CHAPTER 24 WILBERFORCE ISLAND:

A NIGER DELTA DISPERSAL CENTRE†

E. J. AlagoaEmeritus Professor of History

University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria

- 1-Prologue

In Ijo number symbolism, three is male, four female, and seven, the sum ofthem, is spirit, sacred or divine. We intend to conduct a brief historicaldiscussion of Wilberforce Island in three periods: Ancient, Modern, andContemporary; in seven brief sections; leaving the most recent or currentevents to the politicians. Also, in terms of time dimensions, we would attemptto discuss matters of the Past and Present, make some effort to penetrate theFuture, but would rather leave most of the Future and Eternity to God.

The periods and time dimensions are treated in a fluid and flexible fashion. Butin the interest of the historians, I would adapt Derefaka's (2003: 4-5) fiveperiods of ljo history into my first and second, and adding a third:

4000 B.C. - 1400 A. D. Ancient times or Antiquity1400 A. D. - 1900 A. D. Modem times1900 A. D. - 2000+ A. D. Contemporary times

The times of the oral traditions, which reach back to ancient times, but areusually not deep enough to cover all antiquity, are treated early in section 2.The Ancient history revealed by linguistic studies and archaeology, follow insections 3 and 4, to be followed by discussions of more Contemporaryconcerns related to the Environment and to Niger Delta studies. The approachis intended to be direct; and ideas are expressed in simple single-syllable wordswhenever possible.

† This Chapter was originally given as the First Public Lecture of the Centre for NigerDelta Studies, Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State, in 2007.

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Fig. 24.1: Central Niger Delta showing excavated sites

At age seventy-plus, it would be futile to claim that I would present to you theresults of new original research. The best you can hope for is a review of olddata in the light of new work by others. The discussion that follows will bebased on my own book, A History of the Niger Delta: An HistoricalInterpretation of Ijo Oral Tradition (Alagoa: 1972/2005), and on the new bookby Professor Abi Alabo Derefaka, Archaeology and Culture History in theCentral Niger Delta (Derefaka: 2003). You may note that I already have thetitle "Historian of the Niger Delta", conferred on me by my teacher, ProfessorJan Vansina of the University of Wisconsin. I seize this opportunity to conferon Derefaka the title "Historian of the Central Niger Delta". I will, therefore,rely on him for guidance in this presentation. I will also rely on the authority ofmy late colleague, Professor Kay Williamson above all others. We begin ourreliance on the Historian of the Central Niger Delta by taking our description ofWilberforce Island from him (Derefaka: 2003, 13/15):

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"Wilberforce Island ...( circumscribed by the Nun River, IgbediCreek and Ogobiri River) is about 19 kilometres long (that is, fromthe extreme northern to the extreme southern points) and about 21.5kilometres wide (taking the extreme western and eastern points)."

The current Izon ibe residents of Wilberforce Island are the Ogboin at

Amassoma, Mein at Ogobiri, Kolokuma at Igbedi, the Ekpetiama at Agudama

and Bumodi, the lkibiri and others.

- 2 -The Oral Tradition

When I did my research in the Niger Delta in the 1960s, I was very concerned

with identity: who are the Ijo, where did they come from, and what binds the

various ibe and polities together as Ijo. I had no ready-made answers. What I

intended to do was to seek answers from the people themselves, directly

through their oral traditions current at the time of my research, or from the

Intelligence Reports already recorded by the colonial authorities in the 1930s

and earlier. In the case of communities on Wilberforce Island, I was only able

to record the traditions of the Ogboin directly at Amassoma, as guest of "His

Royal Highness Zumoh Efeke V, the Ibenana-owei of Ogboin, and Crocodile

of the Rivers State." I was also guest of the Tombia community of Ekpetiama

across the Nun opposite Agudama on Wilberforce Island.

The answers I received from the Ijo communities around the Niger Delta

suggested a pattern of migrations from locations I named dispersal centres. A

majority of the dispersal centres lay in the Central Niger Delta. Wilberforce

Island appeared to be the most significant dispersal centre in the northern part

of the Central Niger Delta. The rest of the story comes from the people, my job

being to place it in historical context, and, as the subtitle of my book suggests,

interprete the traditions as historical documents.

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When I first visited Amassoma in March 1964, the Amananawei, Z. A. Yeri(74), through the community spokesman, Mr. M. O. Nanakumo (62), recountedthe history of Ogboin ibe. All Ogboin were the children of a common ancestornamed Ogboin. According to him, all the major settlements were founded bysons or grandchildren of Ogboin. Amassoma, for example, was founded byOboro, son of Ogboin, on a swampy site, hence the name, amasuma; each ofthe wards being founded by sons of Oboro: Alumu, Okpotu, and Ogoni. Theorigins of the Ogboin, however, featured Otuan very prominently. Ogboin wasstated to have left his father, Izon (ljo), at Oruma on the North-Eastern Fringeof the Central Delta, and after wanderings, settled at a remote site namedOrubiribaubolou, apparently, close to Otuan, and to Otuan from where hischildren dispersed to their separate locations.

My understanding of the traditions was, that the ancestral home of the Ogboin,Orubiribaubolou, was located at a site within Wilberforce Island. The traditionthat Oko, founder of Okochiri (Okopiri) in Okrika, was son of Alumu ofAmassoma, fields this location as a potential dispersal centre.

The Mein traditions of Ogobiri on Wilberforce Island clearly identify it as a

major centre of dispersal. According to accounts derived from Ogobiri sources,

the dispersal of the Mein from Ogobiri began in the generation of the sons of

Kor, Mein Okosuwei (Elder of the Mein), son of Mein (P. V. Main, 1930).

Three sons of Kor moved into the Western Delta, to sites along the River

Forcados to found three new kingdoms: Kalanama founded the Akugbene

Mein; Ngbile founded the Ngbilebiri Mein at Kiagbodo; and Ogbolu founded

the Ogbolubiri Mein at Ogbodobiri.

The Mein thus became four polities at Ogobiri, Akugbene, Kiagbodo, and

Ogbodobiri. While they maintained their loyalty to their common deity,

Dirimoagbiya, each of the polities on the Forcados River sought new symbols

of authority, and received bronzes from Benin, and took the title of pere to

distinguish themselves from the Mein Okosuwei at Ogobiri.

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Kolokuma and Opokuma traditions, first recorded in 1938 by Newington,stated that the two groups were founded by the two brothers, Opu-Okun andKala-Okun, sons of Ndo/Indo/Ondo, who settled at Agadagbabou onWilberforce Island, after a period of wandering. Opu-Okun, founder ofOpokuma is claimed by some traditions to have first left Agadagbabou to settlealong the Nun River. The Kolokuma, apparently, first moved to Orubou orOruamatoru, before settling at various sites on the River Nun. Curiously, theOpokuma first worshipped the god Egbelekwe before switching to OpokumaEgbesu on the Nun; while the Kolokuma appear to have switched from theworship of a god named Okpotu at Agadagbabou to Kolokuma Egbesu fromOrubou to the Nun.

Again, Agadagbabou on Wilberforce Island must count as a significantdispersal centre in the Central Niger Delta.

Two important towns of the Ekpetiama, Agudama and Bumodi, now stand onWilberforce Island. The oral traditions of the group, now oriented to the NunRiver, suggest origins inside Wilberforce Island, in the ancient site ofIsomabou/Isomobou, near Ikibiri. Traditions at Ikibiri claim that Isomabou wasnot only the centre out of which the ancestors of the Ekpetiama migrated, butalso Seimbiri ibe of the Western Delta; Ogoloma in Okrika in the EasternDelta; Akaranbiri in Opokuma and Onopa in Epie-Atissa in the Central Delta;and Akiri in Aboh.

In 1964, I was informed by Pilisi Akuku (53) and others at Tombia, thatEkpetiamaowei or Ekpeti, had settled at a site they named Opuanbou, fromwhich location his sons moved out to found Tombia, Bumodi, Agudama,Akabiri, and Gbarantoru. At Onopa I was informed that a man named Ewekerecame from Yene-Iki (Ikibiri), first to a place named Aziokunumuvoazi, and,finally to Onopa in the Epie Creek. The settlement was first named Opuanbiri,after a lake on Wilberforce Island near Ikibiri. At Ogoloma in Okrika, ChiefEbenezer Opu-Ogulaya affirmed, that the founder, Opu-Ogulaya, had migratedfrom Isomabou. In 1981 the amaokosuwei (oldest man in Ikibiri) told ProfessorDerefaka that "Opugula is the main deity of the Ogbo".

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The oral traditions at Ikibiri provide the most detailed account of Isomabou.

The Ikibiri name their founding ancestor Ogbo, and, therefore, his community

Ogbo ibe. After the outward migrations, and threats from other neighbours,

Ikibiri increasingly sought the protection of their kinsmen in Ekpetiama. But

the importance of Ikibiri and of the Isomabou dispersal centre is gradually

becoming manifest. The Opuanbou cited at Tombia as dispersal centre of the

Ekpetiama, and the Opuanbiri cited at Onopa are the same, and lead ultimately

to Isomabou.

These oral traditions establish for me a central place for Wilberforce Island in

the search for a homeland for the Ijo people. And the next step in the search

would be to examine the results of Professor Derefaka's archaeological

excavations at Agadagbabou and Isomabou on Wilberforce Island.

- 3 -Archaeology

What does archaeology tell us about Wilberforce Island from the excavations

done by Professor Derefaka at Agadagbabou and Isomabou/Isomobo?

At Agadagbabou Derefaka recovered a whole lot of broken bits and pieces of

pots made in the locality, mostly for domestic use.The analysis of decorations

suggested the making and/or use of cords, basketry, fish traps, and mats by the

people who lived at Agadagbabou. The people also made smoking pipes, and

may have smoked the dried leaves of the bush mango tree before the

importation of tobacco from the Americas. A clay pendant was identified by

the Kolokuma working with Derefaka as kara, "said to be worn around the

neck by women during the period of circumcision rites or by priests. . . in the

remote past"(Derefaka 2003: 90).

The people of Agadagbabou were farmers, fisher folk, canoe-carvers, hunters,

and pot-makers, being also craftsmen and women. Some of them traded, as

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shown by the European imports of J. J. W. Peters gin bottles and the "two

carnelian beads recovered", both being "cylindrical beads with green, red and

yellow stripes"(Derefaka 2003: 90).

The dates obtained from the scientific analysis of charred palm kernel andcharcoal samples place Agadagbabou in the Modem period "between 1640 and1730 A. D." (Derefaka 2003: 99).

This late date has led Derefaka to doubt if the site excavated was, indeed, theancient dispersal centre reported in Kolokuma and Opokuma oral traditions. Henotes that the ancient site had become a burial place for priests of KolokumaEgbesu, and, accordingly, "kept secret” (Derefaka 2003: 99). It is, therefore,possible, that we are yet to discover the ancient site in the "revered forest ofAgadagbabou" (Derefaka 2003: 100). This is by no means strange. We hadsimilar problems identifying the ancestral site of the Ogoni people in Nama Sii,even after several offerings to the local priests!

At Isomabou/Isomobo, Professor Derefaka recovered "an iron object (the tipof a fishing spear)", a large quantity of broken pottery (potsherd), charcoal,"post holes and ... fragments of house posts”, animal and fish bones.

The people were farmers, fisher folk and hunters. They made canoes and usedthe oil palm tree, and could also work iron. Professor Derefaka notes that:

"... the most significant aspect of the finds at the Isomabou site isthe fact that all the artefacts recovered are locally made. There wereno European or other external trade goods recovered from the fourtest pits that were fully investigated" (Derefaka 2003: 164).

The site had been undisturbed, and the scientific dates of 1030 A. D. to 1480A. D. place Isomabou in the Ancient Period of Niger Delta history. These datesestablish the status of a major dispersal centre suggested by the oral traditionsfor Isomabou. These dates agree with the dates from excavations in Ogoloma,Okrika, in the Eastern Niger Delta, which the oral traditions include in theIsomabou orbit of dispersals (Derefaka 2003: 227).

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For Wilberforce Island, we may conclude that archaeology has producedsupport for its status as a significant location in the history of Ijo settlementfrom the evidence of Isomabou. And the expectation remains, that we may yetdiscover the authentic ancient site of Agadagbabou, and the site of Ogboindispersal. The ancestral home of the Ogboin on Wilberforce Island isimportant, since Okochiri/Okopiri in Okrika claimed by Ogboin traditions asfounded from Wilberforce Island is dated in the Ancient Period, A. D. 850 toA. D. 1500. And we are yet to excavate in the Ogobiri area.

A comparative analysis of the traditions of migration between the Central Deltaand the Eastern Delta is yet to be done. The traditions of migration andsettlement from Ogoloma, Okrika suggest that movements were not alwaysdirect between two points. We note that Ogoloma and Isomabou were of thesame age. In addition, Ogoloma traditions also refer to a second Central Deltadispersal centre as ancestral home, namely, Obiama, in Okoroma/Tereke localgovernment area. Although no excavations have been done in Obiama,excavations have been done at Saikiripogu (Ewoama, Okpoama), alsopopulated, according to local traditions, by migrants from Obiama. The datesfor Saikiripogu are also about the same as those for Isomabou and Ogoloma,"A. D. 1010 - 1640" (Derefaka 2003:227).

We may conclude that Archaeology has provided some answers to questionsraised by the oral traditions concerning the history of Wilberforce Island andthe Niger Delta, but new questions are raised; quite a few others, by the scienceof Palynology.

Professor Margaret Sowunmi, the palynologist, had accompanied thearchaeologists to Onyoma and other sites to take soil samples at differentlevels, and to study the living vegetation. She eventually obtained a deep coresample from Shell from Ofuabo Creek near Onyoma, Nembe. It was from thismaterial that she was able to define the changes in vegetation patterns in theNiger Delta over the past forty thousand years (Sowunmi 1988). She reportsthat the extent of the Niger Delta has increased and decreased over the past

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forty thousand years. Conditions for human occupation were changed fromgood to bad from the past 30,000 years, but have been generally good fromabout 5,600 to 5,300 years.

Evidence of human activity is recorded in the vegetation from about 3,000years, according to the evidence of palynology, a period when the oil palmbecame "wide-spread and prominent" in the Niger Delta.

We can conclude that Archaeology and Palynology extend our knowledge ofthe Niger Delta beyond the limits of the oral tradition. The dating of NigerDelta history becomes firmer, and new issues are raised in the matter of originsand migrations, since the dates for Isomabou and places in the Eastern NigerDelta fall into the same period. The oral traditions had always indicated anumber of dispersal centres, with the majority in the Central Niger Delta.Wilberforce Island is confirmed as a centre of dispersal at Isomabou, with otherpossible sites. What does Linguistics contribute to the discussion?

- 4 -

LinguisticsProfessor Kay Williamson, the English lady who came to settle at Kaiama,

among the Kolokuma, studied the languages of the Niger Delta, Nigeria, and

Africa for almost fifty years. The government of Bayelsa State has

acknowledged her remarkable contribution to the study and development of the

languages of the Niger Delta by creating a special language institute in her

memory at Kaiama. I am relying completely on Professor Williamson's work in

the following discussion of language in the history of the Niger Delta.

Professor Williamson has compared all the languages of the Niger Delta, in

relation to the neighbouring languages of the hinterland, using the techniques

of the sciences of lexicostatistics and glottochronology and come up with the

following ideas and conclusions (Williamson 1988).

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First, the speakers of the language group she classified as Ijoid or Ijo-Defaka,

have lived in relative isolation from the speakers of the neigbouring language

groups, namely Igboid, Edoid, and Yoruboid, for "more than 7,000 years".

That the other languages of the Niger Delta apparently moved into the region

only in the last 2,000 years:the Abua-Ogbia arrived over 2,000 years ago, from an easterlydirection; followed by the Ogoni group; and the Delta Edoid groupfrom the west, namely the Degema (Udekama), Engenni, and Epie;and the Igboid group from a northerly direction, namely the Ogbah,Ekpeye, Ikwerre, Ukwuani, and the Ika.

According to Professor Williamson, the Itsekiri and Obolo (Andoni) arrived in

the Niger Delta "less than 1,500 years ago".

Second, that the arrival of the Abua-Ogbia group caused a movement of ljo

speakers out of that part of the Niger Delta to the north-east and south-east,

thus suggesting this part of the Niger Delta as another centre of Ijo dispersal or

migration.

We have to accept Professor Williamson's own position that the dates she

provides are not exact, and the conclusions on migration patterns are also

tentative. However, the dates she supplies from language study are worthy of

respect. The dates provide support for the antiquity of Ijo settlement in the

Niger Delta, strengthening the same conclusion we derive from the evidence of

archaeology and palynology. On the issue of centres of dispersal also, the

linguistic studies support the suggestions of multiple centres.

In the matter of Ijo origins then, neither the oral traditions nor archaeology

points us to a single location, centre, or site. On the other hand, Professor

Robin Horton has used Professor Kay Williamson's linguistic data and his own

interpretation of Ijo oral traditions to suggest two different possible locations

(Horton 1998: 195 - 255), and proposing research to choose a single location.

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First, he sees "Proto-Ijoid speakers coming down the Niger and entering the

Delta through its apex". From this, Horton locates a single possible dispersal

centre for all Ijo at a point at the Niger Delta apex.

Second, he locates a place of origin for all speakers of Ijoid languages at the

eastern extremity of the Niger Delta beyond the Imo River.

Professor Horton estimates that it would take up to five years of linguistic

research and "twenty five years at least" of archaeological work to decide

between his proposed sites of origin (Horton 1998: 239).

We can only conclude that current evidence form all sources available to us

places Wilberforce Island in the line of ancient settlement sites, along with

other sites in the Central and Eastern Niger Delta.

- 5 -Contemporary History

The contemporary history of Wilberforce Island is bound to be dominated bythe story of Niger Delta University. Our discourse will necessarily end withNiger Delta University. Before we get there, we will briefly consider therelevance for our times of the lives of two figures from the colonial period andfrom the early independence period. What can we learn from the lives ofBebeke-Ola of Igbedi, son of Dubakemefa; and of Major Isaac Jasper AdakaBoro?

Bebeke-ola's story has been written by his grandson, Jones Ezekiel IbenadeiziBebeke-ola (Ibenah) while serving as a research assistant to Professor KayWilliamson at the University of Port Harcourt. Bebeke-ola was executed as apirate by the colonial authorities at Sabagreia on the 3rd September 1903.Normally a trader and fisherman, he had been drawn into a life of violence.First to seek compensation from the people of Isiala near Aboh, who had givensanctuary to a slave of his father. Second, to seize the property of a Nembe

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trading canoe, in return for his own goods seized at Brass over a similar seizureof a Nembe man's property at Igbedi. Bebekeola became a household word forbravery in war for these and other violent exploits, and was believed to receivethe blessing of Egbesu and the spiritual forces of the land. According to Ibenah,

"He never attacked any Ijoman to exploit him, rather he would notallow others to exploit his people" (Ibenah, n. d. 31).

Yet, under pressure from a colonial expeditionary force, it was his own peoplewho gave Bebeke-ola up. When approached to take away from Bebeke-ola theprotection of Egbesu, the priest asked,

“Has this man ever fought any person from your clan or killed anyrelative from the clan? To this they replied: NO. Then he said thatas the whole of Kolokuma district had agreed ... he had no objectionagain, and so did remove the power He had vested in himaccordingly.” (Ibenah n. d. 27)

Bebeke-ola eventually surrendered:“...when Bebeke-ola was identified in the boat he was questionedabout the allegations and so-called atrocities he was said to havecommitted. He did not answer any questions or make any statement... and after three days of questioning and torture when he did notopen his mouth, the whole of Kolokuma people were invited towitness the FIRST ever execution at Sabageria (sic)” (Ibenah n. d.29).

The story of Major Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro is better known to us. LikeBebeke-ola, he was led into violent struggle in the hopes of righting wrongs.Like Bebeke-ola, he surrendered himself on the basis of public demand, in thepublic interest:

"On the 7th of March, 1966, I came to the village of Kalama fromwhere I was handed over to the federal forces" (Boro 1982: 154).

Like Bebeke-ola, Boro was tortured, threatened, and sentenced to death: “Suffice it to say that all those arrested suffered innumerable hardships tooextensive and pitiable to mention in these records. I was threatened with aswift military tribunal if I would not mention or expose persons behindmy agitation. I did not yield to falsehood. For two weeks, I was subjected

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to questioning and to sleeping on the bare floor. Tribal capitalist tycoonswalked at pleasure into the police station to spit and rain abuses at me . . .Samuel Owonaru had one of his eyes almost blinded.." (Boro 1982: 155)

The vagaries of Nigerian history took Boro out of the Eastern region to Lagos,

and gave him the opportunity to serve in the Nigerian Army, to liberate

Rivers/Bayelsa State, to make the ultimate sacrifice of his life in the process.

These two brief biographies should provide sufficient material to the current

militants of the Niger Delta to draw conclusions, and take decisions in the long

term interest of the majority of the people.

Clearly, it is time to consider new strategies in our continuing struggle,

learning

lessons from the lives of men such as Bebeke-ola and Adaka Boro. Chief

Diepreye Simon Peter Alamieyeseigha J. P, another remarkable son of

Wilberforce Island, Governor of Bayelsa State (1999 - 2005), had the

following to say on the subject.". . . Adaka Boro left a legacy of dialogue as the best option forconflict resolution. The significance of his life was that, eventhough man can be pushed to the point of submission, there is littlejustifiable need to shed blood. This is a lesson for our youths andadults alike. And that is why there is every reason for us to developAdaka Boro's legacy into a philosophy of development for the Izonnation." (Alamieyeseigha 2000: 15).

The call is for a new philosophy, new strategies and tactics in a struggle that

continues unabated. And when it comes to fashioning weapons of peaceful

combat and constructing tools for building cultural and spiritual institutions, we

need persons such as the poet sage of Bumodi, Ekpetiama, Wilberforce Island,

Dr. Gabriel Imomotimi Gbaingbain Okara.

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- 6 -Environment

We have taken a quick run down of the ancient, modem and contemporaryhistory of Wilberforce Island. We move to the environment, which enduresthrough all time and times, providing the conditions for life. The evidence ofpalynology suggests radical changes in the environment over the millennia.The archaeological evidence suggests stable conditions for human use of theresources of the land over recent millennia. This stability is threatened in thecontemporary period by increasingly destructive methods in the use of theresources of the environment. In the words of Powell, "logging and forestconversion are out of control".

What is there in the Niger Delta that deserves to be conserved at the expense oflogging, farming and development or used as a component of development?

The general aim of conservation, of course, is to preserve diversity in flora andfauna for the enjoyment and practical use of present and future generations.The Niger Delta as a whole must be one of the areas in Nigeria and the worldwith potentials for the preservation of species of plants and animals which havegone extinct in many parts of the world. Powell found the following in the areaof mammals only (Powell 1997: 84):

Five mammals new to Nigeria, namely,Delta red colobus, Procolobus aff. pennantii an endangered speciePygmy flying squirrel, Idiurus cf. macrotis a near threatened specieSmall green squirrel, Paraxerus poensisBlack tree squirrel, Funisciurus sp. indet.Black-fronted duiker, Cephalophus nigrifrons.

Powell also discovered five mammals not previously known west of the Cross

River, and six not previously reported in the Niger Delta. This shows the poor

state of research in the environmental sciences over the Niger Delta. Our

present call is for activity in Niger Delta University in its back yard in

Wilberforce Island. There have been calls for two forest reserves to the north in

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Taylor Creek, and to the south in Apoi Creek. For Wilberforce Island, logging

has increased in volume, and getting out of control with the opening of the

Tombia - Amassoma Road. And for the Niger Delta as a whole, the

exploitation of crude oil and gas, and the pollution resulting from these

activities quickly add up to loss of environmental resources. However, it should

still be possible to follow the orthodox forest reserve approach over parts of

Bayelsa State and the Niger Delta to escape the worst effects of environment

loss. For Wilberforce Island, Niger Delta University may put pressure on the

state government to pursue Powell's suggestion of "stop-gap measures to compensate landlord communities forpreserving critical core areas of potential sanctuaries. Thearrangements might be handled under Customary (traditional) Lawwith the approval of the State Director of Forestry. Such areaswould cost as little as US$lOO0 per sq. km. yearly and could alsoserve as much-needed teaching and research sites for localuniversities" (Powell 1997: 85).

Niger Delta University and its scientists cannot dodge the responsibility ofmaking a difference on the environment and life of Wilberforce Island as awhole, and, eventually, on the whole of Bayelsa State and the Niger Delta.

- 7 -Epilogue

This brief discourse places Wilberforce Island not only in the geographicalcentre of the Niger Delta, but also at the centre of its history. By building NigerDelta University on it, Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha has built an engine ofchange that should drive Bayelsa State and the Niger Delta into the mainstreams of development.

The university's founding instrument already has enshrined in it, a provision foran Institute/Centre of Niger Delta Studies, a unique provision in a universityconstitution. And Alamieyeseigha proceeded to commit the Bayelsa Stategovernment to endow a special Chair of Niger Delta Studies:

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". . .the state will institute a chair on Niger Delta Studies at theNiger Delta Institute of the Niger Delta University, WilberforceIsland." (Alamieyeseigha 2000: 35).

This gives us assurance that Niger Delta University has the potential to developinto an institution, capable of protecting, promoting, and developing thelanguages, culture and traditions of the region. I place emphasis on culturalstudies because these are easy to place on the back burner in developmentplans. Protection of the environment and development of its resources cannotbe ignored, as well as science and technology in a space age. In order to takecontrol of our oil and gas resources, for example, we have to master therelevant technologies and sciences. In the end, human resources developmentand prudent control of environmental resources provide the key to the future.

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