8

The Impacts of Persian Domination in Late Period EgyptThe First (525-404 BCE) and Second (341-332 BCE)[footnoteRef:1] Persian occupations of Egypt during the Late Period can be characterised as periods of both continuity and change. At a macro-level, whilst many of the basic facets of Egyptian life, such as religion, the bureaucracy, and the redistributive economy, continued with only marginal change, some important changes, whether new to the Achaemenid occupation or continuing from earlier in the Late Period, occurred. These include the increasing infiltration into Egypt by foreigners; the end of native Egyptian rule; the introduction of currency; and the end of Egypts ability to project its power abroad into the Levant and Eastern Mediterranean. Below I will examine these contrasting patterns of continuity and change with regard to (1) Egyptian foreign relations, (2) the economy, (3) the bureaucracy and legal system, (4) religion, (5) the institution of kingship, and (6) foreign infiltration. As a brief note before I begin, it must be remembered that the period in question relies mostly on Greek sources, especially Herodotus.[footnoteRef:2] Aramaic papyri provide evidence of the period (mostly from the perspective of the occupier or foreign communities living in Egypt), but are less frequent. Hieroglyphic and Demotic sources are limited, meaning that we have only glimpses of the perspectives of native Egyptians.[footnoteRef:3] [1: These dates are approximates, and do not refer to control over the whole Nile Valley. It appears from the letters of the Jewish community at Elephantine that Amyrtaios II did not control the area until perhaps 401-400 BCE; Grimal, N., A History of Ancient Egypt, trans. I. Shaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988), p. 371; cf. Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C., (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923), No. 35, p. 129-130. Likewise, during the Second Persian occupation, Nectanebo II continued to rule in the south for at least 2 more years, as a document at Edfu is dated to regnal year 18; whilst Khababash appears to have ruled from 338-336 BCE, and even launched a campaign against into the Delta during the winter off 335 BCE; Grimal, N., A History of Ancient Egypt, p. 380-381.] [2: Herodotus account of the period is based mostly on oral sources (both Egyptian and Persian). However, these sources may reflect the biases of their tellers (not to mention Herodotus own authorial intentions). For a discussion on the reliability of Herodotus see the introduction by R. B. Strassler in Herodotus, The Histories, trans. A. L. Purvis (London: Quercus, 2008), p. xxiv-xxxvi.] [3: These sources themselves generally represent the perspectives of those who collaborated with the Persian occupiers, such as Petiese (see the discussion of Papyrus Rylands IX in Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, in Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 302-308); Udjahorresnet (whose statue is now in the Vatican, see Lloyd, A. B., The Inscription of Udjahorresnet: a Collaborators Testament, The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 68, 1982, p. 166-180); Osorwr of Syene (see Briant, P., From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire, trans. P. Daniels (Winona: Eisenbrauns, 2002), p. 481; Dandamaev, M. A., A Political History of the Achaemenid Empire, trans. W. J. Vogelsang (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1989), p. 178), Khnemibre of Wadi Hammamt (see Kuhrt, A., The Persian Empire: A Corpus of Sources from the Achaemenid Period (London: Routledge, 2007), p. 707), and Somtutefnakht (the Stela of Somtutefnahkt, Naples Museum 1035; Lichtheim, M., (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings, Vol. III (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980), p. 41-44).]

Foreign RelationsWith the voluntary submission of Cyprus to the Persians, after it had been conquered by Amasis (or possibly by Apries),[footnoteRef:4] and the Persian domination of the Levant; Egypts previous role of hegemon and later great power in Syria-Palestine ended.[footnoteRef:5] The Persian occupation spelled the end of Egypt, not only as one of the dominant powers in the Near East, but also as an independent state.[footnoteRef:6] However, relations did continue both during and between the two periods of Persian domination, particularly with Greece, to which the Egyptian navy contributed to the assault on Miletus,[footnoteRef:7] and as is evidenced by the use of Greek allies, such as Agesilaos of Sparta by Tachos during the attempted re-invasion by Artaxerxes II.[footnoteRef:8] [4: Herodotus, The Histories, II.182, p. 203. ] [5: Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, p. 340.] [6: It was not to again regain official independence following the inter-Persian period until 1953.] [7: This assault effectively ended the Ionian revolt in 494 BCE. Egyptian naval units and resources were also used in the assaults on Greece by Darius and Xerxes in 490 and 480 BCE respectively. Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, in I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 376.] [8: Grimal, N., A History of Ancient Egypt, p. 377-379.]

EconomyThe redistributive economic system that Egypt had maintained since the beginning of the Pharaonic era was kept by the Persians.[footnoteRef:9] Nomarchs were still responsible for collecting taxes;[footnoteRef:10] however, these were now passed on to the Persian satrap; thus an extra layer of Persian bureaucracy was added onto the existing Egyptian one.[footnoteRef:11] Moreover, the Persians were reluctant to interfere in any way with the agricultural system.[footnoteRef:12] Literacy had become widespread enough to include artisans, and large numbers of serfs existed.[footnoteRef:13] A major policy was the building of a canal between Bubastis and the Red Sea by Darius (originally started by Necho II ca. 600 BCE).[footnoteRef:14] This would have allowed produce to pass more easily between the Mediterranean and Red seas (as well as facilitated lines of communication within the empire and access to Egypt by the Persian fleet),[footnoteRef:15] moreover it gave Persia better access to Arabia,[footnoteRef:16] although its benefits are likely to have been short-lived.[footnoteRef:17] However, the important step of standardising weights based on those used at the temple of Ptah in Memphis, as well as the introduction of the artaba (bushel) had the greatest long-term impacts on Egyptian society.[footnoteRef:18] Most important of all however, was the increasing use of money (and sometimes emmer wheat)[footnoteRef:19] as a means of exchange from circa 520 BCE.[footnoteRef:20] Mostly, this involved the use of Athenian tetradrachms.[footnoteRef:21] This allowed greater participation by Egypt in international trade, which was becoming an increasingly important feature of Mediterranean life, whilst Aramaic progressively became the language of commerce.[footnoteRef:22] The required tribute of 700 talents[footnoteRef:23] plus 120,000 measures of grain to supply the Persian garrison was not a punitive figure, and there is nothing in the sources to confirm that Egypt suffered from the over-taxation and stagnation that occurred in other parts of the empire.[footnoteRef:24] Egyptian artisans were still of such high quality that many were imported to Persepolis to build the royal residences.[footnoteRef:25] [9: Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, p. 325.] [10: As Alexander the Great found this to be the case when he conquered the country in 332 BCE. Arrian, Anabasis, trans. A. de Slincourt (St Ives: Penguin, 1971), III.6, p. 155; Burstein, S. M., Alexander in Egypt: Continuity or Change, in in H. Sancisi-Weedenburg, A. Kuhrt & M. C. Root (eds.), Achaemenid History: Continuity and Change, Vol. VIII, (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten, 1991), 386.] [11: Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, p. 375.] [12: Johnson, J. H., The Persians and the Continuity of Egyptian Culture, in H. Sancisi-Weedenburg, A. Kuhrt & M. C. Root (eds.), Achaemenid History: Continuity and Change, Vol. VIII, (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten, 1991), p. 150; Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., in J. Boardman, N. G. L. Hammond, D. M. Lewis, & M. Ostwald (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. IV, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 271.] [13: Lloyd, A. B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., in J. Boardman, D. M. Lewis, S. Hornblower, & M. Ostwald (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. VI, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 350-351; Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, p. 314-315.] [14: Herodotus, The Histories, II.158, p. 192-193. Diodorus Siculus credits Ptolemy with finishing the project and suggests that Darius was warned not to complete it by his advisors as it might cause the submergence of Egypt. Bibliotheca Historica, trans. C. H. Oldfather (London: William Heinemann, 1960), Vol. I, I.33.11-12, p. 113. Aristotle also asserts that Darius did not complete the canal, but attributes the failure to the fear that salt water would pollute the Nile. Tuplin, C., Darius Suez Canal and Persian Imperialism, in H. Sancisi-Weedenburg & A. Kuhrt (eds.), Achaemenid History: Asia Minor and Egypt, Vol. VI, (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten, 1991), p. 238-239. These are contradicted by the three canal stelae erected in regnal year 27 of Darius on completion of the canal at Tell al-Maskhuta, Kabret, and Suez. Gozzoli, R. B., The Writing of History in Ancient Egypt during the First Millennium BC (ca. 1070-180 BC): Trends and Perspectives, Egyptology 5 (Cornwall: Golden House Publications, 2006), p. 116-121.] [15: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 262-263.] [16: Thus cutting out the Nabataean middle-men from the caravan trade. For a further discussion see Tuplin, C., Darius Suez Canal and Persian Imperialism, p. 271-274.] [17: Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, p. 331.] [18: Johnson, J. H., The Persians and the Continuity of Egyptian Culture, p. 156; Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 268-269.] [19: Lloyd, A. B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., p. 352.] [20: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 268.] [21: However, by the late 5th century BCE the Ionian stater is mentioned. Later, during the inter-Persian period, attempts were made at locally minting coins with Demotic or Hieroglyphic inscriptions. Lloyd, A. B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., p. 352; Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 269.] [22: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 284.] [23: This figure also included what was required from Cyrene and Barke in Libya.] [24: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 285. Compared with the level of tribute required from other parts of the empire, such as Assyria (1000 talents, & 500 boys), or Cilicia (500 talents), this is reasonably low given Egypts relative size and wealth. Lloyd, A. B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., p. 291-298. For the required tribute of each province of the Persian Empire see Herodotus, The Histories, III.90-97, p. 250-256.] [25: Johnson, J. H., The Persians and the Continuity of Egyptian Culture, p. 158.]

Bureaucracy & Legal SystemThe bureaucracy, whose intimate knowledge of the administration of the country was a prerequisite for the extraction of the nations wealth, was maintained by the Persians. Local elites continued in their former roles,[footnoteRef:26] and to benefit from the system, just as they had under Egyptian rule. The clientelism of the legal process, which allowed direct appeals to the Pharaoh with the backing of a member of the elite continued.[footnoteRef:27] Written documentation, in particular contracts, became more frequent, and hence led to the rise in use of Demotic.[footnoteRef:28] Moreover, interpreters were required to translate Egyptian documents into Aramaic, the administrative language of the empire.[footnoteRef:29] The decision of the Persians to base themselves at Memphis saw this city eclipse Thebes in importance,[footnoteRef:30] and brought more wealth to this city at the expense of others, just as had been the case with Sas under the 26th Dynasty. The legal system was systematised by Darius I who ordered that all the laws of Egypt until year 44 of the reign of Amasis be compiled in both Demotic and Aramaic.[footnoteRef:31] [26: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 272.] [27: Lloyd, A. B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., p. 351. ] [28: Olmstead, T. A., History of the Persian Empire, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), p. 92.] [29: Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, p. 375.] [30: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 272.] [31: Johnson, J. H., The Persians and the Continuity of Egyptian Culture, p. 157.]

ReligionThe economic role of the temples was curbed under the Persian rulers, and this was quite possibly a primary cause of revolt under Persian domination, and certainly explains both Cambyses and Xerxes bad reputations in Egypt.[footnoteRef:32] Whilst Herodotus claims that Cambyses sacrilegious killing of the Apis bull was a cause of his madness,[footnoteRef:33] other sources reveal that both Cambyses and Darius I made efforts to be accepted by the Egyptians by adhering to local religious rites.[footnoteRef:34] Darius I engaged in building work at the Temple of Hibis in Al-Khrja, and a statue from Heliopolis is inscribed with an intermingled Pharaonic and Persian titulary which links Darius I heavily with Ra and Neth.[footnoteRef:35] Evidence from the statue of Udjahorresnet however, demonstrates that at least some temples were profaned during the conquest of the country, as Cambyses had to order Greek mercenaries out of the temples and had to restore the temple of Neth at Sas;[footnoteRef:36] likewise, during the re-conquest of the country by Artaxerxes III, the temples were pillaged.[footnoteRef:37] Apart from a decline in the relative power of the temples in Egyptian society, Egyptian religion continued on as before, although the popularity of animal cults continued to grow.[footnoteRef:38] During the Persian occupations, foreign gods continued to thrive, due to the presence of large foreign communities. [32: The problem of temple control of vast tracts of land and tax receipts was also a continual problem for Egyptian pharaohs (Johnson, J. H., The Persians and the Continuity of Egyptian Culture, p. 152), for instance by Tachos during the inter-Persian period (Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 272). Although, the Greeks were hailed as liberators, Alexander the Great continued the Persian policy of heavily taxing the temples. Lloyd, A. B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., p. 343. Darius I appears to have escaped the wrath of later historians by the fact that he re-established the traditional prerogatives of the temple estates. Grimal, N., A History of Ancient Egypt, p. 370.] [33: Herodotus, The Histories, III.27-30, p. 219-221. This bull died in 524 whilst Cambyses was absent on his failed Ethiopian expedition; Olmstead, T. A., History of the Persian Empire, p. 89-90.] [34: See the stela of the Apis that died in 518 BCE. Gozzoli, R. B., The Writing of History in Ancient Egypt during the First Millennium BC (ca. 1070-180 BC): Trends and Perspectives, p. 111-116; Briant, P., From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire, p. 480. Moreover, when Egyptian priests told Darius I not to erect a statue of himself in the temple of Hephaistos (Ptah), he agreed. Herodotus, The Histories, II.110, p. 163.] [35: Briant, P., From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire, 475-476.] [36: Lloyd, A. B., The Inscription of Udjahorresnet: a Collaborators Testament, p. 169-170. Moreover, the Jewish community at Elephantine claimed that its own temple had been left untouched during Cambyses invasion (over a century earlier), unlike the temples of the native Egyptians (which presumably had been sacked). See Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C., No. 30, p. 113.] [37: Grimal, N., A History of Ancient Egypt, p. 381; Lloyd, A.B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., p. 344.] [38: Johnson, J. H., The Persians and the Continuity of Egyptian Culture, p. 152.]

KingshipThe conquest of Egypt by the Persians did not completely end the dynastic squabbles that plagued Egypt during the first millennium BCE (and arose with renewed vigour during the inter-Persian period). Uprisings against the Persians during the First Persian period were frequent,[footnoteRef:39] and during the Second Persian period[footnoteRef:40] the native rival Pharaoh Khababash ruled contemporaneously.[footnoteRef:41] During his reign, Cambyses was depicted on reliefs as wearing Egyptian costume and his titulary (which included both throne and Horus names) followed correct precedent,[footnoteRef:42] although later Persian kings discontinued the practice.[footnoteRef:43] Moreover, he ruled his whole empire from Memphis, which differed considerably from Egypts experience under the Assyrian empire.[footnoteRef:44] However, there was a crucial modification in the Egyptian perception of kingship during this period.[footnoteRef:45] The pharaoh was no longer seen as generally omnipotent and righteous, but rather dependent on the gods. The pharaoh could now be seen to be at odds with the divine will. Thus, the Demotic Chronicle attributes the failures of the pharaohs of the inter-Persian period as a series of expressions of divine wrath against royal iniquities.[footnoteRef:46] [39: These include one by Psammenitos (Psamtek III), after his defeat by Cambyses (Herodotus, The Histories, III.15, p. 213-214); and by the Libyan Inaros son of Psammetichos (possibly from the defeated Sate line) and Amyrtaios I in 460 BCE (Ctesias, History of Persia, trans. L. Llewellyn-Jones & J. Robson (Oxon: Routledge, 2010), XVI-XVII.36-38, p. 188-189; Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. R. Warner (St Ives: Penguin, 1972), I.104, 109-110, p. 96, 99); and finally by Amyrtaios II (grandson of aforementioned Amyrtaios), who overthrew the Persians in 404 BCE (Dandamaev, M. A., A Political History of the Achaemenid Empire, p. 272-273).] [40: The Second Persian period witnessed the short reigns of Artaxerxes, Arses and Darius III with considerable domestic upheaval in Persia and from 334 BCE the disintegration of the empire.] [41: Vasunia, P., The Gift of the Nile: Hellenizing Egypt from Aeschylus to Alexander (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001), p. 266.] [42: Dandamaev, M. A., A Political History of the Achaemenid Empire, p. 76-77.] [43: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 258.] [44: Tuplin, C., Darius Suez Canal and Persian Imperialism, p. 259-260.] [45: Lloyd, A.B., Egypt, 404-332 B.C., p. 350.] [46: For instance, Nectanebo II is declared to have lost his throne because of his failure to finish building and furnishing the temple for the god Onuris. Johnson, J.H., The Demotic Chronicle as a Statement of a Theory of Kingship, SSEA, Vol. 13, No. 2, Spring 1983, p. 68. ]

Foreign InfiltrationThere is considerable evidence of the presence of foreigners in Egypt during the Persian occupations. Despite the presence of large numbers of machimoi,[footnoteRef:47] Egypt had come to rely heavily on foreign mercenaries. The community of Jewish mercenaries at Elephantine,[footnoteRef:48] and the large numbers of Greek mercenaries (mostly Carians and Ionians)[footnoteRef:49] employed both before, and between, the Persian conquests demonstrate this.[footnoteRef:50] Moreover, large numbers of foreign soldiers (with Persian officers) were stationed in Egypt during the occupations,[footnoteRef:51] so much so that the term matoi (Medes) became synonymous with the word for soldier in later Egyptian.[footnoteRef:52] The Greeks had become a regular feature of Egyptian life during the Late Period; Amasis had given them the city of Naucratis in which to settle.[footnoteRef:53] Evidence that communities of Phoenicians existed in Memphis and Syene can be seen from their funerary stelae; and of Syrians or Mesopotamians in Memphis, Syene, Opi and Luxor from the Hermopolis letters discovered at Tuna al-Jabal.[footnoteRef:54] Like many peoples, Egyptians of the Later Period appear to have been quite xenophobic.[footnoteRef:55] However, Ray claims that this must be viewed as the attitude of people who had seen too many foreigners, rather than none at all.[footnoteRef:56] Unlike previous influxes of foreigners, during the Late Period foreigners assimilated to a much lesser extent.[footnoteRef:57] [47: Diodorus Siculus reports that Tachos had 80,000 machimoi (and 10,000 Greek mercenaries) during his struggle against Artaxerxes, Bibliotheca Historica, Vol. VII, XV.92.1-3, p. 211; and that Nectanebo II had 60,000, Bibliotheca Historica, Vol. VII, XVI.47.5-7, p. 371. Herodotus (who divides the native warrior class into two groups) estimates that there are 160,000 Hermotybian warriors and another 250,000 Calasirian warriors. Herodotus, The Histories, II.165-166, p. 195-196.] [48: For their correspondence see Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C.] [49: Herodotus, The Histories, II.154, p. 189-190.] [50: Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, p. 284. Also see Plutarch, Life of Agesilaus, trans. B. Perrin (London: William Heinemann, 1961), Vol. 5.] [51: The required provisions for the Persian garrison that made up part of Egypts tribute has been estimated to feed approximately 12,000 men. Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 269. Cf. Herodotus, The Histories, III.91, p. 252.] [52: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 273.] [53: Herodotus, The Histories, II.178, p. 201.] [54: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 274.] [55: Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, p. 316-318.] [56: Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 275.] [57: Although there is evidence that foreigners did continue to assimilate to some extent. Consider for instance, the inscription of the Persian brothers Atiyawahy and Ariyawrata in the Wadi Hammamat who gave themselves Egyptian names like Tachos (Djeo), the Stela of Mitrahine from Memphis which shows the ka of a foreigner in Median costume, or the use of Egyptian names by the Carians. Ray, J. D., Egypt 525-404 B.C., p. 272-273, 275. Note also the phrase live, be happy, and prosper exceedingly (Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C., No. 70, p. 179) is very close to the Egyptian n w snb (life, prosperity, health) used in Egyptian letters, see for instance A Satirical Letter, trans. Wilson, J. A., in J. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts (New Jersey: Princeton, 1969), p. 475.]

ConclusionWhilst both Johnson[footnoteRef:58] and Lloyd[footnoteRef:59] have maintained that there was virtually no change in the Late Period from native rule to Persian rule, it must be remembered that Achaemenid Egypt continued the incremental processes of internationalisation and Hellenisation that were already occurring. The introduction of money, the end of native rule, the continuing domination of the warrior class and the infiltration of non-Egyptianised foreigners were gradual developments that weakened the traditional elements of kingship, xenophobia, and centralised economic control and redistribution that characterise earlier Egyptian history. This being said, the behemoth of the Egyptian state, and traditional Egyptian society, continued much of its traditional way of life. [58: Johnson maintains that we find developments introduced or enhanced under the Saites (Dynasty 26) continuing and being reinforced under the Persians (Dynasty 27) and the Egyptians of Dynasties 28-30, while in no case do we find a significant change introduced by the Persians which outlasts them. Johnson, J. H., The Persians and the Continuity of Egyptian Culture, p. 151.] [59: Lloyd maintains that the Persian conquest merely replaced the Egyptian Pharaoh with a Persian Pharaoh. Lloyd, A. B., The Late Period, 664-323 BC, p. 333. ]

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Jeremy Rees 208044