"The Localised Social Impacts of an Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development in the Kwadukuza...

8/14/2019 "The Localised Social Impacts of an Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development in the Kwadukuza District Muni

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ELSRD in KwaDukuza, Kwazulu Natal, South Africa

Table of Contents

1. An Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development in the KwaDukuza

Municipality: .................................................................................................. 1

1.1. Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development (ELSRD), defined .................................... 21.2. A description of KwaDukuza municipality ........................................................................ 31.3. Seaward Estate (History, Description and Location) ........................................................5

The information pertaining to section 1.3., has been extracted from interviews held withFrancois Van der Merwe, Joe Reeler and Eric Quevauvilliers in June 2005 (SeeAppendices, 8.1. Interviews b), c) and g), pages 41, 44 and 57) .....................................5

2. Understanding Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development (ELSRD): ...... 8

2.1. The nature of community ................................................................................................ 82.2. Social impacts of ELSRD .................................................................................................92.3. Economic impacts of ELSRD .......................................................................................... 11

3. Methodology, the Seaward ELSRD Research Process: ................................. 12

3.1. Aims and objectives .....................................................................................................133.2. Assumptions ............................................................................................................... 133.3. Research plan - data collection methods ....................................................................... 133.4. Research process ......................................................................................................... 143.5. Limitations and possible weaknesses of research .......................................................... 16

4. Results of the Seaward Estate Study: ........................................................ 17

4.1. Answers to the studies key questions ........................................................................... 174.2. Veracity of the assumptions stated prior to the study ................................................... 214.3. ELSRD issues raised during the study ........................................................................... 28

5. Conclusion, Possible Localised Social Impacts of the Seaward ELSRD: ......... 30

6. References: .............................................................................................. 31

6.1. Literary references ....................................................................................................... 316.2. Electronic references .................................................................................................... 32

7. Figures: ................................................................................................... 34

7.1. Map of southern KwaDukuza, indicating areas of development and settlement .............. 3434

7.2. Map of Ballito, including part of Seaward Estate in the north west corner ...................... 357.3. Map of Seaward Estate ................................................................................................. 367.4. Photograph: Aerial photograph showing southern Kwadukuza from Sheffield Beach

(foreground) to the Ballito promontory (note the density of development along thecoast) ......................................................................................................................... 37

7.5. Photograph: Aerial photograph showing the Ballito promontory in the foreground andSeaward Estate at top centre ...................................................................................... 37

7.6. Photograph: Aerial photograph showing Seaward Estate in the centre, with both Ballitoand Seaward Drive clearly visible ............................................................................... 38

7.7. Photograph: Aerial photograph showing the Seaward Drive access control feature andthe fence line in the foreground .................................................................................. 38

7.8. Photograph: Aerial view of Seaward Estate including part of Zimbali............................. 397.9. Photograph: Seaward Estate, the main entrance to Seaward Drive located on Ballito Drive.................................................................................................................................. 40

7.10. Photograph: Seaward Estate, signage posted at the main entrance ............................. 407.11. Photograph: Seaward Estate security measures, example of fencing around the estate 417.12. Photograph: Seaward Estate security measures, example of posted signage ................ 41

8. Appendices: ............................................................................................. 42

8.1. Interviews .................................................................................................................... 42a) Construction Workers - Seaward Estate .........................................................................................42b) Eric Quevauvilliers - Seaward Estate Site and Development Manager ..........................................44c) Francois Van der Merwe - Ex KwaDukuza Town and Regional Planner .........................................47d) Gina Hamlyn - Engels and Vlkers Real Estate Agent ....................................................................50e) Helena Jacobs - Ex KwaDukuza Town and Regional Planner ........................................................53f) Ian Mardall - Ballito Ratepayers Association ...................................................................................57g) Joe Reeler - Head of Security at Seaward Estate ............................................................................60

h) Kethi Ndimande & Doris Zuma - Previous Seaward Site Residents ................................................63i) Un-named Source - KwaDukuza Municipality ..................................................................................70j) Vincent Magwaza - Local Ballito Resident .......................................................................................71


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ELSRD in KwaDukuza, Kwazulu Natal, South Africa

8.2. Kwadukuza IDP 2005/06 (draft document excerpts): ...................................................... 728.3. Kwadukuza Municipality: Local Economic Development; Draft EDP Directorate (excerpt)

.................................................................................................................................. 838.4. Newspaper Article - Beware of Unethical Developers .................................................... 858.5. Newspaper Article - Fear and loathing in gated communities ......................................... 888.6. Newspaper Article - Help!!: Town planners under huge pressure ................................... 898.7. Newspaper Article - Overseas: The hunt widens ............................................................ 918.8. Newspaper Article - Pilots Stung by Zimbali Fines ......................................................... 93

8.9. Newspaper Article - Rich, poor neighbours don't get along ............................................ 948.10. Newspaper Article - Two Bits Worth ............................................................................ 95


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1. An Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development in the KwaDukuzaMunicipality:

This Paper focuses on the socio-economic affects of an Exclusive Large

Scale Residential Development (ELSRD) in the KwaDukuza Municipality, of Kwazulu

Natal, South Africa. It aims to do this by investigating the socio-economic context,

of an ELSRD called Seaward Estate in Ballito. A substantial body of literature

exists, related to this type of development, more generically referred to as a gated

community. This paper will draw on aspects of this collective knowledge, together

with qualitative data, gathered during interviews in and around Seaward Estate.

In order to situate and contextualise ELSRD within the social landscape of

KwaDukuza, this paper draws on the background of various human sciences. As

suggested by Cloke, Philo and Sandler in Approaching Human Geography, One of

the most obvious characteristics of contemporary human geography is its diversityof approach. Within human geography today there is an unprecedented liveliness to

the engagement with issues of method and theory. (Cloke, Philo and Sandler,1991,

pp - 1). In the spirit of this diversity this paper seeks a wide-ranging social and

geographical understanding of the types of developments in question.

Present day Kwadukuza municipality embodies an exciting opportunity for a

student of human geography to examine the physical expression of a diverse

society on its landscape. In Society-space, Smith is correct to single South Africa out

as the special case, in regard to its historical socio-spatial patterns of spatial

separation (Smith, 2002). This is a reference to the Apartheid system of racial

segregation implemented by the socio-spatial planners of the previous South

African governments, particularly as legislated by the National Party.

As discussed by McCarthy in The Divided City, the South African landscape

was historically divided along colour lines through various forms of socio-spatial

engineering (i.e.: physical boundaries between townships in which different race

groups resided) (McCarthy, 1990). More recently however these racial divisions

have been supplanted by the indiscriminate laissez-faire realities of the global

economy.Income and employment are strong determinants of human settlement

patterns globally and thereby the resulting spatial patterns of development

(Robertson, 2002). These patterns are hinted at, by this micro scale study of

Seaward Estate within the larger framework of the KwaDukuza municipality.

However, it must be stressed that current South African spatial patterns of

settlement still exhibit evidence of the historical characteristics of racial separation.

Which are exacerbated by societal diseases such as fear, crime, violence and

murder. These diseases are arguably associated with the obscene levels of income

inequality between race groups (particularly between rich whites and poor blacks)


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(Landman & Schnteich, 2002) and (Municipal Manager, 2005) (See Appendices

8.2., page 68).

In an attempt to rectify this income inequality, the present African National

Congress (ANC) government is implementing its own flavour of redistributive

socio-spatial planning, which is reflected by the KwaDukuza IntegratedDevelopment Plan (IDP).

According to this plan, the Ilembe District Spatial Framework, of which

Kwadukuza municipality is a component, is based on development corridors (main

roads and freeways), which link development nodes (towns, cities and

municipalities) with one another. It is suggested that these linkages will promote

trade and economic growth, both intra and inter municipally and thereby raise

employment levels and overall income in Ilembe (Municipal Manager, 2005) (See

Appendices 8.2., page 68)

It is ironic that the spatial nature of this redistributive framework, is

contributing to an enabling environment for ELSRD development. More so because,

this environment may well be contributing to the disintegration of the broader

society, as parts of the spatial landscape take on the forms of an individualised and

idealistic expression of community.

1.1. Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development (ELSRD), defined

The title of the paper by Landman & Schnteich, Urban Fortresses: Gatedcommunities as a reaction to crime, provides a succinct summary of the general

expression of Gated Communities in the South African context. However, for the

purposes of this paper, the author has chosen to refer to a Gated Community, which

originates as a purpose built security style development, as an Exclusive Large

Scale Residential Development (ELSRD). The reason for this distinction, is as

suggested by Landman & Schnteich, because Gated communities are a generic

term that includes enclosed neighbourhoods that have controlled access through

gates or booms across existing roads, and security villages and complexes,

including lifestyle communities which provide their enclosed residents with a range

of non-residential amenities such as schools, offices, shops and golf courses.

(Landman & Schnteich, 2002, pp - 71).

For the purposes of this paper, an ELSRD is more narrowly defined as a

specific sub type of Gated Community that is characteristically:

A development that occurs on previously undeveloped land which has

recently undergone a rezoning process (i.e. from Agricultural to Residential); A large scale development that that extends across hundreds of hectares;


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A development that is private, exclusionary and restrictive for security

purposes (i.e.: with perimeter walls / electric fences, access control and

internal security patrols).

A development that constructs and manages its own internal infrastructure

(i.e. road networks, water and sewerage reticulation and commercialcentres)

A development that incorporates hundreds of individual residential units;

A development that projects a lifestyle theme, idea or place (i.e.: security,

ecology, wildlife, sport or another country)

A development that is exclusive, due to the high cost and large size of

constructed residences;

The author has chosen this definition, to highlight the fact that this type of

development not only specifically constructs an exclusive socio-spatial landscape

for its residents. But creates an environment that is exclusionary with respect to the

surrounding socio-spatial landscape it is encompassed by. In other words, a

constructed landscape that Landman & Schnteich refer to as, contribute(ing) to

spatial fragmentation in urban areas, and reflect(ing) increased polarisation,

fragmentation and diminished solidarity within society. By excluding other urban

residents and people from surrounding neighbourhoods, gated communities can

contribute to social exclusion, inhibiting the construction of social networks that

form the basis of social and economic activities. (Landman & Schnteich, 2002, pp- 71).

1.2. A description of KwaDukuza municipality

The boundaries of Kwadukuza municipality


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(Municipal Manager, 2005).

The Kwadukuza region has a long history of development and settlement,

beginning with the initial in-migration of Bantu tribes people (predominately of the

Zulu nation) and the succeeding historical periods of in-migration due to British

colonisation and National Party Apartheid. The town Shakas Kraal provides a

reference to the fact that the area was once home to the Zulu King, Shaka.

KwaDukuza municipality reflects this historical connection in its name, which is a

reference to Shakas royal kraal, called Dukuza (Municipal Manager, 2005).

Although cotton is considered to be the first commercially established crop

in the region, Sugar Cane quickly supplanted this role, as a more economically

viable agricultural alternative. Those agricultural areas of Kwadukuza that have not

yet been developed are characterised by large sugar estates, for which the KwaZulu

Natal province is nationally renowned (Municipal Manager, 2005).

Kwadukuza municipality was constituted during the 1999 redemarcation

process, a process that was designed to consolidate previous municipal resources in

order to, ensure better coordination with other spheres of government, as well as

better planning and resource allocation between the local (town) councils that

currently make them up. It was therefore deemed necessary to construct new

municipal boundaries in order to create rational district planning and development

areas (http://www.demarcation.org.za/, June 2005).

Geographically, KwaDukuza municipality is situated along the North Coast

of the KwaZulu Natal province of South Africa approximately 50 kilometres North of

Durban. The municipality shares common boundaries with four other municipalities,

namely: eThekwini (which incorporates Durban), Ndwedwe, Maphumulo and

eNdondakusuku and the Indian Ocean. The municipality is approximately 50

kilometres long and 14 kilometres wide and stretches from the Tongaat River in the

South, to the Zinkwazi River in the North. According to the Kwadukuza IDP

documentation, the key development feature of the municipality is the N2 freeway

corridor (actually a toll road), which links the major port of Durban to the South with

the port of Richards Bay further to the North (Municipal Manager, 2005).

The demographics of the demarcated Kwadukuza municipality are

characteristically diverse, multi-racial and highly unequal in terms of income (See

Appendices, Section 8.2., page 68) According to this data, the white population
http://www.demarcation.org.za/http://www.demarcation.org.za/


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group which constitutes 5% of the Kwadukuza population, predominately earns a

monthly income greater than R 1600.00 and in some cases as much as R

204801.00. Whereas the black population group which constitutes 71% of the

population, predominately earn a monthly income less than R 1600.00 and in some

cases no income at all (Municipal Manager, 2005).The total population in the region is estimated at 170000 people, however

this number can swell to 200000 during the peak holiday seasons. As a result, these

holidaying individuals (predominately not black) are seen as an important

component of the economy of KwaDukuza. Much of the tourism development within

the municipality is geared toward them. According to the IDP documentation, the

spatial location of this development is focused on the coastal region, East of the N2

freeway (See Appendices, Section 8.2., Page 37 & 49 of 78, pp - ?? this document)

(Municipal Manager, 2005).

The Kwadukuza IDP makes it clear that economic activities exemplified by

tourism development are high on the municipal agenda (Municipal Manager, 2005).

However, the characteristics of this paradigm of development mean that the

municipalitys coastline is far more developed than the inland regions. This

becomes self evident when one looks at aerial photographs and maps of the

Southern Kwadukuza region (See Figures, 7.1. and 7.4. Pages 31 and 34).

Apart from the provision of low cost housing on the municipally

administered land, on the inland side of the N2 freeway stretching the length of

Kwadukuza. The majority of upmarket and commercial development has been andis currently, taking place on the seaward side of the N2. Apart from limited

commercial activity at Umhlali, Shakas Kraal and Groutville to the North and on the

inland side of the N2 freeway from Ballito, the majority of commercial development

has occurred on the Seaward side of the N2 freeway and the majority of this

development has occurred at Ballito, Shakas Rock, Salt Rock, Sheffield Beach and

uMhlali (in that order) (See Figure 7.1., page 31).

1.3. Seaward Estate (History, Description and Location)

In 1995, prior to South African municipal redemarcation in 1999 and the

current environmental legislation (National Environmental Management Act of 1997

(NEMA)). Dr Douglas Crowe, the owner of the land on which Seaward Estate is

located and Sean Moffat, the original developer, applied to the Ballito Town Council

for permission to rezone and develop what was then a 200 hectare plus sugar

The information pertaining to section 1.3., has been extracted from interviews held with Francois Vander Merwe, Joe Reeler and Eric Quevauvilliers in June 2005 (See Appendices, 8.1. Interviews b), c) and g),pages 41, 44 and 57)


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estate. The site, for which the application was initially made, stretched from

Avondale Avenue in Ballito, Northwest to the N2.

Initially, the municipality declined the request due to a directive from

Pretoria, which stipulated that the proposed Seaward development was surplus to

residential requirements in Ballito. They also faced stiff objections from thedepartment of agriculture, regarding the loss of agricultural land to residential

development. (See Figure 7.8. page 36)

The initial application process was neither a Development Facilitation Act

(DFA) nor an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) type process, but followed

conventional town planning ordinance which originated within the local Ballito Town

Council. In 1995/96 the site was rezoned from agricultural use to residential use and

the area was planned as an open access township, to be known as Ballito Extension

5. At this stage, the Natal Building Society (NBS) became the developments

financial partner.

Between 1995 and 1998 there was very little demand for additional housing

in Ballito. Housing speculation was not a common activity and as a result, housing

prices were not very high. In 1998 the housing market crashed and the

development began to face financial difficulties which called for a radical planning

shift. As a result there was vigorous debate between the local town planners and

developers, centred on the issue of controlling access to the planned township. The

developers wanted an ELSRD and the traffic department objected to the fact that

the existing public roads would be blocked and the development stalled.As a consequence, all planned and existing roads were converted to private

erven by the municipality so that the development could proceed. These private

erven became the collective property of the Seaward Homeowners Association

(SHA) and the Seaward Estate ELSRD was born, incorporating a piece of public

property on which the controlled access point located at Ballito Drive was

constructed.

In the early 2000s NBSs role as financial backer was taken over by The

Board of Executors (BOE) investment bank and the original development

partnership was dissolved. The commercial sites between the M4 coast road and

the N2 freeway, including the sports fields over the road from Seaforth School,

remained in the possession of Dr Douglas Crowe, while the residential sites south of

the M4 became BOEs prime area of focus. The Seaward Estate ELSRD has

undergone many planning metamorphosis, since the original application was made

to the Ballito Town Council in 1995, but by 2005 development within the estate is in

its final phase.

The Seaward Estate ELSRD is located on the North Western boundary of thetown of Ballito, in the Southern coastal Portion of the KwaDukuza municipality (See


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Figure 7.2. page 32). The estate is 99 Hectares in extent; including the private open

spaces, roads and road verges, Seaforth College, the commercial development sites

and the planned hospital. It borders the M4 to the Northwest, Ballito Drive to the

East, Ballito Township to the Southeast and Zimbali to the Southwest. There are

four controlled road access points; two are located on the M4 boundary, one islocated on the Ballito Drive Boundary and one is located on the Ballito Township

boundary (See Figure 7.3., 7.7 and 7.9. pages 33, 35 and 37).

The landform/topography of the site physically restricts the amount of units

that can be constructed, as some areas are too steep or in a valley runoff area (See

Figure 7.6. page 35). The estate is fully fenced and access controlled (See Figure

7.7., 7.10, 7.11 and 7.12 pages 35, 37, 38 and 38) whereas the school, commercial

sites and hospital although fenced, will be open access.

Phase A (begun in 1999), was constructed on 34 hectares of the site, of

which; 29 hectares were set aside for housing, 2.7 hectares for open spaces / road

verges and 2.3 hectares were for roads.

Phase B (begun in 2001), was constructed on 58 hectares of the site, of

which; 33 hectares were set aside for housing, 14 hectares for open spaces / road

verges, 6 hectares were for roads and 5 hectares were set aside for Seaforth

College. The remaining 7 hectares represent the land that has been zoned for

commercial development and the planned hospital.

Although the original development had set aside 15% of the site for the

roads, road verges and open spaces, subsequent to the current developers takingover the site, this was increased to 30 %. The average housing density in areas that

are designated for housing, is 18 units per hectare and there are currently 1100

(one thousand one hundred) free standing single housing units on the estate. Most

of the units are freehold but there are some units that are designated as Group

Housing or Special Residential. As the estate is still in the process of being

developed, the management of the estate is currently a joint operation between the

SHA and the developers representatives.

Included in the Seaward Estate development but located outside the

perimeter fence, along the Northern periphery bordering the M4 coastal road

boundary, are a school (Seaforth College) and various commercial sites (of which

one, The Well has so far been developed).

Seaforth College was constructed on a 5 hectare site during 2001 by the

current developer and opened to the public in 2002. It is designated as an upmarket

Model C school and currently caters for 342 children, with 40 more expected in

2006, although it has the capacity to cater for 410 children in total. By 2006, the

school will offer classes from Pre School to Grade 12.


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The Commercial Areas are located on a 7 hectare area and include a

commercial development known as The Well. This is a 1000 m mixture of

medical/business suites and retail space. In addition to this site are two

undeveloped sites which are zoned for a future business park and hospital. These

will act as a noise buffer between the residential area and the M4 coastal road.With regard to Hospital, the developers have spent four and a half years

negotiating with the department of health. So far the Department of Health has

been unable to commit funds and medical practitioners to the project. There has

been some disagreement about the site placement and the fact that the hospital

will be in Ballito and not inland and as a result it is yet to be constructed.

2. Understanding Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development (ELSRD):

2.1. The nature of community

Zygmunt Bauman warns his readers in Community: Seeking Safety in an

Insecure World (Bauman, 2001), that the search for identity has a tendency to

divide and separate individuals. Bauman further quotes Jonathan Friedman who

notes that in a rapidly globalising world, boundaries seem not to be disappearing,

but are instead being rapidly constructed.

Bauman likens those who seek their own constructed communities, to

escapees who are attempting to flee the messiness of real intimacy that beingpart of the broader society would require. He therefore refers to gated communities

as communities in name alone. He ascribes this trend to the fact that the

globalised nation state, has lost its ability to draw on the resources necessary to

exercise control over cultural and economic processes within its own boundaries. In

a sense, it has been left to the individual to describe their own community, which in

the case of wealthy individuals, Bauman suggests, may well lead to a them versus

us form of exclusivism. (Bauman, 2001)

According to the views expressed by Andrew Rigby, the author of

Alternative Realities: A study of communes and their members (Rigby, 1974).

Gated communities could be likened to an individualized form of communitarianism


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and a rejection of the realities of society at large. Admittedly the work is a study of

communes in London in the 1960s, but there are many similarities with regard to

the motivation of individuals to seek shelter within one anothers common

ideologies as defined by a particular space. According to Rigbys typology of

communes, a gated community would best be described as one which wouldprovide mutual support for its individual members (Rigby, 1974, pp - 8). The

question would rightly be asked, why would such support be necessary? Perhaps

the answers could best be understood while considering the social and economic

factors related to the formation of communities.

2.2. Social impacts of ELSRD

Steve Biko said during his trial in May 1976 that, a white child does not

have to choose whether or not he lives with the white, he is born into it. He is

brought up within white schools, institutions, and the whole process of racism

somehow greets him at various levels and he attempts to have an attitude against

blacks, so whites are, together around the privileges that they hold and they

monopolise this away from black society. (Biko (1978), pp 132)

Using a similar form of logic and bearing in mind that gated communities in

South Africa are mostly considered to be rich white enclaves. It may well transpire

that a rich child brought up within an ELSRDs artificially constructed environment.

Which incorporate aspects that will contribute directly to their socialisation, such as

academic institutions, private security forces, retail outlets, private amenities and

globalised expressions of nature (like non-endemic species of plants). Will develop a

world view that is out of touch with the realities of the country that they live in,

where the realities of inequality and poverty have been well documented. The

question of how a poor child might relate to the reverse of this situation, being

outside this environment and in the real world must also be posed.

According to an article in The Sunday Times, entitled Rich, poor neighbours

dont get along. (SAPA, 2005) (See Appendices 8.9., page 89). The title refers to a

study presented by an Oxford Researcher, Charlotte Lemanski, at a symposium on

gated communities recently held at the Council for Scientific and Industrial

Research recently in Pretoria. The study focuses on a luxury gated community in

Cape Town that was built adjacent to a low cost housing development, but also

mentions gated communities in Johannesburg and KwaZulu Natal. Lemanski is

quoted as saying that gated communities represent a, social or resident initiated

apartheid (SAPA, 2005). Predominately, the tensions seem to stem from the

restriction of poor peoples access to the gated community as a through route and

the impact this has on their freedom of movement. Lemanski is reported to have

suggested social mixing as a solution to the tensions and suggests that the


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residents of the Gated community are out of touch with what lies beyond their

boundaries.

According to the views of Richard Ballard from the school of development

studies at the UKZN, as reported on the same symposium by The Mail and Guardian

(Mahlangu, 2005). This social mixing would not be beneficial if it took place withinthe walls of a gated community alone. Instead he refers to the process of redefining

communities within the boundaries of a gated community as semi-gration, where

in a sense, the residents exclude themselves from the rest of South African society

while still living within the boundaries of the country. Predominately these gated

communities reflect a lifestyle that is aspires to a western ideal and in terms of

integration into these communities, Ballard is quoted as saying, "People from

different backgrounds normally have to adjust and fit into the way of life in white

suburbs. That is not integration because it does not work both waysTrue

integration is a merging of two sets of values" (Mahlangu, 2005). Ballard makes

mention of the fact that true integration (the antithesis of Apartheids segregationist

policies) would involve developing an identification with South African

cosmopolitanism which would require taking steps outside the boundaries of a

gated community. Clearly, a situation that many of the residents of a gated

communities are highly fearful of. One resident is even quoted by Ballard as

referring to crime and violence in South Africa as a form of ethnic cleansing (See

Appendices 8.5., page 83).

In a paper entitled The Divided City, McCarthy points out that the Socio-Political consequences of the segregated group areas framework of Apartheid were

that, Group areas manufacture(d) an inward group oriented consciousness which,

in turn, is one basis for race based political mobilisation and intergroup conflict.

(McCarty, 1990, pp - 12). Admittedly, the year is 2005 and Apartheid has been laid

to rest by more than ten years of democracy in South Africa.

But Apartheid provides an underlying layer to the background of the canvas

on which South African society is currently being painted. For instance, in the first

year of studies in 2002, the author asked a black fellow geography student what

they thought of gated communities and their reply was, theyre cool, at least we

know where all the white people are locked up now and they cant get up to

anymore mischief. Of course, it was a comment made with an impish glint in their

eye, but it was a telling moment for the author. The social consequences of

developments that were designed to exclude in the name of security, became a

particular area of interest.

In this respect, South Africa is a fascinating country in which to pursue this

interest. Notwithstanding the countries history, the effects of Apartheid and

globalisation have impacted on both its society and its space. This is particularlyapparent where developments such as gated communities are located in close


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spatial proximity to very poor areas. Where, huge inequalities in income are

mirrored by peoples interaction with the landscape. The paper on Society-space

by Smith provides a modern day reason for this relationship, People with high

incomes tend to cluster in the same kinds of spaces, and these spaces tend to be

separate from the neighbourhoods where poorer people live. Thus it is that incomeinequalities are expressed in spatial arrangements. Society is mapped onto space.

(Smith, 2002, pp - 12)

It is this effect of society mapping itself onto space that forms the nub of

the social impact that a constructed space can have on society. In a sense the

Society-space relationship is a self referential one that feeds on itself in a

complicated interplay informed by race, gender, income, perception, politics and

policies, greed and need. For Smith, the organisation of residential space is an

expression of deep-seated socio-economic and political inequalities in racially

divided societies (Smith, 2002, pp - 13).

It may well be that South Africa has experienced more than ten years of

democracy, but racial divisions are still very much a prevalent spatial reality,

especially when considering ELSRD. This division can however, no longer be

attributed to a sanctioned system of oppression based purely on race, it has

become a manifest consequence of the inequalities inherent in free market

economics.

2.3. Economic impacts of ELSRD

In a startlingly prescient prediction of the new South Africa, Steve Biko had

the following to say in the late 1960s, There is no running away from the fact that

now in South Africa there is such an ill distribution of wealth that any form of

political freedom which does not touch on the proper distribution of wealth will be

meaningless. The whites have locked up within a small minority of themselves the

greater proportion of the countrys wealth. If we have a mere change of face of

those in governing positions what is likely to happen is that black people will

continue to be poor and you will see a few blacks filtering through into the so called

bourgeoisie. Our society will be run almost as of yesterday. So for meaningful

change to appear there needs to be an attempt at reorganising the whole economic

pattern and economic policies within this particular country. (Biko (1978), pp

149)

On the face of it, this is what the current South African government is

attempting to achieve, a reorganised economic pattern, a pattern of economic

redistribution aimed at empowering the previously disadvantaged black community.

However, when looking at the patterns of development in the Southern KwaDukuza


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region, these current economic paradigms seem to reinforce previous patterns of

economic development (See Figure 7.4., page 34).

These patterns have raised some concern amongst local councilors within

the KwaDukuza and as a result they have recently called for a, Survey of Impacts

Associated with Residential, Commercial and Low Income Housing Projects inKwaDukuza. (See Appendices 8.3., page 78). It seems to have become apparent to

them that benefits associated with development are poorly understood, particularly

when development is left to the open market and outstrips a municipalities capacity

to monitor and oversee the process (See Appendices 8.6., page 84).

Compounding the issue of unchecked development, David Harvey outlines

an argument in Social Justice and the City, which suggests that Urban land use

is determined through a process of competitive bidding, a process that often leads

to ghetto formation. According to the argument, this process of bidding and thereby

the related property prices, are a strong determinant of residential choice. By

incorporating other factors, such as transportation costs and the bid rent curve,

which relate to the commutes between peoples residences and their employment

centres. A situation is created whereby the poor are either forced to live on high

rent land, close to their occupation, or low rent land very far from the same.

The corollary of this argument, suggests that wealthy individuals are more

able to exercise residential choice, due to their increased access to transport and

their ability to absorb either high transport or rent costs or both. Wealthy individuals

are more likely to exercise their residential choices based on factors related to theprevailing societal trends that may dictate which is the better option (Harvey,

1998).

As a result of the residential options that are available to the rich (who

according to the information provided in the Kwadukuza IDP are most likely to be

white, Indian or Asian, coloured and lastly Black (See Appendices 8.2., Page 68) and

due to a strong perception that they will become targets of crime and violence

unless they reside in a secure environment (even if that environment has to be

artificially and spatially constructed) (Landman & Schnteich, 2002).

Wealthy sectors of the Kwadukuza population whether permanent or merely

vacationing. Have begun to demand what are commonly referred to as gated

communities and described specifically in this paper as ELSRD. A demand that the

market, in the form of entrepreneurially motivated developers and a municipality

that is eager to attract investment, are handsomely catering for in KwaDukuza. This

paper seeks to research and understand the impacts of these developments and

aims to do so, by examining the social and economic impacts related to the

Seaward Estate ELSRD.

3. Methodology, the Seaward ELSRD Research Process:


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3.1. Aims and objectives

By asking the following key questions related to Seaward Estates process of

development. This paper seeks to discover to what extent this ELSRD has impacted

internally and externally on the surrounding socio-spatial relationship.

1. Was an environmental impact assessment, including a socio-economic

assessment, undertaken prior to the development of Seaward Estate?

2. What socio-economic benefits/impacts were considered prior to the development

of Seaward Estate?

3. To what extent were the adjacent communities included in a pre-development

participatory process?

4. Were socio-economic benefits presented in order to support the development

proposal?

5. How has the development of Seaward Estate impacted on localised job creation?

3.2. Assumptions

Concurrently to the process of discovering the answers to the questions

outlined in section 1.4. This paper will test a number of assumptions which relate to

the socio-economic impacts of the Seaward Estate ELSRD.

1. The perception that there is either a need and/or desirability for ELSRD within

the KwaDukuza municipality.

2. The assumption that the exclusive nature of an ELSRD will contribute to

dysfunctional social interactions, between residents and non-residents.

3. The assumption that ELSRD positively correlates to localised job creation by

boosting the Kwadukuza economy.

3.3. Research plan - data collection methods

Seaward Estate was identified as an ELSRD within the KwaDukuza municipal

boundaries and was chosen as the core area related to the area of research,

because it is considered the oldest and most established ELSRD in Ballito. It was

assumed that the ten year time scale since the development had begun, would

allow for a comparison between the original goals of the ROD and a measurement

the realised social impact. The study was initiated in April 2005 and concluded in

June 2005 furthermore, it was conducted on site in Ballito by the author of this

paper.

Due to the fact that this ELSRD study requires a combined sociological andgeographical approach, the researcher identified the need to follow a particular


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methodology. This identified strongly with an approach described by Setha Low in

her book Behind the Gates (Low, 2003). As a result the methodology combines the

result of a literature review and participatory field methods of information

gathering.

3.4. Research process

1. Identification of Seaward Estate as a Gated Community and more specifically as

an ELSRD.

The author of this paper currently lives in the town of Ballito and has

done so for the past five years. He is keenly interested in development in the

area generally and was able to identify Seaward as a gated community and more

specifically an ELSRD, through his undergraduate education related to the

subject, at the University of KwaZulu Natal.

2. Literature review

In consultation with Doctor Di Scott, the Director of The Geography and

Environmental Management program at the University of Kwazulu Natal, the

need to contextualize the research through an academic review was identified.

Concurrent with the need for this review, a need to locate institutional

documentation relating to Seaward Estate and KwaDukuza municipality was also

identified. It was also felt that a review of local media relating either directly or

broadly to Seaward Estate would provide a useful social context.

a. Academic discourse review

A library search for material related to the subject of; gated

communities, communities, communes, Seaward Estate and South African

transformation to democracy was carried out. An internet search related to

the same subjects was also carried out. (See Section 6, Page 29)

b. Institutional documentation

Attempts were made to locate documentation related to the Seaward

Estate development but predominately met with failure. The records would

date back to 1995 and there is some doubt as to their location after the

redemarcation process. It was decided to source this particular information

from individuals who had worked in the municipality at the time. The source


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however wished to remain anonymous for personal reasons. The draft

Kwadukuza 2005/6 IDP documentation and one other document were

sourced from the Ballito Ratepayers Association. Maps, Plans and Aerial

Photography were sourced from local town planners and architects who were

involved in the Seaward Estate development process. (See Appendices 8.2.and 8.3., Page 68 and 78)

c. Local media - newspaper articles

Four local newspapers were predominately reviewed for material

related to gated communities during the period of the study; The Ballito

Lifestyle, The Bugle, The North Coast Courier and The Stanger Weekly. In

addition to these media sources, internet media searches were also carried

out, which resulted in returns from The London Independent, The Mail and

Guardian and The Sunday Times. (See Appendices 8.4. and 8.10., Page 80 to

90)

d. Seaward Estate documentation

Although verbal commitments were made by Seaward Management

with regard to the provision of documentation relating to Seaward Estate,

unfortunately none materialised. This may have something to do with thebrief nature of the study or the fact that the development has changed

hands and administrators over the years and the location of much of the

material is not known. Much of the necessary information was however

gathered in interviews with Seaward Management and prior town planners.

(See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. b), c) and g), Pages 41, 44 and 57)

3. Theoretical approach.

The theoretical approach relied on a discourse analysis that was

primarily informed from a post-modern human geography perspective. The

interviews and their analysis were predominately sociological in nature,

relying on quantitative data collected during personal interviews. Qualitative

data such as economic and demographic data were gathered from existing

documentation and were not gathered in an entirely raw format.

4. Interviews


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Due to the limited nature of this study, 10 interviewees were

identified in a semi-random snowball sampling approach. Primarily, this

relied on a personal connection with the subject of gated communities and in

some cases a specific link with Seaward Estate. Interviews were conducted

in an informal atmosphere and predominately took the form of a discussion.The discussion, initiated by a process of open ended questions, reflected to

the subjective opinions that the interviewees had of gated communities and

more specifically Seaward Estate.

Persons included in the interview process are as follows:

Construction Workers - Seaward Estate

Eric Quevauvilliers - Seaward Estate Site and Development Manager

Francois Van der Merwe - Ex KwaDukuza Town and Regional Planner

Gina Hamlyn - Engels and Vlkers Real Estate Agent

Helena Jacobs - Ex KwaDukuza Town and Regional Planner

Ian Mardall - Ballito Ratepayers Association (BURRA)

Joe Reeler - Head of Security at Seaward Estate

Kethi Ndimande & Doris Zuma - Previous Seaward Site Residents

Un-named Source - KwaDukuza Municipality

Vincent Magwaza - Local Ballito Resident

For more information relating to their identities and backgrounds,

(See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. a) to j), Pages 39 to 67)

3.5. Limitations and possible weaknesses of research

In his personal capacity the researcher is somewhat skeptical of the

various merits of gated communities and of the economic policies that are

currently in place in South Africa. However, the researcher has attempted to

remain objective, it is conceivable however, that a certain degree of

subjectivity may have been applied to the subject matter.

Although open ended questions were asked of the interviewees, it is

possible that the nature of these questions may have informed their opinions

and been reflected in their responses.

The limited nature of the sampling is not believed to be statistically

significant and it is suggested that further studies be carried out, in order to

provide for a higher degree of certainty. This study does not necessarily

allow for generalisations about ELSRD in a context other than the context of

this research.


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4. Results of the Seaward Estate Study:

4.1. Answers to the studies key questions

1. Was an environmental impact assessment, including a socio-economic

assessment, undertaken prior to the development of Seaward Estate?

2. What socio-economic benefits/impacts were considered prior to the development

of Seaward Estate?

3. To what extent were the adjacent communities included in a pre-development

participatory process?

According to Eric Quevauvilliers, Franois van der Merwe, Joe Reeler,

Kethi Ndimande & Doris Zuma and an unnamed source at KwaDukuza

municipality, questions one through three were all answered in the

negative. (See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. b), c), g), h) and i), pages 41,

44, 57, 60 and 67)

It became apparent from both Eric Quevauvilliers and Franois van

der Merwes direct responses to the first question, that an environmental

impact assessment, including a socio-economic assessment, was not

formally undertaken prior to the development of Seaward Estate. Eric

responded, No, this would have been the responsibility of the previous

developer, but at the time that this development was initiated (1995) an EIA

was not required prior to development. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. b),

page 41) And Franois response was, No, at the time when the Seaward

developers made their initial application, the EIA process did not exist.

Although post 1997, the Seaward developers did institute a process of

environmental management plans (EMPs), at the municipalitys insistence.

However, as a consequence of the fact that no EIA process was undergone,

no record of decision (ROD) as it is presently understood for such

developments, exists for the Seaward development. (See Appendices -

Interview 8.1. c), page 44)

In answer to the second question, What socio-economic

benefits/impacts were considered prior to the development of Seaward

Estate? Eric responded, None, the original donkey work was outsourced

to external town planners and consultants and these things were not

considered. Although the Ballito town council was also involved in the


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development at that time (1995) and the original developer had entered into

an agreement with them. Together they would have decided on the land use

and identified the relevant processes to engage in, prior to development.

(See Appendices - Interview 8.1. b), page 41) And Francois responded,

None, there may have been the usual wild statements about job creationbut these are rarely followed up on, besides, even when there is an ROD,

whos going to enforce it? (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. c), page 44)

With regard to the third question, To what extent were the adjacent

communities included in a pre-development participatory process? Erics

response was, It wasnt done; the Ballito town council didnt see it as a

necessity. Originally (1995/6), the development was to be an open township,

an extension of the Ballito designed to expand the rates base. The need

and desirability of the development would have been predominately based

on their decision making structures and processes. (See Appendices -

Interview 8.1. b), page 41) And Francois response was, A public scoping

meeting related to the development of Seaward didnt happen, but rezoning

requires a public meeting. The land was rezoned from agricultural related

activity to residential use, so one did take place. The municipal council

would have set an interested and affected persons (IAAPs) radius around

the area being rezoned and it would have been at their discretion. The

developer would have published their intention in the local papers carrying

legal notices and of course the government gazette, which hardly anyonereads. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. c), page 44)

Joe Reelers general response to the questions of whether an EIA or

social impact assessment was carried out prior to development was, As far

as I know, Seaward did do one quasi-social impact assessment, but thats

only one document. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. g), page 57)

Kethi Ndimande and Doris Zuma informed me during their interview

that the local Shakas Head community was not consulted during the pre-

construction phase. They said, No, nobody came. We were so shocked, we

dont know how the council could allow for the application for them to build.

Nobody contacted us, it wasnt mentioned in the papers, it just happened

that we saw them building there. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. h), page

60)

According to an Un-named Source at the KwaDukuza municipality,

socio-economic impact assessments were not undertaken as part of

Seaward Estates pre-development planning phase, either by the

municipality or the developer. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. i), page 66)


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4. Were socio-economic benefits presented in order to support the development

proposal?

With respect to this question (No. four), Eric answered, Im sure their

were some supporting arguments for the development, but this was all doneby the council and the original developer and not through the Interested and

Affected Party (IAAP) route, as is currently the case. (See Appendices -

Interview 8.1. b), page 41) And Francois answered, No not really, probably

some rhetoric about jobs and so on, but the majority of the development in

Seaward is almost finished now. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. c), page

44)

According to an Un-named Source at the Ballito municipality, the

development process was indicated to focus strongly on economic and

environmental benefits but very weakly in terms of its social aspects. (See

Appendices - Interview 8.1. h), page 60)

5. How has the development of Seaward Estate impacted on localised job creation?

This question (No. five), provided by far the greatest wealth in terms

of the response from interviewees and the observations made in and around

the estate. The responses indicate that although localised job creation did infact occur that it had also attracted job seekers from other areas of KwaZulu

Natal. Who were now residing in the area and working on the various

ongoing developments along the coast.

For instance, the researcher was able to establish that workers

spoken to in the estate, although living nearby in an informal settlement

located between Stanger and Ballito (possibly Shakas Head or Groutville),

were not all originally from the KwaDukuza municipality. Workers spoken to

in the estate indicated that they were working for a construction company

that was based in Durban. They had all been in the area for less than two

years and had worked for various construction companies during this period.

(See Appendices - Interview 8.1. a), page 39)

Eric Quevauvilliers (Seaward Management) did not directly answer

this question and focused rather on the scope of the development. He spoke

about the school and medical centre and the fact that these developments

were likely to impact on local job creation by boosting the local economy. As

discussed with Eric however, social considerations were not a development

priority when the project was initiated in 1995 (before the current


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management structure took the development over). (See Appendices -

Interview 8.1. b), page 41)

Francois van der Merwe (ex municipal town planner) suggested that

localised job creation was not entirely the ambit of the developer alone. I

suppose that it (Seaward) contributes toward the employment of domesticworkers and so on. You know, as far as local job creation is concerned,

developers have really good intentions. If the municipality told them up front

who they should be employing, they would probably do it. But there is a lack

of local control on the municipalitys part in this regard.(See Appendices -

Interview 8.1. c), page 44)

In a very candid interview and broadly referring to social impacts,

Gina Hamlyn (real estate agent) speculated that developments of the nature

of Seaward Estate,Have no impact on the rural blacks; they continue to

live on and around the farms that are inland from Ballito. Apart from offering

domestic employment opportunities they have no impact.(See Appendices

- Interview 8.1. d), page 47)

Helena Jacobs (ex municipal town planner) wholistic response was

that, If these developments did not take place, the dependency ratios

would have been higher, thus resulting in an unsustainable Municipal entity.

Development also brings with it, direct foreign capital investment and

economic growth, and some positive externalities have occurred as a result

of the developments.(See Appendices - Interview 8.1. e), page 50)Ian Mardall (BURRA) observed that, Short term; these developments

bring jobs, particularly to those in the building and construction industry.

They create employment for developers and contractors, right down to

someone who pushes a wheelbarrow. Although these kinds of jobs are only

sustainable, for as long as these kinds of developments occur. However,

Ballito does not have enough people with the skills to do this kind of work so

many of the people who are currently employed here in these

developments, come from outside the KwaDukuza area Added to this, are

the domestic and maintenance opportunities that are required once the

homes are built, but I dont think that there are many opportunities in this

respect. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. f), page 54) (See Appendices -

Figures 7.10, page 37)

Joe Reeler (Head of Seaward security) told me that, There are plenty

of opportunities for job creation in Seaward right now. We need contractors,

people in wet trade (brick layers and concrete workers), plasterers, tilers and

so on As far as I have been able to figure out, the KwaDukuza municipality

has been super efficient in the construction of RDP housing. This has meantthat a lot of the residents of for instance, the Shakas Head area are not


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actually original residents of the Dolphin Coast area They could be from

Maritzburg, Mandeni or Etete and so on. For instance, LTA (a building

contractor) are currently transporting over two hundred people from Durban

to this site every day We have a shortage of skilled workers in the

KwaDukuza region.In terms of empowering the local communities and providing them

with job skills, Joe also said We have been trying to access the funds that

are supposed to be set aside by the DTI (Department of Trade and Industry)

for local skills development, but its more of a headache than it is worth.

Weve been informed that the best way to proceed would be to hire a

specialist for R30.000.00 (thirty thousand Rand) who would facilitate the

application process. We decided not to go this route, and besides it isnt

legislated that we have to use a certain percentage of local labour content

during construction. If it was, maybe we would be more inclined to ensure

that we were complying with the regulations. (See Appendices - Interview

8.1. g), page 57)

When the author interviewed Kethi and Doris (previous Seaward site

residents) in the Shakas Head township and the subject of localised job

creation came up, they said, We dont know anyone working there

(Seaward Estate) from here, the contractors are coming with their people

from wherever they are coming from, to work there. I dont think its good

because they are supposed to be taking people from around here, localpeople to get jobs, but actually they are not. (See Appendices - Interview

8.1. h), page 60)

4.2. Veracity of the assumptions stated prior to the study

1. The assumption that there is either a need and/or desirability for ELSRD within

the KwaDukuza municipality.

He who has the money buys. Gina Hamlyn (real estate agent) (See

Appendices - Interviews 8.1. d), page 47)

The questions of need and desirability as they relate to

development, pertain to the fact that these key concepts are instrumental

during the developmental decision making process. According to the

KwaDukuza 2005/6 IDP, Holiday letting and exclusive elite residential, eco-

and golf estate property development is one of the high prized unique

selling propositions of the area. Concomitant with further development of

industry and tourism and upmarket residential and estate development,


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prospects for commercial development look promising. (Municipal Manager,

2005) (See Appendices 8.2., Page 68) This suggests that the KwaDukuza

municipality have identified ELSRD as an important component of their

overall desired development needs and/or requirements.

The danger related to a non-critical assessment of this municipalpolicy, was pointed out by Helena Jacobs, who told the researcher, One may

argue about the appropriateness and sustainability of some types of

development I do however strongly believe that we need to Strategically

Assess the (this) development through a Strategic Environmental

Assessment (SEA). (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. e), page 50) In other

words, the danger of concentrating development decisions on case by case

need and desirability criteria. Ignore the global issues related to a large

number of these developments in any one area.

Related to Helena Jacobs statement, Gina Hamlyn was highly

skeptical of the municipalitys role in the development process, Thats a

laugh, the government are in cahoots with the developers, the perception I

have, is that government can be bought or will look the other way. The

developers are doing whatever they want to do, the government wont stop

them. (See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. d), page 47)

With respect to the need and desirability of ELSRD in southern

KwaDukuza, Ian Mardall questioned the overall economic motivation for

these developments. The reasons for house building began to change andthe residential developments began to be driven by greed and not need

There seems to have been a significant degree of speculation related to the

building of these homes, which has affected the Ballito property prices and

rates and in some cases upset the local residents When the development

seems uncontrolled (and we see it as uncontrolled (BURRA)), it begins to

give the place an appearance of a white squatter camp. This puts an

enormous strain on the existing available infrastructure of the small village

(Ballito) and the resources of the local municipality, which was inadequate

before these developments started here.(See Appendices - Interviews 8.1.

f) and Newspaper Articles 8.6., page 54 and 84)

Gina Hamlyn also offered a perspective about need and

desirability, related to the real estate market for ELSRD and her clients

needs, Peoples needs are different and they change Thirty years ago it

was all about space, large open properties that were pretty secluded,

whereas the newest demand is about secure golfing estates and these

equestrian communities that you see being developed down in the Western

Cape and here in Northern KwaZulu Natal Sure, I think that a sense ofsecurity offers our clients a more secure speculative motive for buying


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property, especially the Indian clients who are very clever with their money.

Instead of buying one very expensive property in a secure development, like

our white clients for instance. They will purchase four less expensive

properties, live in one of them and rent out the other three. (See

Appendices - Interviews 8.1. d), page 47)In terms of the scope of these key development concepts. It became

apparent that in the case of ELSRD in southern KwaDukuza, need and

desirability exhibited an ability to extend both intra and internationally.

According to Ian Mardall People who buy there (Seaward) are generally out

of province (not from KwaZulu Natal) people and they want an environment

that they feel comfortable and safe in. To them, comfortable and safe means

high security and controlled access. Thats what they are looking for, thats

what the market demands and is prepared to pay for, irrespective of race,

creed or colour They are buying the security to protect their investment

while they are not here You must remember for many people, a home is

the biggest single investment that they will ever make so security is a very

important consideration. (See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. f) page 54) Gina

Hamlyn and her associates at the estate agency that she works for,

suggested a ratio of 60:40 for Holidaymakers to Residents with respect

to the homeowners in Seaward Estate. (See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. d),

page 47 and Newspaper Articles 8.7., page 86) The Un-named source in the

KwaDukuza municipality furthermore suggested that these developmentsseemed to provide residential benefits to a very small rich elite group. (See

Appendices - Interview 8.1. i), pp 67)

The abovementioned comments aside, the forms and types of

decision making structures and concepts that relate to the planning and

implementation of ELSRD are complex and wide ranging. According to

Helena Jacobs, Planning and Development is influenced by a combination of

forces, such as the Provincial Growth and Development Strategies and

related Spatial Frameworks, the local level IDPs and its related Spatial

Development Frameworks, and then by market forces. Planning and

Development is a dynamic and non-exact science, and it therefore allows

external influences and the free-market (even Globalisation) to influence

local as well as provincial / national decision making on growth and

development. (See Appendices - Interview 8.1. e), page 50)

As further suggested by Helena Jacobs, the municipal decision

making process may also be influenced by the assumption that ELSRD in

southern KwaDukuza. The need and desirability of ELSRD is that it will

provide the impetus and funding that is necessary to redress the local lowcost housing backlogs. Integral to this assumption, is the concept of


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sustainability as suggested by the KwaDukuza Vision 2010 as part of Helans

response, KwaDukuza will, through unity and good governance be an

economic powerhouse, delivering services in an affordable and sustainable

manner within a safe and healthy environment (See Appendices - Interview

8.1. e), page 50)With regard to the sustainability of this vision, Ian Mardall suggested

that, Globally (KwaDukuza wide), these kinds of developments (ELSRD) lead

to commercial and retail developments that occur in response to the

increased residential base. However, this residential base fluctuates

dramatically as a result of holiday makers as a result (the non permanent

residents) and as a local business owner, I can see that Ballito is overtraded

for most of the year. I suppose I question whether this situation will ever

change and if the residential base will ever catch up. In terms of the long

term sustainability of the current growth and the associated employment

that we see, Im not sure if it is sustainable.(See Appendices - Interviews

8.1. f), page 54)

2. The assumption that the exclusive nature of an ELSRD will contribute to

dysfunctional social interactions, between residents and non-residents.

According to the arguments laid out in section 2.2 (page 8) and 2.3

(page 10), ELSRD represent the potential to create further divisions betweenresidents and non-residents. The opinions and arguments as presented

earlier were to some extent also evident in this micro scale review of

Seaward Estate and the KwaDukuza context.

In this respect and in the case of ELSRD in the southern KwaDukuza

region, Helena Jacobs offered this personal opinion, I am not against gated

communities per se - but they do bring some challenges to society and the

environment. We also have to accept the fact that gated communities is the

product of other societal ills and aspirations, and has to be considered in

that context. There may however be limits to what is desirable, and what is

undesirable. It is perhaps not the fact that it is a gated development that

poses the dilemma, but it is rather the manner in which the gated

development is presented and integrated with the existing communities that

poses challenges.(See Appendices - Interview 8.1. e), page 50)

As a case study example of this integration or the lack thereof, in the

case of Seaward Estate and the Townsend farm on which it was built. Doris

Zuma and Kethi Ndimande, who used to live and work on the farm, which

has now become a difficult area for them to access. Told me the followingduring an interview, We dont feel good about it because all our mothers


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and Fathers are buried over there (near Seaward Estate) and now the (rich)

white people took that place away from us.

When they were asked about the fact that most of the development

seemed to be happening on the coastal side of the N2 freeway, they said,

(Laughing) yes weve noticed that (its) bad there is no more Apartheid,but that side is more expensive than this side.

With regard to their attachment to the place where they used to live,

they said, Even though we dont have money we feel like we should own

something there, our fathers and forefathers are still there. (See

Appendices - Interviews 8.1. h), page 60)

Joe Reeler suggested that rationale based on cases like the one

mentioned above, meant that Mike Sutcliffe (head of the municipal

demarcation process) is canning them (Gated communities) for that reason

(social impacts). Hes made it pretty clear that he doesnt like them at all

because he thinks that they do have negative social impacts. (See

Appendices - Interviews 8.1. g), page 57)

Also critical of the social impacts of ELSRD, the Un-named source

within the Kwadukuza municipality, suggested during an interview. That as a

result of the gating process, members of the community who were not

residents of these exclusive developments were restricted in terms of access

to the beach and other natural open areas that were encircled by the estate

fencing (i.e. the open space in Seaward Estate and the beach in front ofZimbali).(See Appendices - Interview 8.1. i), page 66)

Vincent Magwaza, a Ballito resident and local pizza chef, expressed

the following opinion related to the social impact of ELSRD, Well, I would

say that money changes everything. People whove got money run away

from the poor because they think that the poor want what they have. I would

say that they are running away from crime. In poor communities where we

stand together there is no crime because we stand together and we know

each other, but it depends, because if people are scared for their lives then

they would rather run away or do nothing Money doesnt give you

freedom, it gives you fear and you run away to a rich community If I walk

into Zimbali (an ELSRD that shares a common boundary with Seaward

Estate), I know I do not belong there, being black and poor. (See

Appendices - Interview 8.1. j), page 67)

The fact that notices, which are posted at the entrance to Seaward

Estate prohibit walking or sitting on the grass. Suggests that the Estate

management is not conducive to the idea of allowing pedestrian traffic to

traverse the property. Individuals that do enter on foot are rigorouslyquestioned about their destination within the estate and are rarely allowed


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in, unless they are able to display some form of proof that they are actively

employed within the estate. (See Figures - Photographs 7.10., page 37)

The nature of the community interactions within and without the

estate also pose some questions as to whether ELSRD positively contributes

to social interaction between residents. (See Appendices - NewspaperArticles 8.4, 8.5. and 8.9, pages 80, 83 and 89)

As an example of the level of community interaction within the

estate, according to Joe Reeler, The homeowners are always bitching with

one another. At the last AGM in April we spent four hours dealing with

general resident comments. I told them to get together in blocks and elect

one person to represent them and present all their issues in one go, but they

havent even managed to get that together. (Joe Reeler - Seaward Estates

head of security(See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. g), page 57)

According to Ian Mardall who was expressing the view of the Ballito

and Umhlali Ratepayers Association, which represents the homeowners in

Ballito, Rates and services finance the operation of any local municipality

Roads, storm water drains, water mains and etc are expensive to construct

and maintain and this is paid for by the rates of all homeowners and services

of permanent residents and holiday makers (for two months of the year). In

a way the permanent residents are subsidising the costs of the infrastructure

provided for the holidaymakers in these developments. The residents who

live in the homes surrounding the estate are therefore of the opinion thatELSRD, particularly when not meeting a local housing need, produce a

financial impact which affects their local quality of life. This can lead to

resentment on the part of local homeowners. (See Appendices - Interviews

8.1. f), page 54)

As in the case of the literature related to Gated communities, it

became evident that Seaward Estates, societal intra and inter-connections

were contributing to various forms of localised social impacts.

3. The assumption that ELSRD positively correlates to localised job creation by

boosting the Kwadukuza economy.

Eric Quevauvilliers explained to the researcher that the Commercial

Areas that were directly adjacent to Seaward Estate and were in fact part of

the ELSRD. They consist of a 1000 m mixture of medical/business suites

and retail space. He also pointed out that there were two additional

currently undeveloped sites which are zoned for a future business park and

hospital. According to Eric, this constitutes the developments due diligence


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to urban planning and design, and also acts as a noise buffer between the

residential area and the M4 coastal road.

With regard to the Hospital however, there has been some

disagreement about the site placement and the fact that the hospital will be

in Ballito and not inland so as to be more accessible to poor people withouttransport. (See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. b), page 41)

With respect to the local economic contribution by the residents of

ELSRD, Ian Mardall suggested the following, Admittedly however, these

holiday residents are not only about bad news for the local permanent

residents. For the two months that they are here, they do contribute

enormously to the local economy. More so the residents of places like

Seaward than Zimbali however. (See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. f), page

41)The distinction between Seaward and Zimbali was attributed to the fact

that Zimbali residents were perceived to be too up-market for Ballito, and

were more likely to shop elsewhere (i.e. Gateway) and draw on professional

labour from outside KwaDukuza.

As far as local beneficiation by ELSRD is concerned, Helena Jacobs

suggested the following, I am of the opinion that both the recipient

community, as well as the beneficiary community benefits from this

development (ELSRD). There is no clear cut answer to the question of how

much development should be allowed or not, or how big should a town be.

From locational theory it follows that certain centra will grow more rapidlythan others, and that economic activity in a country, and the countrys

status as a global economy, influences growth in certain centres to a large

degree. The current growth (of which Seaward Estate constitutes a small

part) in KwaDukuza should therefore be considered in the context of national

as well as provincial economic growth and growth patterns, and the

influence that the eThekwini metro has on the area. (See Appendices -

Interviews 8.1. e), page 50)

The Kwadukuza IDP suggests that ELSRD will contribute to the local

economy and thereby benefit all of the municipalitys inhabitants. It is

suggested that developments of the ELSRD type will provide numerous

opportunities for employment and thereby contribute to localised job

creation. (Municipal manager, 2005)

But according to Joe Reeler it may be nave to expect that local

unemployed people will grasp at the straws offered in the form of

construction work, People in this area have high expectations, some of

them are well educated, and they dont want to be construction workers.

(See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. g), page 57)


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In addition, the jobs that are not wanted locally are drawing

unemployed people from without the boundaries of the KwaDukuza

municipality who are less concerned about the nature of employment

offered. According to Joe Reeler, There are people coming in from

outside Kwadukuza who dont care what work is available, theyll do it. Thismeans that the community is no longer just made up of the Zulus who used

to live here. I would say that the community is now cosmopolitan and very

mixed. As a result, there is no solidarity of pissed off people (like we had

recently down in the Cape) and there is also a lack of leadership. So there

isnt really a local voice that is asking the government for job skilling, which

would enable the locals to access more local jobs. (See Appendices -

Interviews 8.1. g), page 57)

However, this particular situation falls in line with the aspirations of

the Ilembe District framework mentioned in the KwaDukuza IDP. And

therefore if one considers the Ilembe region as local, then these

developments do seem to be contributing to localised job creation.

(Municipal manager, 2005)

4.3. ELSRD issues raised during the study

1. Language

Before the interview with Eric Quevauvilliers began and while we

were discussing development generally, he raised the issue that the

development field had its own language and wanted me to understand what

the nature of this language was. He highlighted that language could become

a form of exclusion if one was unable to understand the meanings related to

concepts like fear and security.(See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. b), page

41)

2. The security threat related to the need for ELSRD in KwaDukuza

According Gina Hamlyn, Its not a perceived threat, it is a threat

The security threat is definitely seen (by her clients) to be by black males.

When asked where this threat emanated from, Gina replied, From the

media, definitely, they are constantly reminding us of how dangerous South

Africa is.

Accordingly when discussing her clients and the nature and

perception of the fear related to this threat, Gina offered the following

comment, Whites are scared, sure, but the Indian clients seem to be the


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most scared, Ive had some of them tell me that they feel like they are a

target, they are very security conscious. Coloured clients, well we dont get

too many of those in KwaZulu Natal, maybe down in the Cape but not here,

so I dont know. Black clients, Id say that they are more concerned with

status, if they have money, our black clients will go for the top of the range,like Zimbali for instance. (See Appendices - Interviews 8.1. d), page 47)

In conjunction with the nature of this threat, the researcher asked

Joe Reeler why he thought that crimes were committed in the Ballito area.

Joes reply was, Housebreakings and petty crimes (such as wallets and

cellphones etc) are generally the work of locals who have turned to petty

crime to make ends meet. For instance there is a family that I have worked

with in Nkabongo Township. Because of AIDS this poor family are now

looking after 5 (five) extra children that arent theirs. Most of these kids

become the street kids that you see in Ballito, they sometimes turn to petty

crime just to survive really 99.9% of the local population will continue to

do whatever they can to become employed. But you must remember that

this is a new South Africa and because of advertising and marketing people

have high expectations. They live in horrid little shanties in terrible

conditions; it must have a horrific social impact, when you compare the way

they live, to the living standards here in Ballito.

In reaction to crime and the perceived threat Joe had the following to

say about the Seaward Estate ELSRD, Its a secure Estate, its marketed asa secure Estate and we strive to maintain the percepti

"The Localised Social Impacts of an Exclusive Large Scale Residential Development in the Kwadukuza...

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