secretary at War.
+Smith, Sir f1ichael, Baronet, M.P.; afterwards Master of the Rolls.
+Stawell, William.
Stack, Rev. Richard, F.T.C.D.
Townshend, j~arquess of, (Elected, professed, and joined on his visit to Dublin, after his Vice-royalty),
+Wolfe, Arthur, M.P,; aftei'\,Jards Lord Viscount Kilwarden, Chief Justice of the Ki ng 1 s Bench,
A P PEN DIX 1 V
The Dungannon Convention.
(Th0mas McNevin, History of the Volunteers of 1782, Dublin, 1845.)
(
115.
Resolutions passed at tne Dungannon Convention, February 25, 1782
Whereas, it has been asserted that Volunteers, as such. cannat with
propriety debate, or publish their opinions on political subjeets, or on
the conduct of parliament of political men.
Resolved, unanimously, That a citizen by learning the use of arms
does not abandon any of his civil rights.
Resolved, unanimously, That a claim of any body of men, other than the
King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, tu make laws ta bind this kingdom, is
unconstitutional, illegal, and a grievance.
Resolved, vlith one dissenting voiee only, That the powers exerciseo by
the privy councils of bath kingdoms, under, or under colour, or pretence
of, the law of poyning's are unconstitutional, and a grievance.
Resolved, unanimously, That the ports of this country are by right
open to all foreign countries not at war with the King; and that any burden
thereupon, or obstruction thereto. save only by the Parliament of Ireland,
àre unconstitutional, illegal, and ù grievance.
Resolved, with one dissenting voiee only, That a Mutiny Bill not limit
ed in point of duration, fram session ta session, is uncanstitutional and
a grievance.
Resolved, unanimously, That the independence of judges is equally
essential ta the impartial administration of justice in Ireland as in Eng
land, and that the refusal or delay of this right to Ireland, makes a dis
tinction where there should be no distinction, may excite jealousy where
perfeet union should prevail, and is in itself unconstitutional and a
grievance.
.. .. 116 .
Resolved, with eleven dissenting voices only, That it is our decided
and unalterable determinatior. to seek a redress of these grievances, and we
pledge ourselves to each other and to our country, as freeholders, fellow~
citizens, and men of honour, that we will, at every ensuing election, sup-
port those only who have supported and will support us therein, and that
we will use all constitutional means to make such our pursuit of redress
speedy dnd effectual.
Resolved, with one dissenting voice only, That the right honourable
and honourable the Minority in parliament, \'1ho have supported these our con-
stitutional rights, are entitled to our rnost grateful thanks, and that the
annexed address be signed by the chairlpdn, and published It/ith these resolu-
tions.
Resol ved, unanimously, That four rnelilbers from each county of the pro
vince of Ulster, eleven ta be a quorum, be and are hereby appointed a com
mittee, till the next general meeting, to act for the Volunteer corps here
represented, and, as occasion shall require, to call general meetings of
the province. (Here followed a list of thirty-tv/o names, including Lieut.
Col. A. Stewart and Major Francis Dobbs.)
Resolved, unanimously, That said committee do appoint nine of their
members to be a committee in Dublin, in order to communicate with such
ûther Volunteer associations in the other provinces as may think proper to
come to similar resolutions, and to deliberate with them on the most consti-
tutional means of carrying them into effect.
:n consequence of the above resolution, the committee have appointed
the following gentlemen for said committee, three to be a quorum. (Here
followed a list of nine names, including twlajor Francis Dobbs.)
117.
Resolved, unanimously, That the committee be, and are hereby instruct
ed to call a general meeting of the province, within twelve months from
this day, or in fourteen days after thc' dissolution of the present parlia
ment, should such an event sooner take r31ace.
Resolved, unanimously, That the court of Portugal have acted tO\'/ards
this kingdom, being a part of the British Empire, in such a manner as ta
call upon us to declare, and p1edge ourselves to each other, that we will
not consume any 't/ine of the gro\'Jth of Portugal, and that we will, to the
extent of our influence, prev~nt the use of said wine, save and exeept the
\'Jine at present in thi s ki ngdom, until such time as our exports shall be
reeeived in the kingdom of Portugal, as the manufact.ures of part of the
British empire.
Reso1ved, with two dissenting voices only to this and the following
resolution. That \'Je hold the right of private judgment, in matters of re
ligion, to be sacred in others as ourselves.
Resolved, therefore, That, as men and as Irishmen, as Christians and
as Protestants, \'Je rejoiee in the relaxation of the penal 1aws against our
Roman Catholic fello~,,-subjects, and that we eonceive the measure to be
fraught with the happi est consequences ta the uni on and prosperi ty of the
inhabitants of Ireland.
(The meeting ended with the adoption of an address to the patriot minori
ties in the Houses of Lords and Commons.)
My Lords and Gentlemen. -- We thank you for vour noble and spirited,
tllough hitherto ineffectual efforts, in defenee of the great constitutional
and commercial rights of your country. Go on. The almost unanimous voiee
of the people i s with you; and in a free country the voi ce of the people
must prevail. l'Je know our dut y to our Sovereign, and are loyal. We know
118.
our dut Y to ourselves, and are resolved to be free. He seek for our rights,
and no more than our rights; and, in 50 just a pursuit, we should doubt of
the being of a Providence if we doubted of success.
Si qned by order,
~Ji11im Irvine, Chairman.
<1
(
119.
Abstract of the Effective Men in the different Volunteer Corps, whose
Delegates met at Dungannon, and those who acceded to their Resolutions, and
to the Requisitions of the House of Commons of Ireland, the 16th of April,
1782.
COW~AND[R IN CHIEF
Earl of Charlemont.
Genera l s
Duke of Leinster. Sir James Tynte.
Earl oF Tyrone. Earl of C1anric.:lrde.
Earl of Aldborough. Earl of ~1uskerry.
Lord De Vesci. Sir William Parsons.
Sir B. Denny. Honourable J. Butler
Right Hon. George Oqle. Right Hon. Henry King.*
Province of ll1 ster
Du ngannon Heet i ng, 153 Corps
Twenty-one Corps since acceded
Infantry since acceded, Two Battalions
Six Corps of Cavalry
Eight Corps of Artillery
26,280
3,938
1,250
200
420
32,088
*Besides the se -- the Volunteers at their Provincial Reviews, e1ected their Reviewing Ge:lera1s.
-- U1 s ter Corps wh; ch have acceded si nce
the 1 st of April, 35 of lnfantry
and one Batallion
T\'Jo of Ca va l ry
Tota l of Ul ster
Six Pounders.
Three Pounders.
Howitzers.
Total Pieces of Jl.rtlllery
firti 11 ery.
Province of Connaught.
Ba 11 i nas 1 oe t~eet i ng, 59 Corps
Thi rty-one Corp: of lnfd ntry
who si nce acceded
Cava1ry, eight Corps
Arti 11ery
Acceded since 1st of April,
four Corps of lnfantry and one of Cava 1 ry
Tota l of Connaught
120.
1,972
92
34,152
16
10
6
32
6,897
5,781
421
250
13,349
987
14,336
(
(
(Connaught continued)
Six Pounders.
Three Pounders.
Artillery.
Total Pieces of Artillery
Province of Munster
City and County of Cork
68 other Corps of Infantry in the Province
Cavalry of the Province returned, 15 Corps
Arti11er)~9 Corps
Acce~2d since lst April, 15 Corps of Infant y
Two Corps of Cavalry
Total of r~unster
Si x Pounders.
Three Pounders.
HO\'Ii tzers .
Total Pieces of Arti11ery
Artillery.
121.
la
la
20
5,123
7,987
710
221
14,041
3,921
94
18,056
14
14
4
32
- Province of Leinster.
139 Corps whose delegates met at Dublin, April 1 7, 1782
10 Corps of Cavalry who before acceded and no delegates sent
19 di tto of Infantry
Art il1 ery, 9 Corps
Arti 11 ery.
Nine Pounders.
Six Pounders.
Three Pound ers .
Howi tzers.
Total Pieces of Arti11ery
Tota 1 NUr.1bers
Ulster
r'1unster
Connaught
Leins ter
Tata 1
22 Corps have al 50 accedecl but made no returns: estimated at
i~aking in all nearly a general grand Total of Art; 11 ery, 130 pieces.
122.
16,983
580
4,398
322
22,283
2
16
14
6
38
~:4, 152
18, 056
14,336
22,283
88,827
12, 000
100,000
{ APPENDIX V
Delegates to the Grand National Convention, Dublin.
(Thomas i~cNevin, Historyof the Volunteers of 1782, Dublin, 1845.)
c
List of Delegates
who composed the
GRAND W\TIONAL CONVENTION
124.
Those r~embers who never took their seats in the Convention are underlined.
Thus marked * \'/ere confined by illness, and could not attend their dut y
in the Convention.
Thus r.larked + opposed the Plan of Reform in the Convention.
Thus marked # appeared luke-warm in the Convention.
Thus marked ** relinquished their patronage of rotten boroughs for the
pub 1; c benefit.
Province of Ulster.
County of Antrim.
~{ight Hon. Colonel John O'fleill
Honourable Col. Rowley
Lieutenant-Col. Sharman
Co 1. T. r10rri s Jones
Capt. Todd Jones
County of the Tovin of Carrickfergus
Rev. tk. Bruce
County of Armagh
General Earl of Charlemont**
Col. Right Hon. Sir Capel Molyneaux, Baronet
rk. Henry Joy, junior
Lieut.-Col. Right Hon. Hilliam Brm'lnlo\'1
Lieut.-Col. Sir William Synnott
Cap. James Dawson
( County of Derry.
Lord Bi shop of Derry
Col. Right Hon. Thomas Conolly
Capt. Leckey
Captain F. Saunderson
Lord Farnhilm+
Genera 1 r,. ~1ontgomp.ry
Cüunty of Cavan.
County of DO\'m.
Colonel Right Hon. Robert Stewart
Captain t/latthe\'J Farde, junior
125.
Col. Right Hon. Edward Carey
Captain Ferguson
Hon. J. J. Maxwell
Captain Henry Cl ements
~1ajor Crawford
Colonel Patrick Savage
Captain Gavin Ham; 1 ton
County of Fermanagll.
Co l one 1 l rwi ne
Colonel Sir A. Brüoke, St.
Captain A.C. Hamilton
Jason Hazard, Esq.
Captain James Armstrong
County of Donegal.
Colonel A. t1ontgomery
Colonel John Hamilton
Lieut.-Col. A. Stewart
Col. Charles Pow. Lesl ie
Col. Francis Lucas
Co 1. J. t1ontgomery
Co 1. Robert W Cl i ntock
Lieut.-Col. Charles Nesbitt
County of Monaghan
Captain William Forster
Captain James Hami lton
.....
126.
County of Tyrone
Colonel Stewart Lieutenant-Col. Charleton
L ieut.-Col. Nontgomery Capta in Eccl es
Colonel James Alexander
Provi nce of Conl1aught
Colonel Perse
Edmond Kirwan, Esq.
Peter D'Arcy, Esq.
Co l one l La touche
Colonel Teneson
Colonel Pey ton
County of Galway
County of Leitrim
County of ~1ayo
Col. Sir H.L. Blosse, Bart.
Col. Dominick G. Brmme
Valentia Blake, Esq.
County of Roscommon
Colonel Arthur French
Caotain Edward Crofton
Colonel Maurice Mahon
r~ajor i~i 11 i am Burke
Colonel i~alter Lambert
Colonel Cullen
Colonel Crofton
Colonel Edmond Jordan
Col. Patrick Randell t1'Donnell
Col. Christopher Lyster
Counsellor Dennis Kelly
f
c
County of Sl igo
Right Hon. General Henry King
Righi: Hcn. Joshua Cooper
Colonel Q1Hara#
Robert Lyons. Esq.
r4ajor George Dod\'.Je11
127.
County of the Tovm of Galway
Colonel F1ood**
Counse110r Blossett
Lieutenant-Col. French
Colonel Bagena1
Prov i nce of Lei ns ter
County of Carl 0\'1
Lieut.-Co1. Sir Charles Burton, Bart.
Countyof the City of Dublin
Colonel Sir Edward Newenham, Knt.
Lieut.-Co1. Graydon
Countyof Dublin
Col. Sir J.A. Johnston. Bart.
Col. Sir J.S. Tynte, Bart.
County of the Town of Drogheda
Col. William Meade Ogle
fvlajor Browne
Cou nse 11 or r~a l'ti n Ki n'la n
Colonel Rochfort
Captain Stewart
Rev. r1r. Ryan
Captain (...arren
Captain Cornwall
Benjalldn Wills. Esq.
Colonel Joseph Deans
Captain Baker
r~ajor Ve rschoyl e
Colonel H.M. Lyons
1
-
John Wolfe, Esq.
Hon. John Bourke
Richard Neville, Esq.
General George Ogle#
County of Kildare
County of Wexford
Sir Vesey Colclough, Bt.**
Lord Viscount Valentia
R.L. Edgeworth, Esq.
ftlajor Sandys*
f-lajor Fox
County of Longford
Ki ng 1 s County
General Sir bï Iliam Parsons, Bart.
Colonel John Lloyd
Colonel C.\:J. Bury
County of Kilkenny
Lieut.-Colonel Knaresborough
:'1ajor i'Jemys
Counse 11 or Locki ngton
County of the City of Kilkenny
Colonel Thomas Butler
128.
i1aurir:e Kectting, Esq.
ilichael ,lI.ylmer, Esq.
Richard Neville, Esq.
Co l one 1 Ha ttonf-
Col. Sir William Gleadowe Newcomen, Bart.
Colonel r~esbitt
Colonel Johnston Darby
Colonel James Francis Roleston
Ca p ta in He l 5 ham
Captain Elliott
Lieut.-Colonel Mossom
/
(
-
Prov; nce of Munster
County of Cork
Right Hon. Lark Kingsborough
Fr. Bernùrd. Esq.**
Co l one l Roche
129.
Sir Ja~n Conway Colthurst, Bart.
Major Thomas Fitzgerald
Caunty of the Ci ty of Cork
Co 10 n e 1 Bo u s fie 1 d
Colonel Bag\'/ell
Ri cha rd l'laare, Esq.
County of Clare
Col. Sir H. Dillon j·lassey, Bart.
Col. Edward Fitzgerald
Col. rrancis f1acnamara
County of Derry
General Sir Barry Denny, Bart.
nichard TOImsend Herbert, Esq.
Co l one l l,la hony
Hon. Cal. Hugh i1assey**
Colonel Richard Bourke
Co l one l John Fitzgera 1 d
County of Limerick
Richard Fitton, Esq.
Colonel R. Longfield
Colonel 6lood
Hajor Stackpole
Colonel Gunn
Robert Day, Esq.#
t1ajor Powell
~laj or C rD ker
130.
County of the Ci ty of L imeri ck
Colonel Thomas Smyth
Colonel Edmond H. Pery
Colonel Prendergast
Thomas Hackett, Esq.
Colonel Daniel Taler
Major Edward Moore
John Congreve, Esq.
Sir Richard Musgrave
Thomas Christmas, Esq.
County of Tipperary
County of ~~aterford
Court y of the City of waterford
Captain Robert S. Carew
Captain H. Alcock
Capta i n Bo lton
r,~ajor Hart*
Henry D1Esterre, E~q.
Col. Sir William 6arker
Capta in A 11 eyn
S.J. Newport, Esq.
John Kaine, Esq.
Counsellor W~lliam Morris
Capta i n Dobbyn
( APPENDIX VI
Cha r1 emont on Edmund Burke
(ilistorical t1anuscripts Commission, Report 12, Appendix X.)
(
-132.
Observations on Edmund Burke
"This most amiable and ingenious man \tlas pr i late secretary to lord
Rockingham, a situation wllich was procured for him by the just attestation
of all \'1ho knev.J him in behalf of his worth and abilities. Tt may not be
superf1uous to relate the following anecdote, the truth of which 1 can as
sert, and vlhich does honour both to him and to his noble patron. Saon
after lurd Rockingham, upon the ~~arm recommendation of many friends, had
appointed Burke his secretary, the duke of NeVlcastle, vJÏshing probably to
procure the place for SGme dependant of his own, with a view which in an old
ministerial statesman will be easily guessed, and instigated by the ener.lles
of Burke and of merit, waited on lord Rockingham, over \IJhom 111S age, party
dignity, and ancient family connection had given him much influence, and
ev en sorne degree of authority, dnd informed hiin that he had um'Jarily taken
into his service a man of dangerou:; pnnciples, and one who was by birtll
and educJtion a Papist and a Jacobite; a calumny founded upon Burkels Irish
connections, which were most of them of that persuasion, and upon sorne
juvenile follies arising from tlJOse connections. The marquis, \·,hose genu
ine vlhiqgism was easily alarrned, immediately sent for Burke, dnd fait'ly
told him \'/hat he had heard. It l'JaS easy for 8urke, \',1110 !lad been educated
at the university of Dublin, to bring testimonies to his Protestantism, and
with regard to the second accusation, which was wholly founded upon the
fomer, it was saon dane a"Jay, and lard :\ockinaham, readily and wi11ing1y
disabused, declared that he was perfect1y satisfied of the falsehood of
the in."ormation he had received, and that he no longer harboured the
smallest doubt of the integrity of his princip1es; when Burke, with an
1
J
•
133.
honest and disinterested boldness, told his lordship that it wa5 now no
longer possible for him to be his secretary; that the reports that he had
heard would probably, Even unknown to himself, create in his mind such
suspicions as might prevent his thoroughly confiding in him, and that no
earthly consideration should induce him to stand in that relation with a
man who did not place entire confidence in him. The marquis, struck with
this manliness of sentiment, which 50 exactly corresponded with the feel
ings of his own heart, frankly and positively assured him that what had
passed, far from leaving any bad impression on his mind, had only served
to fortify his good opinion, and that, if from no other reason, he might
rest assured tl1at froln bis conduct upon this occasion alone he should ever
esteem, and place in him the most unreserved confidence and trust, a pro
mise which he most faithfully performed; neither had he at any time, nor
his friends after his deJth, the least reason to repent of that confidence,
Burke having ever acted towards his surviving friends with a constant and
disinterested fidelity, which \'Jas proof against his mm indigent circum
stances, and the magnificent offers of those in power; a fidelity \'Ihich,
during the short-lived administration of the duke of Portland, was re\'Iard
ed \'Iith the office oF paymaster-general. It must however be confessed
that hlS early habits and connections, thou0h they could never make him
swerve from his dut y, had given his rnind an almost constitutional bent to
wards the Poplsh party, as plainly appeared from his very imprudent conduct
respecting that party in Ireland. Prudence is indeed the only v irtue he
does not possess; from a total want of which, and from the amiable \'Ieak
nesses of an excellent heart, his estimation in England, though still
great, is certainly diminished. What it was at this period will appear
-y.
134.
from the following fact, which, however trifling, 1 here relate as a
proof of the opil1ion formed of hiJ1l by his party. Having dined at lord
Rockingham's, in company with him and sir Charles Saunders. this latter
gentleman carried me in his coach to AllOack's. In the \lay, Burke i'Jas the
subject of our conversation, when the admiral, lamenting the declined state
of the empire, earnestly and solemnly declared that, if it could be savEd,
it must be by the virtue and abilities oF that \'JOndet'ful man."
136
I. Introduction to the Bibliography
The bulk of the manuscript material pertinenent to the earl of Charle
mont is divided amongst three locations: The National L ibrary of Ireland,
Dublin; the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin; and the British Library, London.
The material available at the National Li brary of Ireland (N.L. 1.) is of
limited use. The F.S. Bourke collection contains little of relevance. The
Dobbs manuscripts are somewhat better. These consist of letters written by
Charlemont to Dobbs, who was in charge of sorne of the northern Volunteers.
This correspondence discusses Volunteer affairs and points out various
views Charlemont held on current government policies. The Flood letters
as edited by Thomas Rodd are a disappointment. There is little of rele-
vance to Charlemont and the Volunteer question. The material at the Royal
Irish Academy is of greater use. The Academy holds the Charlemont collec-
tion which consists of the earlls correspondence and sorne of his literary
endeavours. Some of the correspondence has been arranged into two series
by the Rev. Edward Groves and ~lr. John Prendergast. These arrangements do
not include commentary; they are a chronological compilation of Charle-
montls letters. The various manuscript collections consulted at the B.L.
help augment the picture of the earl despite the fact that many contain
only a few pieces of his correspondence. By far the most valuable are the
Flood papers. These covered important years in both Floodls and Charle
montls lives - from 1765-82. There was also a single reference to Charle-
mont' and Flood in the Shelburne Pa pers located in the William L. Clements
Librai\y. While each piece of information has its O\'1n value, it can be
stated that the Flood Papers, in their several locations, and the Charlemont
(
137.
collection are of the greater value.
Although many of the contemporary and modern secondary sources for
Irish history make reference to the earl of Charlemont, there is little dis
cussion of him or of his life apart from his connection with the volunteers
of 1782. T\'IO biographies of the ear1, by Francis Hardy and Maurice Craig,
exist which help to fi11 this void of information. Both are openly sym
pathetic to Charlemont and portray him in a favourab1e manner. As contempor
ary and friend of his subject Hardy \'lOu1d hardly be expected to do other
wise, writing so soon after Charlemontls death and while many of the other
characters were still living.
The most important sources available are the Memoirs and Correspondence
of the Earl of Charlemont collected and edited by the Historical Manu
scripts Commission and his correspondence compiled separately by Edward
Groves and John Prendergast. Charlemont proves to be a reliable and con
sistent source and his personal impressions of sorne of the important
figures of his time are substantiated by other contemporaries and by 1ater
historians. The Memoirs and Correspondence is contained in t\'/o volumes,
the majority of which is correspondence. Charlemont begins his memoirs by
stating that they were intended for the education of his sons and not for
public consumption. This may or may not have been his intent. Certain1y
the r'lemoirs differ in style to Chesterfieldls advice given to his son.
Charlemont a1so does not provide much background on his early life, rr~fer
ring to concentrate on his entry into and role in Irish politics. Charle
montls Memoirs establish a framework which the several collections of
correspondence complement. The two - memoirs and correspondenre - must be
used in conjunction with each other in order to produce a mûre complete
-
138.
picture of the earl's life.
The Travels of Lord Charlemont in Greece and Turkey, edited by W.B.
Stanford and E.J. Finopoulos is principally a printed version of the manu-
script account of the earl's travels in the Mediterranean. This is a
limited convenience ta the reader. The editors have chosen to omit Charle-
mont's introductory essays and many of his views 0,' the region and its cul-
ture. They have also changed the order of the Journals for the sake of
literary style. However, the editors ' explanatory notes of various sites
and classical references commented on by the earl are usefuï.
The secondary works which deal specifically with the earl are limited
ta the two aforementioned biographies. Maurice Craig's work, being the
more recent, relies heavily on the information provided by Hardy's bio-
graphy. In addition ta his discussion of Charlemont's life, Craig spends
a substantial amount of tirne describing the earl's tovm property as well as
the estate outside of Dublin and the architectural contribution of Sir
William Chambers to these sites. Hardy provides a general survey of Charle
mont's lengthy grand tour and includes anecdotes of the trave1s. His con
centration however, is upon the later social and political life of the earl.
As biographers of the ea rl, both Hardy and Cra i 9 are hi ndered by a 1 ack of
information concerning his early life. As well, neither the journal of his
excursion ta Egypt, nor the account of his time on the Continent, especially
his residence in Italy, is extant. Information on his Italian residency
must be obtained from his correspondence.
The grand tour was often a significant addition ta a person's formal
education. It proved to be the formation or ruin of many characters. Al
though it was primarily the young men of the time who embarked on the tour
(.
1
(
-
139.
there are notable exceptions. Perhaps the best known is Lady Mary Montague
~/ortley, whose account of her extensive travels is an interesting narrative.
Travell ing to the Turkish Empire c'n~1 beyond to the Levant was not a common
practice of the time and so the few accounts of such travels provide useful
comparisons to Charlemont's accounts and impressions.
The standard \vorks on England and Ireland for the period under con
sideration establish a \vider context \'/ithin which the reader may view the
earl. Two which are invaluable are J.A. Froude's The English in Ireland in
the Eïghteenth Century and A History of Ireland in the Eighteent:-, Century
by \~.E.H. Lecky. Again, these \'1orks need ta be used together in arder to
produce a well-rounded picture of the events and people of the eighteenth
century. \':hile they are dealing with the same subjects, the authars pre
sent slightly differing views. In describing the earl, Froude does not
hesitate te point out what he considers to be his shortcomings. At the
same tlme thouqh he is not unduly harsh in his presentation of Charlemont,
Lecky gives a lengthier sketch of Charlemont's background and character
than daes Froude. Lecky also tends to omit certain details of the politi
cal and social environment which Fraude includes. His style tends to be
more anecdota l .
A contemporary vie~ of the periad is provided by Sir Jonah Barringtan's
several histories which are interesting, if not useful.
J.C. Beckett's The Anglo-Irish Tradition and E.M. Johnston's Ireland
on the Eighteenth Century è.re modern \>lOrks which provide good surveys and
discussions of the century. ~~odern historians acknowledge Charlemant's
role as commander-in-chief of the volunteers but do not develop his charac
ter beyond saying that he was a cautious leader who did not believe the
l
-.....
140.
time was right for the emancipation of the roman catholics. To set Charle
mont in his wider context of the Anglo-Irish ascendancy and then the general
political and social world of the eighteenth century the reader may look to
several modern works. Among these are Irish public opinion, 1750-1800 by
R.B. McDowell; Francis James' Ire1and;n the Empire 1688-1770; and Irish
Politics and Social Conflict in the Age of the American Revolution by Maurice
O'Connell. A.P.W. Malcomson discusses the period through an examination of
the political career of another member of the ascendancy who also lacks re
cognition today in John Foster: the Politics of the Anglo-Irish Ascendancy.
Other books concentrating on the reigns and political administrations of
this century provide wider frameworks for the reader.
As mentioned above, the grand tour was generally l imited to the Con
tinent. There are numerous books on this subject. One of the more helpful
is a recent werk by Jeremy Black,The British and the Grand Tour. Black
covers a range of topics fram transportation to the political and social
theught which was often a product of the tour. He has a1so inc1uded a
selective but useful bibliography.
Char1emont's notoriety has come mainly from his role as commander-in
chief of the volunteers. There is not an abundance of information avail
able on them solely. General works of Irish history in this period must be
relied upon. The information from the various secondary sources must be
checked against each ether as details vary, especially in regards to numbers
of men involved. The volunteers were not an officially recognized militia.
Altho~gh headed by a commander-in-chief the various corps rnaintained their
autonOl.iy. Their autonomous, as well as spontaneous, nature contributed to
the lack of detailed records on them. Their interest was in attaining
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141.
their political goal, not "in preserving information for future historians.
Having said this though there are a fel." work~ availab1e which shed light on
this extra-parliamentary force. One sucll is Thomas l~acNevin's A History of
the Volunteers of 1782. This srnall book is a good narrôtive account of
the volunteers. As well it contains a useful appendix detailing the colours
of the corps and the nailles of the leaders and de1egates ta the cOJ1vention.
I-Iereward Senior's OrangeisPi in Ireland and Britain discusses the:! volunteers
in the context of their being the forerunners oi' 'che Orange Lodges in Ire
land. Besides analyzing their role as a political movement, Senior's \'JOrk
places the volunteE:rs ir, c. \'dder Anglo-Irish perspective. David Smythe's
PILP. dlssertation "The Volunteer f~ovelJ1elH: in Ulster" argues thé't they
should be seen as a continuation of the Irish Illili~ia tradition.
The works cited in this Introduction represent the major divisions in
Charlernont's life. They are intended as a guide for those interested in any
or an aspects of his life and his time. Charlemont's circle of friends en
COl11Vlssec both the political and artistic worlds. This allo\/ed r.im to come
into contact with many pf!op1e, including sorne l'/ho have retained their notori
et y . The aurpose of this ; s then ta alle,vi LhE' reader to find hi 5 way through
the maze of figLnoes - élcquaintances, friends and opponents-who feature in
the earl's life.
II. Bibliography
British Library~ London
A. Original Sources
l. Manuscript Material
142.
Additional Manuscripts (Add. Mss.) 22,394 - Subscribers Names to Hogarth's Four Prints of an Election Ec. 1754. Folios 33, 35.
Add. Mss. 22,930 - Flood Pa pers .
Add. Mss. 32,690 - Newcastle Pa pers , Vol. V, Folio 255.
Add. Mss. 34,418 - Auckl and Papers, Vol. VII.
Add. t~ss . 35,126 - Correspondence of Arthur Young, Vol. I.
Add. Mss. 39,168 - Miscellaneous Letters & Papers, XVII-XIX, Centt. 1.5 Pa pers of George Ca tcott.
Add. Mss. 35,593 - Hardwicke Papers, Vol. CCXLV, Folio 92.
Add. r~ss . 40,015 0- Miscellaneous Letters and Papers.
Stowe Manuscripts 259: 261 - Phelps Correspondence.
National Library of Ireland, Dublin
Dobbs Mss. 2251.
F.S. Bourke Collection. Mss. 10,713 (1); 10,756.
Ori~inal Letters, principally from Lord Charlemont .•. to Hel~ry Flood. dited 5y Tho~as Rodd.
Royal Iri sh Academy, Dubl in
Char1emont t1ss. 12 R 5; 12 R 6.
Original Correspondence of James, late earl of Charlemont Arranged by the Rev. Edward Groves, 1825. First series, Vols. 1-II1.
143.
Original Correspondence of James, late ear1 of Char1emont Arranged by John Prendergast, 1867. Second series, Vols. l, II.
II. Pri nted Ma ter; al
Barrington, Jonah. Persona1 Sketches of His Own Time. 2 vols. London 1830.
-----, Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation. Dublin, 1853.
Boswell, James, The Life of Samuel Johnson, LLO., inc1uding A Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides. A New Edition, with Numerous Additions and Notes by John Wilson Croker. 2 vols. New York, 1833.
Burdy, Samuel, The Life of Philip Skelton. 1792, Oxford, 1914.
Burton, John Hill, Life and Correspondence of David Hume. 2 vols. Originally published Edinburgh, 1846. New York (1967).
Copeland, Thomas W., ed., The Correspondence of Edmund Burke. Cambridge 1958.
Davis, Thomas. The Speeches of the ~ight Honourable John Phi1pot Curran. Dub11n,1845.
Flood, Warden, Memoirs of the Life and Correspondence of the Right Honorable Henry Flood, i~.p .. Dublin, 1838.
Hardy, Francis. r~emoirs of the political and Private Life of James Caulfeild. 1810.
Hi storica 1 r~anuscrl pts Commi ssion. Egmont. Vol. II.
FGrtesgue, Vol. IV.
James Stewart of Killymoon (Papers).
Lothian.
Memoirs and Correspondence of James, ear1 of Charlemont. Report 12. appendix X, Vol. 1.; Report 13, appendix VIII, Vol. 11.
Portland.
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Various Collections. Report 15, Vol. 8.
5th Report...:..
Madden, Daniel Owen, The Select Speeches of the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. Dublin, 1845.
144.
Phil1ips, Charles, Recollections of Curran, and Sorne of His Contemporaries. London, 1822.
Stanford, W.B. and E.J. Finopoulos, eds., The Travels of Lord Charlemont in Greece and Turkey, 1749. London, l~
II 1. Newspapers
Dub 1 in Journa l
Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser, The Burrey Collection, Vol. 735. (British Library).
Public Register, or, Freeman's Journal.
B. Seconda ry Sources
1. Books
Beckett, J.C., The Anglo-Irish Tradition. Ithaca, New York, 1976.
____ , The ~laking of Modern Ireland. 2nd edition. London, 1981.
Black, Jeremy, The British and the Grand Tour. London, 1985.
Block, Petrus Johannes, Historyof the People of the Netherlands. New York, 1970.
Butterfield, Herbert, George III, Lord North and the People, 1779-1780. London, 1949.
Christ:e, Ian R., Wars and Revolutions. London, 1982.
Craig, r·;?urice, Dublin. London, 1952.
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•
, The Vo1unteer Earl. London, 1948. -----Fa1kiner, C. Litton, Studies in Irish History and Biography. London,
1902.
145.
Froude, James Anthony, The Englisil in Ire1and in the Eighteenth Century. 3 vols. 1872-1874.
Gwynn, Stephen, Henry Grattan and His Times. Freeport, Ne\'J York, 1939, 1971 .
Halsband, Robert, Lord Hervey: Eighteenth-Century Courtier. Oxford, 1973.
Huggett, Frank C. The Modern Nether1ands. London, 1971.
James, Francis Godwin, Ireland in the Empire. 1688-1770. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1973.
Johnston, Edith Mary, Ireland, in the Eighteenth Century. The Gill History of Ire1and, Vol. 8. Dub11n, 1974.
Lambert, R.S., ed., Grand Tour. London, 1935.
Lecky, W.E.H., fI History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century. 5 vols. London, 1903.
Malcomson, A.P.vJ., John Foster: The Politics of the Anglo-Irish Ascendancy. Oxford, 1978.
MacNevin, Thomas, History of the Volunteers of 1782. Dublin, 1845.
Maxwell, Constantia, Country and Town in Ireland under the Georges. Dunda i k, 1949.
McOowell, R.B., Irish Public Opinion, 1750-1800. London, 1944.
r1ead, William, Edward, The Grand Tour in the Eighteenth Century. New Yo r k, 1914.
Mossner, Ernest Campbell, The Life of David Hume. 2nd edition, Oxford, 1980.
O'Connell, Maurice R., Irish Pol itics and Social Conn ict in the Age of the American Revolution. Phi1adelphlJ, 1965.
Prior, James, Life of Edmond r~a1one. London, 1860.
Somerville-Large, Peter, Irish Eccentrics. London, 1975.
Towers, Eric, Oashwood: The Man and the r~yth. N.P., 1986.
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146.
Vlekke, Bernard H.M., Evolution of the Dutch Nation. New York, 1945.
Wood, Alfred C., A History of the Levant Company._ Oxford, 1935.
Zimmern, Alfred Fq Henry Grattan. Oxford, 1902.
II. Articles
Conne 11, Bri an. IIPortra it of a Whi 9 Peer" in Hi story Today. 1957.
The Dublin University r~agazine, IIGallery of Illustrious Irishmen - James, Earl of Charlemont." 1836-1837.
Dunthorne, Hugh, IIBritish Travellers in Eighteenth-Century Holland: Tourism and the Appreciation of Dutch Culture" in British Journal for Eighteenth Century Studies..:... Vol. 5, 1982.
Fahy, Conor, "Notes on Charlemont and Baretti " ln Royal Society of Antiguaries of Ireland. Journal. Vol. (91-93), 1961-1963.
The Gentleman's Magazine. Vol. 52, 1982.
Harris, John, "Sir William Chambers, Friend of Charlemont" in Quarterly Bulletin of the Irish Georgian Society. Vol. VIII, no. 3,-1965.
The Irish ~cok Lover. Vol. (13-14), Aug. 1921- DeL. ~924.
The Irish Builder. IIMarino and the Charlemont Papers. 1I June 15, 1882.
Jupp, P.J., "Earl Temple's viceroyalty and the renunciation question, 1782-3 11 in Irish Historical Studies. Vol. XVII.
Kilkenny Archaeological Society Journal. "Cunningham Prize Medal of R.I.A." 4th series, Vol. 7,1885-1886.
MacEgan, Donal, "Char1emont and Catholic C1aims" in The Catholic Bulletin. Vol. 19, Sept. 1929 .
• "Charlemont and the Penal Code ll in The Catholic Bulletin. -~V'--o"""l. 19 , J u 1 y l 929 .
r~ahony, T.H.D., IIBurke's Imperial Mentality" in Canadian Historica1 Rev i eW_ i
o Snodaigh, pâdraig, "The Volunteers of '82: a citizen army or armed citizens -- a bicentennial retrospect" in The Irish Sword. Vol. XV, Summer 1983. no. 60.
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Powell, John Stocks, History Today.
"Henry Grattan: Enl i.ghtenment i.n Ire1and" in Vol. XXVII, no. 3, Harch 1977.
Smith, E.A., "Lord Fitz\AJilliam 1 s lGrand Tour 1, 1764-6911 in History
Today. Vol. 17, no. 6, June 1967.
147.
stanford, W.B., IIThe r'1anuscripts of Lord Charlemont 1 s Eastern Travels" in Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. 80, C, 5.
III. Theses
Smyth, David, "The Volunteer ~1ovement in Ulster: Background and Development, 1745-1785. 11 Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Queen 1 s University, Belfast, 1974.