THE LINK BETWEEN TRANSPORT, SOCIAL EXCLUSION

AND ENERGY ISSUES IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT

by

LAVERNE DIMITROV

submitted in fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree

MAGISTER COMMERCII

in

TRANSPORT ECONOMICS

at the

FACULTY OF MANAGEMENT

UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

PROMOTER: DR V MOSTERT

MAY 2012

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The idea for the study was in part suggested by Dr Jabulani Mzaliya. For that, the author is

very grateful.

I also wish to express my appreciation and thanks to:

• My husband, two children and their grandmothers who gave me continuous support

throughout this journey

• Dr Karen Lucas from Oxford University in the United Kingdom

• Alfred Logie from the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) in the United States

who introduced me to influential people in the transport related organisations

• Mr Glenn Robinson from Morgan State University in the United States who

developed a toolkit for social exclusion

• The Department of Transport and Professor Jackie Walters for funding this study

• My colleagues at SALGA Linda Manyuchi and Deborah Ramalope who specialise in

renewable energy and climate change matters

• Carel Snyman from SANEDI who made me see the light on electric transport and

trolleybus systems for BRT

• My colleagues Peter Copley (transport specialist) and Saphira Patel (environmental

specialist) for their devoted support

• Well respected academic, researcher and advisor on social transport policy issues, Dr

Janet Stanley from the University of Melbourne

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................... ii LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................. vi LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... vii ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................................. 1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 2 1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 2 1.2 CONTEXTUALISING SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND “TRANSPORT DISADVANTAGE” ............. 3 1.3 PROBLEM STATEMENT ................................................................................................................... 5 1.4 MOTIVATION FOR THE DISSERTATION ...................................................................................... 7 1.5 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES ................................................................................................................... 9 1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................... 9 1.7 OUTLINE OF THE DISSERTATION ............................................................................................... 10 1.8 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 12

CHAPTER TWO: THE LINKS BETWEEN SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND PUBLIC TRANSPORT IN BOTH THE URBAN AND RURAL CONTEXT OF SOUTH AFRICA ......................................................................... 13

2.1 AIM OF THIS CHAPTER .................................................................................................................. 13 2.2 HISTORY OF THE TERMINOLOGY .............................................................................................. 13 2.3 THE DEFINITIONS OF “SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND TRANSPORT” ......................................... 15 2.4 DEFINITIONS OF POVERTY, ACCESSIBILITY AND SUSTAINABILITY ................................ 16

2.4.1 Poverty .................................................................................................................................. 17 2.4.2 Accessibility and accessibility planning ................................................................................ 19 2.4.3 Sustainability ......................................................................................................................... 20

2.5 FACTORS AFFECTING SOCIAL EXCLUSION ............................................................................. 21 2.5.1 Physical exclusion ................................................................................................................. 22 2.5.2 Geographical exclusion ......................................................................................................... 24 2.5.3 Exclusion from facilities ....................................................................................................... 24 2.5.4 Economic exclusion .............................................................................................................. 26 2.5.5 Time-based exclusion ............................................................................................................ 26 2.5.6 Fear-based exclusion ............................................................................................................. 27

2.6 CHARACTERISTICS OF TRANSPORT DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE ....................................... 28 2.7 INDICATORS OF THE MEASUREMENT OF TRANSPORT RELATED SOCIAL

EXCLUSION ............................................................................................................................. 28 2.7.1 Social exclusion index ........................................................................................................... 29

2.8 SOUTH AFRICAN LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................... 29 2.8.1 Summary ............................................................................................................................... 35

2.9 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 36

CHAPTER THREE: THE SOUTH AFRICAN CASE STUDY ....................................... 37 3.1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 37 3.2 POLICY AND LEGISLATIVE CONTEXT ...................................................................................... 37

3.2.1 The Public Transport Strategy ............................................................................................... 37 3.2.2 National Transport Master Plan (NATMAP) 2050 ............................................................... 39

3.2.2.1 Energy and the environment .................................................................................. 39

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3.3 RESULTS OF THE NATIONAL HOUSEHOLD SURVEY (NHTS) ............................................... 41 3.3.1 Poverty and affordability ....................................................................................................... 41 3.3.2 Access ................................................................................................................................... 45

3.3.2.1 Spatial separation and urban sprawl ..................................................................... 46 3.3.2.2 Over-reliance on taxis............................................................................................ 49 3.3.2.3 Over-reliance on walking ...................................................................................... 49 3.3.2.4 Physical access ...................................................................................................... 50

3.3.3 Age ........................................................................................................................................ 50 3.3.4 Child headed households and single parents ......................................................................... 50

3.4 National key performance targets ....................................................................................................... 51 3.5 TSHWANE LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................... 53

3.5.1 City of Tshwane Integrated Transport Plan (ITP) 2006-2011 ............................................... 53 3.5.2 City of Tshwane household survey, 2008 ............................................................................. 54

3.6 TSHWANE FOCUS GROUP ANALYSIS ........................................................................................ 55 3.6.1 The use of focus group methodology .................................................................................... 55 3.6.2 Motivation for the Tshwane study......................................................................................... 56 3.6.3 Initial Findings from the Tshwane Focus Groups ................................................................. 58

3.6.3.1 Mamelodi - urban .................................................................................................. 59 3.6.3.2 Danville – urban .................................................................................................... 59 3.6.3.3 Shoshanguve – urban periphery ............................................................................ 59 3.6.3.4 Winterveld – rural .................................................................................................. 60 3.6.3.5 City centre, Sunnyside and Arcadia – inner city .................................................... 60

3.6.4 Emerging themes from the focus groups discussions ............................................................ 61 3.6.4.1 Lack of provision of basic needs ............................................................................ 61 3.6.4.2 High cost of transport ............................................................................................ 62 3.6.4.3 Lack of transport to key facilities in most of the areas .......................................... 64 3.6.4.4 Unavailability of key public transport services...................................................... 65 3.6.4.5 High crime levels and personal security ................................................................ 65

3.6.5 Evaluation of the transport modes ......................................................................................... 66 3.6.5.1 Evaluation of minibus taxis .................................................................................... 67 3.6.5.2 Perception of buses ................................................................................................ 67 3.6.5.3 Perceptions of trains .............................................................................................. 68

3.7 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 68

CHAPTER FOUR: CASE STUDIES — INDIA AND OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD .................................................................................................................... 70

4.1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 70 4.2 BACKGROUND ................................................................................................................................ 71

4.2.1 Challenges Faced With Public Transport .............................................................................. 72 4.2.2 Travel behaviour ................................................................................................................... 73 4.2.3 Safety .................................................................................................................................... 74 4.2.4 Equity .................................................................................................................................... 74 4.2.5 Key Government strategies ................................................................................................... 74

4.3 CHENNAI ........................................................................................................................................... 77 4.3.1 Background ........................................................................................................................... 77 4.3.2 Transport Disadvantage and Travel behaviour ...................................................................... 78 4.3.3 Policy Interventions and Conclusion ..................................................................................... 79

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4.4 MUMBAI ............................................................................................................................................ 79 4.4.1 Transport Policy in Mumbai ................................................................................................. 81 4.4.2 Travel Characteristics of the Poor ......................................................................................... 81

4.5 DELHI ................................................................................................................................................. 82 4.5.1 Transport background ........................................................................................................... 82 4.5.2 Transport supply.................................................................................................................... 83

4.5.2.1 BRT ........................................................................................................................ 84 4.5.2.2 Bus ......................................................................................................................... 84

4.6 HYDERABAD .................................................................................................................................... 85 4.7 PUNE .................................................................................................................................................. 86 4.8 CASE STUDIES IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD .................................................................. 87

4.8.1 Melbourne, Australia ............................................................................................................. 88 4.8.2 United States of America (USA) ........................................................................................... 91 4.8.3 Canada ................................................................................................................................... 93 4.8.4 Colombia (Bogotá) ................................................................................................................ 95 4.8.5 United Kingdom .................................................................................................................... 98

4.9 KEY CONSIDERATIONS AND LESSONS LEARNT................................................................... 101 4.10 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................. 103

CHAPTER FIVE: A WAY FORWARD FOR SOUTH AFRICA .................................. 105 5.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 105 5.2 PROVIDING SUSTAINABLE AND LIVEABLE COMMUNITIES .............................................. 105

5.2.1 Improved Land Use ............................................................................................................. 106 5.2.2 Creation of transit villages .................................................................................................. 106 5.2.3 Provide transport choices .................................................................................................... 108

5.2.3.1 Mamelodi connection improvement ..................................................................... 109 5.2.3.2 Pedestrian improvements and facilities ............................................................... 109 5.2.3.3 Cycling ................................................................................................................. 111

5.3 A REVIEW OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH ....................................................................................... 114 5.3.1 Wentzel ............................................................................................................................... 115 5.3.2 Mashishi .............................................................................................................................. 121

5.3.2.1 The WIN-WIN-WIN strategy ................................................................................ 122 5.3.3 Mostert ................................................................................................................................ 125 5.3.4 Tiawoun .............................................................................................................................. 126 5.3.5 Electric trolleybuses – some final points ............................................................................. 130

5.3.5.1 United Kingdom ................................................................................................... 131 5.3.5.2 Europe .................................................................................................................. 132 5.3.5.3 Mongolia .............................................................................................................. 134 5.3.5.4 New Zealand ........................................................................................................ 135

5.4 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................. 136

CHAPTER SIX: SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS ........ 139 6.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 139 6.2 THE MAIN OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY .................................................................................. 139 6.3 RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................................................................................. 148 6.4 FUTURE RESEARCH ..................................................................................................................... 149 6.5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................. 150

REFERENCES ..................................................................................................................... 151

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Recommended poverty benchmarks for South Africa ............................................... 19

Table 2: Indicators of accessibility and mobility ..................................................................... 30

Table 3: Transport Social Exclusion ........................................................................................ 31

Table 4: Statements on Energy in NATMAP .......................................................................... 40

Table 5: NHTS sample, number of households, population and household income by settlement type ........................................................................................................ 42

Table 6: Mode use for commuting by income group ............................................................... 42

Table 7: Key Performance Indicators ...................................................................................... 52

Table 8: Focus Groups description .......................................................................................... 58

Table 9: Benefits and barriers of public transport modes and walking ................................... 67

Table 10: Factors affecting social exclusion ............................................................................ 95

Table 11: Common timetable for routes 75 and 76 ............................................................... 120

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Percentage of personal income spent on transport by monthly income of

transport commuters ................................................................................................ 43

Figure 2: Mean monthly household income of Orange Farm .................................................. 44

Figure 3: Low cost housing on the periphery of Mamelodi (1) ............................................... 48

Figure 4: Low cost housing on the periphery of Mamelodi (2) ............................................... 48

Figure 5: Map of India ............................................................................................................. 71

Figure 6: Richmond housing development ............................................................................ 108

Figure 7: Mamelodi Gardens station connection improvement ............................................. 110

Figure 8: Bicycle access to places of learning ....................................................................... 112

Figure 9: Pedestrian facilities from Denneboom station and link to East of Pretoria............ 113

Figure 10: Routes 75 (Hammanskraal to Vanderbijlpark) and 76 (Heidelberg to Moloto) .................................................................................................................. 119

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ABSTRACT

This dissertation explores the links between social exclusion and public transport in both the

urban and rural context of South Africa, taking into account an increasing awareness to

conserve energy and to reposition public transport in a more cost-effective manner.

High levels of poverty and social inequality and their effects on crime, unemployment, poor

education, disability and bad health are major policy focii for most political parties and

government. Inadequate transport is increasingly being recognised as a barrier to employment

as well as other key activities and is thus an important contributing and reinforcing factor in

people’s continued poverty and social exclusion.

In general, public transport is often expensive, unsafe, unreliable and uncomfortable. In many

cases, it fails to provide access to key services. Travelling distances from home to work can

also be very long resulting in excessive journey times. Low income households, not only in

the rural areas but also in the inner cities, often cannot access adequate transport.

This dissertation intends to make a contribution to the understanding of social exclusion in

the South African context by deepening our knowledge about how and why people are

excluded. It will identify and articulate the transport problems that socially disadvantaged

people experience on a daily basis and will demonstrate how this affects their livelihoods. A

major output of this research is to make practical recommendations for the provision of

seamless transport services that will promote social cohesion.

Although many textbooks on marketing stress the need to segment the market, this study

suggests that in the field of public transport in South Africa at the present time, a segmented

approach is inappropriate and that a standard approach be adopted in terms of which the same

basic level and quality of service should be offered to the entire community. This study will

draw attention to the fact that in cities in India, the poor and the rich often live close to each

other – a situation that applies equally to South Africa. In these circumstances, the most

appropriate policy would be to introduce a service that offers a consistent quality of service

into all areas. The study will also refer to the need to obtain value for money, taking into

account the ever-increasing cost of energy, its future availability (or lack thereof) and the

need to adopt practices that are more environmentally sensitive than before.

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 INTRODUCTION

This dissertation explores the links between social exclusion and public transport in both the

urban and rural context of South Africa. This research was motivated by two research

projects in which the author took part. The first one was the 2003 National Household Travel

Survey (NHTS) (Department of Transport, 2005), which was undertaken with a

representative sample of the whole South African population. The survey identified that the

majority of South Africans have problems accessing any regular form of formal (i.e.

scheduled) public transport and that this seriously undermines their ability to reach or

participate in essential economic and social activities such as work, education, family visits,

and healthcare. The second one was a scoping exercise (carried out exclusively by the author)

to determine the travel experiences of disadvantaged communities in Tshwane, Pretoria

(Dimitrov, 2010) (South African Transport Conference paper).

The term “social exclusion” refers to the effective “lock-out” of certain social groups from

accessing key life opportunities and has been defined as:

the lack or denial of resources, rights, goods and services, and the inability to

participate in the normal relationships and activities, available to the majority of

people in a society, whether in economic, social, cultural or political arenas. It affects

both the quality of life of individuals and the equity and cohesion of society as a

whole (Levitas, Pantazis, Fahmy, Gordon, Lloyd & Patsios, 2007: 9).

There has been very little academic research and analysis in South Africa on the connection

between socio-economic characteristics of local communities and their transport needs.

Overseas literature, especially that of British origin suggests that patterns of social exclusion

are intensified by the inadequate supply of transport services (Dodson, Buchanan, Gleeson &

Sipe 2006:434). The link between social exclusion and “transport disadvantage” gained

momentum when policymakers in the United Kingdom established the Social Exclusion Unit

(2003). Social Exclusion as a policy issue came to the fore when the Labour government was

elected in May 1997 (Lucas, 2002:3). The UK found that many neighbourhoods lacked basic

access to services which, combined with low car ownership and inadequate transport

provision, contributed to their social exclusion. To address transport related exclusion, UK

policy makers developed accessibility planning at a local level (Lucas, 2002:21).

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This dissertation intends to make a contribution to the understanding of social exclusion in

the South African context. It will identify and articulate the transport problems that socially

disadvantaged people experience on a daily basis and will analyse how this affects their

livelihoods. A major output of this research is to make practical recommendations for the

provision of seamless transport services that will promote social cohesion.

This chapter will contextualise social exclusion, provide the problem statement and

motivation for the study, set the study aims and objectives and will give an overview of the

research methodology, followed by the conclusion.

1.2 CONTEXTUALISING SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND “TRANSPORT DISADVANTAGE”

It is important to contextualise exclusion and transport in order to appreciate the significance

of this study. Research on social exclusion and transport disadvantage has been explored in

some depth in the United Kingdom, Europe, Canada and Australia (Lucas, 2010:2f) but

research in this field in South Africa has mainly focussed on a sub-sector of the community

and has been mainly linked to poverty issues (Lucas, 2010:2f).

In the South African research so far, there has been little discussion of appropriate policy

measures to address transport disadvantage caused by social exclusion. It is possible that

social goals in transport have been insufficiently understood. Indeed, under the previous

government it is suggested that public transport was used to assist in achieving the objectives

of social separation, so that a paradigm re-think of the role of transport in South African

society may be necessary.

There are a number of concepts in use in social policy describing the social conditions of

individuals and communities. These concepts include, but are not limited to, “poverty”,

“inclusion”, “well-being”, “happiness”, “social capital” and “community strength”. This

dissertation examines a variety of conceptualisations and approaches to social exclusion.

Unlike social exclusion in Europe and the UK, South Africa is unique in that an

overwhelming majority of citizens experience social exclusion. Papers delivered at both the

South African and Unites States’ Transport Research Bureau conferences (Dimitrov 2010:1f;

Lucas, 2010:1f) pointed out that social exclusion is not necessarily linked to poverty; not

everybody who is poor might have a transport problem. Similarly, those who do not have

4

transport available to them are not necessarily socially excluded. For example, poor people

living in the inner-city may not experience problems in accessing life opportunities and high

income earners without a car who choose to live in a rural area for “lifestyle” reasons, cannot

be defined as socially excluded.

In her paper, Lucas (2010:2f) described the reasoning behind studying transport problems

from a broader perspective. The linking of social exclusion to the issue of inadequate

transportation supply at the individual and community level forces a focus on the associated

economic and social outcomes of this condition. Thus, instead of concentrating on the fact

that there is no transportation available, policy makers should rather focus on the

consequences of this in terms of the (in)ability to access key life-enhancing opportunities,

such as employment, education, health and their supporting social networks for

[i]n this way, there is a move away from the traditional systems based approach of

transportation provision, towards a social policy perspective, which asks questions

about equality of opportunity, equity of outcome and begins to raise the issue of

redistributive justice (Lucas, 2010:2f).

The road to the attainment of social inclusion is by promoting accessibility to key services.

Mobility is not always merely about getting people from point A to B, but rather about

integrating everyday life and normal activities. Social inclusion is really about enjoying life,

relationships and leisure. The importance of well-being has been confirmed in a South

African study of rural villagers (Stanley & Brodic, 2008:14) in which items like jobs, clean

water and sanitation were seen as more important than transport. However, transport was

seen to be more important than having children or wealth. Thus it is clear that adequate

public transport services can make a significant contribution to the well-being of society.

Other elements are also important in the context of the study by Stanley and Brodic (2008).

Included in these elements is the ability of people who are more disadvantaged to choose

alternatives to reach their state of well-being or to increase their capabilities to reach

important activities. One of the arguments of this dissertation is that the government should

create the conditions for the implementation of basic minimum service requirements for

transport, as is the case for health and education. This way, all citizens may be able to use

adequate transport services to enhance their capabilities (Stanley et al, 2008: 15f).

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1.3 PROBLEM STATEMENT

According to Lucas (2002:5), transport as a discipline has tended to be concerned with

mobility (how far and how fast the transport network is) rather than how accessible the

network is (how well it connects with activity patterns). This is currently evident in the

design and delivery of transport services today by local authorities and planners who do not

seem to consider whether people can reach important services without a car.

This study will show that a key reason for the condition known as “transport disadvantage” is

the geographical mismatch between the home location of low income households and the

economic and social activities in which they need to participate in order to enjoy a reasonable

quality of life (Lucas, 2010:6f). For these households, formal public transport services are

often limited, or non-existent, thus impacting negatively on the household’s ability to interact

socially. The Department of Transport’s Draft Strategy to Accelerate Public Transport

Implementation via a WIN-WIN-WIN partnership between Government, Existing Operators

and Labour (2006:46f) has emphasised that:

• the integration and alignment of land use and transport planning processes are currently

inadequate;

• there has been a lack of developing public transport supportive land use controls and

incentives. Evidence of this is that public transport network plans are not adequate in

facilitating greater mobility in lower density suburbs and townships;

• current land development policies promote sprawling through the development of low

cost housing projects that are now mainly served by mini-bus taxis; and

• separate solutions are implemented for private car congestion in suburbs and informal

transport in townships as opposed to transforming the problem through developing a

single, strategic city-wide public transport network solution for all city residents, both in

the townships and in the suburbs.

The Department of Transport’s Public Transport Strategy (2007b:4) says the misalignment on

the spatial side is exacerbated by the increasing switch to private vehicles. The document

describes public transport provision as a third class service which has lost many potential

clients to private cars. There has been a growth of more than 30% in the access of households

to private vehicles and this trend continues to grow as households reach the R3 000 income

per month threshold level which makes a car affordable for them. The dominance of car

6

oriented infrastructure design does little to help ease the burden for excluded groups because

there has been a tendency to concentrate on flyovers and freeway improvement schemes with

insufficient emphasis on creating integrated, safe and liveable communities without excessive

dependence on private vehicles (Department of Transport, 2007:4).

One of the most effective ways to reduce “transport disadvantage” is through investments in

the physical mobility of people. People who work in the field of transport often overlook how

central their work is to social cohesion (Wachs, 2010: 2). Unfortunately, when local councils

plan for transport, they seem to have been doing so with little involvement of the

communities concerned. Although the Integrated Development Planning (IDP) process

provides for community workshops in which communities have scored transport and access

to it as a high priority (see author’s own analysis of eleven IDPs), the community’s

aspirations are seldom, if ever, followed up with intensive quantitative or qualitative surveys.

Eventually the planning is passed on to individuals who are often politically appointed and

are far removed from the transport needs and aspirations of the community or society

concerned. South African cities have also failed, in the main, to make major improvements to

pedestrian, bicycle and public space networks in terms of improving coverage and quality as

well as creating proper linkages to and from public transport.

Another important factor impacting on social cohesion and the on-going upward trend in car

ownership and use is the link to oil dependence. Analysts have estimated that countries in

Sub-Saharan Africa will lose 1% (http://www.devex.com/en/articles/oil-prices-poor-

countries-and-policy-responses, accessed 4 April 2011) of their GDP because of oil price

shocks. The poorer the oil importing country, the greater the problem. Poorer countries tend

to use more oil to achieve the same output and tend to have more constraints on their current

accounts (http://www.devex.com/en/articles/oil-prices-poor-countries-and-policy-responses,

accessed 4 April 2011). South Africa is as vulnerable to oil crises as the rest of the world. The

use of fuel by households does not necessarily “drive” the economy but should rather be seen

as a drain on household finances and as a contributor to an adverse balance of payments.

Any rise in the price of fuel will mean an increase in the transport costs of both subsidised

and unsubsidised modes of transport such as buses and taxis.

The negative impact of high oil prices on efforts to minimise social inclusion and “transport

disadvantage” pose a danger not only to poor people but also to the more affluent. According

7

to Gilbert and Perl (2010:3) even “car-dependent suburban residents who can no longer

afford to refuel their cars, and have no alternative means to travel to work or buy essential

goods, will have to abandon their homes or live at a subsistence level on what they can

produce from their backyards”. If the countries of the world, including South Africa, do not

produce plans to counterbalance these scenarios, we may find ourselves in a state of

economic and social collapse.

It is suggested that transport is contributing to global warming and other environmental

degradation. The consumption of fossil fuels such as gasoline, diesel and natural gas by

motor vehicles and the emissions thus produced, is known to be one of the main causes of

climate change. The challenge is to reduce the amount of fuel burned or to find a new fuel for

vehicles that does not come from fossil fuels. Even “cleaner” sources such as natural gas and

ethanol can play a role in climate change (Gilbert and Perl, 2008: 2f). While electrically

powered vehicles have environmental advantages, ultimately even electricity has to be

generated from renewable sources such as solar, tidal or wind energy.

Lucas (2010:7, 8) identified other factors to consider in studies on social exclusion and

transport for South Africa. They are related to the

• affordability of public transport to South Africans;

• declining public transport services;

• over-reliance on walking;

• over-reliance on minibus taxis; and

• fear of crime, and particularly of crime on public transport.

The dissertation will address these factors. The next section provides a motivation for this

dissertation.

1.4 MOTIVATION FOR THE DISSERTATION

It is hoped that the information and analysis presented in this study will help to plan for better

public transport systems and help the country to meet some of its objectives, not only of

raising the quality of life of its communities but also one of its major targets, namely that of

creating 5 million jobs (State of the nation address

http://www.info.gov.za/events/2011/sona/index.html, accessed 10 February 2011). With

8

inadequate transport, it is not possible to reach this or any other important goals to advance

the lives of ordinary South Africans. “If public transport is not there or insufficient, people

cannot get to work or to places of education. It is part of the fabric of our community whether

you use it or not” (http://www.wired.com/autopia/2010/ 01/jobs-for-main-street-act, accessed

8 March 2011). On the other hand, experience in the US indicates that public transport itself

creates more employment than road construction projects. It was shown that although more

federal stimulus money, meant to resuscitate the American economy, went to road building;

more jobs were created in public transport (http://cleantechnica.com/2011/03/24/public-

transportation-and-road-repair-investments-create-more-jobs-than-new-road-construction,

accessed 12 April 2011). There are now many opportunities for new public transport projects

in the light of addressing the issue of social exclusion. If these projects are implemented, the

goal of 5 million jobs may be reachable. Public transport needs people to operate the services

and the skills requirements are diverse.

One of the reasons why public transport has received less money than road expansion

projects is the perception amongst some people that public transport projects are not “shovel

ready” and, as a result, job growth will lag (http://cleantechnica.com/2011/03/24/public-

transportation-and-road-repair-investments-create-more-jobs-than-new-road-construction,

accessed 12 April 2011).

The energy sector’s involvement is receiving more attention today, with the focus shifting to

renewable energy sources to be used for transport. A recommendation to both developed and

developing countries is to bring back grid-connected electric trolleybus and tram systems

(Gilbert and Perl 2010: 312). The question is whether the skills required to implement these

systems are still available (or can be developed) in South Africa.

According to the World Bank, transport improvements should be focused on where poor

people live and work (World Bank report http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTURBAN

TRANSPORT/Resources/cities_on_the_move.pdf, accessed 12 April 2011.) A crucial part of

this study therefore deals with the results and findings of interaction and discussions with

focus groups in the Tshwane area, carried out by the author. The outcome of the focus group

discussions is an important basis for the recommendation of improvements to the access to

townships or the improvement of public transport to peripheral locations. The Tshwane focus

groups are a good example of how transport practitioners may target disadvantaged groups.

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1.5 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

The key aim of this study is to analyse the extent and diversity of social exclusion related to

transport. The study has the following five main sub-objectives:

1. To investigate the causal connections between social exclusion and transport; to

identify where and how transportation related exclusion is occurring and to address

this through locally based initiatives; to contextually explore the affected groups’ own

perceptions of their local transport system and how “travel poverty” affects their

everyday lives; to build upon the statistical evidence of transport disadvantage and

related social exclusion in the NHTS to identify the transport and accessibility

concerns of people living on low incomes and at the margins of economic

participation, in different geographical/spatial contexts and in different life stages.

2. To use the evidence of the focus groups in Tshwane to identify from the participants’

own perspectives and lived experiences:

i. If and in what physical and social circumstances people experience transport

and accessibility problems;

ii. the types of problems they experience, the causes of such problems;

iii. who is most affected, when and how;

iv. the outcome of such problems in terms of their physical and mental well-

being, and economic and social activities.

3. To give examples of overseas experience (India, etc.).

4. To assess the ways in which public transport and other factors such as housing can

reduce social exclusion.

5. To propose a range of measures to encourage better transport among excluded groups.

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

A formal overview of the methodology is presented in this section.

1. A critical review of the literature pertaining to the definitions and nature of social

exclusion, from the theoretical, the ideological, the practical and the descriptive

perspectives.

2. A fresh analysis of the South African NHTS (DOT, 2005) in order to identify:

10

a. Characteristics of transport disadvantaged; and

b. Demographic and geographical factors that may contribute to transport

disadvantage.

3. An exploration of focus group interviews and analysis of the raw data to gain deeper

insights into the specific problems experienced by households in Tshwane.

4. Discussions with key professionals to reveal their experiences about network planning

and implementation of routes that may alleviate transport exclusion. These include:

a. An interview with the project manager of the Melbourne Smartbus route 901

(Recorded in Chapter 2).

b. Interviews with Dr Karen Lucas of the Transport Studies Unit at Oxford

University.

c. Interviews with City of Johannesburg, City of Tshwane and City of Cape

Town officials (Recorded in Chapter 5).

d. Interviews with students from Bogotá, Medellin, Hochiminh City and Nigeria.

e. Visits to the Federal Highway Administration and Federal Transit

Administration of the United States of America (recorded in various chapters).

f. A helicopter trip between Grand Central Airport, Pretoria Central Business

District and townships north east of Pretoria (recorded in Chapter 2). This trip

was arranged for the author by ITSE engineers and the goal of the trip was to

take aerial photographs of the infrastructure in communities who may be

socially excluded. Some of the photographs taken on this trip are recorded in

various chapters.

1.7 OUTLINE OF THE DISSERTATION

The dissertation begins with this introductory chapter.

Chapter two commences with information about different schools of thought on the

theoretical and empirical underpinnings of social exclusion. This includes a definition of

social exclusion, the factors that affect it and how it is measured in terms of transport. In

general, most information on the subject of social exclusion alone is gained outside of the

transport discipline. The chapter shows how the different aspects of social exclusion are

encountered in the South African context. . People are socially excluded from activities they

wish to undertake

11

• Spatially, because they cannot get there at all;

• Temporally because they cannot get there at the appropriate time;

• Financially, because they cannot afford to get there; and

• Fear based because of apprehension about what may happen in public spaces such as

transport facilities and on the vehicle itself.

Chapter three examines a number of selected public documents emanating from discussion

forums and projects undertaken by government institutions in relation to their attempts to

provide better transport. The National Household Survey is used to describe incidences of

transport disadvantage. This chapter also considers the indicators that were used to identify

the participants for the Tshwane focus group analysis and sets out the findings of the focus

group analysis.

Chapter four presents case studies, commencing with five cities in India which is similar to

South Africa in that both have large percentages of the population living in poverty, as well

as high levels of inequality of income distribution. Although there are massive gaps between

rich and poor, researchers in India are of the opinion that increased mobility and access to

better transport will decrease the burden of poverty. The Indian government has realised that

there has to be more equity and higher levels of social justice against a background where

India, like South Africa, is becoming more oil dependent. There is also the context of

increased vehicle traffic, massive investments in road infrastructure, increasing emissions and

an on-going increase in the number of cars. The final part of this chapter focuses on case

studies in the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Canada, Australia and Japan.

Chapter five outlines solutions that range from building a liveable city with a vibrant walking

infrastructure to transport oriented villages. The chapter briefly reviews four academic studies

carried out at the University of Johannesburg and the Council for Science and Industrial

Research (CSIR) that have a strong bearing on the subject. The common factor linking the

studies is that they all have made recommendations to improve public transport, either in

terms of the most suitable mode to be used or the most suitable routes and schedules to be

followed. None of them have been acted upon, however. This chapter emphasises the need,

not for further research, but for implementation. In view of the present need to improve

public transport for the benefit of the entire community, this chapter suggests that these

academic studies be revisited and that a fresh look be taken at the topics covered.

12

Chapter six recommends appropriate actions to be taken. For example, first world countries

are moving ahead to implement public transport modes that have a lower carbon footprint.

The importance of this chapter is to introduce the community to transport and to let them play

an active part in the decision making process.

1.8 CONCLUSION

This chapter contextualised social exclusion, provided the problem statement and motivation

for the study, set the study aims and objectives and gave an overview of the research

methodology. The next chapter provides an overview of literature dealing with transport

related social exclusion, provides definitions associated with the concept and compares some

international approaches to the subject.

13

CHAPTER TWO: THE LINKS BETWEEN SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND PUBLIC TRANSPORT IN BOTH THE URBAN AND RURAL

CONTEXT OF SOUTH AFRICA

2.1 AIM OF THIS CHAPTER

The previous chapter motivated the necessity of this research and outlined how these needs

will be addressed in the upcoming chapters. This chapter provides an overview of literature

dealing with transport related social exclusion, provides definitions associated with it and

explains how it has been used in first world countries from where it originated.

The literature reviewed in this chapter will discuss the following areas:

• The history of the terminology relating to social exclusion;

• The definitions of social exclusion, poverty and transport disadvantage;

• The measurement of and factors affecting social exclusion;

• The characteristics of transport disadvantaged people;

• Indicators to measure social exclusion; and

• Case studies from the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Australia and

Colombia.

This chapter lays the foundation for Chapter three which will focus on social exclusion and

transport disadvantage in South Africa and will describe the particular experiences of

“transport disadvantaged” people in Tshwane, Pretoria.

2.2 HISTORY OF THE TERMINOLOGY

The conceptual framework for this section has been largely drawn from research on social

and transport exclusion conducted in the United Kingdom, namely from Lucas (2004, 2005)

Church, et al, 2000; Gaffron, et al, 2001 and De Haan, 1994.

De Haan (Social exclusion: Towards an holistic understanding of deprivation, 1999)

describes the usefulness of social exclusion as a framework for understanding deprivation and

other related concepts. De Haan (1999:2f) quotes Simon Maxwell who utilised the concept

in an attempt to cross the barriers in studies of deprivation in both developed and developing

countries. The term “social exclusion” was first coined by Rene Lenoir, then Secretaire d’Etat

14

a l’Action Sociale in the French Government of Chirac, who published Les Exclus: Un

Francais sur dix. Lenoir’s definition included a wide variety of people, not only the poor, but

also the handicapped, suicidal people, the aged, abused children, substance abusers, and

others – about 10 per cent of the French population (De Haan, 1999:3). An in-depth look at

the French scenario leads to the explanation that social exclusion is “the process through

which individuals or groups are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the

society within which they live”. Social exclusion is also defined as the opposite of social

integration, mirroring the perceived importance of being part of society, of being “included”.

This could mean that people may be excluded from employment, housing, education, etc.

The term “social exclusion” evolved throughout Europe and was used to pad up definitions

such as poverty, deprivation and inequality, which, it had been argued, “failed to incorporate

or encompass a full understanding of the massive changes to the world that we live in”

(Gaffron, et al, 2002:5f). More importantly, it is clear from the literature review that

exclusion may happen at any level of society. The concept stretches further than the standard

view of poverty and deprivation, and could focus more on social relations, the processes and

institutions that underlie it which are part and parcel of deprivation.

Recently, social exclusion discussions have become central to British policies and debates.

The term’s emergence can be traced back to the priorities adopted by the Labour Government

and, in particular, the establishment of the Social Exclusion Unit in England and the Inclusion

Network in Scotland. Both these entities made reference to their Prime Ministers’ definition:

Social exclusion is a shorthand label for what can happen when individuals or areas

suffer from a combination of linked problems such as unemployment, poor skills, low

incomes, poor housing, high crime environments, bad health and family breakdown

(Gaffron, et al 2002:8).

The Scottish definition of social exclusion is included in their Social Inclusion Draft Strategy

where it is defined as a process that deprives people of the opportunity to participate in

society in the form of employment, training or education, social networks and community

activities (Gaffron, et al 2002:8).

15

2.3 THE DEFINITIONS OF “SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND TRANSPORT”

International research into the relationship between transport and social exclusion in urban

areas emerged in the late 1990s in response to concerns about the increasing spatial isolation

of the socially disadvantaged in cities. Research noted that the urban poor in developing

countries are positioned on the periphery of the cities and that they must travel longer

distances to their destinations at a higher cost than they can afford. Therefore, deficiencies in

public transport will have a greater impact on poor people in cities (Hurni, 2006:17f). This

means that jobseekers without access to a car may be unable to look for a job outside their

narrow geographical area, which significantly limits their opportunities. Another challenge is

that an ever growing part of the population relies solely on walking and public transport for

its mobility. A key challenge for transport is to connect poor neighbourhoods at the fringes of

the city with areas where jobs are to be found

(http://www.fukuoka.unhabitat.org/docs/occasional_papers/project_a/06/transport-barter-

e.html, accessed 6 September 2010).

Recent work by Church et al (1999:181f) on behalf of London Transport concluded that the

subtle relationship between transport and social exclusion could not be fully appreciated in

the light of the scarcity of data available regarding the issue and that more direct research into

the transport element of social exclusion was needed. Their study proposed three types of

processes, which could influence accessibility amongst households in neighbourhoods with

high levels of social exclusion. The nature of these processes will differ according to age,

gender, cultural background, level of ability and economic circumstances. These processes

are:

• the nature of time-space organisation in households, the interaction between

household members and other individuals (e.g. friends and relatives) and the manner

in which time-space budgets influence the ability to travel and travel choices;

• the nature of the transport system in terms of cost, network coverage and service

patterns, personal security and public space; and

• the nature of the time-space organisation of the activities that people are seeking to

access.

16

Early work by the London School of Economics (quoted by Stanley et al, 2008:6, 7)

discusses the measurement of the dimensions of social exclusion. These include:

• Consumption activity – the ability to consume, at least to a certain level, the goods

and services considered normal for society.

• Savings activity – the ability to accumulate savings or to own property.

• Production activity – whether the person is employed or not, in education, training or

looking after a family.

• Political engagement – the ability to engage in some collective effort to improve or

protect the immediate or wider social and physical environment (including voting,

membership of political parties and or campaigning groups).

• Social interaction – the person lacks someone who will give support.

The researchers found that the definitions function independently and are best measured over

time (Stanley et al, 2008, 8f).

A report by Gaffron (2001:9, 10) that studied the role of transport and exclusion in transport

made several interpretations of the work conducted by Andrew Church. The report suggested

five questions which would need to be answered if current uncertainties were to be removed

and relevant empirical data were to be collected:

a. Is it necessary to be mobile, to be socially integrated?

b. How do the travel patterns of socially excluded people differ from those of others?

c. To what extent does the existing public transport network meet the needs of socially

excluded people?

d. Other than network coverage, what are the factors which constrain mobility of

socially excluded people?

e. How important is lack of mobility as a contributor to social exclusion relative to other

factors?

2.4 DEFINITIONS OF POVERTY, ACCESSIBILITY AND SUSTAINABILITY

This section brings out the importance of each of the above definitions. The literature will

show that there are material differences in these definitions and that the correct understanding

thereof will have profound implications for how transport exclusion is viewed.

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2.4.1 Poverty

Poverty means a lack of income and as such is a narrower concept than that of social

exclusion. Church et al (1999:183) and De Haan (1999:3) all caution that social exclusion

should not be confused with either poverty or unemployment. While they are related, being

poor or unemployed does not necessarily mean that one is socially excluded or vice versa.

Church et al (1999:3) argue that the term “poverty” implies an absolute or relative lack of

access to material welfare while social exclusion refers more broadly to the loss of “ability

[by people or households] to both literally and metaphorically connect with many of the jobs,

services and facilities that they need to participate fully in society”. In this view, social

exclusion is considered a cumulative process in which progressive detachment from jobs,

services and, to some extent, social networks makes it increasingly harder for people to

reconnect and the problems caused spill over from one sphere into another (Church et al,

1999; McCormick & Leicester, 1998). De Haan (1999:3) indicates that many different

processes cause and contribute to exclusion and that it can occur at all levels of society.

Some of the transport problems of the poor have been highlighted in section 2.3. A paper by

Barter (http://www.fukuoka.unhabitat.org/docs/occasional_papers/project_a/06/transport-

barter-e.html, accessed 6 September 2010) provides a brief introduction to the key issues of

poverty in Asia and developing countries. He noted that the relationship between transport

and poverty is not well understood. Neither are the distributional impacts of transport

projects. The World Bank and other large multi-lenders have been criticised with regard to

the poverty impacts of transport projects. It has been assumed in the past that transport

projects would, through their effect on economic growth, reduce poverty. This approach is

now being questioned. More often than not, a narrow economic efficiency focus helps the

rich more than the poor. For example, an efficiency-focus leads to a bias toward so-called

“strategic infrastructure” in the form of high speed trains and projects that save time for the

car user. This is at the expense of projects that may enhance local, low-speed accessibility

which will have a direct positive impact on the lives of the poor. All the arguments point to

the need for a much greater emphasis on basic access and mobility needs and travel patterns

of the poor themselves (http://www.fukuoka.unhabitat.org/docs/occasional_papers/project_a

/06/ transport-barter-e.html, accessed 6 September 2010).

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In the United States of America, just as in developing countries, there is a connection

between poverty and the lack of physical mobility. According to the National Poverty Centre

at the University of Michigan (Wachs, 2010:6), more than 14 million children under the age

of 18 live under the poverty line. Families in poverty go without adequate food, shelter, have

difficulty finding employment and constitute the vast majority of the widely discussed 37

million people who lack health insurance. The poverty issue seems to affect women more as

their rate of car ownership (or access to a car) is lower than that of men. Women are more

likely to use (or be dependent upon) public transport and to make shorter trips than men.

In South Africa, measuring poverty is a first step towards understanding the nature and extent

of deprivation. There are a number of different ways in which poverty can be conceptualised,

defined and subsequently measured. Research by the Studies in Poverty and Inequality

Institute called “The Measurement of Poverty in South Africa project: Key Issues” (2007)

identified different schools of thought on the subject for government programs. The research

says that while the poverty line can provide a headcount of the number of people living in

poverty, it is not able to reflect the depth of poverty nor does it adequately measure the

deprivation experienced by people living in poverty. There are a number of tools that may be

used to measure poverty such as asset or capability measures, perception-based measures or

calorie based food poverty. One such tool is listed in Table 1 below.

19

Table 1: Recommended poverty benchmarks for South Africa

Poverty line in 2000 Rands

% of individuals below the poverty line (2000 IES)

Poverty line set at per capita expenditure of the 40th percentile of households per month R346 per capita 54.9%

Poverty line set at 50% of mean national per capita expenditure per month R538 per capita 68.1%

Statistics SA – lower bound per month R322 per capita 52.6% Statistics SA – upper bound per month R593 per capita 70.4% “Dollar a day” - International poverty line of US$370 (1985 prices) per capita per annum R81 per capita 8.1%

“Two dollars a day” - International poverty line of US$370 (1985 prices) per capita per annum R162 per capita 27.0%

“Poverty line” implied by the Old Age Pension means test for married persons, assuming a household of 5 persons and no non-elderly income earners

R454 per capita 63.4%

“Indigence” line of R800 per household per month (in 2006 prices) R573 per household 11.7%

“Indigence” line of R2400 per household per month (in 2006 prices)

R1720 per household 55.1%

Source: Leibbrandt et al, 2006:26 and Magasela (2005:16) Constructing an Official Poverty Line in South Africa, http://www.naledi.org.za/docs/povertylineW2.pdf, accessed 12 August 2011.

There are no ready-made tools to measure the link between transport and poverty in South

Africa. Therefore the analysis in this dissertation is founded on international practice and

broad based consultation with experts in the South African research arena. Chapter three will

define some South African poverty measures that were used to identify the transport

disadvantaged people in Tshwane during a focus group survey determining the levels of

social exclusion.

2.4.2 Accessibility and accessibility planning

The Social Exclusion Unit’s (SEU) report “Making the Connections” (2003:1f) asked the

following questions to identify the meaning of accessibility:

• Can people access key services at reasonable cost, in reasonable time and with

reasonable ease?

• Do people know about the available transport, trust its reliability and feel safe using

it?

• Are people physically able to access transport?

20

• Are the services and activities within a reasonable distance?

Furthermore, the report sets out the relationship between transport, accessibility, social

exclusion and a cross-Governmental strategy for improving access to jobs and essential

public services. The report recognises that improving access is not only about improving

transport, but cuts across many areas of policy delivery, for example, changing the location of

services and how services are delivered. It introduces a new function for local planners to

undertake accessibility planning as part of their routine local transport plans (Lucas,

2004:44f). These plans might include the affordability and accessibility of local transport

designs, the location and delivery of non-transport services and education

(http://www.dft.gov.uk/pgr/regional/

ltp/accessibility/guidance/gap/accessibilityplanningguidance3633, accessed 17 September

2010).

In addition, the British Government (SEU, 2003:62f) recommends that local authorities

perform accessibility audits to identify whether people can get to key services within a

reasonable time and cost, reliably and safely. These audits (SEU, 2003:93f) identify existing

resources to address shortfalls and an action plan to develop and prioritise solutions. The key

motivation for the accessibility audits and planning is to consider the needs of minority

groups whose demands for transport may be suppressed due to a number of factors, such as

the inability to pay.

2.4.3 Sustainability

The greatest challenge worldwide is the sustained rise in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

Even if there is a reduction in the burning of carbon fuels and the production of GHG, the

world still faces rising temperatures and changes in weather patterns (Wachs, 2010:10).

Transport is the second largest source of GHG in the United States. The responsibility for

reductions in GHG emissions cannot be expected to fall on the poor, aged and working-class

families. The emergence of a car dominant society is creating an additional burden for these

groups, increasing their social exclusion (Condon et al, 2011:1f).

The car took centre stage after World War II, with a transformational impact on cities and

land use. In Los Angeles, the Major Traffic Street Plan of 1924 led to the widening of arterial

roads and little attention was thereafter devoted to its public transport system. During the

21

1950s, suburbs were built on cheap land, leading to low population densities. Along with

high speed infrastructure of arterial roads and ample parking, car-dependent mobility became

unavoidable (Condon et al, 2011:13).

Today, this pattern appears to continue unabated. According to Gilbert and Perl (2008:2),

rising fuel prices may be a “wake up call” with the peaking of conventional oil production. It

has now become more expensive to service suburban development patterns. The rise in fuel

prices will affect household budgets that are already under stress. The coming years could see

a wave of spikes in the oil price with devastating effects on low and middle income

households. The biggest danger, according to Gilbert and Perl (2008:2), is that “we will be

caught flat-footed by unfolding events due to lack of preparation”. This has brought about an

urgent change to the definition of inclusion.

Condon et al (2011) and others therefore propose a thirty-year initiative to transform

communities and the movement of people. Heavy reliance will be placed on a low (or zero)

emission transport system that will require more emphasis on electric power, shifts toward

electric vehicles of various types and the expansion of public transport (Condon et al,

2011:10). Chapter five will discuss these aspects in more detail.

Condon’s vision (2011:10f) is that neighbourhoods in Vancouver and probably elsewhere in

the world, will become less dependent on motor vehicles. This will reduce the household fuel

bill, build stronger communities and lead to more active and healthy lifestyles. This also

encompasses the smooth transition of already disadvantaged groups (for example the poor

and the elderly) to higher levels of mobility and includes car-dependent households in future

government based plans.

In conclusion, a perspective from Wachs (2010:14) is that

global political stability depends on sustainable development that incorporates steady

reduction in poverty through increased access and mobility everywhere and physical

survival depends on addressing the critical issue of global climate change.

2.5 FACTORS AFFECTING SOCIAL EXCLUSION

This section discusses six main categories of social exclusion. They are:

• Physical exclusion

22

• Geographical exclusion

• Exclusion from facilities

• Economic exclusion

• Time-based exclusion

• Fear based exclusion

The research is mainly based on work from Church et al, 1999. The South African review of

these categories will be addressed in Chapter three.

2.5.1 Physical exclusion

These barriers are related to the nature of the transport system and the built environment

where people are excluded from using the transport system or from physical access to

services, and could be ascribed to physical and psychological difficulties. Such barriers affect

small children, older people, the disabled, the illiterate and people with learning difficulties

(Gaffron, 2001:17).

In developed Group Eight (G8) nations, there is generally a higher ratio of older people and

mobility impaired people living in low income and non-car owning households. About 30%

of Japanese older citizens leave their homes as little as two to three times a month, because

the design of pathways and stations make them inaccessible (www.fiafoundation.com,

accessed April 2010). This paper suggests a greater awareness of special transport needs and

perhaps the governing thereof by law.

The Japanese government stepped up law enforcement on service providers and agencies

with a law on Transport Accessibility Improvement. The purpose of the law is to ensure a

socially self-reliant life for the elderly and the disabled. The law requires that railway

operators and local government improve the structures, passenger facilities and rolling stock

for public transport. These agents were also required to improve facilities and infrastructure

around the stations within a radius of 1 km. The law targeted 2010 for barrier-free access.

Some of the improvements include installing tactile tile blocks to guide the visually impaired

and installing toilets for the physically handicapped. In the end, such projects develop citizen-

friendly communities (www.fiafoundation.com, accessed April 2010). In 2004, more than

100 Accessible Local Plans have been formulated under the Transportation Accessibility

23

Improvement Law and nationwide, accessible city centers were starting to appear, centered

on large barrier-free stations.

The rapid advance in the concentration of population in Japan’s urban areas and the

depopulation in rural areas has resulted in rural depopulated areas composed mostly of an

elderly population who do not have drivers’ licenses. The government took up the challenge

to provide low cost services such as community buses and welfare buses in these areas

(www.fiafoundation.com, accessed 8 August 2011).

In the United Kingdom, 14% of adults have a physical mobility that makes it difficult for

them to go out on foot or use public transport. People with sensory impairment or learning

disabilities may suffer exclusion, because, for example, timetable information is often in very

small print and can be complicated and difficult to understand. Furthermore, transport staff is

sometimes unaware of the needs of disabled people and may not always be available or

willing to provide the required support (Social Exclusion Unit, 2003:1f).

In 1995, the UK introduced regulations under the Disability Discrimination Act which

requires that public transport be fully accessible, although full compliance does not have to

be achieved until 2050 (www.fiafoundation.com, accessed April 2010).

Due to a general awareness of the special transport needs of groups that have physical

mobility constraints, several of the G8 governments make special provision for these groups

by law. Increasingly, urban bus networks are being equipped with low floor vehicles and

ramps facilitating the access of wheelchair users to public transport, although the provision of

these vehicles tends to be less comprehensive or even non-existent in rural areas. Most

countries also offer fare subsidies or even free transport to mobility-impaired and registered

disabled travelers. For example, German law provides seriously handicapped persons with

free travel on public transport or a full or major tax reduction for their private cars

(www.fiafoundation.com, accessed August 2011).

In the National Disability Policy: Progress Report in the United States of America, published

and presented to President Obama in March 2009, the National Council on Disability made

the following recommendation:

The Department of Transportation should: evaluate the effectiveness of new pilot

transportation initiatives for people with disabilities; develop permanent funding

24

mechanisms to expand effective approaches across the country; and propose to

Congress ongoing funding mechanisms to increase transportation options for the

growing population of people who do not drive because of disabilities

(http://www.cutr.usf.edu/programs/ttat/files/NEW_FDDC_low.pdf., accessed 9

August 2011).

Two of the mechanisms currently gaining momentum in the United States are the use of

transportation vouchers and transportation provided by volunteers. With funding revenues

declining and demand for transportation growing, communities are challenged to coordinate

and implement services that can better meet this demand. Alternative mobility options that

use transportation vouchers and volunteers are effective in meeting this challenge. Many of

these programs maximise both formal and informal transportation networks such as public

transportation, volunteer drivers, family, friends, and neighbours (http://www.cutr.usf.edu/

programs/ttat/files/NEW_FDDC_low.pdf, accessed 9 August 2011).

2.5.2 Geographical exclusion

This refers to the peripheral and spatial provision of transport and is associated with poor

transport provision (Church, 1999:185). It may be said that inaccessibility may not always

have negative impacts. For example, in Athens, spatial isolation has led to some communities

developing strong local informal networks that are beneficial to community cohesion.

However such a situation is more complex in certain parts of South Africa whereby certain

people may struggle to carry out their activities within their local area (Church et al,

1999:185).

In South Africa, access to public transport facilities is measurable based on statistics from the

NHTS (DOT, 2005:46) which found that more than 75% of households in this country had no

access to a train service and 40% did not have access to bus services. Train access was worse

in rural (97%) than urban areas (77%) because city dwellers had perceived better accessibility

to trains (55%).

2.5.3 Exclusion from facilities

This constitutes a lack of access to good shopping, leisure, health and education

facilities because of time and income constraints in the use of transport services and

the flight of some of these facilities from problem areas Church et al, 1999:186.

25

In the UK, the extreme “flight” of services from deprived areas led to many communities

lacking quality basic amenities such as a general food shop or a medical service. Services that

are available of often of poor quality and the goods that they provide are over-priced (Lucas,

2002:8, 9). According to the South African NHTS (DOT, 2005:50), people countrywide can

access some services reasonably quickly. For example, ninety-five per cent of households can

get to essential services such as shops and post offices. Fewer households can get to services

such as traditional healers and tribal authorities. The following are the main points revealed

about household accessibility to services in South Africa:

• the majority can get to most of the services within half an hour;

• the only services which a significant proportion of households claim are inaccessible

are traditional healers and tribal authorities.

• access to medical services (this includes doctors, clinics and hospitals) appears to be a

minor problem as less than 1 per cent of people indicated not being able to get to them

within half an hour; and

• the most accessible services appear to be food shops; for the RSA as a whole, 82 per

cent of households claim they can access a food shop within 15 minutes of their

homes.

However, on closer inspection by means of the qualitative focus groups for Tshwane, most

people said that they would prefer shopping malls in their area and the possible link to job

opportunities. They also indicated a desire for more clinics, life counsellors and police

stations.

Cross (Housing delivery as anti-poverty: is South Africa on the right track?, 2008:8f)

emphasised that poor people living on the periphery of urban centres face severe economic

hardships because of poor transport and that the cost associated with it is high. She reflects on

the frequent appearance of new informal settlements following closely after the expansion of

the de facto urban boundary and the emergence of new up-market suburbs on the edges of the

city, allowing the shack settlement workforce to remain in walking distance of jobs and to

avoid paying high transport costs while working in low-paid domestic and service jobs. More

generally, planning around sustainable human settlements has started to recognise the

26

problem of walking distance, especially where urban public transport is weak. Housing

delivery in tandem with transport delivery becomes crucial.

2.5.4 Economic exclusion

This is where monetary constraints affect the use of the transport network, especially to work

(Gaffron et al, 2001:18).

In South Africa, many households on very low incomes find the cost of personal or public

transport prohibitive. This, coupled with longer travel distances to work, creates more

exclusion. Although some employers provide transport allowances to their staff, this only

softens the financial burden to a minor extent. This is because the vast majority (96%) of

commuters receive no travel allowances for transport to work. The total number of persons

who are subsidised amounts to around 140 000 persons, the majority of whom receive less

than R100 per month on transport allowances (DOT, 2005:140) and that 33 per cent of rural

public transport commuters spend more than 20 per cent of their personal income getting to

work. This is a concern as the National Land Transport Strategic Framework (2006:25) sets a

key performance indicator that households should not be spend more than 10% of their

income on public transport.

2.5.5 Time-based exclusion

This is where transport provision is limited during certain times of the day or where there are

individual time constraints (Church, 1999:187).

Consider the example of Kyle, a 26 year old Latina mother of two living in Los Angeles:

She found work in a drug abuse prevention program after leaving welfare, which she

described as “hell,” to face the new hell of her daily commute. At 6 am, Kyle is at the

bus stop with her children. Fourteen-month-old Ishmael is asleep on her shoulder;

five-year-old Mustafa holds her hand. Two buses later, she drops off Mustafa at

school in Inglewood. Then she rides two more buses to get Ishmael to his babysitter

in Watts. From there it is half an hour to work. Kyle arrives about 9 am, three hours

and six buses after starting: “The boys and I read. We play games, we talk to other

people, we spend the time however we can (Wachs, 2010:7).

27

Kyle would have more time available for other activities of leisure or economic if the time

taken for the commute trip would be sufficiently reduced.

A similar example in South Africa of time exclusion was found in the Tshwane focus group

(author’s own research) from a low income worker living in Mamelodi:

I walk to the taxi for 10 minutes and I wait for the taxi to get full and it takes the taxi

35 minutes to get to the taxi rank and then I get another taxi but I don’t wait for that

taxi because it gets full fast. Then it drops me near to the clinic. Then I walk to the

clinic for 35 minutes. It costs me R12 (Low income worker, Mamelodi).

2.5.6 Fear-based exclusion

Fear, worry and even terror influence how public spaces and public transport are used,

especially by women (Gaffron, 2001:12).

Fear may be seen as a major barrier to mobility. According to a 1988 British Crime Survey

(Gaffron, 2001:22), a number of women avoided going out at night on their own and never

travelled at all after dark.

Crime and harassment on public transport or while waiting for public transport are problems

throughout the world. Poor street lighting in low income areas has a bigger affect than in

higher income areas and affects the movement of people more. Heavy traffic on a street can

cause it to become devoid of pedestrians, increasing the risk and fear of crime

(http://www.fukuoka.unhabitat.org/docs/occasional_papers/project_a/06/transport-barter-

e.html, accessed 6 September 2010).

In South Africa, women interviewed said that they will not use trains, because they fear for

their safety. Also, the distance between the homes and the stations was an important factor.

The problem is most severe in the Western Cape. In general, people in the Western Cape

have established a strong link between crime and minibus taxis. They gave this as the biggest

reason for not using the taxi service. Crime on minibus taxis was also the biggest problem in

Metropolitan areas. Of all the public transport modes, the bus was regarded as relatively safe

(DOT, 2005:81).

28

2.6 CHARACTERISTICS OF TRANSPORT DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE

This section identifies the various categories of transport disadvantaged groups.

Transport disadvantage is a combination of spatial, temporal and other factors listed above

under section 2.4., and involves disadvantaged areas as well as disadvantaged groups of

people (Hurni, 2006:51f). To understand the use of the term for “groups” means that other

terminology should be fully understood.

There is no widely accepted standard to identify the socially disadvantaged. It is the

responsibility of each community to develop its own standards. Below are indicators

identified by Litman (2003:7) of groups of people that may experience severe social

exclusion, bearing in mind that not everybody may experience severe social exclusion under

all circumstances. They are:

• Households that do not own a car (sometimes called zero-vehicle households).

• People who do not have a driver’s license.

• People with significant physical or mental disabilities.

• Low-income households.

• People who are unemployed or underemployed.

• People on social grants and other programs to help disadvantaged groups.

• People too young or too old to drive.

• Recent immigrants from developing countries, who tend to face language barriers,

social isolation, poverty, unemployment, and low rates of vehicle ownership and

drivers’ licenses.

Despite the focus in the above list on those who do not own cars, even households with cars

face the prospect of social exclusion in future. Escalating oil prices and car dependence due

to inadequate public transport may put lower and middle income households under greater

risk of financial disadvantage (Littman, 2003).

2.7 INDICATORS OF THE MEASUREMENT OF TRANSPORT RELATED SOCIAL EXCLUSION

To determine the incidence and distribution of transport related social exclusion requires

measures to describe the level of mobility of the people under consideration and to enable the

29

monitoring of any measures implemented (Gaffron, 2001:11). Social transport policies,

strategies and guidelines should target these indicators and thereafter monitor them. These

indicators will include combined views of the communities, residents, organisations and

businesses that work with the socially excluded.

Various studies in the field have proposed different sets of indicators.

Hurni (2006:26) quotes indicators for mobility and accessibility which is represented in Table

2 below. Table 2 covers a group of indicators based on three sets of measures, one set to

describe the level of mobility, a second set to measure accessibility of the activities that

people will need to undertake and a third set to access the accessibility of the transport

available to them.

2.7.1 Social exclusion index

It is important to have a quantified index to track and compare impacts over time and for

evaluating potential solutions (Litman, 2003:13). This index may be useful to planners and

policymakers and will help them to determine which geographic or demographic groups

experience social exclusion and the how resources to improve social exclusion are most

effectively invested. Litman (2003:13) therefore suggested a social exclusion index as

illustrated in table 3. This index rates each factor from 0 (worst) to 5 (best), resulting in a

total rating from 0 to 30. The results indicate the degree to which an individual or group

experiences significant social exclusion due to transport-related constraints.

2.8 SOUTH AFRICAN LITERATURE REVIEW

Before moving on to the foreign case studies, it is important to recognise work that has

already been done that may relate to matters in the aforementioned sections.

In South Africa, the terminology “previously or historically disadvantaged”, a euphemism, is

used in policy and research debates. The terminology is normally referred to the inequalities

of Apartheid by giving previously disadvantaged groups (black Africans, Coloureds, Indians

and some Chinese, who are SA citizens) opportunities previously not available to them

http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/previously_disadvantaged;http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_E

conomic_Empowerment, both sites accessed 18 April 2011).

30

Table 2: Indicators of accessibility and mobility

Parameters of Accessibility

Urban accessibility Transport accessibility Mobility

Existing Indicators Activity characteristics

Transportation characteristics

Traveller characteristics

Spatial Location of activity Service catchment areas

Distance to transport node from origin and from node to destination Travel route

Travel need Location of residence -distance from home to transport node

Demographic and social characteristics Distance (km) to transport stop Travel routes

Physical Nature of activity

Transport mode suitability Safety Comfort Alternatives available

Mobility constraints: e.g. age, family status, disability

Demographic and social data Transport service coverage

Temporal

Hours of operation Timing of activities

Transport operating times Reliability

Travel purpose Time of day Time for travel

Frequency of service and operating times (timetables)

Financial Travel costs by location

Transport mode Fares Concessions available

Income Eligibility for concessions or transport subsidies

Fares and concessions

Environmental Safety Land use patterns Safety and incidents Perceptions and

attitudes Crime rates

Informational Information provision

Information about transport services

Language and literacy skills Communication abilities/access to information

Timetables Fluency in English, level of education completed.

Source: Hurni (2006:27)

31

Table 3: Transport Social Exclusion

Factor Definition Indicators

Mobility Need Number of “essential” trips outside the home a person must make.

From 5, subtract one point each for: enrolled in school, employed outside the home, is a primary caregiver (responsible for children or disabled adults), has special medical requirements (such as dialysis), and has other responsibilities that require frequent travel.

Land Use

Accessibility

Average travel distance to common destinations, based on land use clustering and mix, and roadway network connectivity

One point for each different type of public service (food store, other retail shops, post office, school, and park) within 0.5 kilometres of residence.

Physical and

Communication

Ability

An individual’s physical and

communications ability.

One point for being able to walk one kilometre, bicycle 3 kilometres, speak and read the local language, has residential telephone, has residential Internet service.

Car

Access

An individual’s ability to use a

car

One point for having a drivers license, one point for having a vehicle rental or car share service within the residential neighbourhood, one point for living in a household that owns at least one motor vehicle, one point for owning a personal (not shared) car, one point for having a major paved highway within 5 kilometres of home.

Mobility

Options

Number of non-car mobility options available to an individual for local travel.

One point each for convenient universal design

(Pedestrian facilities designed to accommodate people with disabilities) walking, cycling, local public transit and taxi service.

Financial

Wealth

Ability to pay for transport services.

One point for each income quintile.

Source Litman: Social Inclusion as a transport planning issue in Canada, (2003:13)

32

Although the term “previously disadvantaged” is used extensively, the term of social

exclusion is only now being recognised in South Africa. According to the South African Race

Relations Journal (2001), “exclusion is a result of physical social or economic conditions, or

because they are not politically recognized in the cities which they live, which prevents

certain groups of people from participating in city life and activities”. They further debate

that exclusion is exacerbated by an unresponsive government and that exclusion creates and

reinforces poverty in urban society.

Another specialist, Professor Fourie (http://archive.ifla.org/IV/ifla73/papers/128-Fourie-

en.pdf, accessed 18 April 2011) links social exclusion to poverty and other factors. Her lists

include problems like poor health, discrimination, poor housing and even access to

information. Although exclusion affects anyone, some people are more at risk such as the

disabled, the aged and the young.

Compared to the initial thinking in the United Kingdom, South African research has tended to

be concerned with accessibility problems of people living in rural areas, or peripheral housing

estates and particularly problems caused by poor public transport to and from these areas

(Church et al, 2000). Other studies are gender related or focus on old people and the disabled

of previously disadvantaged people. Five important pieces of research are mentioned below.

They include work from Arup, Venter, et al (2007) and Mahapa (2003) and Dibben (2003).

Below are summarised examples of these studies:

• Studies from Arup website:

Arup is a private organisation which considers an efficient and effective transport system a

necessary condition for economic growth and development. Its programs are focused on

addressing the legacy caused by apartheid and separate development of rural communities, as

well as some urban and peri-urban communities who did not have adequate access to

transport facilities (http://www.kzntransport.gov.za/programmes/arup/index.htm, accessed

18 April 2011).

• Research paper by Venter et al, (2007:534-547) presented at the 26th South African

Transport Conference:

33

In the light of socially progressive transport and the developmental aspects of women, there

has been little intervention in South Africa to address the needs of travelling women. Yet

women’s needs appear to be crucial in addressing poverty and other social development

goals. Transport policy and planning systems are traditional and mostly cater for the needs of

men. It seems that women perform multiple roles that are not addressed in transport research

and implementation plans.

The research arena that has received the most focus in South Africa is that of the needs of

rural areas — despite evidence that women in urbanised areas experience transport burdens

that are no less pressing, on a daily basis. Public transport, Venter argues, poorly matches the

diverse, suburb-to-suburb travel patterns of many women.

“Head-loading”, that is, women collecting firewood and water especially in rural areas,

contributes to their time poverty. This time poverty is seen as a key constraint to a low-

income woman’s ability to increase her wealth and to reduce her vulnerability. Venter

therefore urges social policy makers to consider these constraints when they are planning

transport infrastructure and services.

• Mahapa’s (2003:1f) dissertation on Spatial and Social Exclusion: Travel and transport

needs of rural women in Limpopo, South Africa:

Rural women still cannot access key services such as health facilities, schools and transport

services. Many years after political freedom, evidence still points to a lack of implementation

on the part of national government of its rural transport policy. This dissertation analyses the

needs of rural women in three villages in Limpopo namely Mamoleka, Tshitwi and

Babanana. Gender bias in rural transport stems from the multiple roles that rural women

perform in society and at home. This is because the household workload is not equally shared

amongst its members, leaving the women with the majority of the burden. Inadequate and

inaccessible transport increases the time that women must spend to perform their multiple

roles, leaving them with less time to develop themselves and to participate in socio-economic

and political activities. Many women also lose out on the opportunity to earn higher incomes

and to improve their financial resources. The findings here are closely related to that of

Venter (2007:543) above.

34

Mahapa (2003) requests policymakers to make rural transport policies more gender-

responsive and sustainable. That will require developing a structural approach to

understanding their needs, identifying instruments to address those needs and establishing an

appropriate policy framework.

• Potgieter (from the HSRC review, volume 4 no. 3 September 2006) in a paper titled “A

heavy load to carry”, reports on the same findings as Venter (2007) and Mahapa (2009).

The following are additional findings from Potgieter (2006):

The HSRC (Potgieter:5f) conducted a project on behalf of the South African National Roads

Agency Limited (SANRAL) in the villages of Nkozo (Quakeni Municipality) and Gqubeni,

Port St. Johns in the Eastern Cape. A survey was conducted where 237 questionnaires were

collected with three focus groups, and 17 time use diaries.

Women complained about public transport in their areas. They said that bus stops are far

away and there is often no protection from adverse weather conditions. There are also not

enough buses or taxis. When transport is available it is often overcrowded, unroadworthy and

unreliable. The women complained that the cost of transport is too high and this prevents

them from attending health care services.

Based on the outcomes of the survey, SANRAL committed themselves to building more

infrastructure for non-motorised transport, to enhancing its community participation and to

mainstream women and youth in all aspects of rural transport provision (Potgieter, 2006).

• The final piece of literature was drafted by Dibben et al (2007:1f) in a paper called

“The universality of social justice, rights and expectations in rural transport

provision”:

Dibben’s paper examines the applicability of the concepts such as social exclusion in the

South African rural context. In doing so, the author conducted field research and examined

literature from South Africa and the United Kingdom. The paper closely studied the rights

and expectations of rural dwellers, notions of accessibility, and whether accessibility is

relative (Dibben, 2007:3). Furthermore, the paper addressed the following questions:

• Are there universal rights of access to facilities and transport?

35

• Is the government engagement in decision making with communities around transport

provision?

• Is there a universal expectation that the supply of transport services should meet the

demand therefore?

• Is there a universal expectation that government policy will seek equity in transport

provision? (Dibben, 2007:3)

The paper concluded that rural dwellers have a universal right to some form of transport

provision. Government should supply some minimum levels of service. Government

intervention should focus on creating equitable transport provision and should also engage in

audits to assess their progress in providing this. It is therefore an imperative for government

to build an evidence trail of accessible policy making which would draw on the following:

• The frequency with which each service is accessed;

• The consequences of the person not being able to access the services;

• The concerns of the affected groups about not being able to access the services; and

• The importance of the equity of people not having access.

2.8.1 Summary

Sections 2.1 to 2.8 have provided the framework for the remainder of the dissertation by

examining terminologies related to social exclusion, the factors affecting it and the people

who suffer from it. The next sections will investigate countries that have acknowledged and

addressed social exclusion. The key lessons learnt from these countries are relevant to

Chapter three, where the South African scenario is investigated in detail.

36

2.9 CONCLUSION

This chapter has provided the motivation for the study and has provided an in-depth literature

review of the subject of transport and social exclusion. The first part of this chapter defined

social exclusion, poverty and transport disadvantage. The second part of the chapter analysed

the factors that might have an influence on social exclusion. Measurements such as the social

exclusion index were introduced.

This chapter forms the basis for the next chapter that will focus on South Africa and describe

in particular the experiences of transport disadvantaged people in Tshwane, Pretoria.

37

CHAPTER THREE: THE SOUTH AFRICAN CASE STUDY

3.1 INTRODUCTION

The previous chapter provided an overview of literature dealing with transport related social

exclusion, provided definitions associated with it and explained how it has been used in first

world countries from where it originated.

This chapter examines a number of selected public documents emanating from discussion

forums and projects undertaken by governmental institutions in relation to their attempts to

provide better transport. The National Household Survey is used to describe incidences of

transport disadvantage. This chapter also considers the indicators that were used to identify

the participants for the Tshwane focus group analysis and sets out the findings of the focus

group analysis.

3.2 POLICY AND LEGISLATIVE CONTEXT

Several governmental documents and legislation articulate the problems of the socially

disadvantaged. The documents that will be discussed in this section are:

• The Public Transport Strategy (Department of Transport, 2007b);

• The National Transport Master Plan (NATMAP) 2050, (Department of Transport

2011).

3.2.1 The Public Transport Strategy

Both the Strategy and the Master Plan described the public transport system in South Africa

as a third class service for captive users and say that this is the biggest reason why people

prefer to use their private cars. Unhappy users of public transport described the system as

overcrowded, unsafe and unreliable. Despite the irregular offering of public transport

services, the vast majority of people walk to school and places of employment or use other

services.

The following general issues were highlighted in The Public Transport Strategy (2007:3f):

• There is a relative absence of inter-city rail services for passengers;

38

• The age and condition of commuter rail rolling stock and infrastructure is highly

problematic and currently there are no viable financial solutions to rectify this;

• There is a lack of integration of the various public transport passenger modes (fares,

ticketing, timetables and feeder services);

• The public transport systems are declining and the subsidy system is not addressing

movement demand patterns. Long distance, mass movement public transport is still

being put forward as the only option and new, innovative technologies and private

investment solutions are being turned down;

• The provision of motorised public transport for learners is fragmented, not well

organised and inadequately resourced. As a result, some eligible learners do not have

access to scholar transport or it is often not safe or reliable. The majority of learners

walk to school and, for them, there has been little focus on providing safe attractive

paths along the major lines of demand; and

• Much transport infrastructure is not free of barriers and is therefore not easily useable

by people with visual or mobility impairments, including older people.

The public transport strategy proposed modal upgrading and integrated mass public transport

systems. The modal upgrading will focus on short term interventions in the operating or

business environment such as the rollout of a national passenger rail plan and the

transformation of the bus and taxi industry. Integrated rapid public transport networks will

deliver wall-to-wall networks of buses, minibus taxis and rail services. Major feeder services

will be linked into the network and the use of technology will enhance the service offering.

The Strategy’s vision for 2020 is that:

• All residents should be within 1 km of a rapid public transport network;

• Hours of operation are extended to between 16-24 hours;

• Transfers between modes are facilitated by electronic fare integration; and

• Travel demand management is used to restrict car use.

To transform the Strategy into a tangible deliverable, national government pledged that it will

form partnerships with municipalities in order to develop action plans and packages.

39

3.2.2 National Transport Master Plan (NATMAP) 2050

NATMAP outlined the way forward for public transport by setting up benchmarks.

NATMAP made attempts to provide building blocks to improve public transport to the

disadvantaged. Key elements of the building blocks include the following:

• That rail services will be integrated with other modes of transport through a ticketing

system.

• That by 2050 all metropolitan areas, low and high income areas, and high density

district centers will have a rail commuter system to connect residential areas with the

CBDs, based on modal threshold specifications.

• The introduction of premier class bus services to all national and international

airports.

• That minibus taxi services will continue to operate on low density routes.

NATMAP does not explain how these services will implemented, but rather leaves it to

municipal and provincial authorities to make that decision. There is also an expectation that

municipalities will draft their own network plans in consultation with rail service providers.

The needs of excluded users to gain access to places of employment, health services, etcetera

are not addressed. The only reference made to exclusion is in the context of linking them to

“areas with economic potential by ensuring good access” (2011a:40f).

However, NATMAP is important because it is one of the Department’s documents that

acknowledges the importance of energy and the environment on transport in the South

African context.

3.2.2.1 Energy and the environment

The primary sources of all energy used in South Africa are mainly coal (67%) and oil (20%).

While the transport sector consumes 27% of all final energy forms, it uses up a significant

78% of liquid fuels and only 1,6% of electricity. The road transport sector consumes 87% of

the energy used by the transport sector and rail uses only 2% (Department of Transport:

2011b:8). These statistics show that we are highly oil dependent. The effects of any change in

the oil price and the availability of oil will be more significant on lower income groups

because they mainly use unsubsidised minibus taxi services. The situation will become grave

if people are forced to move closer to job opportunities or face the risk of being excluded

40

from them (Department of Transport: 2011b:8). NATMAP proposes two moves ̶ firstly the

introduction of bio-diesel as a fuel for public transport vehicles and secondly, a move away

from the informal mini-bus taxis to bus and rail services.

Table 4: Statements on Energy in NATMAP SUBJECT STATEMENT OF INTENTIONS Environmental Management And Transport

In essence, the management of the environment, transportation and land use should be considered as a package and not as individual, separable management responsibilities.

Demand Management Reduce the need for travel while protecting social and economic needs for access by changing urban form, promoting new communications technologies, and developing more packaging etc. Opportunities for transport demand are found in integration of different modes of transport and in traffic management.

Diversifying Options Improve access by diversifying transportation options, giving people more choices as to how they meet their needs. Transportation systems are a critical element of a strong economy, but can also contribute directly to building community and enhancing of life.

Integrated urban planning and transportation planning

• Concentrate urban growth, limit sprawl and provide for more mixed land use through urban structure and land polices. This would reduce demand (especially for automobile trips) by moving origins and destinations closer together and also help reduce habitat destruction and loss of agricultural and recreational lands.

• Pedestrian and cycling paths should be provided as attractive and safe alternatives to cars.

• Integrate transport modes, whether for passengers or goods, in order to provide more efficient goods movement, and to increase the availability of lower impact transportation options such as public transit.

Environmental Protection and waste reduction

• Ensure that the rate of use of renewable resources does not exceed rates of regeneration, and non-renewable resource use is minimised.

Land use

• Carry out transportation planning and land use planning alongside, to accommodate the effects of land use on transportation demand and supply, as well as the effects of transportation systems on the demand for, and patterns of, land development.

Energy Use

• Promote research and development of innovative alternative technologies that improve access and help protect the environment. The emphasis should be on providing a wide range of transportation options.

Source: Department of Transport (2011a:42f)

Table 4 is a distilled version of a collection of statements from NATMAP on energy and the

environment. Little is said on how the different modes of transport will be integrated to

reduce carbon emissions from vehicles. It is also not clear how lower income communities’

dependence of oil will be reduced. This dissertation will, in Chapter 5, make low cost

41

recommendations on low carbon intensity modes that can be used in corridors that require

mass transport. This dissertation will also recommend the introduction of electrified duo

buses on these routes to reduce the effects of social exclusion.

The transport sector is considered to be one of the fastest growing emission sectors and, as

such, must be one of the key sectors that contribute to South Africa’s Peak, Plateau and

Decline emission objective. Despite the apparent alignment of NATMAP 2050 with the

evolving Climate Change Response Policy, at least at the level of intention, the transport

sector must also move beyond “shopping lists” of “poorly informed” “good intentions”.

3.3 RESULTS OF THE NATIONAL HOUSEHOLD SURVEY (NHTS)

The previous chapter identified factors that influence the link between social exclusion and

transport. This section will address two of these factors, namely poverty (and affordability)

and access, followed by a consideration of some key performance indicators as identified in

the NHTS.

3.3.1 Poverty and affordability

The previous chapter suggested that monetary constraints affect the use of the transport

network. People on lower incomes find the cost of transport high. According to Table 5, a

large proportion of the South Africa’s most deprived population live in isolated rural areas

which are poorly served by roads and rail infrastructure. Table 5 shows that over two-thirds

of rural households have incomes of R1 000 or less per month (67.0%) (DOT 2005: 3) and

that almost three quarters of households earn less than R3 000.

42

Table 5: NHTS sample, number of households, population and household income by settlement type

Settlement

type

NHTS

Sample

Weighted

number of

households

Population

Monthly household income (% of households)

Up to

R500

R501

-

R1000

R1001 -

R3000

R3001 -

R6000 > R6000 Missing

Metropolitan 13 024 4 560 000 15 440 000 15.0 15.3 29.7 13.8 16.6 9.6

Urban 15 495 3 483 000 11 971 000 20.0 20.5 27.5 12.8 13.0 6.1

Rural 17 037 4 389 000 18 990 000 32.1 34.9 23.8 5.0 2.8 1.4

RSA 45 556 12 432 000 46 401 000 22.4 23.7 27.0 10.0 10.7 5.7

* Reported data weighted to Stats SA 2003 population mid-year estimates

Income has an influence on the choice of travel modes as seen in Table 7. Two-thirds of

people earning R3 000 per month or more make use of cars. People with low incomes walk

to work. This figure rises to 58 per cent in the case of those earning R500 or less. On the

other hand, 200 000 commuters who earn more than R3 000 are using trains and buses, the

subsidised modes.

Table 6: Mode use for commuting by income group

Main mode to work - % of commuters

Income Group Train Bus Taxi Car Walk/cycle Other

Up to R 500 3.0 7.0 20.5 4.4 57.9 7.2

R501 - R1000 6.6 10.5 29.0 6.6 39.5 7.8

R1001 - R2000 10.4 12.4 37.9 13.8 19.4 6.2

R2001 - R3000 8.9 11.1 31.3 28.5 13.7 6.4

> R3000 2.4 5.5 15.7 65.4 8.4 2.6

RSA 6.2 9.2 26.6 27.7 24.6 5.7

Source DOT, 2005:17

43

The NHTS shows that of households earning R500 per month or less, almost 50 per cent

spend more than 20 per cent of their household income on public transport. At the other end

of the scale, almost 70 per cent of households earning in excess of R6 000 per month spend

nothing on public transport. For South Africa as a whole, 18 per cent of households spend

20 per cent or more per month on transport. The National Land Transport Strategic

Framework (NLTSF) recommends that households should not spend more that 10 per cent of

disposable income on transport (NLTSF, 2006:46).

Amongst those earning less than R500 per month, the vast majority spend more than 20 per

cent of their income on travelling. Even amongst those earning between R501 and R1 000

per month, around half spend more than 20 per cent of their income on commuting. For

people earning more than R2 000 per month, there is less economic stress (refer to Figure 1).

A specific example of one of the worst settlements is Orange Farm. Figure 2 is a graphic

illustration of low income households in Gauteng, with specific reference to Orange Farm

which is a low income urban area, with a population of 66 000 households and 215 000

people (Author’s own analysis from NHTS database). About 67% of households have an

income of R1 000 per month or less.

1Figure 1: Percentage of personal income spent on transport by monthly income of transport commuters

1 This data was extracted from the National Household Travel Survey Database (2005)

0

1020

3040

5060

7080

90

< 5% 6-10% 11-15% 16-20% >20%

% of income spent on transport

% o

f com

mut

ers

in e

ach

inco

me

cate

gory

<R500R501 - R1000R1001 - R2000R2001 - R3000>R3000

44

2Figure 2: Mean monthly household income of Orange Farm

Source (DOT 2005: Author’s own analysis)

This township is severely affected by bad transport provision. So far, 31 000 households

(47% of the total households in Orange Farm) have problems with access to transport. Thirty

six per cent of the households have no3 access to a rail station and 18% have no access to a

bus service. There is a high reliance on minibus taxis. More than 24% of people above 15

years old had used a taxi in the previous 7 days. One fifth of the households have a problem

with transport affordability. A quarter of households spent nothing on transport, with 29%

spending between R1-R50 a month, but 21% of the lowest income group spent more than

R200 a month on transport.

When it comes to access to activities,

• 48% of workers spend more than 1 hour travelling to work;

2 This data was extracted from the National Household Travel Survey Database (2005)

3 No access means that it will take the household longer than 90 minutes to reach the service or that there is no service available.

45

• Nearly 20% of households cannot get to a welfare office;

• 15% cannot get to a municipal office (e.g. to make electricity payments);

• 13% cannot get to a post office.

Source (DOT 2005: author’s own analysis)

3.3.2 Access

This paragraph considers the question of “access” under the following headings:

• Spatial separation and urban sprawl;

• Over-reliance on taxis;

• Over-reliance on walking; and

• Physical access.

Households without access to a car (public transport captives) mostly spend less than R50 per

month on public transport. Mobility is therefore constrained by the low availability of funds

for transport expenditure. From this result, it seems that expenditure is being made only on

essential trips. Many households in South Africa are relatively immobile because they have

insufficient disposable income for expenditure on other forms of travel such as recreational,

visiting and holidays. There is now a link between low-car access and social disadvantage.

The quantity of travel made is lower for those with no car (DOT, 2005:11-13).

The statistics demonstrate that the overwhelming majority of households without a car are

concentrated in the lowest income quintile. In households where income exceeds R6 000 per

month, 82 per cent have access to one or more cars. On the other hand, households that earn

less than R3 000 per month have minimal access to cars. This underlines the argument that, in

most cases, non-car ownership is not based on choice but instead based on affordability or the

inability to drive (DOT, 2005:6).

People are forced to use or to buy cars, because of inadequate public transport. Two-thirds of

people earning R3 000 per month or more make use of cars to go to work. In turn, this has

led to the deterioration in the quality, frequency and reliability of public transport services.

If a household does not own a car, but has decent public transport available, then mobility

levels are maintained. As would be expected, the highest number of individuals who made

46

trips for different purposes was found in metropolitan areas (15%) and amongst those earning

more than R6 000 (16%). “Trip generation” is highest amongst households in which the

average income exceeds R6 000 (10.88 trips per day).

3.3.2.1 Spatial separation and urban sprawl

Spatial separation in South Africa is largely a legacy of apartheid policy and planning while

urban sprawl is the result of uncontrolled residential development for high income, high car

ownership communities (South African Cities Network [SACN], 2004:28). This type of

planning has led to disparate levels of service provision, urban sprawl, low levels of service

provision, low levels of suburban population density, and the concentration of the poor in

relatively high density areas on the urban peripheries, which were often environmentally

inhospitable (http://www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=70150, accessed 21

August 2011). Many South African cities display extraordinary contrasts in wealth and

poverty. In the cities of both South Africa and Brazil, where incomes are among the most

unequal in the world, it is not unusual to see heavily gated, even armed luxury apartment

blocks or country-club type developments, next to wretched shacks or worn-out slum

apartments (http://www.globalurban.org/GUDMag 07Vol3Iss1/Hall.htm, accessed 21 August

2011).

In 1995, the estimated urban housing backlog in South Africa was approximately 1.5 million

units. The consequences of this backlog are physically reflected in overcrowding, squatter

settlements and increasing land invasions in urban areas, and generally by the poor access to

services in rural areas. Socially and politically, this backlog gives daily impetus to individual

and communal insecurity and frustration, and contributes significantly to the high levels of

criminality and instability prevalent in many communities in South Africa.

Due to the high rates of population growth and low rates of housing provision, it is estimated

that the housing backlog is presently increasing at a rate of around 178 000 units per annum.

(http://www.info.gov.za/whitepapers/1994/housing.htm#3, accessed 21 August 2011). The

pressure to supply housing led to many Greenfield housing developments, far away from

adequate public transport services. The layout of public sector townships, the only form of

urban housing allowed to black families (as opposed to hostels for single workers) in the days

of apartheid, involved a sprawling low-built density layout. Not only was this layout

particularly inefficient and costly for service delivery, so too was its location on the urban

47

periphery (http://richardknight.homestead.com/files/sihousing2004.htm, accessed 21 August

2011). This is evident in Figures 3 and 4. This housing development is north of Pretoria in a

township called Mamelodi. At the time that the aerial photos were taken, the municipality did

not have a record of the street database. The houses that were developed here are called RDP

(redistribution and development) houses.

A large portion of poor South Africans live in isolated rural areas, which are badly serviced

by inadequate road and rail systems. Workers could not afford to travel to work in cities from

distant “homelands” and the TBVC “homeland states”. This led to the introduction of public

transport subsidies that supported the apartheid settlement schemes. Differences between

train fare revenue and operating costs were covered by the state. Private and parastatal bus

operators were compensated on the basis of ticket claims for the difference between

affordable fares and economic costs plus profit (Cameron, 2009:9). This practice continues

today – the annual commuter rail deficit amounts to R2.7 billion. Bus subsidies amounted to

R3.5 billion in 2009/10 (Cameron, 2009:9)

48

Figure 3: Low cost housing on the periphery of Mamelodi (1)

Figure 4: Low cost housing on the periphery of Mamelodi (2)

Source: Dimitrov, L: 2010. Picture taken on a helicopter trip with ITSE engineers

49

The National Household Survey highlights many areas where households pointed out that

transport was not available or too far away. Three examples are:

• KwaZulu-Natal: Transport was not available, or too far to reach easily in

Umkhanyakude district (99% of households) and Uthungulu district (94% of

households) (Department of Transport, 2007a:13).

• Eastern Cape: Thirty six per cent of all households in the province could access a bus

stop within 15 minutes from their homes, whereas 54 per cent claim that there is no

accessible bus stop. Only 6 per cent of households had access to a train station within

a 30 minute walk. Among 92 per cent, there was the perception that no train service

was available. Train accessibility was highest in the Nelson Mandela Metro, but even

there, only four per cent of households have access to a train station within a 15

minute walk.

• North West: More than eighty per cent of the households in Kgalagadi and Central

said that the transport services were too far away (Department of Transport,

2007a:13).

3.3.2.2 Over-reliance on taxis

More than two-thirds of public transport users make use of taxis. There are problems with

many of these vehicles (Lucas, 2010) because they are old, dangerous, overcrowded and

people using them are subjected to bad driver behaviour. Attempts to formalise the industry

by scrapping the old vehicles have been undermined due to financial constraints due to the

cost of the preferred vehicle (Toyota) being very expensive, the recession, and operator credit

worthiness requirements of the National Credit Act. The Department planned to scrap 8 758

vehicles and, of this amount, 5 758 were scrapped. The delay was due to a lack of funding

(http://www.pmg.org.za/report/20110531-briefing-department-transport-its-budget-vote,

accessed 12 October 2011).

3.3.2.3 Over-reliance on walking

Due to a lack of physical infrastructure and the cost of transport, the majority of South

Africans walk to their destinations (Lucas, 2010). According to Venter et al (2007), 40% of

low-income walkers walk to work. The National Household Travel Survey said that 80% of

shoppers walk to their destinations, 76% of learners walk to school, and 40% of people

seeking medical assistance also walk to their destinations.

50

Walking played a significant role for travel to work in Sisonke (58%), Umkhanyakude (50%)

and Umzinyathi (42%). A significant proportion (32%) of people walk to work in the Eastern

Cape, compared to 28% who travel to work by car and another 28% by taxi. Walking played

a major role for travel to work in most districts, especially Ukhahlamba (65%), Cacadu (54%)

and Chris Hani (50%) (Department of Transport, 2007a:3f).

3.3.2.4 Physical access

More than a million South Africans are affected by some form of disability. The incidence of

disability is fairly uniform over the provinces. By far the most frequent form of disability is

physical, although intellectual, sight and hearing defects are also significant. The elderly are

disproportionately affected by physical, sight and hearing problems. The proportion of the

disabled increases with age after 25 and involves as many as ten per cent of the oldest age

group. The greatest number of disabled (about 600 000) are found among the economically

active age group, 26 to 65 years old. This presents a challenge for commuter transport to and

from work. (DOT, 2005:63).

3.3.3 Age

For the RSA as a whole, almost 43 per cent of the population is under the age of 20. This

proportion is much lower in the more urbanised provinces, such as the Western Cape where it

is 37 per cent and Gauteng where it is even lower. Urbanisation tends to be associated with

lower birth rates and an ageing of population. In less developed areas, for example, typically

50 per cent of the population will be under the age of 20.

In South Africa as a whole, 41 per cent of the population lies in the productive age group of

26 to 65. This figure is much higher in the Western Cape at 47 per cent of the total

population. It is even higher in Gauteng where 51 per cent of the population are between 26

and 65 (DOT, 2005:9).

3.3.4 Child headed households and single parents

Child-headed household is defined as a household where everyone who lives there is

younger than 18 years old, i.e. a child-headed household is a household consisting only of

children. This indicator provides the number and proportion of children living in child-

headed households in South Africa.

51

An analysis of the Community survey (Stats SA, P0301.1, March 2008:10) indicates that

there were about 118,500 children living in a total of 66,500 child-headed households across

South Africa at the time of the survey. This is equal to roughly 0.7% of all children (0 – 17-

year olds) and to 0.6% of all households in the country. The proportion of children living in

child-headed households relative to those living in households where adults are resident is

therefore small. While it is not ideal for any child to live without an adult resident, it is

positive that more than two-thirds (68%) of children living in child-headed households are 12

years and older. Five per cent of children living in child-headed households in South Africa

are five years old or younger. Three-quarters (75%) of all children living in child-headed

households were located in only three provinces at the time of the GHS 2005: Limpopo

(39%); the Eastern Cape (23%); and KwaZulu-Natal (13%).

Research suggests that child-headed households are frequently temporary households, and

often exist just for a period, for example, after the death of an adult and prior to other

arrangements being made to care for the children (www.childrencount.ci.org.za/uploads/

factsheet_17.pdf, accessed 4 August 2010). It is important in the South African context to

research this subject, because of the challenges faced in this group and the severe deprivation

that occurs in relation to transport. A possible exception is the growth in single adult and

single parent households, which is associated with lower car ownership. Data shows that

fifty-four per cent of households were managed by black single mothers. The single parents

were most living in squatter dwellings.

3.4 NATIONAL KEY PERFORMANCE TARGETS

The role of government is to determine, on behalf of the taxpayer, whether public transport

services are delivered in a way that represents value for money. Therefore, the South African

Government set out standards in support of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) to

mitigate the abovementioned problem areas. As part of target setting, the Land Transport

Strategic Framework (2006:47) proposed a set of key customer-based indicators. They are:

• Average travel time to work should be less than about 1 hour;

• Affordable public transport with commuters spending less than about 10 per cent of

disposable income on transport;

• In urban areas, access to public transport within 1 kilometre (about a 15 minute walk);

52

• In rural areas, access to a regular public transport service within a 2 kilometre walk

(about 30 minutes); and

• A ratio of 80:20 between public transport and private car use.

The values of the indicators in Table 7 provide an indication of the performance of the

transport system in Gauteng from a customer perspective, as measured by the National

Household Travel Survey. It is clear from the table that people experience transport

disadvantages and hardships. Almost a third of households cannot reach their places of work

within one hour. The required bus and rail network, as previously mentioned in this chapter,

are unavailable to most people. Almost one million households cannot afford to spend money

on public transport, meaning that transport is not available and that people are either walking

long distances or they are private car owners. Walking seems to be more acceptable in the

metropolitan and urban environment compared to rural areas.

Table 7: Key Performance Indicators

Source: Department of Transport, 2006:44

No KPI Target Gauteng Results

% not within target Number not within target

1 Travel time to work Less than 1 hour 24% of all commuters 686 000 commuters

2 Travel time for work trips by public transport

Less than 1 hour

69% of train commuters; 39% of bus commuters; and 30% of taxi commuters

191 000 train commuters; 64 000 bus commuters; and 271 000 taxi commuters

3 Travel time for educational trips

Not specified (suggest less than 31 min)

32% longer than 30 minutes; and 8% longer than 60 minutes

760 000 longer than 30 minutes; and 194 000 longer than 60 minutes

4 Metropolitan and urban walking times to public transport

15 min (about 1 km)

15% of urban and metropolitan households

424 000 households

5 Rural walking times to public transport 32 minutes 33% of rural

households 15 000 households do not have access within 30 minutes

6

Percentage of households spending more than 10% of income on public transport

A maximum of 10% was suggested

32% of households 845 000 households

53

3.5 TSHWANE LITERATURE REVIEW

This purpose of this section is to present the literature review of the City of Tshwane. To

fully understand and appreciate the research from the focus groups later in this chapter and

the recommendations in Chapter five, it is important to have a picture of the state of public

transport in the area. The following documents are reviewed under this heading:

• City of Tshwane Integrated Transport Plan 2006-2011;

• City of Tshwane’s household survey, 2008.

3.5.1 City of Tshwane Integrated Transport Plan (ITP) 2006-2011

This report was accessed on 10 July 2011.

The ITP formulates the vision and objectives for transport in the city. The first priority is to

offer an integrated network of transport services. This will be achieved by optimally using the

existing infrastructure and eliminating backlogs. The challenge is to connect the townships

that are scattered on the periphery of the city, far from major centres of employment or other

life-saving opportunities. A second priority is to introduce public transport corridors to

address the crisis in public transport provisioning. This will focus on the integration of all

public transport services (buses, minibus taxis, PRASA and the Gautrain). Rail services will

be optimised. A future including light rail, tram systems and bus rapid systems is envisaged.

The city plans to do the following:

• Encourage high intensity and high density mixed land use;

• Introduce pedestrian-friendly environments, well defined communal spaces and 24-

hour activity;

• Establish high frequency corridors where passengers are transported over long

distances;

• Connect the urban cores, suburban regional centres and economic clusters with

previously disadvantaged areas by means of road and rail;

• Provide access by road where rail services do not provide sufficient capacity which

can also support public transport line-haul services.

54

Rail corridors: The ITP notes that the rail services, especially in the north of Pretoria are run

down in operational and technical terms. There is an acknowledgement of strong consumer

demand that exists for improved rail services. This need was identified by the focus groups

on child headed households and learners residing in Shoshanguve (see Shoshanguve – urban

periphery). However, PRASA (metro rail operator) has reduced its services by 20% since

2004.

Road corridors: the ITP identifies major road corridors such as Mabopane-Centurion;

Mabopane-CBD and Atteridegeville-CBD.

In summary the author’s observation of the ITP is that:

• Little is said about the plan to integrate the road and rail services;

• It is not clear how the city’s inner bus services will link with the planned Gautrain

stations;

• There is no clear role for the minibus taxi operators to take part formally in public

transport operations;

• There is little information regarding the expansion of road-based services to under-

serviced urban areas.

3.5.2 City of Tshwane household survey, 2008

The constituent municipal areas of Tshwane comprise of Mabopane, Shoshanguve,

Mamelodi, Central Pretoria and Moot (Danville) (www.tshwane.gov.za/AboutTshwane/City

Management/CityDepartments, accessed 10 July 2010).

The 2007 Community Survey has estimated a population of 2,345,908 people and 686,640

households (Stats SA, P0301.1, March 2008:10).

a. Access

According to the City of Tshwane Municipality Survey (2008), about 30% of people

travel to work and 26,6% go to education facilities before 9:00am. The highest number of

people travelling to work lives in the eastern and southern regions of Tshwane (34,5%

and 42,2% respectively). A large portion (36%) of households did not travel before that

time they were mainly found in traditional township areas.

55

About 11% of people said that they could reach public transport facilities in an average

week (from Mondays to Fridays) within 10 minutes, but of concern is that 36% of people

said that they do not use public transport. This could be because they use their private

cars or that there are no services available for them. In the southern region, for example,

about 52% of people did not use public transport. Also 30,4% of people said that they did

not travel in an average week (from Mondays to Fridays). About 38% of these people live

in the north east and west regions. This is an indication of their lack of mobility.

A question was posed to people about their concerns with public transport. Most

households indicated that they are extremely concerned about their personal safety (48%)

and driver behaviour (38%). The poor condition of public transport vehicles (minibus

taxis/buses) was a major concern to people in the southern region (54%).

b. Car use and availability

The majority (67%) of households do not own a car. Only a few households (15%) own

one car and 11.1 % own two cars. However, predominant modes of travel include cars

(19%), whilst the rest of the people walk (16.5%) or use minibus taxis (12%). Taxis are

used more in the northwest and eastern regions while private cars (46%) in the southern

regions play a greater role.

3.6 TSHWANE FOCUS GROUP ANALYSIS

Although some quantitative research exists in the form of the NHTS, very little qualitative

information exists on how exclusion affects households. Therefore the Department of

Transport conducted further research to investigate this matter in more detail. This research

was in the form of focus groups rather than household interviews. The results of the research,

the methodology, the interview process and the identification of the respondents were never

formally published by the Department. The notes of the focus groups are also unpublished.

This section of the dissertation documents the author’s own analysis of the interviews.

3.6.1 The use of focus group methodology

A focus group is a small group discussion guided by a trained leader. It is used to learn more

about the participants’ opinions of a designated topic, and then to guide future action

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(www.webcache.googleusercontent.com, accessed 26 September 2010). A focus group can

be characterised as follows:

a) The main difference between focus groups and general surveys is that focus group

research focuses on a specific topic (www.webcache.googleusercontent.com,

accessed 26 September 2010).

b) The group has a trained leader or facilitator to keep the group on course.

c) The group’s composition and the group discussion are carefully planned to create a

non-threatening environment in which people are free to talk openly. Members are

encouraged to express their own opinions and also to respond to other members as

well as to questions posed by the leader (www.webcache.googleusercontent.com,

accessed 1 August 2010).

The Department commissioned focus group discussions in Tshwane because it was interested

in gathering information on the link between social exclusion and transport. The focus group

survey method was used to ask questions which could not be asked through the National

Household Travel Survey which had a formal written questionnaire and could not be easily

adapted to introduce a new set of questions.

3.6.2 Motivation for the Tshwane study

Tshwane was chosen, because of its proximity to the head offices of the national department

of transport and because it had the “right” demographics. All the main population groups and

settlement types, namely inner-city, urban, urban periphery and rural are represented in the

area.

The author of this dissertation led the research work at the Department of Transport on

transport and social exclusion. Prior to these fieldwork exercises, the author, members of the

SA DOT Research Unit and the fieldwork consultants, African Response, made a study tour

of the areas that were to be sampled for the focus groups over the period of one week. These

visits were made using public transport (train, bus and minibus taxi) and a number of

different local facilities were visited, for example, the local shopping plaza, open air market

and medical centre at Mamelodi, the shopping plaza, tertiary education college and medical

centre in Shoshanguve and a village health clinic, local police stations, a shopping centre and

a rural homestead in the rural area of Mpumalanga. Informal conversations were held with a

57

number of workers and local people at these venues, generally focusing on what it is like to

live and work in the area and about people’s experiences of transportation. This was an

extremely useful reconnaissance exercise, as it allowed both the civil servants and the

fieldwork team to familiarise themselves with the local area, identify possible recruitment

locations and also to get a feel for the type of issues that might arise in the focus group

discussions. The information that was gathered was also extremely helpful in formulation of

the topic guide for the focus group exercises (Lucas, 2010:14).

The focus groups were conducted in July and August 2008. The objectives were to explore:

• If and in what physical and social circumstances people experience transport and

accessibility problems;

• The types of problems they experience, e.g. lack of available transport, poor access to

the transport system, the cost of travel, a lack of information, low travel horizons, the

inappropriate location of activity opportunities such as employment, healthcare

services and schools relative to their homes;

• The causes of such problems and who is most affected, when and how;

• The outcome of such problems in terms of their physical and mental well-being, and

economic and social activities.

The author with the assistance of African Response, TRC Africa, officials at the Department

of Transport and Dr Karen Lucas developed a screening questionnaire. The questionnaire was

used to identify up to 10 participants for each focus group. People from the focus groups

were recruited from the street and at local centres using the sampling framework set out in on

the following page. A discussion guide was then developed to encourage free-flowing, in-

depth discussions in response to open-ended questions raised by the moderator. The purpose

of the questions was to understand the lives of the participants in relation to transport. Audio

recordings and transcripts were made of the proceedings. African Response conducted the

field interviews. The group discussions were held in private homes or at community centres

in the different areas. All the groups included males and females. Ten of the eleven groups

were black Africans – the eleventh group consisted of Afrikaans speaking whites from

Danville.

58

Table 8: Focus Groups description

PLACE GROUP

Mamelodi

1. Unemployed adults (excluding students, housewives and

pensioners), people cannot find work

2. Single parents

3. Low income workers earning less than R1 000 per month

Shoshanguve

4. Heads of household who are younger than 18 years (i.e. no

adults in the house);

5. Students at tertiary institutions

Danville 6. Unemployed adults

Pretoria city centre

7. People with permanent or temporary disabilities or conditions

that make it difficult for them to independently travel to

activity centres such as work.

8. People who do not work and are responsible for the care of

young or old family members.

Winterveld

9. Unemployed adults

10. Low income workers earning less than R1 000 per month

11. Older people (65+) who do not work

Source: Author’s own table – drawn for the purpose of the study.

3.6.3 Initial Findings from the Tshwane Focus Groups

Most respondents in all areas described a life that is about survival, characterised by hardship,

deprivation and stress. They struggle to put food on the table, to provide for their children and

to cope with the rising costs of living, including transport costs. The respondents who are

forced to stay with family are grateful for having a roof over their heads, but complain about

the lack of independence and privacy and for imposing on others. Many respondents

described feeling unhappy as they have so little and are excluded from so much.

The psychological impact of marginalisation is severe. There is a loss of control, loss of self-

esteem, general feelings of loss and envy, depression and, for some, suicidal thoughts.

Problems and needs that emerged from the different group discussions are discussed below.

59

3.6.3.1 Mamelodi - urban

Three group discussions were held in Mamelodi, one each with unemployed people, single

mothers and low-income workers. The participants reported that the following services and

facilities would improve their quality of life:

• Employment;

• More buses during the day, cheaper transport, more taxis and transport to clinics;

• Police stations, post office, old age home, more clinics, a hospital, more schools;

• Shopping centres;

• A library and recreational facilities for the youth to keep them off the streets;

• Rehabilitation centre for drug users;

• Refuse removal services.

3.6.3.2 Danville – urban

The group of white Afrikaans speaking unemployed people reported that a lack of safety was

a major problem in the area.

They expressed a need for:

• More buses, especially at night;

• Safer, cheaper, and more reliable transport;

• A clinic;

• Parks, picnic places for families and swimming baths;

• Sports clubs and sponsored sports for teens.

3.6.3.3 Shoshanguve – urban periphery

In this area, two discussion groups took place, one with child household heads and the other

with learners. These young people were surprisingly mature in expressing the needs of the

community. They thought that the following facilities and services would improve their lives:

• Improved transport: more buses and especially over weekends, extra trains to

accommodate more people, cheaper transport and transport for the disabled;

• Housing for those living in shacks;

• More schools, especially for those speaking Tswana, Northern Sotho and Tsonga and

people with disabilities;

• More facilities at schools, such as sports facilities and access to the internet;

60

• More clinics and life counsellors;

• Parks and recreational facilities;

• Community centre with computers;

• Police station;

• Public telephones;

• Shopping malls which would create more job opportunities.

3.6.3.4 Winterveld – rural

Three groups – unemployed, low-income workers and retired people over 65 – were

interviewed. The lower level of development in the area is reflected in some of the actions

that were requested.

• Improve the taxi industry – roadworthy vehicles, and improved interiors;

• Provide more buses, cheaper transport and through-ticketing between train and bus;

reduced transport costs for pensioners;

• Fix water supply and provide running water;

• Fix road infrastructure and the power supply;

• Provide more houses;

• Solve crime problem and improve SAPS service delivery;

• Provide emergency services;

• Provide libraries and skills centres, an information centre with access to computers

and sports grounds.

3.6.3.5 City centre, Sunnyside and Arcadia – inner city

Two focus groups: The focus group participants felt that although housing was more

expensive, there were definite advantages to living in the city as one could save on transport

and that it is easier to look for work from this area. The needs expressed by the group of

unemployed people were similar to those expressed by the unemployed in other areas,

namely:

• More job opportunities;

• Skills development;

• Community halls and sports facilities;

• More clinics and extra police services.

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As can be expected, the needs of the disabled group are unique:

• Skills development, especially computer skills to make themselves more marketable;

• Improved social grants;

• Preferential treatment with regard to housing provision;

• User-friendly stadiums, toilets, roads and transport.

3.6.4 Emerging themes from the focus groups discussions

Five transport-related themes emerged from the focus groups. They are:

• Lack of provision of basic needs;

• The high cost of transport;

• Lack of transport to key facilities in most of the areas;

• Unavailability of key public transport services;

• High crime levels and personal security.

Each theme will be discussed in some detail.

3.6.4.1 Lack of provision of basic needs

For many of the people who participated, life is about basic survival. Many struggle to put

food on the table and to provide a roof over their heads. Unemployment levels are high

amongst the working age population but the absence of an adequate benefits system means

that young people and children as well as the elderly must also seek work.

An unemployed person from the Mamelodi unemployed focus group said:

We are struggling a lot. Everything is expensive. We cannot afford to buy the things

we need to buy. If you get a part-time job, you only buy the basics like a small packet

of maize and chicken just to feed your family.

Another unemployed from the single parent group said:

We rely on handouts from people. There are times when you send your kids to

different families to ask for things to eat (Single mom, Mamelodi).

An employed individual from a different race group in Danville experienced similar

problems:

62

I am in a position now when I also look after my younger brother. My mom can’t. So

I have to feed us all - my three children and my brother. So I have seven mouths to

feed with R100.

Jobs are in short supply and so the competition for jobs (especially for unskilled workers) is

high. This means that the jobless are often living on handouts from neighbours and family

members who are not much better off themselves. Low pay levels mean that even people with

part-time jobs struggle to provide sufficient food for their families. People often take on

multiple jobs to survive and work very long hours away from the home.

This often leads to all kinds of associated childcare, family and home maintenance problems.

The psychological impacts of poverty on people’s lives are enormous. Many participants

described themselves as suffering from low self-esteem and/or depression and in some cases

as suicidal.

From these first comments, it may appear as if transport is not a burden. However, without

being prompted, people began discussing how poor transport affects their lives. What is

important to note is that the lack of transport and other forms of deprivation are not mutually

exclusive.

3.6.4.2 High cost of transport

Across the board, the participants described transport as very expensive relative to their

incomes.

A respondent commented:

Transport is expensive, when I come this side it is R12 and when I go to town it is

R20 (Low income worker, Mamelodi).

If you want to take your child to the clinic there is no way you can use a train. You

will have to use a taxi and it is expensive (Low income worker, Mamelodi).

Some give up work because they cannot afford to go to work as the transport costs are higher

than their earnings:

I worked on Public Holidays and Sundays and they didn’t pay me extra for that. I

used to earn like any other day. So I realised that I was working for transport. Then I

decided to leave the job. I used to work till very late …, because when you are late,

63

you have to take a taxi. When I took a taxi it cost me R40 just to get there and another

R40 coming back home (Unemployed, Winterveld).

A single journey from areas such as Shoshanguve to central Pretoria is currently between R16

and R20 (in 2010 values) for an average trip. People working in the city have no choice but to

pay this fare because they cannot afford to live in the inner urban areas, but the expense of

transport is so great that they feel that it would be cheaper to live in the township if they

could find a place because at least then they could walk or use a train.

The cost of transport also has to be “juggled” with other household expenses and the cost of

childcare if one is working. For the unemployed, it is difficult to afford to search for work or

to send their children to school. Those on social grants described these as so inadequate that

they cannot afford to eat properly. Many younger people described living with elderly

relatives and other family members long after they should be living independently because of

lack of income. It makes it even harder to ask for transport fares to search for work in this

situation. This results in a downward spiral where even job search activities are no longer a

viable option.

In this context, finding ways to subsidise transport for some low income groups is a necessary

step in raising their ability to use transport services to access vital life chance opportunities.

There is also the effect on the daily lives of people. Many do not visit their friends and family

as frequently as they would like to, because transport is too expensive.

A comment from Danville:

Hardly ever [see my family]. My ma lives in Vanderbijl. The grandparents in

Pietersburg. But it is difficult to go if you don’t have transport. And if you do … have

to go, there are fines and tolls and things; it costs you so much it is cheaper to stay at

home (Unemployed, Danville).

Learners will rather walk, because then they avoid the double fare. This money may also be

used for other purposes such as buying lunch.

Further problems identified related to costs (money and time), especially as getting to a place

involved walking, taking one or two taxis or buses or trains or a combination of these, and

walking to a final destination. If affordability was a critical issue, walking was a considered

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option. A respondent from a child headed household felt that transport is expensive in winter

because he has to take two buses to school. On the other hand, when it is hot, he has to walk

from the train station to school.

If public transport did not meet the needs of the respondents (e.g. no buses available in day)

they took taxis, and in the case of one or two of them, private transport.

When respondents with disabilities and those using wheelchairs needed to get to a funeral or

shopping centre and public transport was unavailable, they had to hire a taxi with space for

themselves and a wheelchair. This was necessary because it made them feel they are

respected and dignified.

3.6.4.3 Lack of transport to key facilities in most of the areas

The most important places people in the focus groups identified as lacking in their

neighbourhoods were clinics, shops, police stations, schools and access to jobs. This means

that they must travel if they wish to reach health clinics, schools, libraries, shops, community

centres, recreational facilities and parks. Children grow up in the streets due to the lack of

recreational activities and this often leads them into drug taking and minor criminal and anti-

social behaviour.

People in Mamelodi and Danville have problems accessing clinics and other medical

facilities. There are no free clinics within easy walking distances of these two settlements.

Most groups talked about their need to access food shops. Generally, the unemployed needed

transport to job opportunities. Older people of 65+ needed cheap transport to access their

pension benefits and to visit their friends. The most important places to go to for child head

of households were shops and schools. For single mothers, it was the clinic and the police

station.

Low income workers are dealt a “double whammy”. As mentioned before, transport cost is a

big part of the decision whether to take up employment or not, coupled with extraordinarily

long distances that they have to travel to get to work.

I look after my children and my siblings. One of my siblings is employed and the rest

are at school. The other one of my siblings has two children. I earn too little and I

have to pay rent, I have to pay for the bus and train in order to get to work, and I earn

a little (Low income worker, Winterveld).

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3.6.4.4 Unavailability of key public transport services

Choice of transport for the respondents based on their experiences, hinges around the

following criteria:

• affordability in terms of costs;

• reductions;

• travel time;

• time spent waiting;

• safety; availability/frequency; comfort; accessibility; convenience (in terms of

reaching destination);

• reliability; exclusivity i.e. does a particular mode of transport exclude certain

passengers and/or does it seem to be targeting certain passengers only?

In general, respondents viewed minibus taxis as faster than buses. Respondents in Danville

said the minibus is cheap and easily accessible and available. The benefit of the minibus taxis

is its door-to-door quality and convenience. It seems to benefit learners, because some

minibus taxis charge a lower price for learners in school uniform (i.e. R5 vs. R6 for a single

trip). Respondents in Shoshanguve described them as “vibey” and the disabled respondents in

the inner-city said that one can hire the minibus taxi for those who have wheelchairs.

For many others, however, the minibus taxis also have barriers. Some described them as

excessively expensive, not safe, with rude and unlicensed drivers. In addition, they have to

wait until the taxi gets full, and they cannot carry luggage or wheelchairs.

3.6.4.5 High crime levels and personal security

Most of the areas in which the focus groups were held were considered to be dangerous

places to live with people describing their experiences of high levels of robberies, house-

breaking, shootings, high-jacking, rape and drug taking and alcohol abuse.

Winterveld is rough and uncontrollable when it comes to crime. I am involved in

[the] community policing forum … There are things like trio crime - the hijacking

and robbery, the house breaking and theft. It includes rape and stealing of small items

like lap tops and DVD players (Unemployed, Winterveld).

I would say safety of places. Because even if my child walks from school, she is not

safe in the streets. Even if she goes to the shops, someone must go with her, and it

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never used to be like that. It is the last couple of years. Even at home you don’t feel

safe; you can go to bed and wake up to three men in your sitting room. And they are

even not afraid if it is a house full of people sleeping (Unemployed, Danville).

People also described illegal garbage dumping and the problem of pit-toilets, which makes

some areas hazardous to public health and adds to the feeling of danger in these areas. This

means that certain places are considered “no go areas” for part or all of the day.

Respondents viewed crime as a major problem when using the trains:

At times you find that they push people out of the door while the train is in motion.

You always pray Nkosi Sikelela when you take a train, just that you can get to where

you have to be (Low income worker, Winterveld).

The train isn’t safe because there are lot of thieves in the train at that time [i.e. at 9 am

on Saturdays] (Child head of household, Shoshanguve).

Some reported walking, especially at night, as a problem.

You can’t even walk around … especially after dark. Not after 6 pm. It is very

dangerous. After 6 we all stay indoors … There at the highway, those people who

walk there try to get your money and they go at you with knives (Unemployed,

Danville).

Sometimes you find that in the morning they might just take your bag while you [are]

still trying to get to the taxi rank … Some of the street lights are not working so if it’s

dark you cannot see anything (Unemployed, Mamelodi).

3.6.5 Evaluation of the transport modes

The views of the focus group participants regarding the three public transport modes are

similar to those of the National Household Travel Survey (NHTS) respondents. Most

respondents use a variety of modes of travel. It is salient to keep in mind, in view of the lack

of safety, that walking is always a part of a public transport journey. Across all public

transport modes, there are more disadvantages than advantages.

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Table 9: Benefits and barriers of public transport modes and walking

Mode Benefits Barriers

Train

Cheap, safer than taxis in terms of accidents, safer than before on account of security patrols in the train

Crime on trains, shootings on trains, burning of trains, people get thrown off trains, stations not safe, crowded, time tables unreliable, slow

Bus Comfortable and safe, weekly and monthly tickets

Slow, expensive, crowded, unreliable, only for workers and scholars, not wheelchair-friendly, scarce during the off-peak and on weekends

Taxi Fast, flexible, accessible and available

Expensive, not safe, rude and unlicensed drivers, have to wait until taxi gets full, cannot carry luggage or wheelchairs

Walking Saves money, gets you where you want to go, feel-good experience if the facility is close

Not safe, especially after dark, tiring and time-consuming, limited to short distances

Source: Author’s own table — drawn up for the purpose of the study

3.6.5.1 Evaluation of minibus taxis I like a taxi…because it’s available every time (Low income worker, Winterveld).

Taxis come three at a time and if you raise your finger it means you want to go to that

place and they take you there. They are cheap and fast though. If you compare them

to buses I would say they are better. Okay, they are not as safe as a bus but we stand

at the bus stop till the bus comes and the one old lady had her bag stolen in the five

minutes between standing there and getting in the bus. In my opinion the taxi and the

bus are equally as dangerous. So I feel the taxi is better than the bus because you can

get them at any time and you don’t have to wait for a bus that comes on the hour and

then skips past you! (Unemployed, Danville)

In Atteridgeville there are taxis that take disabled children to schools but there are no

taxis to take children in wheelchairs to school (Respondent with disability, Pretoria).

3.6.5.2 Perception of buses Buses are tiring and they get too full. If I have studies and I finish at 3:30 … it means

I will get the 4:15 bus and it has a lot of people coming from work and it gets too full.

You spend time standing on your feet in the bus (Child head of household,

Shoshanguve).

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3.6.5.3 Perceptions of trains The train is safe and it doesn’t speed … [But] almost once in a month the train has a

problem. When you take a train you must have money for a taxi in case the train has a

problem (Unemployed, 65+ yrs, Winterveld).

If it’s too full and you are by the door you will not survive if you are disabled

(Respondent with disability, Pretoria).

There are a number of similarities amongst the groups.

They all want and need cheaper transport (especially for the unemployed and pensioners).

More buses and trains are needed or indeed a better improved public transport network. One

issue continuously raised was that of increased off-peak and weekend buses. Also requests

were made for more policing on trains and at stations and more time to embark and

disembark. In general, they wanted safer taxis, no unlicensed and drunk drivers, no speeding

and unroadworthy vehicles. A dominant factor is for politicians to rethink the elevation of

transport for disabled people.

3.7 CONCLUSION

This chapter analysed a number of policy documents and strategies to understand how and

when better transport services will be delivered. These documents confirmed that there is a

need for better transport services and, although it did not use the term “socially excluded”, it

recognises that the current form of public transport is lacking and is a third class service to

captive users and that more needs to be done to bring people closer to where they want to be.

Another clear policy gap that needs to be addressed properly is how our oil dependency will

be reduced and how this can be linked to making transport more affordable to low income

communities. There is a deafening silence on how land use and transport planning will merge

to provide interconnected and circular transport services to masses of people who are

currently not part of the formal network.

All of these gaps that have been highlighted were confirmed by the findings from focus

groups interviews. People want cheaper, regular and reliable transport services. They also

want services that will connect them to their family and friends, social services, employment

centres and recreation facilities. Many of the people interviewed already experience some

form of disadvantage and lack of good transport adds to that.

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To keep itself in check, government develoimped key performance indicators. None of the

targets of these indicators have been met. A lot needs to be done to reduce travel times to

work and education and the percentage of household spending on transport.

The next chapter reviews social exclusion in India and other parts of the world. India is

similar to South Africa in that both share large percentages of the population living in

poverty, as well as high levels of inequality of income distribution. It will examine a number

of case studies drawn from some of India’s largest cities, relating to their efforts to address

their transport problems. Some conclusions will be drawn that will be used to support the

recommendations for South Africa that will follow in Chapter 5.

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CHAPTER FOUR: CASE STUDIES — INDIA AND OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD

4.1 INTRODUCTION

The overall purpose of this dissertation has been to explore the potential links between a lack

of transport and the social exclusion of deprived communities. It has thereafter built on the

concept and has identified the transport and accessibility concerns of people living on low

incomes and at the margins of economic participation, in different geographical/spatial

contexts and in different life stages.

The previous chapter focused on the link between social exclusion and disadvantage in the

South African context by reviewing selected public documents and set out the findings of the

Tshwane focus group.

The first part of this chapter discusses social exclusion and the attempts to mitigate it in some

of India’s largest cities. Unlike South American cities, which appear to have been researched

in some depth in South Africa, there is little evidence of similar work on Indian cities having

been done here.

India’s cities provide good examples of ambitious plans to improve public transport. Their

drive to improve mobility has been based on a National Urban Policy and has been strongly

driven toward implementation by the Indian government

(http://urbanindia.nic.in/policies/TransportPolicy.pdf, accessed 26 February 2012). India,

unlike countries in North America, Australia, Europe and Australia did not conduct

specialised programs to address social exclusion.

India is similar to South Africa in that it is in the same stages of economic development

where the mass population is poor and largely underserviced by public transport.

In keeping with the key theme of this dissertation, this chapter will discuss the case study of

India under the following main sub themes:

• A general background to Indian circumstances under the headings of public transport

challenges, travel behaviour, safety, equity and key government strategies;

• Five brief case studies based on the following cities namely, Chennai, Mumbai, Delhi,

Hyderabad, and Pune;

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• Case studies in other parts of the world;

• Lessons learned and conclusion.

4.2 BACKGROUND

India has a population of more than one billion people of which 24.1% live below the poverty

line (based on 1994 estimates) (http://www.maptown.com/geos/india.html, accessed August

7, 2010). Although the standard of living in India is low, it has been improving. This

percentage is down from 42.1% in 1981, when the population earned less than $1 per day.

The World Bank (http://go.worldbank.org/FUE8JM6E40 , accessed 8 August 2010) estimates

that a third of the globe’s poorest now reside in India. The Indian middle class is estimated to

number 300 million people.

India’s transport sector is large and diverse. In 2007, the sector contributed about 5.5% to the

nation’s GDP, with road transportation contributing the major share. Since the nineties,

India’s growing economy has witnessed a rise in the demand for transport infrastructure and

services. However the sector was not able to keep pace with the rising demand and is proving

to be a drag on the economy. Major intervention is required to support the growth and

economy (http://go.worldbank.org/FUE8JM6E40 , accessed 8 August 2010). Below is a map

of India in Figure 5.

Figure 5: Map of India

Source: http://www.maptown.com/geos/india.html, accessed August 7, 2010

Road transport is the most dominant mode, carrying almost 90% of all passenger transport.

However highways in India are narrow and congested, with poor quality surfaces, and 40% of

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India’s villages do not have access to all-weather roads

(http://go.worldbank.org/FUE8JM6E40, accessed 8 August 2010).

A quarter of the highways are congested as a result of limited lanes. To address the problem,

the government started major road development programs. Although this improved traffic

speeds, it also led to even higher traffic volumes, injury and fatality rates. Many cannot afford

motorised transport and in big cities like Mumbai and Delhi more than 40% of the people

walk or cycle to work (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transport_in_India, accessed 24 August

2010).

Citizens in India are pointing out difficulties associated with the lack of space for pedestrians

and cyclists, the lack of investment in affordable public transport and the preoccupation of

the government with flyovers and expressways. There is a feeling that the government is

catering only for the elite. The demands of the poor are often offset by the middle and upper

classes wanting to live away from the poor and forming gated communities at the periphery

of the city. The upper middle class tend to look at the USA as a model of “the good life”.

They have consequently introduced hard zoning policies and encouraged construction of

wide roads for a car-based lifestyle (www.india-seminar.com, accessed 1 August 2010).

In a bid to address these demands, the government decided to implement Bus Rapid Transit

(BRT) networks, because of their success in Southern American cities. Delhi and twelve

other cities implemented BRT (Narita, 2009). Comparing the BRT in Delhi with that in

Ahmedabad, Penalosa (the previous mayor of Bogotá and patron of BRT in Bogotá) praised

the latter, saying, “The BRT in Ahmedabad is definitely better than the one in Delhi”

(http://www.dnaindia.com/, accessed 12 August 2010). He says that the system in

Ahmedabad has worked well because it was based on Bogotá’s Transmilenio system.

4.2.1 Challenges Faced With Public Transport

The growing demand for transport services completely outstrips the supply of these services

(http://www.seas.harvard.edu/TransportAsia/workshop_papers/Padam-Singh.pdf, accessed 8

August 2010). Most bus and train services are overcrowded, unreliable, slow, inconvenient,

uncoordinated and dangerous (Pucher et al, 2005:185f). The problem of public transport

occurs in the presence of other urban transport challenges in general. Air pollution, noise,

congestion and traffic fatality levels are more severe than in other developing countries.

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Many of the citizens in India are so poor that they cannot even afford the low transport fares

and the routes are not designed to serve the poor. India had a per capita income of $2 800 in

2008, compared to South Africa’s $3 800 in the same period. This is less than a tenth of the

average incomes of countries in North America and Western Europe. With 24% of the people

living in poverty, India was forced to keep public transport rates low. This kept operating

revenues low, making routine maintenance and vehicle replacement costly

(http://www.seas.harvard.edu/TransportAsia/workshop_papers/ Padam-Singh.pdf, accessed 8

August 2010).

The rapid growth of India’s urban population has generated an enormous need for efficient

public transport services to carry high volumes of passengers through dense, congested urban

areas. By 2001, over 285 million Indians lived in cities, more than in all North American

cities combined (http://www.indiaonlinepages.com/population/india-current-population.html,

accessed 14 October 2011). There has been especially rapid growth of the very largest

metropolitan areas such as Mumbai (Bombay), Kolkata (Calcutta), and Delhi, which now

exceed 10 million residents each. Chennai (Madras), Hyderabad, Ahmedabad and Bangalore

each have more than 5 million residents. Thirty-five metropolitan areas have populations

exceeding 1 million, almost twice as many as in 1991. Since large cities are far more

dependent on public transport than small cities, the need for public transport services has

increased faster than overall population growth (Pucher et al, 2005:185f).

According to Pucher et al, (2005:185f). Government has contributed to public transport

problems by encouraging urban sprawl. Scattered commercial and residential development

exists in outlying areas without the necessary services such as schools, shops and other

utilities. Even the affluent who own private cars must endure long commutes on congested

roads.

4.2.2 Travel behaviour

As in most developing countries, a high percentage of travel in Indian cities is by walking or

cycling, mainly because many are too poor to afford motorised transport. Walking and

cycling are often the cleanest modes of transport available and account for over two-thirds of

all trips (www.india-seminar.com, accessed 1 August 2010).

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As the city size increases and trip distances become longer, the relative importance of

walking and cycling falls to about half of all trips in medium-sized cities and about a third in

the largest cities. There is considerable variation, however, even within city-size categories.

Among the megacities, for example, walking and cycling are much less common in Mumbai

than in Delhi, perhaps due to Mumbai’s superior public transport system. Smaller cities like

Kanpur and Lucknow have much higher proportions of walking and cycling than Pune, which

has a very high level of motorcycle ownership and use (due to a large middle class), as well

as extensive charter bus services organised by Pune’s industrial firms for their employees

(Pucher et al, 2005:185f).

4.2.3 Safety

The burgeoning fleet of motor vehicles is clearly the main reason for this death toll in traffic

crashes. With India’s 20-fold increase in the combined number of cars, taxis, trucks, and

motorcycles from 1971 to 2001, it was inevitable that traffic crashes would increase as well.

Fatalities, in particular, increase with rising motor vehicle use, since the likelihood of fatal

injuries increases sharply with speed (www.india-seminar.com, accessed 1 August 2010).

4.2.4 Equity

With a fourth of India’s population living in poverty, their mobility problems are of special

concern. Unfortunately, they are usually ignored in government policies, including transport

policies, which focus on the needs of the urban elite and middle class (Tiwari, 2001:444f).

The national government has targeted increased car ownership and use as a key goal for

economic development and modernisation and to facilitate increased private car use, most

new funding is devoted to roadway expansions and modifications. By comparison, only

minimal attention has been given to the needs of pedestrians and cyclists, who comprise the

poorest segments of the population.

4.2.5 Key Government strategies

India’s Eleventh Five Year Plan identifies various deficiencies in the transport sector and it

aims to modernise, expand, and integrate the country's transport services. It also seeks to

mobilise resources for this purpose and to gradually shift the role of government from that of

a producer to an enabler. In recent years, the Government has made substantial efforts to

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tackle the sector’s shortcomings and to reform its transport institutions. These include (1)

increasing public funding for transportation in its Five Year Plans; (2) launching the National

Highway Development Program which has seven phases and is expected to be completed by

2012. It includes improved connectivity between Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai and Kolkata,

popularly called the Golden Quadrilateral. The total expected investment is INR (Indian

Rupee) 2.2 trillion. (3) An Accelerated Road Development Program for the North East

Region to provide road connectivity to all State capitals and district headquarters in the

region was proposed; (4) financing the development and maintenance of roads by creating a

Central Road Fund (CRF) through an earmarked tax on diesel and petrol; (5) operationalising

the National Highway Authority of India (NHAI) to act as an infrastructure procurer and not

just as a provider; (6) improving rural access by launching the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak

Yojana (Prime Minister’s Rural Roads Program); (7) reducing the congestion on rail

corridors along the highly trafficked Golden Quadrilateral and improving port connectivity

by launching the National Rail Vikas Yojana (National Railway Development Program; and

(8) improving urban transport under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission

(JNNURM) (http://go.worldbank.org/FUE8JM6E40, accessed 8 August 2010).

The Ministry of Urban Development (World Bank, 2005:2) has issued a Draft Urban

Transport Policy that recognises the problems related to traffic, the cost of travel for the poor,

urban sprawl and high accident rates. The new vision will require the modelling of plans

around people. Cities will be designed in such a way as to support main social and economic

activities that take place there (World Bank, 2005: 7f). Figure 2 identifies key instruments to

support this strategy.

To demonstrate the potential benefits from the policy measures suggested, the Central

Government has taken up pilot projects in a sample set of cities drawn from different regions

and different city types so that the tested models of best practice can be established for

replication in other cities. Chennai, formerly known as Madras, will be discussed first.

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Figure 2: A selection of key points for the Draft National Urban Transport Policy Public vs. personal transport – modal split

Encourage and support investments in improving public transport (World Bank, 2005).

Integrating land use and transport planning

• Design urban transport plans that best suit and support key social and economic activities. To enable this,

government bodies would be required to have in-house transport planners as well as representation from

transport authorities in their management.

Equitable allocation of road space

• Encourage measures that allocate road space on a more equitable basis with people as their focus. This will

be achieved by reserving lanes and corridors exclusively for public transport and non-motorised transport.

Lanes will also be reserved for vehicles that carry more than three persons (these are known in South Africa

as High Occupancy Vehicle Lanes).

Public transport services

• Provide differentially priced services, with cheaper fares for those who cannot afford higher prices and

premiums and premium services for those who would shift from personal vehicles if they get quality

services.

• Greater involvement of the private sector in public bus transport, where competition is possible, under close

regulation and with well structured contracts where bus based systems can serve the expected demand

considering rail based systems.

Vehicular technologies

• Develop a strategy to introduce 4-stroke motorcycles.

• Consider imposing a “vintage tax” for vehicles over 15 years old which typically make more pollution than

newer vehicles.

Metro systems

• The development of a national rail policy. Provision of metro rail to cities of more than 5 million people is

proposed.

Source: World Bank, 2005: 7f.

The following section describes five case studies based on the Indian cities of Chennai,

Mumbai, Delhi, Hyderabad and Pune.

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4.3 CHENNAI

Literature sources for Chennai are centred on web blogs and that of a few authors – it appears

that little of the work on social exclusion has been published by the government or by

researchers. However, the information that is available is rich enough to make valuable input

for this chapter.

4.3.1 Background

Chennai, the fourth largest metropolis in India, is the capital city of the Indian state Tamil

Nadu (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chennai, accessed 15 August 2010). The city has large

slum areas which are the way stations for the poor seeking or holding informal jobs. However

some of the slum dwellers have been there for several generations (World Bank, 2005:34f).

The average gross residential density in the city is high, about 250 people per hectare in the

city (World Bank, 2005:34f), compared to Johannesburg at 53, Moscow at 169, and London

at 62 (Bertraud, 2001:6). The construction of high-rise buildings, allowed since the 1980s has

put enormous pressure on roads and other utilities and the rise of motorisation has added

pollution and accidents.

Chennai is well connected to other parts of India by road and rail. Four major national

highways link Chennai to Mumbai (via Bangalore), Kolkata, Tiruchirapalli (Trichy) and

Tirupati and onwards to the rest of the national highway system. The Chennai Mofussil Bus

Terminus (CMBT), the terminus for all intercity buses from Chennai, is the largest bus

station in Asia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chennai, accessed 15 August 2010). Seven

government-owned transport corporations operate inter-city and inter-state bus services.

Many private inter-city and inter-state bus companies also operate services to and from

Chennai.

Buses, trains, and auto rickshaws are the most common form of public transport within the

city. The Chennai suburban railway network, one of the oldest in the country, consists of four

broad gauge sectors terminating at two locations in the city, namely Chennai Central and

Chennai Beach. The Metropolitan Transport Corporation (MTC) runs an extensive city bus

system consisting of 3280 buses on 643 routes, and moves an estimated 5.52 million

passengers each day. An 8.6 km urban railway, the Mass Rapid Transit System (MRTS) has

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been in operation since 1997 (Pucher et al, 2005:185f). The MRTS was constructed on

mostly elevated right-of-way due south of Georgetown, and represents Phase 1 of a larger

project.

Chennai’s transportation infrastructure provides coverage and connectivity, but growing car

use has caused traffic congestion and pollution. The government has tried to address these

problems by constructing grade separators and flyovers at major intersections, starting with

the Gemini flyover, built in 1973 over the most important arterial road, Anna Salai to the

recently completed Kathipara Flyover (World Bank, 2005: 5f).

4.3.2 Transport Disadvantage and Travel behaviour

There is very little travel data available on India in general. Srinivasan and Rogers (2003:2)

conducted a survey of 70 households in Chennai and estimated the travel behaviour in terms

of mode choice and trip frequency. The households are located in two different parts of the

city. One group lives close to the city centre (Srinivasapuram) and the other on the periphery

(Kannagi Nagar). The travel data contains information on different aspects of access and land

use options for Chennai.

Like other cities in India, Chennai’s poor depend heavily on non-motorised transport like

walking and cycling as their primary mode. This is aggravated because they are forced to live

on the peripheral settlements on the edge of the city. Ultimately there is a reduction in their

chances to access employment, which is still very much in the centre of the city (Srinivasan

& Rogers 2003:5–6). Pedestrians are more disadvantaged, due to non-existent, broken-down

and/or obstructed sidewalks. For bicyclers, there are very few exclusive lane facilities – they

are pushed off busy roads by two wheelers, buses and cars. Traffic accident statistics show

that pedestrians and bike riders are the second and third highest group of fatalities

respectively.

Affordability of travel is another question leading to transport disadvantage. Passengers, who

make use of buses, fall into the lower income categories. The World Bank (2005:38f)

concluded that bus fares were onerous at monthly household incomes of less than Rs.1 000

(roughly 10-13% of passengers). At an income of exactly Rs.1 000, a monthly bus pass

accounts for 14% of the household income for a 10 km trip by one person, and 26% for a 30

km commute. Commuter rail monthly passes were significantly more affordable. At Rs.2 500

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a month per household, a monthly bus pass for one person would be under 10% for most

distances, and rail passes were half of that. The conclusion is that fares are set at levels

acceptable for a majority of passengers.

4.3.3 Policy Interventions and Conclusion

The review in the World Bank document contains suggestions on how government should

tackle the urban transport crisis and social exclusion in Chennai. Below is a holistic view:

1. To measure and evaluate the performance of the transport system.

2. To introduce road and street design standards and practices that are walk- and bicycle-

friendly. This should start by including detailed instructions in the terms of reference

for planning and design studies.

3. To re-allocate the existing road space to provide substantial exclusivity and priority of

use to public transport vehicles on arterial streets.

4. To shift attention and resources to repairing and/or constructing a new secondary and

tertiary urban road networks within low-income and poor areas, and connecting them

to the arterial network. A link to items 2 and 3 above is needed.

5. To set up a metropolitan transport regulatory authority. One of the tasks of this

agency is develop a market for public transport modes suitable to serve travel

demands at the low end of the income distribution.

6. To ensure that new primary roads include a provision for rapid public transport

modes. This is already a part of some road projects (in Chennai), but so far has been

biased in favour of rail-based systems.

Source - the World Bank, 2005:49f.

4.4 MUMBAI

Mumbai, the capital of the Indian state of Maharashtra is also the business capital of India.

Home to more than 20.4 million people, Mumbai is one of the most populated cities in the

world (http://www.indiaonlinepages.com/population/mumbai-population.html, accessed 17

October 2011). The population density is estimated at 23,088 per square kilometre

(hubpages.com, accessed 28 August 2010). While Mumbai is also the richest city in India,

with the highest GDP of any city in South or Central Asia (www.wikipedia.org/wiki/india, 15

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August 2010), it faces the same urbanisation problems as many growing cities in developing

countries such as widespread poverty and unemployment, poor public health and poor civic

and educational standards for a large section of the population. Many of Mumbai’s residents

live in expensive housing, far away from their workplaces and although many of them live in

close proximity to a bus or train, they spend a great deal of their time getting to the centre of

town (Baker et al, 2005:3f).

Urban development and urban transport are managed by the Mumbai Metropolitan Regional

Development Authority (MMRDA), a regional planning agency under the Department of

Urban Development (www.mmrdamumbai.org., accessed 15 August 2010).

In contrast with all other Indian metropolitan cities, the suburban surface railway network is

the most developed public transport facility, carrying 40% of all trips by motorised modes.

There are two national rail lines serving Mumbai, namely the Western Railways (WR) and

the Central Railways (CR) carrying 6 million passengers per day. Suburban railways and bus

services together accounted for 88% of the passenger traffic

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_transport_in_Mumbai, accessed 15 August 2010). BEST

is also an electricity utility and subsidises bus fares from electricity revenues. BEST provides

a feeder service to the stations. Due to the city’s geographical constraints, the road and rail

infrastructure development could not keep pace with the growing demand for 4-5 decades.

During peak hours, public transport carries 83% of all passengers. The remaining 17% are

carried by intermediate public transport (taxis and auto rickshaws) and private transport (cars

and two wheelers), accounting for 8% and 9% respectively

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_transport_in_Mumbai, accessed 15 August 2010). Public

transport carries 11 million people daily, but the inadequate road network is slowing down

the traffic causing chronic road congestion and environmental pollution. About 4 500

passengers travel per train against the carrying capacity of 1 750 resulting in unbearable

overcrowding (www.mmrdamumbai.org., accessed 15 August 2010). Train services run from

4:00am to 1:00am with headway of 3 minutes during peak hours and between 5-10 minutes

during other hours of operation.

The bus service carried roughly 4.1 million passengers per day in 2005-2006 with 3 400

buses over 354 separate routes. The BEST buses run every 5-30 minutes. The average speed

of the buses is 12 km per hour but is 16 km on limited routes with fewer stops. As part of the

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Mumbai Urban Transport Project, BEST replaced 644 old buses with newer EURO III

compliant, single-decker buses. BEST also bought 600 CNG buses and 30 low floor buses to

assist disabled passengers. Some smart card systems were introduced in 694 buses. New bus

terminals, stations, depots and dedicated bus lanes were also introduced (Cropper &

Bhattacharya, 2007:4). Other new projects included the construction of pedestrian bridges

and underpasses at important junctions.

4.4.1 Transport Policy in Mumbai

The government is under pressure to promote the globalisation agenda, address the social

needs of the public through the provision of better transport and the interpretation of

sustainability in terms of ecological modernisation. Whilst programs are undertaken for

improving mass transit, the liberalisation agenda of the same governments nullifies such

efforts by vigorously promoting road-based private transport projects. Strong lobby groups

push forward projects that aggravate environmental degradation and deterioration of the city.

Problems in transport arise partly because of the unbalanced urban land use patterns (Cropper

& Bhattacharya, 2007:2f). There was an intense concentration of commercial, finance and

office sectors in southern Mumbai, aggravating the pressure of transport and other related

infrastructure.

4.4.2 Travel Characteristics of the Poor

About 27% of Mumbai’s residents fall into the lowest income category. The poor are more

likely to live in squatter settlements and are less likely to have piped water connections,

toilets or kitchens within their homes than the non-poor (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/

Public_transport_in_Mumbai, accessed 15 August 2010).

Commuter trips are the largest portion of household trips in terms of distance travelled. The

commute distance with the highest frequency is 1-2 km; more than 40% of workers commute

over this distance. On average higher income earners travel further.

Overall, 44% of commuters in Mumbai walk to work. The proportion of the poor who walk

to work is even higher, at 63%. Walking is an even higher modal share for non-work than for

work trips. A second finding is that public transport remains an important factor in the

mobility of the poor, and more so in the mobility of the middle class. It appears that transport

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is less of a barrier to the poor who live in central Mumbai than it is to the poor who live in the

suburbs. Commuting distances are much higher for poor workers in the suburbs than for poor

workers in central Mumbai (Baker et al, 2005:2).

4.5 DELHI

Delhi is situated in northern India and has an estimated population of 19 million people

(http://www.indiaonlinepages.com/population/delhi-population.html, accessed 17 October

2011). It is the second largest populous area in India after Mumbai. There are 28 400 people

per square km (hubpages.com, 28 August 2010). By 2015, Delhi is expected to be the third

largest agglomeration in the world after Tokyo and Mumbai.

4.5.1 Transport background

Recent estimates show that about 77% of the entire population lives in marginal or sub-

standard settlements. A socio-economic survey of the people living in these settlements

revealed that the majority of the workers were in service jobs or daily wagers, earned less

than USD45 per month and travelled by foot or bicycle. Infrastructure planning and policies

in the city ignored the existence of this part of the population. This is most evident in the

transport infrastructure and transport policies of the city (Tiwari, 2001).

Nearly 32% of trips in Delhi are walking trips. Road based trips account for 42% of all trips.

Of the total commuter trips, around 11% are by cycles and rickshaws. Over recent years, the

modal shares of public transport have increased, largely due to the major changes in the Delhi

bus system (Tiwari, 2007).

Commuting patterns of low income and high-income people residing in Delhi are

significantly different. Since nearly 50-60% of the population resides in slum areas, having

an average income of Rs.2 000/month, bicycles, buses and walking continue to be important

modes of transport.

In a survey of slum areas, more than 70% of workers responded that commuting to work is

the most dangerous aspect of their work. They are particularly vulnerable to traffic accidents.

A traffic accident causes untold hardship and economic deprivation to the household. If a

family member is injured and is admitted to hospital, he or she must be taken care of by

another family member. This family member in most cases must sacrifice their temporary

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employment to look after the injured family member. Thus the need is explicit that central

government looks after the needs of the vulnerable (Tiwari, 2001).

4.5.2 Transport supply

Delhi is the converging point for five rail lines and five national highways. The growth of

Delhi over the years has been on a ring and radial pattern, with reliance on a road-based

public transport system.

Public transport in Delhi is provided by buses, auto rickshaws and a metro rail system. Buses

are the most popular means of transport catering for about 60% of the total demand. The

state-owned Delhi Transport Corporation (DTC) is a major bus service provider for the city.

The DTC operates the world's largest fleet of environment-friendly CNG buses

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delhi, accessed 28 August 2010).

The Delhi Metro, a mass rapid transit system built and operated by Delhi Metro Rail

Corporation (DMRC), serves many parts of Delhi. As of April 2010, the metro consisted of

five lines with a total length of 111 km and 98 stations while several other lines are under

construction (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delhi, accessed 28 August 2010). Delhi Metro

railway has proved to be a major success. The metro has an average daily ridership of 1.7

million commuters, and, as of July 2011, had carried over 1.25 billion commuters since its

inception in December 2002 (http://www.delhimetrorail.com, accessed 17 October 2011).

The Delhi Metro Rail Corporation has been certified by the United Nations as the first metro

rail and rail-based system in the world to get “carbon credits for reducing greenhouse gas

emissions” and helping to reduce pollution levels in the city by 6.3 lakh 4 tonne every year. A

commuter survey was conducted at 14 stations with a total of 6 771 respondents to assess the

benefits of the Delhi Metro. The results showed that 49% of the respondents used the service

daily and 34% of the respondents used it occasionally. Work trips covered 59% of the trips.

Furthermore, the analysis showed that 82% of commuters have shifted from public modes

which include buses, chartered buses, rural transport vehicles (RTVs), minibus taxis and auto

rickshaws. The remaining percentage of respondents shifted from private cars. Respondents

said that they moved to the metro, because of its comfort, time savings, reasonable fares and

4 It is an Indian numbering system, where 1 lakh is equal to the number 100,000 in English terms.

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accessibility. It was also noticed that 77% of the trips originated within 2 km of the metro

stations and 82% of the trips terminated within the same distance (Bandari et al, 2009:191).

4.5.2.1 BRT

Mass rapid transport systems (MRTSs) are needed to support sprawling growth in urban

India. Inadequate MRTSs have led to a rise in the use of personal vehicles, causing an

increase in road congestion, delays, fuel use and environmental pollution.

The city needed dedicated bus lanes, because the current buses were caught in traffic jams.

This led to the development of a BRT system. In 2004, the Government of National Capital

Terrority of Dehli (GNCTD) appointed RITES to design and implement the first of seven

corridors. In 2006, GNCTD also appointed a special purpose vehicle to oversee the

establishment of public transport systems in Delhi

(http://www.dimts.in/pdf/Delhi_BRT_System_Lessons_Learnt.pdf, accessed 28 August

2010).

However, some problems surfaced. During the trial run there were several technical and

operational difficulties which included signalling systems, undisciplined private motorists

and pedestrians jaywalking. Also, instead of solving the traffic problems, BRT led to

significant increased traffic problems in terms of mainly congestion and queuing at the

junctions in the motorised vehicle lane. Also the large population of two wheelers clogged up

the network at all the junctions

(http://www.dimts.in/pdf/Delhi_BRT_System_Lessons_Learnt.pdf, accessed 28 August

2010).

4.5.2.2 Bus

Bus services in Delhi are provided by private operators. Sometimes these operators run

“smaller” routes with limited ability to cross-subsidise services. A fully privatised system

failed to deliver a comprehensive, integrated network in Delhi. Private operators tend to serve

only profitable routes, which meant that almost half of Delhi’s registered bus routes are not

operated at all (Sanjiv, 2009:3). The unintended consequences are overcrowding and

discomfort. Overall, the lack of scheduled services contributes to the “waiting anxiety”

amongst passengers.

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However, the city has formed visionary measures to address the burden of the urban poor,

through its Corporatisation of Private Stage Carriage Service Scheme. Some of the features

include a high quality bus network, scheduled routes, and other matters of universal design

(Sanjiv, 2009:3f).

4.6 HYDERABAD

Hyderabad, the capital of the Indian state of Andra Pradesh, is the sixth largest city in India

with a population of 6,38 million people (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyderabad,_India,

accessed 17 October 2011).

Like many other Indian cities, Hyderabad lacks an efficient public transport system and this

has resulted in the rapid growth in the number of private cars to 1,8 million vehicles.

Needless to say, this has led to frequent traffic jams and higher pollution levels

(www.itdp.org/documents/Hyderabad_BRT.pdf, accessed 17 October 2011). The prevalence

of two- and three-wheelers in Hyderabad contributed to a rapid increase in air pollution,

particularly suspended particulate matter, or SPM. SPM is one of the leading causes of upper-

respiratory disease. There is no “healthy” level of SPM, but according to the World Health

Organisation, it should be 30 mgm/m3. Hyderabad is more than 20 times above this standard,

resulting in thousands of premature deaths each year. Attracting passengers’ trips away from

the two-wheelers onto cleaner buses should improve the situation

(www.itdp.org/documents/Hyderabad_BRT.pdf, accessed 17 October 2011).

A further appraisal of the transport situation shows that only 40% of trips are made by public

transport — this is mostly by buses. The vision was to increase this to 70% by introducing

Mass Rapid Transit Systems (MRTS). The current rail system is seen as inadequate, because

it lacks adequate feeder routes (www.itdp.org/documents/Hyderabad_ BRT.pdf, accessed 17

October 2011).

Based on modelled estimates, a BRT network with improved pedestrian and other non-

motorised travel conditions in certain corridors was recommended. The rollout of the BRT

was scheduled for 2008. The project continuously stalled however, because Hyderabad could

not raise the funds for the project. The 18 km stretch, a very busy route, was chosen to

implement the BRT as there was scope for widening and development of the road. The

Unified Metropolitan Traffic Authority decided to obtain funding from Jawaharlal Nehru

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National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), but this was placed on hold after it was

realised that the project was already over budget.

The current view is that the city cannot afford the BRT in its present form.

Another project that stalled is the Hyderabad Mass Rapid Transit system, also known as the

Hyderabad Metro (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyderabad_Metro, accessed 2 September

2010). The metro would have consisted of 71 km of route. In contrast to the recommendation

by the ITDP only to rollout BRT and not MRTS, the city opted otherwise.

Following unsuccessful bidding, the government had to cancel the bid and call for fresh bids

for the metro. The new deadline for implementation has been extended to 2012.

Despite these setbacks, the city has since extended the planned MRTS route network to 150

km to be implemented in a phased manner through a Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT)

mechanism. The MRTS will be incorporated into the Traffic and Transport master plans for

Hyderabad. The whole spatial network will be considered, and feasibility gap funding will be

used to make the project sustainable. The MRTS will be linked to other parts of the network,

with feeder routes so that it does not become a standalone feature.

4.7 PUNE

Pune (formerly called Poona), has a population of 3.5 million people and is the second

largest city in the state of Maharashtra, after Mumbai (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pune,

accessed 12 September 2010). The city has good road and rail connections with Mumbai to

the north-east as well as to southern parts of India.

Due to the bad state of public transport, a substantial number of Pune residents prefer to use

two-wheelers, which make up more than 82% of Pune’s total vehicle fleet. “Pune only has

1,250 buses in service instead of the required 2,000 buses”

(http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-01-18/pune/28352819_1_road-mishapsroad

accidents-road-space, accessed 19 October 2011). Despite the number of two-wheelers, many

people still travel on foot (37%). During the 1980s, a cycle network was established to

encourage the use of cycles, making use of dedicated cycle paths to a certain extent

(http://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ohim/womens/chap12.pdf, accessed 27 September 2010). In 2006,

public transport made up only about 15% of vehicle kilometres travelled.

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The city was the first in India to experiment with a Bus Rapid Transit system, commencing

with some pilot routes in December 2006. The project has so far been reasonably successful

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pune_Bus_Rapid_Transit, 2010).

According to the author of India Together (http://www.indiatogether.org/2007/jan/eco-

brtpune.htm, accessed 18 October 2010), the BRT held the only ray of hope for Pune’s

citizens. “The concept of BRT is an ideal one for cities like Pune” says environmentalist and

traffic expert Sujit Patwardhan, whose well-respected NGO, Pune’s Traffic and

Transportation Forum (PTTF), has been campaigning to enhance a mass public transport

system to discourage the usage of private vehicles. He explains,

Firstly, it is so much easier to implement than Metro rail or a sky bus, and secondly,

compared to the Metro which costs around Rs.175 crores per km, BRT in Pune would

cost Rs.6-10 crores per km, and even this includes procurement of the required buses

(http://www.indiatogether.org/2007/jan/eco-brtpune.htm, accessed 20 September

2010).

Saran, a blogger on the same website said that

BRT is a very good idea. But seeing the size of Pune’s undisciplined population, it

would have been better if the whole experiment was carried out at first, by modifying

the existing bus stops, not having a central dedicated lane, but rather keeping to the

original bus lanes on the sides of the roads, which would minimise road crossing and

thereby prevent accidents, and also keep to a minimum wasteful public expenditure

during the experimental stages.

In summary, the people of Pune were unhappy with government for building a “fancy” 25 km

sky bus instead of increasing the basic network with 500 km as promised. What is further

noticed is that low income communities will continue to rely on inexpensive public transport

services and travel on foot to meet their mobility requirements. The bicycle will continue to

be an important means of personal transport for low income households (Maunder et al,

2007:28).

4.8 CASE STUDIES IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD

The aim of this section is to discuss how social exclusion and transport disadvantage are

connected in five different countries — Australia, United States, Canada, Colombia and the

United Kingdom.

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4.8.1 Melbourne, Australia

There are a variety of references that tell the Australian story. For the purpose of the

dissertation, Loader et al, in their article called “Growing bus patronage and addressing

transport disadvantage — the Melbourne experience” (2009) was chosen. This paper is

mentioned here because it contains the most comprehensive and relevant study to this

dissertation. It will also become more relevant to Chapter five where recommendations are

based on Melbourne bus route 901. Text that does not originate with Loader’s (2009) paper

will be referenced.

Melbourne, the capital of the state of Victoria, has a population of 3,6 million people. The

city’s public transport network consists of trains, trams and buses and handles 9% of

motorised traffic. All public transport services are operated under contracts. The trams and

the trains run from early morning until midnight, seven days a week. However the Melbourne

bus service had very poor service standards until the Government stepped in and through a

policy directive, improved the service levels.

The government’s response was aimed at addressing congestion costs, environmental damage

and social exclusion. The groups and issues identified were:

• Low- income households;

• Disabled persons;

• The aged and young people;

• Geographic location;

• Language barriers;

• Households who lack access to a car (Hurni, 2006).

Currie et al (2010) say that even people with cars suffer exclusion, because they are

involuntary car users who have very little income and who live on the periphery of

Melbourne with inadequate public transport services. Currie et al (2010) called them people

who suffer from Forced Car Ownership (FCO).

The next group of people that Currie et al (2010) identified was Zero Car Owners (ZCO),

which is the number of households without a car. These people mostly stay on the periphery

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of Melbourne. These households lived within walking distance of services. Car use here

(driving and sharing) is 17% of trips. The car use amongst these households is probably due

to sharing lifts.

Melbourne’s current transport infrastructure is unequally distributed. The benefits of public

transport investment are currently enjoyed predominantly by inner city residents. Although

there is substantial investment in Melbourne’s outer suburban bus services, communities

without access to the tram and train networks will continue to have only limited access to

comparatively slow, infrequent and poorly coordinated services. This is especially

problematic for socio-economically disadvantaged communities living in transport-poor

areas. The co-location of disadvantage and lack of transport resources in Melbourne is

encountered mainly in outer suburban areas.

A review of Melbourne’s bus users suggested that service level improvement is likely to

reduce the social exclusion for a significant number of people (Loader et al, 2009). For

example, 69% of Melbourne’s bus users do not have a driving licence, 43% have very low

household incomes (below $A500 per week in 2003) and 54% are students. Onboard

weekday surveys conducted show that 73% of people do not have access to a car. Even full

fare travellers thus show a high degree of apparent “captivity” (Loader et al, 2009).

In 2006, the Victorian government released a new service package to address its mass transit

and social transit agenda. They were:

• the implementation of new “social safety net” minimum service levels for over 200

local bus routes, that ensure that services operate at least hourly from 6am to 9pm

weekdays, 8am to 9pm Saturdays and 9am to 9pm Sundays;

• the continuation and expansion of a program to introduce premium “Smartbus” trunk

routes, including four orbital routes around the city;

• an upgrade to CBD-oriented bus services in a radial corridor not served by the rail

network (this and the Smartbus routes are the core of the mass transit agenda for

buses); and

• a program to extensively review Melbourne’s bus network over four years.

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An after service survey showed that patronage increased. A historic record growth of 4,6%

per annum of bus patronage was recorded. Routes with unchanged service levels grew on an

average by 1.3% over the same period. Sunday patronage increased strongly with 18% on

unchanged routes, largely attributed to the incentives5. Overall, Melbourne’s Sunday public

transport (for all the modes) patronage increased by 46% over two years. Unchanged bus

routes have seen less growth than unchanged tram and train routes, mostly because of lower

bus service levels.

New fare promotions are enabling many transport disadvantaged people to travel more often

on weekends by removing cost barriers. For those who are not subject to transport

disadvantage, the fare incentives appear to have been successful at increasing public transport

usage at times when excess system capacity is available (Loader et al, 2009).

In addressing its mass transit agenda, the upgraded higher frequency long-span premium

trunk Smartbus routes have been introduced with a patronage growth that exceeded

expectations. The three Smartbus routes that were introduced in 2007 grew by 41% in one

year (Altmann, 2011).

Smartbus is a premium bus service that has been designed to complement Melbourne’s radial

train network, by providing “cross-town” connections along major arterial roads to train

stations, tram lines, schools, universities, hospitals, shopping centres and other activity

centres. The services run more often and for longer hours than most bus services. They are

also more reliable because of a combination of road priority works and the use of smart

technology as Smartbuses have the ability to communicate with their depot during a journey,

which allows them to provide real-time travel information to passengers at selected high-use

bus stops. Bus-train interchanges also have real-time information on Smartbus and train

arrival times, making journey transitions smoother. All Smartbus stops provide local area

maps and stop specific timetables. Smartbus services can be used by passengers holding an

integrated ticket for the area in which they are travelling

(http://www.metlinkmelbourne.com.au/timetables/Smartbus/, accessed 14 February 2011).

5 These include the introduction of free Sunday travel for seniors, and flat fare discount Sunday travel for others, with greater savings for longer radial trips that cross zone boundaries (Loader et al, 2009).

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In conclusion the Melbourne bus route network was upgraded and its operating hours were

extended after interviews with disadvantaged households showed that there was a need for it.

The upgrades reduced the risks of mobility-poor people across Melbourne. There were

significant patronage gains and users benefitted from the increased access to opportunities to

employment and social activities.

4.8.2 United States of America (USA)

The United States have a number of advanced programs to address social exclusion and

transport disadvantage. The problem was raised by Martin Luther King when he called for

structural reforms to deal with race and poverty. Since then, there has been a gradual process

of government’s formal recognition of the problem. A particular focus on the transportation

agenda was to deal with the increasing problem of access to employment in the face of

increasing physical isolation of unemployed people from job opportunities. Most Welfare-to-

Work programs in the US now fully address the notion that public transport services must be

improved because they are a critical factor in reducing joblessness (Lucas, 2005:8).

In 1998, the legislation, namely the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st century (TEA-21)

established the Access-to-Jobs and Reverse Commute (JARC) program. The Federal Transit

Administration received more than $750 million to implement this program over five years

(Sandoval et al, 2009:94f).

In the US, the transport disadvantaged are those people whose range of travel alternatives is

limited, especially in terms of easy-to-use and inexpensive transport.

Other factors that impact on mobility and exclusion are:

• Income, disabilities, ethnicity, education and gender which also plays an important

role. Women, in general, make slightly more trips per day than men.

• Access to cars: in 1990 only 9.2% of Americans did not have a car. Almost half of

those without a car were 65 years and older and, of these, 81% were women. Nearly

40% of African Americans do not own a car.

• In the US, individuals with incomes below $10 000 make about one trip per day less

than individuals with incomes over $40 000 per year. Non-disabled persons make

over 50% more trips than persons with disabilities.

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• Availability of public transportation: almost 40% of Americans do not have access to

public transport within two miles. Nonetheless, African-Americans have the least

immobility stemming from the absence of a vehicle, partly because of a higher overall

use of public transit. Their rate of transit use is more than twice as high as that of

whites.

• Other barriers to mobility include lack of access to job opportunities, inconvenient

basic services in the inner-city and fear of using public transport services. All the

statistics were quoted in Transportation Research Board publication (1999:10f).

The US Congress realised that the poor faced a major spatial mismatch in terms of where

they lived and where new employment opportunities were located. The spatial mismatch

made commuting to suburban job centres very difficult. One of the major obstacles “welfare

mothers” faced as they tried to find work was insufficient infrastructure to overcome spatial

mismatch. Based on this, several programs were designed to overcome transport problems for

low income people. Examples of grants are the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families

(TANF) and Welfare-to-Work grants (Sandoval, 2009:94).

According to Cervero (2002:1f), transport has done a poor job in bridging the spatial

mismatch. For example, a study in Ohio found that a 40-minute commute would bring only

between 8-15% of metropolitan jobs within the reach of low income neighbourhoods. Where

special commute programs were introduced, the ridership patterns fell sharply as workers

withdrew and bought cars.

Schedule extension initiates:

Extending the public transport schedules led to an increase in ridership, but it came at a high

cost, because of low productivity levels. Especially late-night and weekend services show

that low productivity levels are unsustainable (Cervero, 2002:4f).

New targeted routes:

A successful targeted limited stop service in suburban Los Angeles called Route 422 is 80

kilometres long. During its first year, it collected more than half its operating costs through

the fare box, a product of high load factors during peak-only operations and the competitive

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contracting of services to Coach USA. This route serves large numbers of minority and needy

individuals (Cervero, 2002: 4f).

Other programs were also introduced such as shuttle programs and low interest car loans.

In conclusion, the US experience shows that there is travel poverty. US professionals and

state administrators concerned themselves with an anti-poverty and welfare agenda to bring

people closer to important services and other amenities.

The following section will refer to a study carried out in Canada.

4.8.3 Canada

Only one reference could be readily found on transport and social exclusion in Canada. It is

by Litman (2003), quoted earlier in the dissertation.

Canada has one of the lowest national population densities in the world, but most of the

population live in urban communities, whilst a small minority live in climatic extremes and

geographic isolation. Canada has a relatively high rate of private vehicle ownership which is

almost approaching one vehicle per person. About 80% of households own a car (Litman,

2003).

Social exclusion is caused by a number of factors. About 20% of Canadian households do not

own a car, about 10% are low-income, and about 10% of the population has a disability that

constrains mobility. Probably a third or more of households have at least one member who is

transport disadvantaged. Some groups, such as Minority and Aboriginal people and low-

income single parents, are more likely to have multiple factors that contribute to transport-

related social exclusion.

i. Car Dependency:

According to Litman (2003), a car dependent household becomes more excluded when there

are less non-car base options available together with increased transport costs. Although

Canada has relatively wealthy individuals, this raises car dependency to the detriment of the

community as a whole. Car ownership is now the norm within most households, but while

most households have benefitted from the wider availability of cars, the travel choices of

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those without a car have been gradually eroded. At the same time the need to be more mobile

has increased.

Another observable fact is that older people, people with disabilities, women and ethnic

minority households are less likely to have a driving licence and are more likely to live in

households without car access.

ii. Affordability:

On average, low-income households spend a greater proportion of their budget on motoring

than more wealthy households. This may affect social exclusion directly by making transport

affordability difficult and indirectly by reducing household expenditure on other items, such

as education.

Transport cost is considered unaffordable if it accounts for more than 20% of a household’s

income. Low income households spend one third of their income on transport, mainly on

cars. Lower-income car owners buy cheaper and unreliable cars that tend to be a constant

maintenance burden.

iii. Declining public transport services:

The increasing use of the private car has been accompanied by a reduction in the use of

public transport. The federal government is less involved in planning and funding private car

transport in Canada. Provincial governments manage major highways. Local roads and most

transit services are funded and managed at the local level. As a result, amelioration of

transport inequities is primarily a concern at the level of local transport planning, and

sometimes by provincial agencies dealing with special client groups or communities (Litman,

2003). In Canada, this is considered standard practice.

The following table illustrates the transport related factors affecting social exclusion. The

factors often overlap.

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Table 10: Factors affecting social exclusion

Source: Litman, 2003:6

This table also indicates the factors that contribute to a person having inadequate physical

accessibility.

Various strategies to improve social exclusion and enhance mobility are listed below:

• To create a balance between transport planning for cars and those for public transport;

• Land use planning reforms to create more accessible land use;

• To lower fares for public transport services that tend to be used by disadvantaged

groups;

• Car-sharing and Pay-As-You-Drive vehicle insurance schemes;

• Pedestrian and cycling improvements;

• School and transport management programs.

This section has briefly summarised the Canadian approach to social exclusion. The next

section will discuss some of the Bogotá’s social exclusion and transport initiatives.

4.8.4 Colombia (Bogotá)

This section describes social exclusion and transport disadvantage as experienced by people

in Bogotá. Bogotá initiated the Bus Rapid Transit System (BRT) to address mobility

problems experienced by a large number of its people (Espinosa, 2009). In comparison with

the other countries mentioned in the previous sections, Bogotá is situated in a developing

Transport Ability Transport Need

• Non-drivers. People who cannot drive or do • Commuter. People who must make daily

not have access to a motor vehicle. trips to work or school.

• Low Income. Drivers and non-drivers whose • Caregivers. Primary caregivers to non-driving

mobility is significantly constrained by financial limitations.

dependents (children, elderly relatives, etc.).

• Automobile Dependency. People who live in a community with automobile dependent transport and land use patterns.

• Disabled. People with disabilities that limit their mobility.

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country and, as such, shares a similar economic and political environment to that of South

Africa. The relevance here is to see how successful the implementation of the Bogotá BRT

has been and if there are any similarities with the implementation of the BRT in

Johannesburg. The intention of this section is not to undertake a full comparative analysis,

but rather to share lessons learnt.

The TransMilenio Bus Rapid Transit system in Bogotá, Colombia (population 8 million) is

recognised worldwide as an outstanding success (http://www.transmilenio.gov.co, accessed

13 August 2010). It is one of the most visited places to see its transportation innovation

which has transformed the city. Since its launch, average commute times in Bogotá have been

cut from 90 minutes to 35 minutes, air quality has improved by 40%, and accidents have

decreased by 81%. There are currently 8 lines and buses arrive approximately every 2-3

minutes. One million people ride the system every day. By 2016, the system will expand to

22 lines and will transport an impressive 5 million passengers a day

(http://www.transmilenio.gov.co, accessed 13 August 2010).

For Bogotá, the main benefit of the BRT principle was the lower implementation cost

compared with that of building a rail-based system. It also presented an opportunity to

organise and rationalise the city’s transit policy by considering bus services as a genuine

system rather than a multitude of independent vehicles. Construction of the BRT has been

divided into four phases between 1999 and 2016. In parallel with the core BRT program,

some equally significant improvements have been carried out. These include building almost

250 kilometres of bicycle lanes, refurbishing 130 hectares of sidewalks and public areas,

planting thousands of trees, restricting private car use at rush hour (by selecting license plate

numbers), and removing pollution from streams and swamps. All these measures on the

periphery of the TransMilenio project have also helped to improve the urban environment.

Lastly, TransMilenio is playing a significant role in reducing social exclusion by linking

neighbourhoods and opening up the job market and urban resources to the entire population

for an affordable fare. In this sense, it is the biggest social project ever carried out in Bogotá.

On the basis of a daily return journey, based on a single ticket ($0.40 per trip), transportation

costs amount to $16 a month, 6% of the average household budget. Moreover, Ciudad Movil,

the controlling company of the TransMilenio system, pays its bus drivers an average monthly

salary of around $480, far higher than the local average, making it one of Bogotá’s leading

employers (http://www.veoliatransportation.com, accessed 12 August 2010).

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However there are critics of the system. According to González

(http://www.carlosagonzalez.net/2008/05/metro-if-medelln-could-can-bogot-too.html,

accessed 12 August 2010) the following problems have been encountered:

i. System capacity

The system, renowned for its speed, led to an increase in the number of users. This high

volume of passengers has caused congestion problems in the corridors and at the stations. It is

not easy to solve these problems because there are no resources to build additional

infrastructure, and, due to urban conditions of the city, no new infrastructure can be

developed close to the trunk roads. Also, the demand of service attracted by the system has

generated problems like overloading of passengers in the buses. A bigger fleet is needed, but

this is not possible because the contracting system does not allow for the purchase of more

vehicles.

ii. Lack of coverage of feeder routes

The TransMilenio system covers about 25% of public transportation in Bogotá. The

remaining 75% is covered by conventional public transportation. Upon starting the

TransMilenio system, it came evident that there were problems because of the lack of

coverage of the system in some areas of the city. As a consequence, a number of unauthorised

routes were created to connect these areas that are not served by the mass transport system

with stations on the TransMilenio system. This informal transportation system, which was

illegal and unsafe for passengers, also contributed to traffic congestion causing general traffic

to slow down along these routes. Public transportation users in other areas of the city want to

use the TransMilenio system, because it is the fastest system.

iii. Lack of integration

Espinosa (2009) shared some of her anecdotal experiences of the integration of the

TransMilenio with other public transport systems. The bus and taxi services are not part of a

formal network and there is a lack of integrated planning on the part of the authorities. The

public transport system is not regulated, which resulted in an oversupply of operators,

violence and a high number of road accidents.

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Bogotá has a 300 km network of bicycle paths. However, the system does not have enough

infrastructure to encourage cycling as a means of personal transportation to access the

system. There is some integration with bicycle riding, but only at a few stations. González is

also of the opinion that TransMilenio is not integrated with other transportation systems.

(http://www.carlosagonzalez.net/2008/05/metro-if-medelln-could-can-bogot-too.html,

accessed 12 August 2010)

In conclusion, knowledge of the pitfalls to implement the Bogotá system is not well

documented. When South Africa adopted the South America BRT system, it thought that it

would work well in our major cities. BRT was sold as a subsidy free solution, but based on

anecdotal evidence, this will not be the case. Some municipalities feel that it would be too

costly to rollout wall-to-wall BRT services and are looking for cheaper alternatives. Chapter

five of this dissertation will make recommendations which these cities could consider for

implementation.

4.8.5 United Kingdom

Addressing social exclusion became a central policy issue following the election of the

Labour government in May 1997 (Lucas, 2004:41f). On the one hand, the policy focus was

to address the problems of individuals through a variety of mechanisms such as:

• A welfare-to-work program including New Deal for Employment;

• Policies to improve educational attainment;

• Programmes to address specific programs such as teenage pregnancy, sleeping in the

streets and reoffending of prisoners.

In August 1997, the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) was established as part of a policy

campaign to combat social exclusion in order to assist in the development and delivery of the

policy agenda. The Social Exclusion Unit’s work concentrated on the following:

• An improved understanding of the key characteristics of social exclusion and the

impact of government policies on it;

• To promote solutions to the problems associated with social exclusion by encouraging

co-operation across departments, disseminating best practice and making

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recommendations for changes in policies, machinery or delivery mechanisms, where

necessary (Lucas, 2002:3).

Transport was one of the early areas of interest of the SEU (2003:1). With the primary focus

on issues of accessibility, the SEU’s transport study drew links between the exclusion of

people who do not have access to a car and their needs for education, employment, access to

health and other services, food shopping, as well as to sporting, leisure and cultural activities.

Barriers to accessibility were seen as centring around (SEU:2003:1f):

• The availability and physical accessibility of transport;

• The cost of transport;

• Services located in inaccessible places;

• Safety and security–fear of crime;

• Travel horizons–people on low incomes were found to be less willing to travel to

access work than those on higher incomes.

The SEU (2003:8f) argued that to remove these barriers and reduce social exclusion through

transport improvements, there would be a need to understand how people access key

activities and link this with planning to improve such accessibility (accessibility planning), as

well as undertaking key strategic policy initiatives, such as:

• reviewing the regulations governing provision of bus services (especially relevant to

the UK context where de-regulation of service provision has taken place outside

London);

• integration of transport planning into planning for services provision (e.g. education);

• a range of initiatives to make transport more accessible, such as reducing cost and

addressing the fear of crime associated with public transport;

• the formation of partnerships between transport providers, local authorities and local

service providers, such as education and health, and work on transport solutions.

Some of the problems experienced in the United Kingdom include:

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i. Levels of car ownership:

There has been dramatic growth in both vehicle numbers and the distances driven, so much

so that car ownership is now the norm within most households. Nevertheless, national

statistics demonstrated that in 2001/2, 63% of people in the lowest household income quintile

did not have access to a car (Lucas, 2002:7f). Socially disadvantaged groups such as single

parents, minority ethnic groups, older people and children are over-represented in this

category. While many people have therefore benefited from the wider availability of cars, the

travel choices of people without cars have been gradually eroded, whilst at the same time the

need to be more mobile has increased. Therefore these “poorer” households struggle to

partake in many activities.

Hospital services have been rationalised into fewer units with the aim to serve a larger area.

This has led to hospitals becoming difficult to reach without a car (Lucas, 2002:7f).

ii. Flight of local services:

Many communities lack basic services such as a food store or a general practitioner’s

surgery. The services that are available are often inadequate and over-priced. High crime or

the fear of crime also make access to these services unattractive (Lucas, 2005:8).

iii. Declining public transport services:

The car accounts for the vast majority of the travel of all income groups. High car

dependency is a symptom of inadequate public transport services. Public transport does not

meet the mobility and access requirements of a modern society and even those on a low

income will go out of their way to own a car. Due to an increase in car numbers and usage,

there has been a marked decline in public transport patronage. Public transport services are

consequently infrequent, unreliable or of a low quality standard. Some deprived

neighbourhoods became no-go areas for public transport services which were withdrawn as a

result. Other factors mar the image of public transport services such as old, badly designed

and maintained vehicles. People who are disabled or people with a push cart find it extremely

difficult to use public transport (Lucas, 2002:11-14).

The UK government attempted to address these problems by introducing accessibility

planning, as discussed in section 2.4.2 above.

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In conclusion, the UK has recognised the effect of poor transport on society and has realised

that a continuation of the status quo will reinforce social exclusion. In this regard, the UK

seems to have made some progress in comparison to South Africa.

4.9 KEY CONSIDERATIONS AND LESSONS LEARNT

This chapter has examined the impact of challenges on developing cities of India and their

transport systems in the world-wide pressure of hyper-mobility. According to Dimitriou

(2009: 15f), globalisation in the emerging economic countries has presented challenges such

as food, energy, water and electricity shortages, dilapidated and ageing road infrastructure,

other infrastructure backlogs and a crisis in global governance and corporate responsibility

(Dimitriou, 2009:15f).

Indian and South African cities experience dual economies with widespread inequalities and

populations with significant proportions of the populations living in poverty (Dimitriou,

2009:11). There are enormous gaps between rich and poor (Wachs, 2010:8). Given the

pressing needs of globalisation and the inequality, it is felt that mobility and increased access

to transport will lead to a reduction in poverty. Most of these developments are accompanied

by global warming issues and could detrimentally affect the poor if adequate measures are

not taken. Already, global shifts are having an effect on the role of transport in the city and

regional development. Planners are still testing the waters on what works and what does not

in this new environment (Dimitriou, 2010:7).

To increase mobility for the poor in emergent countries, organisations such as the World

Bank, UNDP and other NGOs are working on promoting transport that serves the needs of

the poor by non-motorisation programs and related infrastructure. Notwithstanding these

efforts, billions of Rands are still being poured into motorised infrastructure developments.

Governments from Asia and South Africa alike believe in a notion that mobility means more

travel at faster speeds covering longer distances (Dimitriou, 2009:27). Therefore integrated

plans overly concentrated on infrastructure projects that socially harm the poor and the

socially excluded. In many cases, Asian governments have a vision of their countries and

cities as the fulfilment of a development vision and a sign of economic virility. Initially, the

government and municipalities of the cities implemented flyovers, built bridges and made

roads bigger. These mostly led to projects favouring the middle class and ultimately increased

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congestion. Even though these cities invested heavily in road-based infrastructure, the rate of

motorisation outstripped the rate of supply (Dimitriou, 2009:27).

To address public transport challenges, developing nations are resorting to mega transport

projects (MTP) and private financing models (Dimitriou, 2010:3f). MTPs normally contain a

“big fix” mentality where development planners and political leaders alike are attracted to

projects which offer a single solution to massive problems (Dimitriou, 2009:7):

MTP’s often link local networks with global and are frequently perceived as national

icons of development that are critical to the delivery of national and regional

development strategies (Dimitriou, 2009:6).

This has specific reference to the roll-out of BRT systems. In Latin American cities, Seoul

and Taipei, BRT was successfully rolled out although complex interactions among

stakeholders, politicians and planners. Mass rapid transit systems for Asia became important

because they emerged as self-reliant mass transit systems with a great potential for budget-

constrained countries like India and South Africa. In the other cities, the systems were poorly

planned and organised. On another front, other Indian cities wanted to emulate the success of

the Delhi Metro, charmed by its image factor. However, during the opening of the third line

of Delhi Metro, it was clear that the Prime Minister was convinced that the same model

would not work everywhere.

On the contrary, BRT in Hyderabad failed because of the lack of institutional integration and

political support. Dimitriou (2009:6) talked about the “project champion phenomena” when

he referred to MTPs. This is where a project is championed by a powerful politician or set of

very influential parties over a sustained period. According to him, this is rare, because such

parties or people need to position a unique combination of vision and political knowledge

because “[w]here and when the champion phenomena does materialise, it opens doors as if

by magic” (Dimitriou, 2010:2f).

In Latin America, BRT worked well, because of the technical will. In Hyderabad, the

opposite happened. The pre-feasibility presented by the ITDP almost convinced the

politicians. The interest in the system waned after the decision makers faced some difficulties

regarding the right-of-way.

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From the information provided in all the documented sources, it is clear that the majority of

people are forced to walk or use non-motorised transport and that their mobility needs are,

more often than not, ignored. There is a predominance of two-wheelers and other major

polluting vehicles. Combined with major safety concerns, this actually leads to increased

social hardship and exposes the poor to even greater levels of deprivation, injuries and

pollution.

The experiences from other countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia, United States

of America, Canada and Columbia:

• demonstrate highly mobile car dependent societies, with the exception of Colombia

(Bogotá). It appears that a lack of access to a car is the main transport factor in the

social exclusion of low-income households and other marginalised groups. Other

factors also contribute to social exclusion namely, dispersed land uses, changing

working and lifestyle patterns and the distance to reach local amenities;

• show that addressing transport in isolation will not bring solutions. In the UK,

accessibility planning includes policy measures that will link up developments in

transport with housing, education and welfare. In the US, welfare-to-work programs

were introduced to give low income populations better access to their workplaces;

• confirm that single corridor transport improvement projects that are not linked up to

an integrated network of services, could prove costly for government and the city

dwellers surrounding them. An example is Bogotá. Although the BRT system

introduced was of a high standard, other problems have undermined its effectiveness

— these include a lack of integration with other public transport and inadequate

feeder routes.

4.10 CONCLUSION

The conclusion drawn in this chapter is that cities in both developing and developed countries

face dual challenges. Firstly, they need to increase mobility for the poorer proportion of the

population, while at the same time, they are under pressure to motorise, which undermines

the socially excluded. Whilst motorisation is unsustainable because it is dependent on fuel,

public transport in the mega cities Chennai, Mumbai and Delhi remain uncoordinated, of

poor quality, offer limited coverage and have contributed to inadequate public transport

supply.

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In contrast with developing countries, many citizens from developed countries like the United

States suffer from social exclusion because they do not own a car. These countries have

recognised that they have problems and have tried to address them through connected

governance structures.

The next chapter will draw some of the different threads together and will propose a way

forward for South Africa, with a particular focus on Gauteng.

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CHAPTER FIVE: A WAY FORWARD FOR SOUTH AFRICA

5.1 INTRODUCTION

There is a case for better public transport to help address the problems of social exclusion,

not only in “poor” cities, but also in richer countries and communities. The mobility levels

experienced by residents of several cities were described and lessons that could be valuable

for South Africa and other developing countries were identified.

The purpose of this chapter is to draw some of the different threads together and to propose a

way forward for South Africa, with a particular focus on Gauteng. It is divided into the

following sections.

• Providing sustainable and liveable communities

• A review of previous relevant research

• Conclusion

5.2 PROVIDING SUSTAINABLE AND LIVEABLE COMMUNITIES

Progressive countries have identified measures to bring about greater social cohesion through

concepts of sustainability, liveability and sustainable development.

In the United States, the Metropolitan Transport Commission in California (MTC)

implemented practical projects which increased mobility and access for the socially excluded.

The MTC compiled a report called Transportation for Liveable Communities, Works in

Progress; building a better Bay Area (available from http://www.mtc.ca.gov/

planning/smart_growth/tlc/, accessed October 2010) that identifies sixty case studies where

liveable community programs were implemented and the lessons learned from them. It gives

details on community involvement, land-use connections, transportation choices and

linkages, and compact communities and community designs.

One of the principles that the MTC applies is that of strong community involvement through

education. Community involvement in local projects may take up to 24 months, but where

this was implemented, it was successful. California’s experience shows that transport

authorities matched their funding with other sources such as rates and taxes, federal funding

and developer’s contributions. Based on the evaluation of projects, 78% of project sponsors

reported an increase in pedestrian volumes, 59% reported an increase in bicycle traffic and

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46% reported an increase in transit ridership. Moreover, 3 000 housing units were built,

2 000 000 square feet of retail space and 2 795 000 square feet of office space were added

(http://www.mtc.ca.gov/planning/smart_growth/tlc/, accessed October 2010).

Community involvement in public transport projects will assist local authorities to determine

their needs more accurately. This will form the basis for integrated planning and the

implementation of service to the community.

This section highlighted the importance of involving the community. The following sections

will focus on other measures to assist with the provision of liveable societies, including

improved land use, the creation of transit villages and other service options.

5.2.1 Improved Land Use

Providing adequate pedestrian, bicycle and public transport facilities increases the range of

transportation options in a community and will reduce dependence on private cars. This will

make non-motorised transport alternatives more attractive when supported by appropriate

land uses. For example, having a safe and attractive pathway to walk between a housing

development and a bus stop can encourage pedestrian and transit trips

(http://www.bayareavision.org/, accessed 12 March 2011). This study thus recommends that

future funding of public transport infrastructure improvements are part of a community’s

larger land-use planning activities.

5.2.2 Creation of transit villages

According to Wikipedia, a transit village “is a planned development around a transport hub,

such a train station, with the intent to make it convenient for village dwellers to get to or from

work or run errands and travel via a public transportation network”

(www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transit_village, accessed January 2011). Transit villages are

becoming a more economical way to reduce the need for car dependence in the developed

world. Households living in transit villages reduced their car dependence by nearly 50% and

saved 20% of household income as they switched to one vehicle

(http://sustainability.curtin.edu.au, accessed 22 March 2011). Transit villages also yield other

sustainable benefits (www.thetodgroup.com, March 2011). These include:

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• The ability of the village to create attractive pedestrian-friendly neighbourhoods as

seen in many European cities.

• Households have the ability to choose good housing, retail and employment.

• The multiple role of the station which serves as the central point provides good social

cohesion and a safe space.

A number of success stories associated with the creation of these transit villages have been

recorded:

• In the City of Vancouver, around 20 transit villages have been built in association

with the Sky train light-rail service. The process of the village started well before the

Sky train was delivered. The transit village provided affordable housing of up to 15%

of the development, whilst 5% of the development was used for social infrastructure.

The community was instrumental in prioritising the funding. They built childcare

facilities, street landscaping, cycle ways and areas for entertainment

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transit-oriented_development, accessed 21 October

2011).

• In Freiburg, Germany the transit village is home to 5 000 residents and features many

facets of green living including, renewable energy for electricity and a car-free

approach based on light rail and bicycles. This development is popular with families,

because of its car-free safety. According to the website “children can be seen running

through the area with freedom rarely seen in a car-dependent suburb”

(http://www.theatlanticcities.com/commute/2011/10/cutting-car-use-new

developments/ 226/, accessed 21 October 2011).

• Richmond, the capital of the state of Virginia in the United States of America,

provides affordable housing, retail and cultural facilities, bringing land users closer to

important public transport facilities (http://www.mtc.ca.gov/planning/smart_

growth/tlc/, accessed October 2010). About 231 housing units were developed with a

housing grant of $865 000 (R5,7 million) and local match funding of $112 000 (R750

000). See the illustration below.

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Figure 6: Richmond housing development

Source: www.bayareavision.org, October 2010

There is a need to investigate the setting up of formal transit villages in South Africa.

National government will need to take up new research and perhaps a demonstration project

to save costs on major transport improvement projects. With more investigation, Tshwane

could produce the next African story for transit villages. It is possible to introduce between

300–500 housing units in a mixed-use development in many suburbs of Pretoria. The

Tshwane transit village could be made available to people earning between 40%–50% of the

area’s median income. Households may then use their subsidies or grants to pay off the

balance of the property. The development should also cater for a library, reading-room

facilities, a small sports complex with recreational facilities and possibly a clinic. Other uses

may be identified by the community. The project can be budgeted for and implemented in

phases. The offsets should be clearly identified by all levels in government and the benefits of

such a program should be well communicated.

5.2.3 Provide transport choices

The provision of transit villages alone however, will not do away with the need to provide

decent public transport services. In the Pretoria context, two options, both in the eastern

suburbs, are described below.

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The first is a rail station improvement at Mamelodi Gardens station, called the “Mamelodi

connection improvement” and the second is improved pedestrian facilities linking

Denneboom Station with its surrounding environment, called the “pedestrian improvement”.

5.2.3.1 Mamelodi connection improvement

The Mamelodi Gardens train station is a Metro Rail station, approximately 15 kilometres

from the centre of Pretoria. The area immediately surrounding the station is desolate and

walking there is unsafe.

Better facilities at or near train stations should potentially increase ridership quite

significantly. Not every station needs state-of-the-art facilities. Simple things such as

landscaping, keeping the grass cut, tarring the road, paving the walkways and cycle lanes and

installing lights will improve the image of the service appreciably. Investing in more

substantial facilities, such as a small convenience store or providing space for hawkers to ply

their trade will also enhance the social impact of the area. Figure 6 demonstrates how the

station could be transformed into a liveable and sustainable space.

5.2.3.2 Pedestrian improvements and facilities

Chapter three of this dissertation discussed the over-reliance on walking on the part of those

who are transport deprived. Chapter three also showed that based on statistics from the

National Household Survey, 67% of people in Tshwane do not own a car and that walking is

the second highest mode of travel. In addition, 47% of people said that public transport was

too far or not available. Therefore these people walk to their destinations such as schools,

shops, clinics and post offices.

In these cases, walking is not a matter of choice. People are forced to walk. As explained in

Chapters 2 and 3, this leads to time and geographic exclusion. In the author’s opinion,

walking should be considered as a right and it is therefore important that we democratise

public spaces and include walking and biking in community designs and local transport plans.

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Figure 7: Mamelodi Gardens station connection improvement

Source: www.google.co.za/images , accessed 2 March 2011

Research from the sources listed, shows that providing pedestrian facilities supports public

transport. In turn, high quality public transport services will also lead to a greater dependence

on walking, which in turn will have immediate health benefits.

According to Mees (2010:186, 187) in a book called Transport for Suburbia, the importance

of walking is usually undervalued.

Mees points out why walking should become increasingly important:

• “Rolling stock like trains, buses and trams produce greenhouse gases, even if they are

emitted from the power station instead of the tailpipe. If increased patronage to public

transport comes at the expense of walking and cycling Mees (2010:186, 187)”, there

will be more harm to the environment and not less. The provision of car parks and

free rides will actually increase motorised travel with a negative effect on the

environment.

• Medical doctors are nowadays promoting walking because of the increase in

sedentary lifestyles. Mees’ observation is supported by the World Health

Organisation. They proved that excessive car use has affected people’s lives. People

are using their cars to take children to school because they are scared of road

accidents, children kidnapping and bad weather. People even use their cars on trips of

less than 1 km. If people walk more, there will be a 50% reduction in the risk of

developing coronary diseases, adult diabetes and obesity. The WHO reports that

health issues are not adequately considered when governments plan transport

infrastructure.

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• Mees (2010:184) argues further that walking can support public transport. If

pedestrians are provided with adequate footpaths, security and a reduction in

emissions on their walk to public transport stops, they will be more encouraged to use

public transport because “[h]igh quality public transport will generate walking trips in

unlikely areas”. All of this will be sustained thereafter if walking becomes a habit.

Mees (2010:185) sums up that people will not generally walk and that they do not think of

public transport. A comprehensive public transport network will produce large number of

walking trips to and from stops. In his research, Mees found that households from rural and

urban Canton Zurich are walking to shops and other places out of habit. Even in a

challenging environment (Toronto), a number of people will gladly walk just to catch the

high quality Toronto Arterial buses.

5.2.3.3 Cycling

On cycling, Mees cautions planners against implementing cycle lanes simply because they

are keen to show that they are doing something to address high car use. There are dangers in

lumping sustainable modes like walking and cycling together. This is merely because these

modes move at different speeds and are therefore incompatible with each other on the same

“path”.

The Dunedin City Council report has taken the cycling initiative further by suggesting that

100 km of dedicated cycle ways should be built. These will connect schools, shops and

reduce short car trips. The biggest benefit will be health, safety and social cohesion of the

community. Most homes in Dunedin are within walking distance of a school and are, on

average, over 6 km away from shops. There is a recommendation to redesign the urban

villages into pedestrian malls and, in essence, reclaim the space from the automobile

(www.dunedin.govt.nz/_data/ assets/pdf_file/0008/159857/Peak-Oil-Report-Dec-2010.pdf,

Dunedin City Council 2010, accessed 7 Dec 2010).

The suggested strategy for Dunedin would be to start with school trips. Traffic engineers

should start with neighbourhoods around the schools and crèches (for grade R learners) and

construct cycle ways that will give a significant percentage of children car-free access to their

local school.

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This same scenario could be implemented for Tshwane, especially in the eastern suburbs

where there is a high dependence on cars, to drop and pick up children at school. As will be

shown in the illustrations below, people are already using their cycles to reach schools.

Below is a teacher who uses a battery-powered cycle to reach the crèche in Murrayfield.

There is a bus route that runs about 1 km away from the crèche, but the bus is not accessible

to most parts of Murrayfield and is also infrequent. So if the recommendation of the Dunedin

report is implemented, there will be a reasonable increase in non-motorised access to schools

in the vicinity.

Figure 8: Bicycle access to places of learning

Source: Author’s own picture taken 13 May 2011

Pictures taken in the Lynnwood Road area, east of Pretoria, show that there is strong potential

to roll out a 12 kilometre or more roundabout route linking Denneboom Station with a

number of activities in the area. These include offices and residential houses in the

neighbouring suburbs. Along the way, the pedestrians pass factories, farms, townhouse

complexes, the German School, shopping complexes, the National Highway (N4) and

Wilgers Hospital. At some points, people are waiting for PUTCO buses and taxis. The

suburbs that surround the suggested improvement project are Meyerspark, Murrayfield,

Silverton and Equestria.

The illustrations below indicate the high level of demand for the proposed improvement

project and better infrastructure.

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Figure 9: Pedestrian facilities from Denneboom station and link to East of Pretoria

Pedestrians and cyclists opposite industrial area (Author’s own pictures taken December 2010).

Walkers and Cyclers competing for the same space

Pedestrians waiting for a Putco bus

Source: Author’s own pictures taken December 2010

It is recommended that a Denneboom pedestrian improvement project be developed. The

pedestrian route from Denneboom station is eligible for grant funding from the City of

Tshwane because it has the right mix of nodal activities and public transport connections.

A second project is to commission a pedestrian facility that stretches from Denneboom

station to La Montagne and from Nelmapius to La Montagne. The City of Tshwane could

also investigate broadening out the pedestrian and cycle routes along Libertas Avenue and

Hans Strydom Drive.

The motivation for this recommendation is based on the large number of commuters who

walk to work in the surrounding suburbs. The total route is 3,7 km. Some walk as far as

Lynwood Street, which is an extra 4 kilometres away.

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5.3 A REVIEW OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH

A recurrent theme of this study has been that better public transport can play an important

part in raising the quality of life of an entire community. Although the term “transport

deprived” which has been used throughout the dissertation, conjures up images of poor or

unemployed people, living in inadequate housing, unable to access basic services, it also

extends to those who are comparatively well-off and who own cars but who are entirely

dependent on their vehicles for personal mobility. At present, the better-off section of the

community would hardly describe itself as “transport deprived” but as the world becomes

more aware of the need to conserve energy, reduce its carbon footprint and live in a more

environmentally friendly way, the focus will be widened to include the need for this group to

play its part. This will be possible only if public transport is reorganised to include all

population groups.

Although many textbooks on marketing stress the need to “segment” the market, this study

suggests that in the field of public transport in South Africa at the present time, such an

approach will be inappropriate and that a standard approach be adopted, in terms of which the

same basic service should be offered to the entire community. This study has already drawn

attention to the fact that in Indian cities, the poor and the rich often live close to each other–a

situation that applies equally to South Africa. In these circumstances, the most appropriate

policy would be to introduce the same basic level of service into all areas, provided that it is

offered on a consistent basis. In the longer term, as experience is gained, some differentiation

may be introduced, but this study has emphasised the need to obtain value for money

initially, taking the severe financial constraints currently being experienced into account.

This chapter has already made a few recommendations for modest, low-cost transit villages

and improved pedestrian facilities which can be introduced, not only in Pretoria but in many

other areas in South Africa. Before drawing any further conclusions and making

recommendations, it will briefly review four academic studies carried out at the Rand

Afrikaans University/University of Johannesburg that have a strong bearing on the subject of

improved public transport and social exclusion. The common factor linking these studies is

that they have all made recommendations to improve public transport, either in terms of the

most suitable mode to be used or the most suitable routes and schedules to be followed. None

of them have been acted upon, however. This dissertation has already emphasised the need,

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not for further research, but for implementation. In view of the present need to improve

public transport for the benefit of the entire community as well as taking environmental

issues into account, this dissertation will suggest that they be revisited and that a fresh look

be taken at the topics covered.

They are (in date order):

1. An M Com awarded to CWV Mostert in 1986 entitled “The role of the electric

trolleybus in urban transport”;

2. An M Com awarded to F Wentzel in 1999 entitled “Proposals for the co-ordination of

formal public passenger transport in the Johannesburg area”;

3. An M Phil awarded to Y-B Tiawoun in 2000 entitled “Public transport in developing

cities: a possible role for the duo-bus?”;

4. An M Com awarded to STD Mashishi in 2010 entitled “The taxi recapitalisation

programme: some perceptions of the taxi associations in Temba”.

This study will, however, consider each of the above in a slightly changed order. It will start

with the Wentzel study because it can, for the purposes of this study, be regarded as the most

relevant of the four, as it goes into considerable detail recommending actual routes and

schedules, focusing on the Soweto area. Its recommendations were also incorporated into a

report by the CSIR to the Gauteng Provincial Government in 2001.

5.3.1 Wentzel

The Wentzel study was completed during June 1999, a few months after the release of the

Moving South Africa (MSA) report of 1998. The MSA report had made a number of

pertinent criticisms of the South African public transport scene, including the lack of

affordable basic access, poor public transport planning, sub-optimal land use patterns and

increasing car dependence (these themes continue to be a problem at the present time, as this

study has shown). Wentzel’s study attempted to address one of the issues, namely the benefits

of co-ordinated public transport in urban areas, with special emphasis on Soweto.

Wentzel’s study had four objectives, the first of which is repeated in full below because it

directly refers to the issues that have been addressed in this study:

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New formal road based routes will be proposed which will significantly improve the

links between Soweto and its neighbouring areas in terms of coverage, frequency and

hours during which services operate. Although the main purpose of the proposal is to

make the “outside world” more accessible to the residents of Soweto, people living

outside Soweto will be able in turn to reach Soweto more easily. This will play a

major role in making Soweto an integral part of its surrounding environment. In

doing so the Government’s broader objectives of social integration between areas

previously separated by apartheid, can, at least partially, be addressed (Wentzel

1999:11).

Wentzel pointed out that despite the “voluminous research” into many aspects of public

transport in Johannesburg over a long period of time, dating back to the Spencer Commission

of 1934, little had been achieved in terms of practical implementation, and quoted a

document released by the South African Commuters Organisation saying that “what is

needed now is not only vigorous debate but also vigorous delivery”.

The routes proposed by Wentzel included a variety of destinations, including Krugersdorp,

Roodepoort, Midrand, Sandton, Pretoria, the Johannesburg CBD, Eastgate and Alberton. In

the opinion of the author, the most significant of these was the Pretoria route (which was

merely an extension of the Johannesburg CBD route). It should be remembered that

Wentzel’s research was carried out before the announcement of the Gautrain, which was

ostensibly intended to reduce congestion on the N1 highway, on which traffic had been

growing at 7% a year. It should be noted that the cities of Johannesburg and Pretoria have

never been linked by formal road based public transport service. It is a matter of speculation

whether such a service may have helped to keep traffic growth in check on the N1. This study

suggests that such a route is necessary even if the Gautrain is in operation. The reason is that

there is a need for road based public transport to serve the many destinations between the

Gautrain stations, most of which are several kilometres apart in keeping with the high-speed

nature of the line. It is surprising that no proposals have yet been made for such a service in

the Gautrain planning because most Gautrain road feeders operate away from the rail line and

the few that run parallel to the line, do not link with each other. This study will propose that

this particular route be reconsidered (with some significant modifications, however) and be

implemented as a demonstration project.

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Before describing the route, it is relevant to note that Wentzel’s dissertation came to the

attention of the CSIR which, in 2001, was requested by the Gauteng Department of Transport

and Public Works to prepare a report entitled “Design of Restructured Bus Service for

Soweto”. Wentzel’s recommendations became the basis for a substantial part of the CSIR

report, which was presented to the Gauteng Provincial Government in draft form in October

2001, “for internal circulation and comment within Gautrans”.

The report notes that “currently no comprehensive plan exists for public transport in

Gauteng” (CSIR, 2001:22), a situation that appears to still exist today. Under the heading

“Imperatives for restructuring bus services” the report said:

Considering the developmental challenges within Soweto, one can make a strong case

for the importance of improving local and regional mobility. The developmental

objectives that an improved public transport service should pursue include:

• Access to jobs and opportunities

• Access to social services

• Improved internal circulation

• Catalyst for concentrated development

• Local economic empowerment.

The above objectives correlate with those of this study.

The CSIR report makes the observation that transport improvements might have the

unintended consequence of “increasing the accessibility of opportunities to spend outside

Soweto”. According to the report, this would contribute to the “leakage” of spending power

to other areas. This study, however, takes a contrary view, namely that an improved transport

network might well improve the “inward” potential of the many areas (not only Soweto) that

this study has already identified as being “transport deprived”.

The CSIR report drew extensively from Wentzel’s route recommendations and in its

appendices included a number of routes based almost entirely on those originally suggested

by Wentzel. One of them, hypothetically numbered 131, is, in fact, very similar to the Bus

Rapid Transit (Rea Vaya) trunk route now being operated by the City of Johannesburg. It

started at Naledi Station and continued along the Soweto taxiway towards the CBD.

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Wentzel’s research included approximate costings and projected income, much of which may

still be relevant today, except that inflation will have to be taken into account.

The CSIR report also made a number of recommendations around the implementation of the

project, stating that “implementation and testing in South Africa is far more effective at

gauging opinion and needs as compared to market research surveys” (CSIR, 2001:75).

Nothing became of this report, and it is not clear whether it was ever given proper

consideration by the Gauteng Provincial Government. This study strongly recommends that

the report be revived and that its recommendations be revisited.

Proposed routes 75 and 76:

This study proposes two “flagship” routes running in a broadly north-south direction. The

first (75) links Hammanskraal with Vanderbijlpark, a distance of about 250 km. The second

(76) is of similar length and links Moloto with Heidelberg (the reason for the number 75 is

that it was originally suggested to Putco to start operating a similar route in the year 2009,

which was the 75th anniversary of the founding of the company in 1934).

These routes are developments and extensions of routes suggested by Wentzel and are shown

in Figure 10.

It is not the purpose of this study to describe the actual roads to be followed in great detail or

to carry out an analysis of the expected passenger levels, and financial results. The main

justification for the proposals is that each route, to quote the CSIR report

has potential for development as a fully-fledged corridor. It links a number of areas

that have experienced explosive growth in recent years but which are almost

completely unlinked by formal public transport. The development potential of this

route deserves deeper research (CSIR, 2001:36).

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Figure 10: Routes 75 (Hammanskraal to Vanderbijlpark) and 76 (Heidelberg to Moloto)

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Routes of this kind are intended to provide service to areas not adequately served by the

Gautrain which had not been announced at the time Wentzel and the CSIR made their

proposals.

Such routes (and many other routes which are not shown) would achieve a number of

objectives at fairly modest cost. They would link a number of areas of widely-varying social

and economic circumstances and as such would help to achieve the stated objectives of the

government to “knit” various communities closer together. Both of these routes link rich and

poor areas, connect with main activity centres such as schools and hospitals and connect with

rail and other bus routes. They could be operated by a combination of buses and minibus taxi-

type vehicles operating on contract along certain portions of the route or at certain times

when passenger levels are lower. It may therefore be necessary to split the contracts on the

routes to allow for different types of vehicle and service providers.

Table 11: Common timetable for routes 75 and 76 VD Bijl Park Clear

water Hammans-

kraal Hammans- kraal

Clear water

VD Bijlpark

Heidelburg Midrand Gautrain station

Moloto

Moloto Midrand Gautrain station

Heidelburg

0200 S1 0530 N24 0900 0230 N1 0600 S1 0930

0300 S2 0630 N1 1000 0330 N2 0700 S2 1030

0400 S3 0730 N2 1100 0430 N3 0800 S3 1130

0500 S4 0830 N3 1200 0530 N4 0900 S4 1230

0600 S5 0930 N4 1300 0630 N5 1000 S5 1330

0700 S6 1030 N5 1400 0730 N6 1100 S6 1430

0800 S7 1130 N6 1500 0830 N7 1200 S7 1530

0900 S8 1230 N7 1600 0930 N8 1300 S8 1630

1000 S9 1330 N8 1700 1030 N9 1400 S9 1730

1100 S10 1430 N9 1800 1130 N10 1500 S10 1830

1200 S11 1530 N10 1900 1230 N11 1600 S11 1930

1300 S12 1630 N11 2000 1330 N12 1700 S12 2030

1400 S13 1730 N12 2100 1430 N13 1800 S13 2130

1500 S14 1830 N13 2200 1530 N14 1900 S14 2230

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VD Bijl Park Clear water

Hammans- kraal

Hammans- kraal

Clear water

VD Bijlpark

Heidelburg Midrand Gautrain station

Moloto

Moloto Midrand Gautrain station

Heidelburg

1600 S15 1930 N14 2300 1630 N15 2000 S15 2330

1700 S16 2030 N15 2400 1730 N16 2100 S16 0030

1800 S17 2130 N16 0100 1830 N17 2200 S17 0130

1900 S18 2230 N17 0200 1930 N18 2300 S18 0230

2000 S19 2330 N18 0300 2030 N19 2400 S19 0330

2100 S20 0030 N19 0400 2130 N20 0100 S20 0430

2200 S21 0130 N20 0500 2230 N21 0200 S21 0530

2300 S22 0230 N21 0600 2330 N22 0300 S22 0630

2400 S23 0330 N22 0700 0030 N23 0400 S23 0730

0100 S24 0430 N23 0800 0130 N24 0500 S24 0830

0200 S1 0530 N24 0900 0230 N1 0600 S1 0930

The CSIR report also anticipated that the introduction of new formal public transport services

could lead to a negative response from existing minibus taxi operators. Under the heading

“Potential for conflict with taxi operators”, the report suggests that “some of the routes can be

set aside for operation by SMMEs, which in the medium term may involve taxi operators

leasing larger vehicles from private companies or with new recapitalised midi buses” (CSIR,

2001:76). This possibility was taken further in the Mashishi study, described below.

5.3.2 Mashishi

The reference to “midi buses” in the CSIR report calls to mind the study of Mashishi (2010)

entitled “The taxi recapitalisation programme: some perceptions of the taxi associations in

Temba”.

Unlike many previous studies of the minibus taxi industry, which have adopted a broad-brush

approach, Mashishi made use of a structured 47-question survey consisting of both

qualitative and quantitative questions, in order to canvas the opinions of taxi owners and

operators towards their industry, with particular reference to their knowledge of, and attitudes

towards, the Taxi Recapitalisation Programme (TRP). Bearing in mind that the TRP was first

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announced by the Government in 1999–eleven years previously–it is significant that a high

percentage of respondents had a limited knowledge and understanding of the objectives of

not only the TRP but also a general lack of knowledge of other policy documents such as the

Win-Win-Win (Department of Transport, 2006:1) strategy unveiled by Minister of Transport

in 2006. Although the study was limited to slightly less than 100 respondents, Mashishi made

the point that his broader contacts with the industry indicate similar sentiments countrywide.

Although much of Mashishi’s research falls outside the scope of this study, it is significant to

repeat the main recommendations of the 3WIN strategy here, as they have a bearing on the

conclusions of this study.

5.3.2.1 The WIN-WIN-WIN strategy

In its executive summary, the “WIN-WIN-WIN” document concedes that the public transport

sector in South Africa in 2006 was at a strategic crossroads. Over the next decade it will

either:

• remain a third class service for captive users and thus loses ridership to private cars –

an unsustainable future, or

• undergo a phased overhaul (between 2007 and 2020) to form an integrated mass rapid

network that is a viable, car competitive, mobility option for all citizens in a city or

district.

The 3WIN document recognises that much of the problem can be traced to the negative role

of transportation officials and consultants. Some of its observations are quoted below:

• It has been 10 years since the White Paper on National Transport Policy (1996)

committed Government to a thorough-going transformation of the land passenger

transport sector. For a variety of reasons, the promise to transform and upgrade public

transport, walking and cycling and to manage and control car use has not been

adequately implemented during this time.

• It is granted that the first important steps were taken in the late 1990s, but from a user

perspective, these have either proved to be complicated and slow: as in taxi

recapitalisation from 1999 to 2006, the establishment of only one (relatively under-

funded and hence ineffective) Transport Authority from 2001 to 2006, and the only

half-completed bus tendering system from 1998 to 2006 or have been ineffective and

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negligible, for example, public transport law enforcement, or have been contrary to

the spirit of policy – the roads authorities politely ignoring the 1998 call to manage

car use and to promote public over private transport.

In short, the transport policy and strategy of 1996 to 2006 has so far not been effectively

translated into practice.

The 3WIN strategy outlines a roadmap for public transport for the period 2007 to 2020, based

on a number of “critical building blocks”. Key elements of these building blocks include the

following:

• The establishment of transport authorities;

• Implementing city-wide public transport networks;

• Operating services 16 to 24 hours a day, 7 days a week;

• Introducing a “gross cost” contracting system which allows for through-ticketing;

• Including the minibus taxi industry in the “gross cost” contract system;

• Improving marketing, maps, timetables and image-building;

• Doubling the financial assistance to public transport from its existing R5 billion to

R10 billion.

All of these steps need to be underpinned by strong local public sector network control and

management which the 3WIN strategy concedes is “relatively weak” at present.

These findings and recommendations are taken further in the Public Transport Action Plan

(PTAP) and the National Passenger Rail Plan (NPRP) which also introduces the Bus Rapid

Transit concept. Finally, the NPRP also estimated a practical timeframe for implementation

and the increased subsidy costs of fully integrated and regulated road-based public transport

industry in 12 urban areas which include Johannesburg, Tshwane/Pretoria, eThekwini, Cape

Town, Ekurhuleni, Nelson Mandela, Buffalo City, Mangaung, Rustenburg, Polokwane,

Mbombela and Msunduzi.

As far as the taxi transformation framework is concerned, the 3WIN document suggests the

following:

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• Include the taxi industry into the public transport subsidy system. This means that

municipal and provincial network designs should move toward gross based contracts

in which taxis provide trunk and/or feeder services;

• That taxi operators provide network services to the transport authority in terms of a

formal performance contract;

• Employment retention in the transformed taxi industry; and

• The taxi fleet is integrated into the overall network plan or Integrated Rapid Public

Transport Network Plan.

One of Mashishi’s recommendations, based on actual experience of the route between

Hammanskraal and Polokwane, is that taxi operators should be given contracts to operate

scheduled services on routes where they would otherwise wait for an inordinately long time

to “fill up” before departing.

This recommendation is not new – it merely appears to be the first time that a specific

recommendation has been made relating to an actual route. It is worth repeating that the CSIR

recommended taxi contracts. Even more recently, the Johannesburg BRT planning documents

consider the advantages and disadvantages of minibus taxis operating as feeders to the BRT

authority, equipped with BRT ticketing machines and carrying both BRT passengers and

normal cash-paying passengers. While making no clear recommendations, the document

notes that the taxi-type vehicle is more suited to low-volume routes and can be used more

effectively where road quality is poor (CoJ 2010:Rea Vaya BRT Phase 1B planning:

Discussion document pages 18 to 24).

The significance of this proposal is that not only long distance routes like Hammanskraal to

Polokwane can be served by minibus taxi-type vehicles but also a multitude of potential

routes throughout the country serving low-density areas of both the “richer” and the “poorer”

variety.

This study therefore supports the view that both large and small vehicles be considered for

use on contract services. In view of the widespread recognition of the need to do this, both in

official policy documents as well as in academic research, the lack of substantial progress in

introducing the contract system among the presently informal sector can no longer be

excused.

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5.3.3 Mostert

The third study to be considered here is that of Mostert. Although it was carried out over 24

years ago, the subject has become relevant once again as a result of the oil price “spike” of

2008 as well as a renewed focus on energy-efficient and sustainable forms of transport. In the

advent of concerns about climate change, clean transport has become a priority, and emphasis

is now being placed on the need to investigate trolleybuses properly (Gilbert and Perl 2010:

312).

The Mostert study needs to be placed in historical perspective.

Around 1964/1965 the Johannesburg City Council announced long-term plans to close down

its trolleybus system by 1980. It is not clear why such long advance notice was given at the

time; one reason could be that most of the trolleybuses in the fleet at that time were still fairly

new. Ninety new trolleybuses had been delivered as recently as 1958 and still had many years

of service left in them. From that time onward, strong pressure was exerted by ratepayer and

commuter groups to retain the system, and indeed to expand it. Despite these objections, the

system was slowly “run down” during the next ten years or so, with buses and routes being

steadily withdrawn. The “oil crisis” of 1973 led to renewed pressure from the public,

however, and in 1979 the City Council, very reluctantly, invited tenders for new trolleybuses.

At that time, there were only about 50 trolleybuses still in service (out of a fleet of 165 in the

early sixties). Before a council decision was taken, however, central government became

involved and agreed to provide funding for a “demonstration project” involving seven new

trolleybuses, each one from a different manufacturer, for evaluation.

At that time, trolleybus supporters expressed misgivings about the project – no city anywhere

had ever ordered so many experimental trolleybuses simultaneously – and it was felt that

there would be many technical problems which could have been avoided merely by buying

new vehicles “off the shelf” as far as possible. These misgivings turned out to be prophetic —

the project commenced in August 1982 and continued until January 1986, by which time the

DoT had published a report (in mid-1985) discrediting the trolleybus on the grounds that it

was more expensive to operate than diesel buses.

One of the chapters of the Mostert study consisted of an analysis and rebuttal of the DoT

report. The study found that the cost of maintenance of overhead wires had been overstated,

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that the passenger-carrying capacity of the trolleybuses had been understated and that the life

expectancy of trolleybuses had also been understated. The Mostert study provided a detailed

financial analysis of trolleybuses at that time, suggesting that above certain levels of

passenger flow, their use could be justified.

With hindsight, the failure to investigate trolleybuses properly might be forgiven, as the

country was then going through a period of political uncertainty. The transport sector was

experiencing an explosion in minibus taxi operations which were undermining the passenger

base of the formal transport sector. Any attempt to introduce a capital-intensive mode in

circumstances where the “free market” was being allowed to flourish would probably have

been foolhardy.

Today, circumstances have changed, and this study recommends that the feasibility of electric

trolleybuses be revisited as a matter of urgency, as the subject does not seem to have been

given proper attention by the authorities. Indeed, Gilbert and Perl propose the use of “tens of

thousands” of electric trolleybuses as part of the new approach towards transport in an

energy-constrained world (Gilbert and Perl 2010:312).

5.3.4 Tiawoun

The findings of the Mostert study, recommending the use of trolleybuses under certain

circumstances, were taken further in a dissertation by Y-B Tiawoun entitled “Public transport

in developing countries: a possible role for the duo-bus?” for which an M Com was awarded

by RAU in 2000 (the term “duo-bus” in this context refers to an electric trolleybus which is

also equipped with a diesel engine for either emergency use or for extending electrified bus

routes into developing areas without the prior need to put up overhead lines). The concept

was already in limited use at the time of the Mostert study, and is currently in use in many of

the 350 or so cities that operate trolleybuses worldwide (most trolleybuses being supplied

today are fitted with auxiliary power, either in the form of batteries or petrol/diesel generators

for low-speed emergency use. The duo-bus however is fitted with a full-size diesel engine to

allow higher speeds).

One of the themes of the Tiawoun study, as its title suggests, was the need to adapt transport

systems to take the financial constraints of developing countries into account. Since South

Africa exhibits many features of a developing country (which has been a major focus area of

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this study), this study will refer to the Tiawoun study in some detail, and will suggest that

some of Tiawoun’s recommendations be brought up to date. As in the case of Wentzel, the

Tiawoun study referred to the Moving South Africa report of 1998 which had postulated that

by 2020, urban customers would be “able to participate fully in the various activities of city

life, by using a public transport network that provides as much city-wide coverage as possible

and which is affordable, safe, secure, fast and frequent” (Tiawoun:2000).

This would be achieved by having a network of high volume, high frequency corridors.

Improved access would be achieved by having regular feeder services to the high volume

corridors, user-friendly transfer facilities and short wait times. Tiawoun quoted the MSA

report as saying that “the corridor approach is appropriate for the typical South African city

with its distant high-density townships, low density suburbs and the decentralisation of

business development to satellite nodes”.

Tiawoun noted that the MSA had examined the potential benefits of densification along the

Shoshanguve-Pretoria corridor. The reference to corridors was significant in the context of

Tiawoun’s study (as well as this one) in that it recommended that another look should be

taken at moderately capital-intensive forms of transport (such as trolleybuses and light rail)

which had, up until that time, been placed “on hold” while the minibus taxi industry held

sway.

Tiawoun’s study therefore included several references to busways as a potential application

of the corridor concept. The dissertation included an appendix describing the Quito (Ecuador)

busway which had opened in 1995, using duo-buses of the type described above. Based on

the success of this system which at that time carried about 150 000 passengers a day, together

with the fact that the Mostert study had questioned the anti-trolleybus findings of 1985,

Tiawoun proposed that duo-buses be considered for South African corridors. He specifically

mentioned five potential corridors (not necessarily busways) in the Johannesburg area on

which potential passenger flows might justify electrification. They are repeated here because,

although Tiawoun’s dissertation pre-dated the Johannesburg BRT proposals by several years,

the first one on his list is now the BRT trunk route while the next three form part of BRT

future planning:

• The Baralink proposals;

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• DF Malan drive (now Beyers Naude Drive);

• Ontdekkers Road;

• Oxford Road;

• Heidelberg Road.

Tiawoun also proposed that certain rail routes be considered for operation by duo-buses,

specifically naming the Germiston-Alberton and the Dunswart-Daveyton services. The reason

for these suggestions was that both of these lines terminated on the fringe of the residential

areas and passengers either had to transfer to minibus taxis, or had to walk long distances to

complete their journeys. Duo-buses would be able to make use of the existing electrical

infrastructure as well as reaching deeper into the areas concerned by way of the road network.

In 2006, the Alberton line was closed altogether.

The Tiawoun study is of relevance to this dissertation, in that the financial constraints now

being experienced, not only in South Africa but in all countries throughout the world, should

place fresh emphasis on those forms of transport that have the ability to move large numbers

of people effectively at the lowest cost and in the most environment-friendly way. Since the

trolleybus/duo-bus concept falls between the diesel bus and light rail in the hierarchy of

modes in terms of passenger capacity and initial cost, it deserves to be considered by the

South African authorities as a potential mode in situations where high capacity is required. In

South Africa, however, the authorities and “consultants” have repeatedly failed to consider

the trolleybus/duo-bus option. One example of a high-capacity project which should be

considered for trolley/duo-bus operation is the Moloto corridor. This study will suggest that a

detailed costing exercise be carried out into the use of electric trolleybuses on this route as an

alternative to the heavy rail/high speed rail options that have been considered so far. The

Moloto corridor saga has been a contentious issue for many years as it handles hundreds of

buses carrying passengers long distances (between 50 and 80 km in one direction) every day

into the Pretoria area and back. A feasibility study (http://www.iol.co.za/news/south-

africa/moloto-rail-corridor-gets-the-nod-1.392135, accessed 12 December 2010) was carried

out some time ago that recommended a heavy rail line is built to serve the area. Further

progress with this project appears to be on hold at present, however. Replying to a question in

Parliament in April 2010, the Minister of Transport said

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Cabinet approved, in principle, the Moloto Rail Corridor Development Initiative

following the consideration of the feasibility study that had been conducted.

However, in the light of the economic recession and because of fiscal constraints, it

was not possible to proceed with the implementation of the Project

(www.pmg.org.za/node/21337, accessed 22 Nov 2010).

The significance of this development is that, in view of “fiscal constraints”, some

consideration should be given to introducing a lower-cost mode of high-capacity transport on

this corridor. Although no detailed costings have been done in this study, an extrapolation of

costs mentioned by Tiawoun would indicate that an electric trolleybus service on this corridor

would be considerably cheaper to implement than a rail service. On a full life-cycle basis,

such a proposal may prove to be even less costly than the existing diesel bus service, which

presumably will have to continue to operate by default, in the absence of any other

constructive proposals.

The improvement in quality of service is another benefit of the proposal, as electric

trolleybuses have usually proved to be more attractive to passengers than diesel buses. While

possibly not as attractive to passengers as a rail service, the bus option can substantially

reduce the need for transfers at both ends of the route as the vehicles can make use of any

suitable road.

An interesting point, made in passing, is that during the final stages of Tiawoun’s research,

the then premier of Gauteng, Mr M Shilowa, announced the plan to build a high-speed

railway line to link Johannesburg with Pretoria. Tiawoun stated that “this announcement

comes as a surprise to the author (Tiawoun), since at no stage in his discussions with

government officials during the writing of this dissertation was any mention made of a plan

of this nature” (Tiawoun: 2000).

This comment underlines the tendency to carry out ad hoc public transport planning and

implementation in South Africa. While the high-speed line may be of benefit to a segment of

the car-using community, there is no evidence as yet of its potential benefit to the poorer

component of the “transport deprived” group.

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5.3.5 Electric trolleybuses – some final points

Two of the studies mentioned in the section above dealt with electric trolleybuses or their

derivative – the duo-bus. However, their cost information has become out-of-date and should

be revisited.

This study has already referred to a number of capital-intensive public transport projects that

have been undertaken by governments or local authorities through the world that have been

less than successful in terms of cost overruns or have enjoyed less than optimal response

from the travelling public. Serious financial constraints are now being experienced world-

wide. Coupled with looming energy and environmental problems, it is becoming imperative

for the authorities to properly investigate those modes of transport that can make an effective,

yet low-cost contribution to the problem. This study therefore urges that up-to-date

information be obtained and that a proper study of trolleybuses/duo-buses be undertaken in

South Africa.

Obviously this is not the only approach. This study has already emphasised that the problem

of social exclusion must be addressed in a comprehensive way. All the research examined so

far, whether from India, South America or Europe, confirms that a combination of measures

will be necessary. At the lower end of the scale, this may require the use of a small taxi-bus-

type vehicle (15 passengers) operating over unmade roads to serve an informal settlement or

a remote rural area, linking a specific community to the nearest rail station or village where

transfers can be made to other destinations. Further up the scale, larger (diesel) buses can run

on normal streets as part of a wider network of routes. At the top end, even larger diesel or

electric trolleybuses can combine with light and heavy rail, using reserved busways or other

types of priority measures, all as part of an integrated network.

None of the above options or scenarios will be completely successful, however, unless they

form part of a comprehensive transport plan. As stated above, previous studies into public

transport have tended to focus on narrow unit-cost differences or technical considerations

such as passenger capacity, engine power, and so on. Environmental and sustainability issues

are now moving toward centre stage, coupled with worldwide financial constraints that are

placing new emphasis on the need to obtain value for money.

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It is therefore appropriate to revisit the possible role of electric trolleybuses as they are a

well-known, established form of grid-connected (i.e. overhead wires) electric transport. They

should be comparatively easy to re-introduce and can handle the large number of passengers

that can be expected to make use of corridors that will become necessary in the larger cities

in the world, whether in developed or developing countries.

A brief review of the latest position regarding trolleybuses worldwide at the present time

shows that, although there is still anti-trolleybus prejudice in certain quarters, there is a

growing interest in their role as a major form of transport in the future. This study will briefly

refer to four parts of the world and their attitudes towards the mode. They are:

• United Kingdom (UK)

• Central Europe

• Mongolia

• New Zealand

5.3.5.1 United Kingdom

The United Kingdom (UK) was once a world leader in trolleybus operations, with about 40

cities using them during the period immediately following the Second World War. In the

early 1950s, the London fleet was the largest in the world, with over 1 750 trolleybuses in

service. The four South African trolleybus operators (Cape Town, Durban, Johannesburg and

Pretoria) closely followed British practice, mainly buying fully-imported British vehicles.

During the 1960s, however, most UK systems closed – the last being Bradford which closed

in 1972. South Africa followed suit – three systems closed between 1964 and 1972 with

Johannesburg closing in 1986, as explained above. During the 1980s, the UK briefly “flirted”

with reintroducing them; an experimental trolley bus was built in 1986 and was tested on a

demonstration line in Doncaster but nothing came of the project (the bus currently resides in

a museum). Despite this, pressure groups in the UK have kept the issue alive and maintain

websites promoting the concept and keeping the UK government informed of latest

developments. The failure to reintroduce trolleybuses in the UK can be attributed mainly to

the deregulation of public transport in that country during the 1980s. This, as with the SA taxi

industry, undermined the corridor concept and diluted the higher passenger levels on any

specific route that would justify trolleybuses. This has not, however, prevented the UK from

introducing a number of light rail schemes in London, Sheffield, Manchester and

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Nottingham. These schemes have been questioned by academics, however, mainly on the

basis of their higher cost. Speaking at a colloquium at University College, London on 29th

May 2002, Professor Robert Cochrane concluded that “trolleybuses could provide most of the

capacity and environmental benefits of light rail with less disruption and intrusion and at

lower capital costs”. He referred to them as “the economist’s tram”.6

Since the London system is unique in the UK in that its public transport has not been as fully

deregulated as other UK cities, it is felt that London offers the best opportunities to take

advantage of the concept in the short term. However, the management of London Transport

does not regard the trolley bus as “cost effective” at this stage.

A proposed trolleybus corridor project for Leeds has also been approved in principle but due

to the wide-ranging budget cuts in the UK, the dates for its implementation have currently

been placed on hold (www.citytransport.info/Electbus.htm, accessed 10 Dec 2010).

5.3.5.2 Europe

In Europe about 60 cities use trolleybuses. Most have renewed their fleets in recent years, the

most notable being Athens which replaced about 300 old trolleybuses with new ones as part

of their hosting of the 2004 Olympic Games. Rome also re-introduced them in 2005 (having

previously closed its system in 1972) and is now expanding the network, using buses fitted

with batteries that are brought into use on some sections where the overhead wires are

regarded as unsightly.

Despite these developments, attitudes towards trolley buses remain negative in many cities.

“Trolleybuses have to struggle with a few prejudices like ‘obsolete, non-efficient, inflexible’

among opinion leaders, politicians and passengers in Europe”. This quote is taken from the

website of the EU Trolley Project, the name given to a group of trolleybus operators and

academics in Central Europe. They have formed a coalition under the auspices of the

European Union, to counteract the misconceptions about trolleybuses. The members of the

project are the cities of Brno, Eberswalde, Gdynia, Leipzig, Parma, Salzburg, Szeged and the

University of Gdansk in Poland. The project was launched at a city-industry summit held in

Parma on 21 October 2010 (www.trolley-project.eu, accessed 10 Dec 2010).

6 The Transport Economist. Journal of the Transport Economics Group. Volume 3 Autumn 2002 Page 11.

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The project recognises the following policy challenges: climate change, oil dependency,

noise and (significantly from the point of view of this study) demographic change (car

dependency) and urban areas suffering from congestion and low environmental quality.

The project then lists the qualities of trolleybuses including, among others, lower energy

consumption, lower infrastructure costs compared to trams and light/heavy rail and “wires

mean visibility” that gives a sense of security to the community and helps to attract

passengers.

The objectives of the project are to deliver transferable strategies for implementation of

trolleybus systems, developing innovative ways of promoting trolleybus systems as an

environmentally friendly mode and thereby reshaping and updating the image of trolleybuses

in Central Europe.

The project has two specific aims – these are (1) to optimise energy use both on the vehicle

and in the energy network itself by recovering energy on board and off board, converting

regular diesel buses into trolleybuses and management of new energy networks and (2) to

increase the efficiency of public transport by redesigning and extending existing trolleybus

systems and/or preparation of new trolleybus networks.

The project has a number of interesting core outputs. These include:

• A transnational manual on advanced energy storage (super capacitors in the buses

themselves) in Parma. Test results are awaited in 2012.

• A network based (substations) energy storage scheme in Eberswalde. Results are also

awaited in 2012. This will allow comparisons between the two approaches.

• A handbook on detailed diesel bus to trolleybus conversion principles (Gdynia,

among several other cities has already converted many diesel buses to trolleybuses).

• A reference guide on joint tram and trolleybus networks (mainly combined power

supply measures).

• A transnational take-up guide on diesel bus replacement.

• A “joint trolleybus declaration” to reshape the image of trolleybuses by improving co-

operation between trolleybus stakeholders and establishing a Central European

trolleybus knowledge office.

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All of the above would be encapsulated in e-learning modules. Presumably this will be the

role of the University of Gdansk.

Although the above developments relate to Central Europe, this study suggests that the social

and environmental issues confronting South Africa are not substantially different to those of

the cities taking part in this project and that similar research is urgently necessary in this

country to encourage the implementation of transport projects that represent value for money

using cost-effective modes

(www.trolleyproject.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/download/TROLLEY_Introduction_SAG.pdf,

accessed 6 Dec 2010).

5.3.5.3 Mongolia

While searching the internet for up-to-date references to electric trolleybuses, the author

came across a trolleybus expansion project in a remote part of the world, namely Ulaanbaatar,

the capital of Mongolia. Previously known as Ulan Bator, the city already operates

trolleybuses but the system has declined in recent years. The European Bank for

Reconstruction and Development is considering extending a loan of up to 10 million Euros to

partly finance the Ulaanbaatar Trolleybus project. The reasons for the project are that:

The city has to date received extensive financial support from Japan to finance water supply

improvements and public transportation is now the highest priority for two reasons: traffic

has become congested and Ulaanbaatar’s air is polluted by charcoal burned for heat plus

growing traffic emissions. To address these issues the city has banned charcoal burning and is

reducing traffic congestion and fuel emissions by improving public transportation,

particularly trolleybus capacity. (www.devex.com/en/projects/ulaanbaatar-trolleybus-

/in/mongolia-feasibility-study, accessed 6 Dec 2010).

The project will consist of two phases – phase one will focus on the purchase of 22 standard

size trolleybuses, replacement and upgrading of the substations and power supply,

rehabilitation of the depot and preparation of a public transport regulatory reform

programme.

Phase two will involve the purchase of an unspecified number of trolleybuses for the first

TRTS line (presumably an acronym for a Bus Rapid Transit project). There will be a 12,6 km

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segregated trolleybus lane, accompanied by related roadworks, electronic ticketing and fleet

dispatch system

(www.devex.com/en/projects/ulaanbaatar-trolleybus-/in/mongolia-feasibility-study, accessed

6 Dec 2010).

All of the above underscores the need for South Africa, a developing country with major

problems in terms of carbon emissions, inadequate public transport, escalating fuel costs,

large amounts of social exclusion and a pressing need to upgrade all forms of public transport

in the most effective way and at the lowest long-term cost, to properly investigate the use of

electric trolleybuses/duo-buses.

5.3.5.4 New Zealand

Early in 2010, the Dunedin City Council commissioned consultants to prepare a report on

“how the council’s sustainability objectives can be achieved while addressing the issue of

declining world oil supply and high fuel price”. The report was presented to Council in

December 2010, entitled “Peak Oil Vulnerability Assessment for Dunedin”

(www.dunedin.govt.nz/_data/assets/pdf_file/0008/159857/Peak-Oil-Report-Dec-2010.pdf,

Dunedin City Council 2010, accessed 7 Dec 2010).

Of primary interest within the context of this study is Chapter 5 of the report entitled “Long

term changes in Dunedin communities and sectors”. The chapter calls for an increase in the

housing density in the central city area and refers to “apartment developments that cater to a

range of income levels”. This would facilitate reduced fuel demand. Further away from the

CBD, “the development of well-designed highly attractive and amenable integrated shopping,

education, service and medical facilities within the suburbs could create urban village centres

surrounded by feeder residential areas within biking and walking distance or on bus routes”.

These “village centres” would become even more attractive as transport costs rise as they

would be able to start competing better with the convenience and prices of large box stores

and supermarkets.

The Dunedin report also suggests that the reintroduction of electric trolleybuses over 50 km

of routes be considered by the Council. The report gives four reasons for this:

• trolleybuses can be built in New Zealand, Wellington having recently bought 59

locally-built new ones;

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• the “current bus system requires a major reorganisation and public relations boost”;

• electric public transport would be insulated from future peak oil vulnerability; and

• the route design “could be part of a master plan for village centres and active mode

infrastructure. The routes could also be designed to connect lower cost housing areas

with the university and employment centres, thus increasing the resilience of low

income workers to fuel price spikes”. These sentiments coincide almost exactly with

those expressed earlier in this study, namely that transport deprivation affects both

rich and poor and that transport improvements may of necessity have to be introduced

on a “blanket “ basis because different social groups often live in close proximity to

each other.

Space and time do not permit a more thorough analysis of this document, which in the

opinion of the author could become a benchmark report for other cities throughout the world.

It envisions an “integrated urban villages scenario” where the transport network connects the

village centres with each other and with the central city. “In this case nearly all households in

Dunedin would be within walking or biking distance of a major bus hub. This scenario also

envisions bicycle parking available at the urban village bus hub, and nearby cafes and shops

in a pedestrian zone around the hub”. Although beyond the scope of this study, the report

suggests that “the late night runs of the electric trolleybuses (could) move goods to the

vendors in the urban villages”.

The four places discussed above may be geographically widespread, but a common theme

running through all of them is a growing awareness of the need to implement more

appropriate measures to improve public transport in a world that is expected to become more

energy-constrained in the near future. As Africa is the only continent not using trolleybuses,

South Africa could show some leadership in Africa by staying abreast of developments in this

field. SA could in fact become a world leader by operating the longest trolleybus route in the

world, Moloto, exceeding the length of the present 88 km trolleybus route between

Simferopol and Yalta, in the Ukraine.

5.4 CONCLUSION

This chapter has discussed a number of proposals to address social exclusion due to a lack of

adequate transport.

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It commenced by proposing transit villages, which would reduce the need to travel, because

people will be living right on the door step of a public transport interchange.

It continued by suggesting easily implementable, comparatively low-cost formal public

transport services to communities of all social backgrounds, but with emphasis on those who

are excluded from the mainstream of society. Such low cost transport options are also being

mooted in the face of a global recession, high oil prices and government’s declining ability to

raise funds for large capital projects.

These options encompass a range of possibilities. At the lowest end, the improvement could

take the form of a minibus taxi type of vehicle operating five or six times a day under

contract through a rural area. As we move up the scale, larger vehicles will be involved.

Frequency of operation will improve. Additional services will be introduced in higher-density

areas. Further up the scale, priority measures for vehicles may be provided, such as bus lanes.

Through-ticketing systems may be introduced. More capital-intensive modes, such as

trolleybuses may be used.

None of the above involves “reinventing the wheel” however. All of it is based on the

implementation of existing research, recommendations, government policies and strategies.

No new, untried technology is involved either. All these proposals merely suggest that

initially services should operate over a longer period each day, on all days and should service

more communities which are presently poorly served or completely unserved. The proposed

routes will link townships and suburbs with main activity centres and increase citizens’

chances to reach important centres such as hospitals, churches and learning institutions.

This chapter referred to four research studies carried at out the University of Johannesburg

over a period from 1986 to 2010. This research has drawn attention to four main issues:

• The need for integrated, formal public transport services linking all the different parts

of Gauteng Province. These services must be consistent in terms of frequencies, days

of operation, number of trips per day and fare levels.

• The use of low cost energy efficient modes such as electric trolley buses, which have

not been researched properly by the authorities.

• The need to include the existing informal minibus taxi industry in a harmonised

regional network through the gross contract system.

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• The need to introduce public transport projects that provide better value for money

than has been the case so far.

All of the above options or scenarios should be part of a comprehensive plan to combat social

exclusion and to start creating an integrated network of basic, affordable public transport in

Gauteng and in South Africa. Environmental and sustainability issues are now moving

toward centre stage, coupled with worldwide financial constraints that are placing new

emphasis on the need to obtain value for money.

The final chapter summarises the thesis, reviews its findings, draws conclusions and makes

recommendations that will hopefully be implemented for the benefit of the country.

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CHAPTER SIX: SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

6.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter summarises the thesis, draws conclusions in respect of the study objectives and

makes appropriate recommendations in respect of the theme of the thesis.

There has been very little academic research and analysis in South Africa on the connection

between socio-economic characteristics of local communities and their transport needs.

International research into the relationships between transport and social exclusion in urban

areas has emerged in the late 1990s in response to concerns about increasing spatial isolation

of social disadvantage in developed European, American and Australian cities. This

dissertation has attempted to localise the effects of social exclusion on transport in the South

African context. It identified and articulated the transport problems that socially

disadvantaged people experience on a daily basis and demonstrated how this affects their

livelihoods. This research made practical recommendations for the provision of seamless

transport services that will promote social cohesion in both rich and poor South African

communities.

The previous chapter outlined a parcel of solutions that range from building a liveable city

with vibrant walking infrastructure to transport oriented villages. This chapter summarises the

main findings of the preceding chapters in the context of the theme of the study. The main

objectives of the study are repeated and the manner in which the objectives have been

achieved in the context of the study are emphasised.

6.2 THE MAIN OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The key aim of this study was to analyse the extent and diversity of social exclusion and

transport. The study has five main objectives, as follows:

1. To investigate the causal connections between social exclusion and transport; to

identify where and how transportation related exclusion is occurring and to address

this through locally based initiatives; to contextually explore the affected groups’ own

perceptions of their local transport system and how “travel poverty” affects their

everyday lives; to build upon the statistical evidence of transport disadvantage and

related social exclusion in the NHTS to identify the transport and accessibility

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concerns of people living on low incomes and at the margins of economic

participation, in different geographical/spatial contexts and in different life stages.

2. To use the evidence of the focus groups in Tshwane to identify from the participants’

own perspectives and lived experiences:

i. If and in what physical and social circumstances people experience transport

and accessibility problems;

ii. the types of problems they experience, the causes of such problems;

iii. who is most affected, when and how;

iv. the outcome of such problems in terms of their physical and mental well-

being, and economic and social activities.

3. To give examples of overseas experience (such as India).

4. To assess the ways in which public transport and other factors such as housing can

reduce social exclusion.

5. To propose a range of measures to encourage better transport among excluded groups.

The methodology was to review literature pertaining to the definitions and nature of social

exclusion, from the theoretical to the ideological to practical and descriptive. The South

African NHTS (DOT, 2005) was also analysed in order to identify:

• The characteristics of transport disadvantaged people; and

• The demographic and geographical factors that may contribute to transport

disadvantage.

Chapter 2 provided an overview of the literature dealing with transport related social

exclusion, associated definitions and how it has been used in first world countries from where

it originated. The term social exclusion was first coined by Rene Lenoir and his definition

included a wide variety of people, not only the poor, but also handicapped, suicidal people,

the aged, abused children and substance abusers among others. The term evolved throughout

Europe and was used to pad up definitions such as poverty, deprivation and inequality and to

explain that exclusion may happen at any level of society. The concept focused more on

social relations, the processes and institutions that underlie them which were part and parcel

of deprivation.

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There are no readymade definitions to measure the link between transport disadvantage,

social exclusion and poverty in South Africa. Therefore the analysis in this dissertation was

founded on international practice and broad based consultation with experts in the South

African research arena.

Although the term “previously disadvantaged” is used extensively, the term “social

exclusion” has only recently started to be recognised in South Africa. According to the South

African Race Relations Journal (2001) “exclusion is a result of physical social or economic

conditions, or because they are not politically recognized in the cities in which they live,

prevents certain groups of people from participating in city life and activities”. They further

reveal that exclusion is exacerbated by an unresponsive government and that exclusion

creates and reinforces poverty in urban society.

Another specialist, Professor Fourie (2007), reckons social exclusion is often linked to

poverty, but involves more. Her list includes problems like poor health, discrimination, poor

housing and even access to information. Although exclusion can affect everyone, some

people are more at risk such as the disabled, the aged and the young.

Although Professor Fourie linked social exclusion strongly to poverty, one should take care

to clarify this term to avoid confusion. Also the link of social exclusion to transport will

dictate that more is actually involved.

Academic research on the links between social exclusion and transport disadvantage in the

South African context has been initiated in the last couple of years. Evidence from the

National Household survey and other qualitative surveys show that there is a strong link

between the two. The NHTS (DOT, 2005) highlighted that the majority of households in the

lowest income quintile spent 63% of their household income on public transport while

recognising that these low income population groups account for just under half of the total

population. The NHTS also identified that the majority of poorer households experience

extremely poor access to private vehicles and public transport services. On average, only

26% of all households had access to a car, more than 75% had no access to a train station and

nearly 40% did not have access to a bus service.

However the dissertation concluded overall that transport disadvantage is a combination of

spatial, temporal and other factors listed and involves disadvantaged areas as well as

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disadvantaged groups of people. Many scholars confess that there is no widely accepted

standard to identify the socially disadvantaged and that it is the responsibility of each

community to develop its own standards. Litman (2003:7) identified groups of people that

may experience severe social exclusion, they are:

• Households that do not own a car (sometimes called zero-vehicle households);

• People who do not have a driver’s license;

• People with significant physical or mental disabilities;

• Low-income households;

• People who are unemployed or underemployed;

• People on social grants and other programs to help disadvantaged groups;

• People too young or too old to drive;

• Recent immigrants from developing countries, who tend to face language barriers,

social isolation, poverty, unemployment, and low rates of vehicle ownership and

drivers’ licensing.

Chapter 3 explored the Tshwane focus group interviews and an analysis of the raw data to

gain deeper insights into the specific problems experienced by households. It set out the

findings of the focus group analysis. For many of the people who participated in the focus

groups, life is about basic survival. Many struggle to put food on the table and to provide a

roof over their heads. Unemployment levels are high amongst the working age population but

the absence of an adequate benefits system means that young people and children as well as

the elderly must also seek work. From these first comments, it may appear as if transport is

not a burden. However without being prompted, people began discussing how poor transport

affects their lives. What is important to note is that the lack of transport and other forms of

deprivation are not mutually exclusive.

Across the board, the participants described transport as very expensive relative to their

incomes. Some give up work because they cannot afford to work as transport costs are higher

than their earnings. A single journey from areas such as Shoshanguve is currently between

R16 and R20 (in 2010 values) for an average trip to central Pretoria. People working in the

city have no choice but to pay this fare because they cannot afford to live in the inner urban

areas, but the expense of transport is so great that they feel that it would be cheaper to live in

the township if they could find a place because at least then they could walk or use a train. In

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this context, finding ways to subsidise transport for some low income groups is a necessary

step in raising their ability to use transport services to access vital life chance opportunities.

There is also the effect on the daily lives of people. Many do not visit their friends and family

as frequently as they would like to because transport is too expensive.

The most important places people in the focus groups identified as lacking in their

neighbourhoods were clinics, shops, police stations, schools and access to jobs. This means

that they must travel if they wish to reach health clinics, schools, libraries, shops, community

centres, recreational facilities and parks.

They all want and need cheaper transport (especially for the unemployed and pensioners).

More buses and trains are needed or indeed a better improved public transport network. One

issue continuously raised was increased off-peak and weekend buses. Also requests were

made for more policing on trains and at stations and more time to embark and disembark. In

general, there should be safer taxis, no more unlicensed and drunk drivers, speeding and

unroadworthy vehicles. A dominant factor is for politicians to rethink the elevation of

transport for disabled people.

Energy issues and oil dependence: Another important factor impacting on social cohesion and

the ongoing upward trend in car ownership and use is the link to oil dependence. South

Africa is as vulnerable to oil crises as the rest of the world. The households’ use of fuel does

not necessarily “drive” the economy but should rather be seen as a drain on household

finances and as a contributor to an adverse balance of payments. Any rise in the price of fuel

will mean an increase in the transport costs of both subsidised and unsubsidised modes of

transport whether buses or taxis. These developments pose a danger not only to the large

number of socially excluded, vulnerable households in South Africa but also to the affluent.

According to Gilbert and Perl (2010:3) even “car-dependent suburban residents who can no

longer afford to refuel their cars, and have no alternative means to travel to work or buy

essential goods, will have to abandon their homes or live at a subsistence level on what they

can produce from their backyards”. Some may regard these views as alarmist, but if the

countries of the world, including South Africa, do not produce plans to counterbalance these

scenarios, we may find ourselves in a state of economic and social collapse. Another area is

to move away from transport-intensive stage of economic development into a new service

economy, based on technologies which are less vehicle-dependent. Chapter five

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recommended a comprehensive public transport system as a remedy. As 86% of energy is

used for road transport and 11% for aviation, the biggest energy saving potential is in road

transport and in particular bus, minibus taxi and duo-buses. Now is the opportune time for

change whilst the country is busy implementing its BRT systems. Further rollout of BRT and

other mass transport systems should consider the most appropriate interventions that will

meet the objective of creating low-carbon economy.

All these elements pose a moral challenge to all South Africans – to work together towards

the economic and social integration of the poorer section of our fellow citizens. This will

require a more efficient application of all existing resources. The purpose of this dissertation

is therefore to emphasise the need to obtain value for money initially, taking the severe

financial constraints currently being experienced, into account.

One of the findings of Chapter 3 was that the City of Tshwane Public Transport Plan was

deficient in two aspects:

i. It is silent on how land use and transport planning will merge to provide

interconnected and circular transport services to masses of people who are currently

not part of the formal network.

ii. It fails to address the need for oil dependency to be reduced so that public transport is

more affordable to low income communities who are mostly reliant on the minibus

taxi services.

iii. A further finding was that certain key performance indicators set for Tshwane in

Gauteng have not been met.

Chapter four gave examples of five Indian cities which provided examples of ambitious

plans to improve public transport in their areas. Indian and South African cities experience

dual economies with widespread inequalities and populations with significant proportions of

the populations living in poverty. India is also similar to South Africa in that it is in the same

stages of economic development where the mass population is poor and largely underserviced

by public transport.

India’s drive to improve mobility was based on a National Urban Policy and has been

strongly driven toward implementation by the Indian government. India, unlike countries in

North America, Australia, Europe and Australia did not conduct specialised programs to

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address social exclusion. The conclusion drawn here is that Indian cities with dual economies

face global challenges coupled with a need to increase mobility for the largely poor

proportion of the population. However governments of these cities are under pressure to

motorise at a large social risk to the socially excluded. This policy vision in fact has led to an

increase in vehicular traffic.

These developments are also unsustainable because these countries build their policies

around a dependency on oil-derived fuels (Dimitriou, 2009:24).

India’s transport sector is large and diverse. In 2007 the sector contributed about 5.5% to the

nation’s GDP, with road transportation contributing the major share. Since the 1990s, India’s

growing economy has witnessed a rise in the demand for transport infrastructure and services.

However the sector was not able to keep pace with the rising demand and is proving to be a

drag on the economy.

Although the three mega cities, Chennai, Mumbai and Delhi, have rail-based mass transit

routes, these systems are uncoordinated, of poor quality, offer limited coverage and have

contributed to inadequate public transport supply.

The majority of people in India’s cities are forced to walk or use non motorised transport, but

their mobility needs are more than often ignored. There is a predominance of two-wheelers

and other major polluting vehicles. Combined with major safety concerns, this actually leads

to increased social hardship and exposes the poor to even greater levels of deprivation,

injuries and pollution.

This chapter also discussed developments in the bus service in Melbourne, Australia. In 2006

the Victorian government released a new service package to address its mass transit and

social transit agenda. In addressing its mass transit agenda, the upgraded higher frequency

long-span premium trunk “Smartbus” routes have been introduced with a patronage growth

that exceeded expectations.

Smartbus is a premium bus service that has been designed to complement Melbourne’s radial

train network, by providing “cross-town” connections along major arterial roads to train

stations, tram lines, schools, universities, hospitals, shopping centres and other activity

centres. The services run more often and for longer hours than most bus services. They are

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also more reliable because of a combination of road priority works and the use of smart

technology.

One of the routes is Route 901 (Frankston to Melbourne Airport). Smartbus Route 901

services were introduced on 24 March 2008 to provide a cross-town connection from

Frankston to Ringwood via Dandenong. On 26 September 2010, Route 901 was extended to

Melbourne Airport via Blackburn, Greensborough, South Morang, Epping, Roxburgh Park

and Broadmeadows. The 115 kilometre route connects with nine railway stations and more

than 100 local bus services.

One of chapter four’s conclusions is that “single” large-scale projects do not perform

optimally unless they are integrated into a broader public transport network. This has

implications for both the Gautrain and BRT, both of which are stand-alone projects.

Chapter five presented ideas on how to address social exclusion due to a lack of adequate

transport. In correlation with the main theme of this dissertation, it suggested easily

implementable, low-cost formal public transport services to communities of all social

backgrounds, but with emphasis on those who are excluded from the mainstream of society.

Such low cost transport options are also being mooted in the face of a global recession, high

oil prices and government’s declining ability to raise funds for large capital projects.

These options encompass a range of possibilities, ranging from minibus taxis to larger

vehicles operating on better frequencies. Further up the scale, priority measures for vehicles

may be provided, such as bus lanes. Through-ticketing systems may be introduced. More

capital-intensive modes, such as trolleybuses and light rail may be used.

None of the above involves “reinventing the wheel” however. All of it is based on the

implementation of existing research, recommendations, government policies and strategies.

No new, untried technology is involved either. All these proposals merely suggest that,

initially, services should operate over a longer period each day, on all days and should service

more communities which are presently poorly served or completely unserved. The proposed

routes will link townships and suburbs with main activity centres and increase citizens

chances to reach important centres such as hospitals, churches and learning institutions.

147

Mention was made of how community involvement is essential to make public transport

work. Doing so will increase sustainable and liveable communities. The scenario is taken

further by proposing transit villages. Transit villages will reduce the need to travel, because

people will be living right on the door step of a public transport interchange.

This chapter referred to four research studies carried out at the University of Johannesburg

over a period from 1986 to 2010. This research has drawn attention to four main issues:

• The need for integrated, formal public transport services linking all the different parts

of Gauteng Province. These services must be consistent in terms of frequencies, days

of operation, number of trips per day and fare levels.

• The use of low cost energy efficient modes such as electric trolley buses, which have

not been researched properly by the authorities.

• The need to include the existing informal minibus taxi industry in a harmonised

regional network through the gross contract system.

• The need to introduce public transport projects that provide better value for money

than has been the case so far.

The chapter suggested that long routes, similar to Melbourne’s route 901 should be

introduced in South Africa. Two examples of such routes in Gauteng are, firstly, one that

links Moloto with Heidelburg and secondly one that links Hammanskraal with

Vanderbijlpark. Such routes could be operated by a combination of buses and minibus taxi-

type vehicles operating on contract along certain portions of the route or at certain times

when passenger levels are lower. Both of these routes link rich and poor areas, connect with

main activity centres such as schools and hospitals and connect with rail and other bus routes.

It may be necessary to split the contracts on the routes to allow for different types of vehicle

and service providers.

All of the above options or scenarios should be part of a comprehensive plan to combat social

exclusion and to start creating an integrated network of basic, affordable public transport in

Gauteng and in South Africa. Environmental and sustainability issues are now moving

toward centre stage, coupled with worldwide financial constraints that are placing new

emphasis on the need to obtain value for money.

148

6.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

• The integration and alignment of land use and transport planning processes are

currently inadequate. This is due in part to a spatial mismatch between the urban

peripheral housing locations and the more central city locations of key activities. This

situation is even more pronounced in the South African context compared to other

developed nations, where the geographical legacy of apartheid, which forced Black

Africans into peripheral and isolated settlement sites, still remains. New formal and

informal settlements continue to spring up in these areas, many of which are poorly

planned, lack basic public amenities and have no integrated public transport routes

running to them.

• South Africa needs to implement more appropriate measures to improve public

transport in a world that is expected to become more energy-constrained in the near

future. The vision is to have easily implementable, comparatively low-cost formal

public transport services to communities of all social backgrounds, but with emphasis

on those who are excluded from the mainstream of society. Such low cost transport

options are also being mooted in the face of a global recession, high oil prices and

government’s declining ability to raise funds for large capital projects.

• Right now there is a demand for a network of high volume, high frequency corridors.

Improved access would be achieved by having regular feeder services to the high

volume corridors, user-friendly transfer facilities and short wait times. According to

the Moving South Africa document, “the corridor approach is appropriate for the

typical South African city with its distant high-density townships, low density suburbs

and the decentralisation of business development to satellite nodes”.

• There are other possibilities. At the lowest end, the improvement could take the form

of a minibus taxi type of vehicle operating five or six times a day under contract

through a rural area. As we move up the scale, larger vehicles will be involved.

Frequency of operation will improve. Services will be introduced in higher-density

areas. Further up the scale, priority measures for vehicles may be provided, such as

bus lanes. Through-ticketing systems may be introduced. More capital-intensive

modes, such as electric trolleybuses may be used. The electrification of mass transit

systems would be more suitable for further stages of BRT rollout or as an alternative

to the heavy rail/high speed rail options that have been considered so far.

149

• A more important area that has been neglected in policy debates is to reduce the need

for travel by incorporating transit villages, preferably right on the doorstep of a public

transport interchange.

• The creation of pedestrian and cycling facilities that are linked to public transport

networks.

• The implementation of the 3WIN strategy that outlines a roadmap for public transport

for the period 2007 to 2020, based as a number of “critical building blocks”. Key

elements of these building blocks include the following:

• The establishment of transport authorities

• Implementing city-wide public transport networks

• Operating services 16 to 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.

• The setting up of the provincial intermodal planning committees as required in the

NLTA of 2009, which will help cities to plan transport services in tandem with

human settlements, education, medical and other important services.

6.4 FUTURE RESEARCH

Chapter three has shown that, despite ambitious government policy documents, strategies and

even large infrastructure projects, public transport in South Africa remains beset with serious

problems. Thus the following mainstream research topics are suggested:

• Comprehensive research is needed on the future of our cities and how interconnected

transport will bring sustainable mobility for all classes of people. Cities should be

doing more to determine their vulnerability to increases in the cost of transport and

the agglomeration effect on their residents.

• Before a mode is chosen as a “solution” to a transport problem, a process of option

generation should be introduced, ranging from low to high cost solutions. Economic

cost-benefit studies are not enough. Any transport system being planned should

consider the country’s goals of access to employment and other important services.

Thus the city as the implementer of public transport services should clearly articulate

its policies on how it will select and plan a mode. To do this will require extensive

needs analysis from users.

150

• Further research is also required to evaluate if the high capacity systems that were

implemented during and after the FIFA World Cup achieved their goals through

impact assessments.

• Every city or other appropriate level of government needs to prepare and make public

a status report on its public transport network, especially in the context of the socially

excluded.

• While the previous points call for research and needs analysis, this should not deter

efforts to improve public transport in all areas in South Africa. Many new routes

should be introduced, operating at frequencies similar to that of the Gautrain, and a

common fare needs to be applied to all subsidised public transport in the country.

6.5 CONCLUSION

This dissertation explored the links between social exclusion and public transport in both the

urban and rural context of South Africa. This chapter summarised the main findings of all of

the preceding chapters in the context of the study; the main objectives of the study have been

repeated; and the manner in which the objectives have been achieved in the context of the

study have been summarised. It is hoped that this study will make a worthwhile contribution

to the alleviation of public transport problems in South Africa and, at the same time, prepare

the country for the many changes in transport that will be required in the future.

151

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