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Amarette Filut, Anna Kaatz, and Molly Carnes
The Impact of Unconscious Bias on Women's Career Advancement
Contents
Abstract 2
Introduction 3
Unconscious Gender Bias 5
Evidence for Unconscious Gender Bias 5
How Gender Bias is Activated 7
Prescriptive Nature of Gender Stereotypes 10
Gender Bias is Mathematically Intensive Fields 12
Stereotype Threat 13
Bias to Opportunity in Leadership 15
Strategies to Mitigate Unconscious Gender Bias 17
Reducing the Influence of Unconscious Gender Bias in Hiring Practices 17
Addressing Unconscious Gender Bias in Performance-Reward Practices 18
Breaking the Gender Bias Habit 19
Conclusion 21
References 22
Amarette Filut, Anna Kaatz, and Molly Carnes1
The Impact of Unconscious Biason Women's Career Advancement
The paper forms part of
the Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews Series on
Advancing Women's Empowerment.
To cite this paper, please use:
Filut, A., Kaatz, A. and Carnes, M. The Impact of Unconscious Bias on
Women's Career Advancement. The Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews
Series on Advancing Women's Empowerment, 2017.
1 Ms.FilutisaDoctoralStudentinClinicalInvestigation,andaResearchAssistantattheCenterforWomen’sHealth
ResearchattheUniversityofWisconsin-Madison,Madison,Wisconsin;Dr.KaatzholdsaPhDinClinicalInvestigation,
and isanAssociateScientist,Center forWomen’sHealthResearch,UniversityofWisconsin-Madison,Madison,
Wisconsin;Dr.Carnes,co-directorofWISELIandDirectoroftheCenterforWomen’sHealthResearchattheUniversity
ofWisconsin-MadisonandtheWomenVeteransHealthProgramattheWilliamS.MiddletonMemorialVeterans
Hospital,isProfessorofMedicine,Psychiatry,andIndustrial&SystemsEngineeringattheUniversityofWisconsin-
Madison,Madison,Wisconsin;AllcorrespondenceshouldbeaddressedtoDr.Carnes,700RegentSt.Suite#301,
UniversityofWisconsin-Madison,Madison,WI53715;Phone: (608)263-9770;Fax: (608)265-6423;Email:
Contents
Abstract 2
Introduction 3
Unconscious Gender Bias 5
Evidence for Unconscious Gender Bias 5
How Gender Bias is Activated 7
Prescriptive Nature of Gender Stereotypes 10
Gender Bias is Mathematically Intensive Fields 12
Stereotype Threat 13
Bias to Opportunity in Leadership 15
Strategies to Mitigate Unconscious Gender Bias 17
Reducing the Influence of Unconscious Gender Bias in Hiring Practices 17
Addressing Unconscious Gender Bias in Performance-Reward Practices 18
Breaking the Gender Bias Habit 19
Conclusion 21
References 22
Amarette Filut, Anna Kaatz, and Molly Carnes1
The Impact of Unconscious Biason Women's Career Advancement
The paper forms part of
the Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews Series on
Advancing Women's Empowerment.
To cite this paper, please use:
Filut, A., Kaatz, A. and Carnes, M. The Impact of Unconscious Bias on
Women's Career Advancement. The Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews
Series on Advancing Women's Empowerment, 2017.
2
Abstract
Thispaperreviewssomeoftheextantresearchonunconscious(or implicit)bias,atermthat
referstocognitiveerrorsinthewayhumansprocessinformationaboutthemselvesandothers
basedonstereotypicassumptionsaboutsocialgroups.Unconsciousbiasarisesfromthemere
existenceofgroupstereotypesandcanleadtoerrors in judgmentanddecision-makingthat
mayunwittinglyandunintentionallyconflictwithone’sexplicitandconsciouslyheldbeliefs.
Wediscusshowculturalstereotypesaboutmenandwomengiverisetounconsciousgender
biasandhowthisbiassystematicallyconstrainsopportunitiesforwomen’scareeradvancement
inorganizations,particularly in takinguptop leadershippositionsand in fieldshistorically
dominatedbymensuchasthesciences,technology,engineering,mathematics,andmedicine
(STEMM).Weconcludewithareviewofinterventionsthatappeartobesuccessfulinmitigating
thenegativeimpactofunconsciousgenderbiasonwomeninhiringandperformancerewards.
Thediscussionincludesthedescriptionofonecontrolledstudythatapproachedunconscious
genderbiasasaremediablehabitandwassuccessfulinhelpingfacultyatonelargeuniversity
breakthebiashabitwithimprovementsindepartmentclimateforallfaculty.
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Introduction
Unconsciousbias isubiquitousbecause itarises fromtheexistenceofculturalstereotypes
aboutvarioussocialcategories—includingmenandwomen.Stereotypesareawell-learnedset
ofassociationsbetweensomecharacteristicorbehaviorandanysocialcategory.Stereotypic
associationsarerepeatedlyactivatedandreinforcedbyexperiencesandthesocietalmessages
thatbombardpeopleonadailybasis throughout their lives.Althoughthecontentof these
messagesmayvaryfromonecountryorculturetoanother,theprocessbywhichhumansform
stereotypicassumptionsaboutgroupsofpeopleisthesameeverywhere.Whenevergroupsof
peoplesharesomecommonsocialcharacteristicorsocialidentity(e.g.,gender,race,countryof
origin,religionoroccupationandsoforth),stereotypicassumptionsaboutthatgrouparelikelyto
emerge.Forexample,onecannamecommonstereotypicassumptionsaboutGermans,French,
Japanese,orAmericans(Spenceretal.1999).Stereotypicassumptionsmaybeaccurateatagroup
level(e.g.menaretallerthanwomen)butmaybeinaccurateatanindividual level(i.e.,some
womenaretallerthansomemen).Thecontentofthesestereotypestendstobewidelyshared
amongmembersofanysociety,suchthattheprevailingculturalstereotypesareknowneven
bythosewhodonotconsciouslybelieveorendorsethem(Devine1989;GhavamiandPeplau
2013).
Groupstereotypescanleadtotwotypesof inter-groupbias(Devine1989).Themostfamiliar
typeofbiasisexplicitbiasthatreflectsaconsciouslyendorsedpersonalbeliefaboutgroupsof
people.Thistypeofbiasistypicallymeasuredinsurveys.Ifoneexaminestheresponsestosuch
surveys,onewouldconcludethatprejudicewithinmanycountrieshasdeclinedoverthepasthalf
century.Forexample, inthepastmanypeopleexplicitlybelievedthatwomenwereincapable
ofbeingeffective leaders,physicians,scholars,scientists,orengineers.Althoughwomenare
stillunderrepresentedinmanyofthesefields,aboundingevidenceconfirmsthatwomencan
bequiteeffectiveinalltheseroles(Hill2010;NationalAcademyofSciences,NationalAcademy
ofEngineering,andInstituteofMedicine2007).Explicitprejudiceisalsodemonstratedinthe
lawsandpracticesthat limitopportunitiesforsomegroupsandfavorothers.Forexample, in
theU.S.beforetheCivilRightsActof1964,AmericansofAfricanheritagewererestrictedfrom
participatinginmanybasicrightsbylaw,andbeforetheEducationAmendmenttothisAct in
1972(Title IX),many institutionsofhighereducationhadquotasrestrictingthenumberof
womenwhocouldbeadmitted,regardlessoftheirqualifications.
Thesecondtypeofinter-groupbiaswasfirstidentifiedexperimentallybyPatriciaDevinewho
examinedracebiasintheU.S.(Devine1989).Thistypeofunconscious(orimplicit)biasisthe
unwittingandunintentional influenceofstereotype-basedpreconceivedassumptionsabouta
groupthatoccurswhenjudginganindividualmemberofthatgroup.Theresultingcognitive
distortionthatoccursinprocessinginformationfromanindividualfromastereotypedgroup
occursevenamongthosewhoexplicitlyrejectthecontentofthestereotype.Stereotype-based
assumptions—trueornot—canoverrideobjectivedatainformulatingjudgments.Forexample,
MonicaBiernatandcolleagues(1990)foundthatthegeneralknowledgethatmenaretallerthan
womenledparticipantstojudgewomenasshorterthanmenof identicalheight,evenwhen
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standingnexttoacommonreferenceforheightsuchasadeskordoorframe(seealsoBiernat
2012).Anotherexampleofcognitivedistortionofobjective informationcanbeseen inthe
increasednumberofwomenmusiciansselectedfororchestrasfollowingtheimplementation
ofblindedauditions(Goldin2000).Whenjudgescouldobservethegenderofthemusician,
theyactuallyprofessedtohearingthemusicdifferentlybecauseofapreconceivedassumption
thatwomencouldnotachievethesametonesorvolumeasmen.Afinal,compellingexample
comesfromresearchperformedbyDonaldRubin(1992).Hefoundthatundergraduatestudents
heardmoreaccentedEnglishwhenlisteningtoarecordedlessonreadbysomeonespeaking
StandardAmericanEnglishwhileviewingapictureofateachingassistantofAsianheritagethan
whenlisteningtothesamerecordingwhileviewingapictureofateachingassistantofEuropean
heritage.Astheseexamplesillustrate,stereotype-basedassumptionscangiverisetoerrorsin
cognitiveprocessingofobjective information.Thesedistortionscansubsequently influence
judgment,decision-making,andbehavior.
Insummary,allpeople—includingindividualswhodonotendorseagroupstereotypeatthe
consciouslevelandholdegalitarianbeliefs,andaspiretoact inaccordancewithmeritocratic
principles—arevulnerabletotheinfluenceofunconsciousbias(Banaji2013).Thispaperwill
focusonhowunconsciousbiasconspirestolimitaccessofwomentocareersinSTEMMfields
andtoleadershippositionsinallfields.However,unconsciousbiasgoesbeyondjustgender—
individualsholdunconsciousbeliefsaboutavarietyofsocialcategories, includingraceand
ethnicity,nationality,sexualorientation,bodysizeandappearance,religion,andsoforth.
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Unconscious Gender Bias
Evidence for Unconscious Gender Bias
Evenasrecognitiongrowsthatgenderismorecomplexthanamale-femalebinary,stereotypic
assumptionsaboutmenandwomenarewidelysharedanddeeplypervasiveinculturalnorms.
Traitsandbehaviorsstereotypicallyassociatedwithmenincludebeingaggressive,decisive,
technical,strong,andlogicalwhilethosestereotypicallyassociatedwithwomenincludebeing
submissive,quiet,caring, relational,andnurturing(Bem1974;BurgessandBorgida1999).
Stereotypictraitsandbehaviorsmorestronglyassociatedwithmenarereferredtoasagentic
andthosemorestronglyassociatedwithwomenarereferredtoascommunal(Eagly2002).
Althoughtheremaybesomevariation in thecontentof thesegenderstereotypes,Virginia
Scheinandhercolleagues(1996)foundconsiderablesimilaritiesacrosscultures.Inonestudy,a
sampleof105femaleand211malebusinessstudentsataJapaneseuniversityexpressedsimilar
beliefsaboutgenderrolestereotypesandthecharacteristicsofsuccessfulmanagersbasedon
samplesofindividualsfromChina,England,Germany,andtheU.S.(Schein,Muelleretal.1989;
ScheinandMueller1992).Shelabeledherfindingsthethinkmanager-thinkmalephenomenon
becausethementalmodelofa leaderoverlappedtosuchahighdegreewithmalegender
stereotypes.Amorerecentmeta-analysisconfirmedthathighstatusleadershiprolesinparticular
arestereotypicallymasculine(Koenigetal.2011).Exposuretogenderstereotypesoccursfrom
birthandtheinformationcontainedinthesestereotypesisreinforcedthroughout life.These
messageslaythefoundationforunconsciousgenderbiasthatcouldshapethedecisionsofthose
intheworkforcewhodeterminewhotoadmit,mentor,hire,promote,orfundandalsoinfluence
potentialscientists,engineers,entrepreneurs,andleaders,whomustdecidewhethertheyfitina
specificcareerpathoroccupationalrole.
In1968,PhilipGoldbergconducted the first randomizedexperiment todemonstratehow
unconsciousgenderbias,triggeredbytheassignmentofamale(JohnT.McKay)orfemale(Joan
T.McKay)genderednameasauthorofanessay,ledevaluatorstorateidenticalworkdifferently
basedonwhethertheythought itwaswrittenbyamanorawoman(Goldberg1968).This
experimentalparadigm,subsequentlytermedtheGoldbergdesign,hasbeenusedextensivelyto
documenttheexistenceofgenderbiasintheevaluationofindividualmenandwomenortheir
work,andtotesttheeffectivenessofinterventionstoreducegenderbias.Ourresearchgroup
performedasystematicreviewofallstudiesthatusedaGoldbergdesigntoassessgenderbias
inexperimentalhiringsettings(Isaacetal.2009).Takentogether,thesestudiesdocumentthat
bothmaleandfemaleevaluators,generallytothesamedegree,ratewomenapplicantsasbeing
lesscompetent,lesshirable,anddeservingofalowersalarythanidenticallycredentialedmen,
particularlywhenmenandwomenareapplyingforhighstatusorleadershippositions.Wefound
nochangeintheexistenceofgenderbiasover30yearsofresearch.Inamorerecentstudyusing
theGoldbergdesign,inadditiontoratingthefemaleapplicantforalaboratorymanagerposition
lower inthesethreeareasthanthe identicalmaleapplicant,sciencefacultywerealsomore
willingtomentorthemaleapplicant(Moss-Racusinetal.2012).Thisfindingisdisturbingsince
mentorshipissocriticaltosuccessfulcareeradvancement(Sambunjak2006;Pfundetal.2015).
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Thegenderbiasmeasuredinlaboratorystudiesisreflectedinrealworlddata. Itwasrevealed
thatelitesciencelaboratoriesareless likelytoacceptfemalegraduatestudents(Sheltzerand
Smith2014); femalegraduatestudentsare less likelytoearnauthorshiponresearchpapers
despitegreaterhoursspentconductingresearch(Feldonetal.2017);womenreceive lower
salariesthanmenforcomparableworkatallstagesofcareers inscience(Wrightetal.2003;
Jagsietal.2012;Jena,etal.2016);womenarelesslikelythantheirmalepeerstobepromoted
despitegreaterverbalpraise(Biernat2012)orcomparableperformanceevaluations(Castilla
2012);andfewerthan5percentofthelargestcompaniesintheU.S.areledbywomen(Zarya
2016).JustasexperimentslikethoseperformedbyBiernatandcolleagues(1990)confirmthat
stereotype-basedassumptionsinfluencejudgmenteveninthefaceofdisconfirmingdata,these
realworldexamplesofgenderbiasoccurinspiteofevidencethatcollectiveintelligenceofteams
isgreaterwhenwomenaremembersoftheteam(Woolley2010)andwomenareaseffective
asmeninleadershiprolesandperhapsmorelikelytodemonstrateatransformational(i.e.,the
mosteffective)leadershipstyle(Eagly1992;Bass1999;Eagly2003;Rosser2003).Moreover,it
wasfoundthatinalargeU.S.study,patientscaredforbyfemalephysicianshadbetterclinical
outcomesthanthosecaredforbymenafteradjustingfornumerouspotentialconfounding
variables(Tsugawaetal.2017).
It isworthnotingthatgenderbiascanalsodisadvantagemenwhoare lessstereotypically
masculine.Forexample,tallermenhavegreatercareersuccess,higherincomes,andaremore
likelytoattainmanagerialpositionsthanshortermen(JudgeandCable2004;Lindqvist2011).
SabineSczesnyandcolleagues(2006)completedastudy inGermanyandfoundthateven
amongmen,thosewhosefacialfeaturesweredeemedtobemorestereotypicallymasculinein
photographswereassumedtobemorecompetentleaders.Inotherexperimentalstudies,baby-
facedmensuffereddiscriminationsimilartowomeninhiringforhighstatuspositions(Zebrowitz
1991),andegalitarianmenormenwhoadoptcommunalbehaviorssufferedsocialpenalties
comparedtothosewhoadheredtomorestereotypicallymasculinebehaviors(Moss-Racusin
etal.2010;Rudmanetal.2013).Furthermore,onlymaleapplicantsweredisadvantagedinan
experimentinwhichidenticalapplicationsfromamanorwomancontainedanemploymentgap
(Smith2005).Intheabsenceofspecificinformation,participantsinthisstudymadeassumptions
basedongenderrolestereotypes; theyassumedthat theemploymentgapforwomenwas
relatedtochildbearing/rearingwhiletheemploymentgapformenconstitutedagenderrole
violationbecausemenarestereotypicallyassumedtobethefamily’sbreadwinnerwhoneedsto
becontinuouslyemployed.Inasimilarvein,inbothanexperimentalandfieldstudy,Ashleigh
ShelbyRosetteandcolleagues(2015) foundthatmale leaderswerepenalized forseeking
help,presumablybecausethisviolatedthemalegenderstereotypeofbeingconfidentand
independent.
Oneofthemostwidelyusedmeasuresofunconsciousbiasforthepasttwodecadeshasbeenthe
ImplicitAssociationTest(IAT)developedbyAnthonyGreenwaldandcolleagues(1998;seealso
Noseketal.2007).ApersontakinganIATisshownwordsorpicturesonacomputerscreenand
askedtocategorizethembypressingkeysonthekeyboard.Thepersonisinstructedtodothisas
quicklyaspossibletobypassconsciouscognitiveprocessingandtheirreactiontimeisrecorded.
Sometimespairsofwordsorpicturesalignwithculturalstereotypesandsometimestheydonot.
Relevanttogenderbias,thevastmajorityofbothmenandwomenwhotakeanIATinwhichthey
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areaskedtosortAmericanmaleandfemalegenderednameswithwordsassociatedwithscience
(e.g.,biochemistry)ortheliberalarts(e.g.,history),morequicklymatchmalenameswithscience
wordsandfemalenameswithliberalartswords(Noseketal.2002),congruentwithculturaland
genderstereotypes.Similarly,thevastmajorityofpeopleonotherIATsmorequicklymatchmale
genderednameswithcareerroles(Noseketal.2002)andleadershipwords(Dasgupta2004;
Carnes,etal.2015)andfemalenameswithdomesticrolesandsupporterwords,respectively.
AlthoughtheunconsciousbiasmeasuredwithIATsmaynotreliablyaffectbehavior(Carnesetal.
2015;Laietal.2016),itcanbeanimportantmeansofdemonstratingtheubiquityofsuchbiasto
individualswhodonotbelievethattheyharborstereotype-basedbiasaboutgroupsofpeople.
TheimportanceofprovidingthisawarenessissupportedbyexperimentsbyUhlmannandCohen
(2007)inwhichindividualswhobelievethemselvestobeobjectivedemonstratedthemostbias
againstafemaleapplicantinevaluatingmaleandfemaleapplicantswithidenticalcredentials(see
alsoUhlmann2005).Greenwaldandcolleagues(2003)notedthattheIATcouldproveusefulto
detectbiaswithinnumeroussettingsincluding“personneldecisions,lawenforcementdecisions,
criminaljusticedecisions,educationaldecisions,andhealthcaredecisions.”
How Gender Bias is Activated
Trivialamountsof informationcouldbringforthunbiddentheentirecontentofastereotype.
Onceactivated, thestereotypemayserveasaperceptual filter, influencingthesubsequent
processingofinformationaboutanindividualperson,theirwork,ortheirperformance.Although
explicitprejudiceagainstwomenisstill relevant,muchof thecognitivebiasresultingfrom
genderstereotypeactivationisunconscious.AsGoldberg(1968)found,biasinevaluationcan
betriggeredintheformofanamethatisassociatedwithonegenderoranotheroranything
elsethatisstereotypicallymorestronglylinkedwithonegender.Intheexampleoftheblinded
orchestraauditions,womenfoundthattheyneededtoremovetheirshoesduringtryoutsbecause
evenbehindacurtain, theclickofheelswalkingacross thestageactivatedfemalegender
stereotypesinthejudges.MazarinBanajiandcolleagues(1993)foundthatexposingindividuals
towordsthatdescribedstereotypicalmaleorfemaletraitsledthemtosubsequentlyrateaman
orwoman,respectively,ashavinggenderstereotypiccharacteristics.Toaccomplishthissemantic
priming,theyhadparticipantsunscramblephrasesthatdescribedeitheranaggressivebehavior
pre-testedasbeingstereotypicallymale(e.g.,neverbacksdown),adependentbehaviorpre-
testedasbeingstereotypicallyfemale(e.g.,cannotmanagealone),oraneutralbehavior(e.g.,
readingabook)(MazarinBanajietal.1993).Inanostensiblyunrelatedtask,theparticipantswere
thengivenashortparagraphtoreadthatdescribedeitheramale(Donald)orafemale(Donna)
individualwhodisplayedaseriesofbehaviors.Theparticipantswerethenaskedtoratethe
individualonthetargettraitsofaggressiveordependent,aswellasothertraits.Theyfoundthat
participantswhowereexposedtotheaggressiveprimeratedDonaldasmoreaggressivethan
whenexposedtoneutralprimes.ThesameappliedforDonna:shewasratedasmoredependent
iftheywereexposedtothedependentprimescomparedtotheneutralprimes.
Suchsubtleandapparentlytrivialsemanticprimingmayhavereallifeconsequencesonwomen’s
opportunitiesforcareeradvancement.Forexample,ourresearchgroup(Carnesetal.2005;
Carnes2006)pointedoutthatacontributortotheabsenceofwomenscientistsamongawardees
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ofthefirstroundoftheNational InstitutesofHealth(NIH)Director’sPioneerAwardsin2004
mayhavebeenthelargenumberofsemanticprimesinthesolicitationandreviewcriteriawhich
wouldpredictamorefavorablereviewofmaleapplicants.Specifically,therewasahighlyvisible
focusonfundingscientistswhowouldengageinhighriskresearchandleadresearchthatwould
result intechnologicalbreakthroughs;eventheURLfortheawardcontainedtheword,“risk”
(www.highrisk.NIH.gov).Beingwillingtotakeriskswasfoundtobeastronglymale-gendered
stereotype(Bem1974;Konrad2002).Exposingreviewerstothesemale-genderedsemantic
primescouldhavefavoredmaleapplicants inthereviewprocessbytriggeringunconscious
genderbias.Followingthe2004awards,NIHmadesubstantialchangesinthewordingofthe
solicitationandreviewcriteria insubsequentrounds,eliminatingthefocusonscientificrisk-
taking,andguidingreviewerstolookattheworkoftheapplicantratherthanjusttheapplicant.
Ofnote,womenhavebeenrepresentedamongawardeesinallsubsequentrounds.Weexpressed
similarconcernswhenNIHputforththeannouncementforlargecentergrantsinclinicaland
translationalresearch(CarnesandBland2007).Wepointedoutthatahighlyprestigious,large
budgetawardthatmandatedapowerfulleaderofotherleaderswouldalmostcertainlyinduce
applicant institutionstoputforthproposals ledbymen.Ourpredictionprovedtobecorrect
in thatnoneof the initial35applicationssubmittedwas ledbyawoman.Ourgroupalso
examinedthewordingintenurecriteriadisplayedonthepublicwebsitesofthetop25ranked
medicalschools intheUnitedStates(Marchantetal.2007).Giventheinfluenceofsemantic
primingdemonstratedexperimentallybyBanajiandcolleagues(1993),wenotedthepotential
importanceofthegreaternumberofstereotypicallymale-genderedwordsthanfemale-gendered
orneutralwordsinthetenurecriteria intheseschools.Wealsofoundthatthoseschoolsthat
containedthewordleaderintheircriteriacomparedtothosethatdidnotfellsignificantlybelow
themedianslopeforincreasingtheproportionofwomenamongthetenuredfacultyoverasix-
yearperiod(Marchantetal.2007).
Genderstereotypescanbeactivatedbyexposuretoanyinformationthatispartofthestereotype.
Manyexperimentalexamplesdemonstratethis.Forexample,PaulDaviesandClaudeSteele’s
(2002)researchgroupfoundviewingtelevisioncommercialsthatreinforcedafemalegenderrole
significantlyinfluencedthesubsequentselectionofcareergoals(Daviesetal.2002)ordesireto
assumealeaderroleinagrouptask(seealsoDaviesetal.2005).PeterGlicketal.(2005)found
thatclothingthatwasmorefemininereducedthehiringselectionofwomenforhighstatus
jobs.SabineSczesnyetal. (2002)foundthatapplicantswearingascent(pre-testedtosmell
masculine)receivedthehighestevaluationsinevaluationforaleadershippositioncomparedtoa
femininescent.StoutandDasgupta(2011)examinedtheeffectofgender-exclusivelanguagein
theapplicationandhiringprocess.Theymanipulatedgenderpronouns(he/hisvs.she/her)injob
announcementsandfoundthattheuseofmalepronounsresultedinwomenbeingmorelikely
toexpecttobeostracized,lessmotivatedtopursueaposition,andalowerlevelofidentification
with theposition.Theyalso found thatgender-exclusive language increasedawoman’s
perceptionofsexismandloweredhersenseofbelonging.Men,however,didnothavesuch
negativereactionstotheuseofgender-exclusivelanguageforajobdescription.SapnaCheryan
andcolleagues(2009)showedhowsubtlegenderedcues in theenvironmentcanactivate
unconsciousgenderbiasandmakewomenfeelincludedorexcludedfromthetraditionallymale-
dominatedfieldofcomputersciencebyimplicitlyfosteringor inhibitingambientbelonging.
Theyhadstudents,whowereunawareofthepurposeofthestudy,sitforoneminuteinaroom
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thatcontainedeitherpre-testeditemsdeemedtypicalforamalestudent(e.g.,aStarTrekwall
poster,videogameboxes,andcomputerparts)orgenderneutralitems(e.g.,anatureposter,art,
orgeneralinterestbooks).Exposuretothemale-typicalitemscausedfemalestudentstobeless
interestedincomputersciencethanstudentsexposedtothegenderneutralitemswhilehaving
noeffectonmalestudents.
LeraBoroditskyandcolleagues(2003)foundthatgenderstereotypicassumptionscanextend
beyondthesocialworldtoincludeinanimateobjects.Forexample,thewordforkeyismasculine
inGermanandfeminine inSpanish.SpeakinginEnglish,nativeGermanspeakersdescribed
keyswithfairlyagenticadjectivesincludinghard,heavy,metal,andjaggedwhilenativeSpanish
speakersdescribedkeysasgolden,intricate,little,andlovely.Conversely,thewordforbridgeis
feminineinGermanandmasculineinSpanish.Inthiscase,Germanspeakersdescribedbridges
withfairlycommunaladjectivesincludingbeautiful,elegant,fragile,andpretty,whileSpanish
speakersusedadjectivessuchasbig,dangerous,strong,andsturdy.
Becauseonlywomencanbemothers,motherhoodstatusalonetriggersgenderstereotypesthat
havebeenshowntodisadvantagewomeninhiringevaluationsforahighstatusposition.Shelley
Correllandcolleagues(2007)haveshownthatwhenmotherhoodstatusissubtlysignaledby
notingonaresumemembershipinanorganizationforparents,withnootherinformationabout
children,participantsratedmothersassignificantlylesscompetentandhavinglowerlevelsof
workcommitmentthanidenticalapplicantswhohadnoinformationintheirresumesidentifying
theirparentalstatus.Participantsalsoallowedfewer latedays, requiredahigherqualifying
examinationscore,recommendedalowersalary,andpredictedalowerlikelihoodofpromotion
formotherscomparedtothenon-motherswiththeidenticalcredentials.Achildlesswomanwas
nearlytwiceaslikelytoberecommendedforhirecomparedtoamother.Incomparison,fathers
wereratedassignificantlymorecommitted,allowedmorelatedays,andahighersalarythan
non-fathers.Correlletal.(2007)alsocompletedanauditstudyinwhichresumesofmothers
ornon-mothersweresent inresponsetoactual jobopenings.As intheexperimentalstudy,
theyfoundthatchildlesswomenreceivedtwiceasmanycallbacksfromprospectiveemployers
asmothers.AccordingtoHilletal. (2010)writingfortheAmericanAssociationofUniversity
Women,asinglewomanismorelikelytobehiredforatenure-trackpositionandpromotedthan
amarriedwoman.Bycontrast,inanexperimentalstudy,MadelineHeilmanandOkimoto(2008)
foundthatalthoughmotherhoodstatuscanworkagainstawomaninmanyevaluativesituations,
onceawomanhasachieveda leadershipposition, informationconfirminghermotherhood
statusmaybebeneficial.TheyconductedaGoldbergdesignstudy,whichconsistedof two
identiticalapplications(onemaleandonefemale)beingevaluatedforaposition.Theyfound
thatwhennoparentalinformationwasprovidedintheapplication,theidenticallycredentialed
manandwomanwereratedasequivalentlycompetent,butthewomanwasratedassignificantly
lesslikeable.However,includingastatementindicatingthatthemanagerhadchildrenresulted
inequivalentratingsof likeabilityanddesirabilityasabosswithnodecrement inratingsof
competence(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).
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Prescriptive Nature of Gender Stereotypes
Genderstereotypesnotonlydescribethegeneralculturalassumptionsandcreatebehavorial
normsabouthowmenandwomenare (descriptive)orshouldbe (prescriptive), theyalso
establish implicit (andexplicit)boundaries forhowmenandwomenshouldnotbehave
(proscriptive).Theresultinggenderrulescontributetosubtle(andsometimesnotsosubtle)
gender-trackingofwomenandmentowarddifferentcareeroutcomes.Ourdetailedexamination
ofthewrittenevaluationsofmedicalstudentsprovidesawindowintothesubtleyetconsistent
socializationofmalestudentstowardhigherstatus,technical,agenticspecialties(e.g.,orthopedic
surgery)andfemalestudentstowardlowerstatus,communalspecialties(e.g.,familymedicine)
(Isaacetal.2011).Thissamekindofsocializationmayhappenwithinamedicalspecialtywith
fewerwomenrisingto fullprofessorpositionswhencontrollingforpotentialconfounding
variables(Blumenthaletal.2017;CarnesandBaireyMerz2017).
Oneknowsthatunconsciousbiasisatplayifswitchinggendersinathoughtexperimentmakes
aroleorbehaviorthatmayhaveappearedcompletelyordinaryforonegendersuddenlyappear
oddorincongruous.Althoughitmayseemhumorouswhenthethoughtexperimentinvolves
menwalkinginhighheels(whichusuallyinvokeslaughter)orwearinglipstickoradress, it is
nothumorouswhenthissamejuxtapositionproducesalackoffitforwomenintopleadership
positionsorinmaledominatedfieldssuchasengineering,computerscience,orbusiness.Both
menandwomenpaysocialpenaltiesforviolatingprescriptivegendernorms,butmenarenot
forcedtoviolategendernormssimplybyshowingupforworkandsuccessfullydoingtheirjobs
(Heilmanetal.2004;Heilman2012).
Theassumptionsaboutthetraitsandbehaviorsneededtobesuccessfulincertainoccupations
andinanytopleadershiproleoverlapwithmalestereotypestoafargreaterextentthantheydo
withfemalegenderstereotypes(Koenigetal.2011).EachtimeweteachourcourseonWomen
andLeadershipinMedicine,Science,andEngineering(Isaacetal.2012),weaskstudentson
thefirstdaytocallouttraitsandbehaviorsthatarepartofamalestereotype.Asnotedabove,
allpresentareawareofthecontentofthestereotypeandwealwaysgetwordssuchasdecisive,
independent,strong,logical,competitive,andunemotional.Thenwedothesameforafemale
steretoypeandgetwordssuchasnurturing,nice,caring,supportive,gentle,andemotional.We
writetheselistsofwordsontheboard.Wethenaskwhattraitsandbehaviorsdescribetypical
leaders.Eachtime, thewordsonthis listoverlapalmostdirectlywiththeword list formale
stereotypes.Eagly(2002)referstothisphenomenonasrolecongruityformale leaders(see
alsoEaglyandCarli2007).Womenarenotaffordedthesamerolecongruityforleadershipasis
affordedtomen.Thisdisadvantageswomen’scareeradvancement intwoways.First,women
sufferfromcompetencybiasforbeingwomenwiththestereotypicassumptionoflowerability
thanmeninhigherstatusandleadershiproles.Thesecondwaywomenaredisadvantagedis
that if theydoadoptstereotypicallymalebehaviors, theywillsuffer intheirevaluationsand
effectivenessbecausethesesamebehaviorsthatareexpectedfrommenwillincursocialcensure
forviolatingprescriptivefemalegendernormswhenenactedbywomen(Eagly1990;Heilman
2001;Heilmanetal.2004).
MadelineHeilman’s researchgroupdemonstrated this clearly ina seriesofexperiments
11
basedontheGoldbergdesign(Heilmanetal.2004).Theyfoundthatwhenperformancewas
ambiguous(e.g.,theleaderwasgoingtobecomingupfortheannualperformancereview),the
assistantvicepresidentwiththefemalegenderednamewasratedaslesscompetent,butmore
likeable,thantheidenticalassistantvicepresidentwithamalegenderedname.However,when
performancewasclear(therecentperformanceevaluationconfirmedthattheassistantvice
presidentwasperforminginthetop5percentofothersinthisposition),thefemaleleaderwas
viewedasequivalentlycompetenttohermalecounterpart,butwasassumedtobelesslikeable
andmoreinterpersonallyhostile.Inathirdstudy,theyconfirmedthatlikeabilityandcompetence
independentlypredictedthewillingnessoftheparticipantstoconferinstitutionalbenefits.Laurie
Rudman’sresearchgroup(RudmanandGlick2001)referstothenegativeevaluationsreceived
bywomenwhoarecompetentinmalerolesasbacklashagainstagenticwomenforbreaking
genderrules.Acrossseveralstudies,hergroup(RudmanandGlick2001)hasshown,forexample,
thatevenattheriskoflosingagame,participantswillrejectacompetentwomanasapartnerif
shebragsaboutherskills,andthatstudentsevaluatingapplicantsforacomputerlabmanager
positionplacedgreatervalueonsocialskillsthanoncompetenceforfemaleapplicants,butnot
male(Phelanetal.2008).
HeilmanandOkimoto(2007)confirmedthatthedisadvantagefacedbycompetentwomenin
leadershiprolesisrelatedtogenderroleviolationintwoways.Ontheonehand,bysucceeding
inamalerole,womenleadersareviolatingtheproscriptivegenderrulesofhowwomenshould
notbehave.Ontheother,theymaybeviewedasfailingtoadheretotheprescriptivegenderrules
ofhowwomenshouldbehaveandthusreproachedforsufferingfromacommunalitydeficit.In
experimentswiththeGoldbergdesign,theyexaminedtheratingsofamale(James)orfemale
(Andrea)applicantforaleadershippositioninamale-dominatedfield(vicepresidentoffinancial
affairs).Participantsread introductionsof thenewvicepresident that includedbackground
information,descriptionsofexemplarypastworkexperiencesandperformanceawards,
andaccountsofpastsupervisorsandcoworkersattestingtotheiroutstandingeffectiveness,
competence,andaggressiveachievementswhichwereascribedtodoingwhatittooktosucceed
(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).Participants rated femaleandmale leadersasequivalently
competentandachievement-oriented,butratedAndreaas less likable,more interpersonally
hostile,and lessdesirableasaboss than the identically credentialed James.Theauthors
concludedthat thesenegativeassumptionsresultedfromtheperceptionofacommunality
deficitbecausetheywereeliminatedwhenthemanipulationincludedstatementsaboutthe
communalaspectsofthevicepresident’sbehavioratworksuchasbeingknowntoencourage
cooperationandhelpfulbehaviorandhavingbeencommendedforeffortstopromoteapositive
community(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).Evaluationsofthemalevicepresident,James,were
unaffectedbythepresenceofcommunalstatements.Furthermore,as innearlyallGoldberg
designstudies,bothmaleandfemaleparticipantsdemonstratedsimilargenderbiases.Asnoted
earlier,proofofmotherhoodstatusasconfirmationofcommunalityinanotherstudybyHeilman
andOkimoto(2008),similarlyledtomorepositiveevaluationsofawomanleader.CarolIsaac
(2007) interviewedwomendeansabouttheir leadershipexperiencesand,workingwithour
researchgroup,interviewedfacultyindepartmentswithwomenchairsabouttheirobservations
andperceptionsoftheirchairs’leadership.Inbothsituations,shefoundnumerousexamplesthat
supportedtheexperimentalfindingsofHeilman’sgroupandothers:thesetopwomenleaders
enactedeffectiveleadershipbyexhibitingbothagenticandcommunalbehaviors.Forexample,
12
onefacultymembernotedthatthechairwanted“eachindividual,whetheritbefacultyorstaffor
resident…tosucceedandthen,thelogicalconsequenceofthatisthatthedepartmentsucceeds
asawhole…Iseeherreallycaringaboutindividuals…butIseenoegoinvolved”(Isaac2007,
page536).
Inaddition to the socialpenalties aimedatwomenwhoviolate femalegendernorms,
RudmanandFairchild (2004)have studied the fearofbacklashexperiencedbywomen
themselves.This fearofbacklash leadswomentoconstrict theirownbehaviors,whichcan
reinforceandperpetuate theexistinggender rules.Girlsareguided in theprescriptiveand
proscriptiverestraintsofgenderstereotypesontheirbehaviorfromanearlyagewithrepeated
admonishmentstobemodestandself-deprecatingcoupledwithscoldingforbraggingorbeing
bossy(RudmanandFairchild2004).Ourresearchgroupdocumentedfearofbacklashexpressed
byfemalephysicians in internalmedicineresidency(Bartelsetal.2008;Kolehmainenetal.
2014).Inonestudy,weinterviewedmaleandfemaleresidentsabouttheirexperiencesleading
cardiopulmonaryresuscitationevents(codes)aspartoftheirresidencytraining(Kolehmainen
etal.2014).Wequalitativelyanalyzedthetextofsemi-structuredinterviewsfrom25internal
medicineresidenciesatninedifferenttrainingprogramsthroughouttheU.S.Bothmaleand
femaleresidentsdescribedthe idealcodeleader inthisurgent, time-sensitive, task-oriented
settinginhighlyagentic,masculineterms(e.g., loud,deepvoice,tall,authoritativepresence,
controllingtheroom,andsoforth).Nooneexplicitlyperceivedthatthegenderofthecodeleader
matteredintermsofhisorhereffectiveness,buttheneedtobehaveinacounternormativeway
forwomenleadingcodesindicatedafearofbacklash.Forexample,anumberoffemale,butno
male,residentsdescribedbeingconcernedthattheywouldappear“bossy”whengivingorders
duringacode(Kolehmainenetal.2014).Quotesfromsomeofthefemaleresidentsincluded:“I
justfeltkindofbadyellingatpeople”;“Ijusttrymybesttolookauthoritative…butit’sstressful”;
“ThemostimportantthingisthatwhenIaskforthingstheyshouldnotsoundlikeorders;”and
“Youaren’tsureifpeople’sfeelingsaregoingtobehurtoriftheyaregoingtobemadaboutit”
(Kolehmainenetal.2014).
Gender Bias in Mathematically Intensive Fields
Theculturalstereotypesthatgirlsare lessadeptatmathematics thanboysdeservesspecial
mentionbecause it isparticularlyperniciousasthecall forwomentoentermathematically
intensivefieldsgrows(NSF2007).Thisstereotype-basedassumptionpersists in thefaceof
considerableresearchtothecontrary(Halpernetal.2007;Lindbergetal.2010).Despitehaving
similarratesof interest inmathematicsandscienceatayoungerage,asgirlsandboysgrow
upadividebeginstoemerge.AccordingtotheNationalScienceFoundationin1996,menare
expectedanddemonstratedtobemoreinterestedinthefieldofmathematicsthantheirfemale
counterparts.Thesocietalmessagessuggestingthatboysbelong in thesetechnical fields—
playingwithLegosandLincolnLogsgrowingup,andreceivingfeedbackthattheybelongin
thisfield—canreinforcetogirlsatayoungagethattheydonotbelonginthisfield.Astudyby
JanetHydeandcolleagues(Hydeetal.1990)foundthatstartinginhighschoolboysbeganto
outperformgirlsinmathematicstests.
13
Whileboysandgirlshaveanequalinterestinmathematicsinhighschool(NSF,1996),adivide
emergesduringcollegewherewomenareunder-representedinmath-intensivefields.Astudy
byNoseketal.(2002)examinedimplicitmeasuresof“mathattitude,mathidentity,math-gender
stereotypes,andgender identity” incollegestudents.Theyconfirmedthatstudentswiththe
strongestfemalegroupidentityhadthemostnegativeimplicitattitudestowardmathematics.
Asgirlsgrowup,theyaresocializedtobelievethattheycannotsucceedinmathematics,and
thisstereotypecantriggerimplicitbeliefsabouttheirabilityastheyentercollegeandgraduate
school.Thestereotypicassumptionaboutwomen’slowerabilityinmathematicsissotenacious
thatinanexperimentalstudy,Reubenetal.(2014)foundthatwhenparticipantswereprovided
clearevidenceofawoman’scompetenceinmathematicsperformance,theycouldonlypartially
mitigatebiasagainstselectingawomaninsteadofamanforapositionrequiringmathematics
skills.
At thedoctoral level, recentwork fromAndreiCimpian’s researchgroup(Leslieetal.2015)
hasexaminedtherelationshipbetweenthenumberofdoctoraldegrees intheU.S.awarded
towomenandthebeliefby those in thefieldandothers thatsuccess in that fieldrequires
someinnatebrilliance.Relevanttounconsciousgenderbias,fieldsthatvaluedgiftednessover
dedicationhadfewerwomenPhDs.Mathematics,physics,andcomputerscienceweresomeof
thefieldswiththehighestbeliefs intheneedfor innategiftednesstosucceedandhadsome
ofthefewestwomenreceivingPhDs.Thisrelationshipcouldnotbeaccountedforbyscoreson
standardizedtests,hoursworked,orselectivityofthegraduateprogram.
Stereotype Threat
Inadditiontoinfluencingthewayothersevaluateanindividualwomanorherperformance,
unconsciousgenderbiasbasedonculturalstereotypescan influenceawoman’sownself-
judgmentsandbehaviors.Asnotedabove, fearofbacklash isoneway internalizedgender
stereotypescandoso.Anotherwaygenderstereotypescaninfluenceanindividualwoman’s
behavior isthroughstereotypethreat.Thisphenomenonwasfirstdescribedinanexperiment
thatisnowconsideredoneofthemodernclassicsinsocialpsychology.Inthisexperiment,male
andfemaleundergraduatesatatopuniversityintheU.S.,allofwhomsawthemselvesasstrong
mathematicsstudents,weregivenatestcomposedofdifficult itemsfromthemathematics
sectionof theGraduateRecordExamination.Halfof thesestudentswere told that the test
showedgenderdifferences;theotherhalfwastoldthatthetestshowednogenderdifferences.
Remarkably,femalestudentsperformedworsethantheirmalecounterpartswhenthetestwas
describedasshowinggenderdifferences,butperformedasequallywellasmenwhenthetest
wasdescribedasshowingnodifferences.Stereotypethreatleadsindividualstounderperform
relativetotheirabilitieswhentheyaremembersofagroupthathasnegativeperformanceaspart
ofitsgroupstereotypewhenevertheyareremindedoftheirgroupidentity(SteeleandAronson
1995;Steele1997;YedidiaandBickel2001).Aninterestingmanipulationofstereotypethreat
wasconductedbyShihandcolleagues(1999)inagroupoffemalecollegestudentsintheU.S.
andCanadawhowereofAsianheritage.Thesestudentsheldtwosocialidentitieswithdiffering
stereotypiccontentregardingmathematicsperformance—womenwithlowerquantitativeskills
andAsianswithgreaterquantitativeskills.Theresearchersfoundthatcomparedtoacontrol
14
condition,thestudentsperformedworseonamathematicstestiftheyactivatedgenderidentity
beforethetestbyaskingafewquestionsabouttheirgenderatthebeginningofamathematics
test(e.g.,whethertheypreferredaco-edorsinglesexdormitory),butperformedbetterthan
thoseinacontrolgroupwhenthequestionsactivatedtheirAsianidentity(e.g.,whethertheir
parentsorgrandparentsspokeanylanguagesotherthanEnglish).
Stereotypethreatcan leadto impairedperformanceby increasingstress (Carretal.2000),
negativemood(e.g.,anxiety, frustration,disappointmentandsadness) (Logeletal.2009),
andmonitoringofone’sbehavior,greateremotionalregulation,aswellasreductioninmental
capacity,anddecreaseinmotivation(Adamsetal.2006;Conradetal.2010).Individualsmaybe
consciousofstressandanxietyunderthesecircumstances,butoftenarenotawareofitsetiology,
andthusare likelytoattributetheiranxietytotheirowndeficitsratherthantothesituation
(Johnsetal.2005).Thiscouldleadwomentoself-selectoutofmathintensivefields.Fortunately,
simply informingwomenabout theexistenceof stereotype threatappears toeffectively
inoculateagainstitsnegativeimpactonwomen’smathematicsperformance(Johnsetal.2005).
Statementsaffirmingidentitysafetyarealsoeffective.Forexample,inthepreviouslymentioned
studybyDaviesandcolleagues(2005),womenwerelesslikelythanmentoselectaleadership
roleinagrouptaskunderstereotypethreattriggeredbyviewingwomenenactingfemalegender
stereotypicbehaviors intelevisioncommercials.However,whenactivationofthethreatwas
followedbyastatementconfirmingthatbothgendersperformedequallywellintheleaderand
subordinateroleinthegrouptask,thegenderdifferenceinroleselectionvanished(Daviesetal.
2005).
Giventhatlowerperformanceintherealmofleadershipispartofafemalegenderstereotype,
itisnotsurprisingthatstereotypethreatcanbetriggeredwhenwomenareenactingleadership
(HoytandBlascovich2007;Hoytetal.2010).IncollaborationwithDianaBurgessandcolleagues
(2012),ourresearchgroupdescribedhowtheenvironmentofacademicmedicinewouldbe
predictedtoinvokestereotypethreatinwomenleaders.Theseconditionsarerelevanttowomen’s
careeradvancementtowardleadershipinotherfieldsaswellbecausetheyarenotuniqueto
academicmedicine.Theyincludethefrequentemphasisonleadershipjobrequirementsthat
are inconsistentwithfemalegenderstereotypes(e.g.,strong,decisive leaderwhowill take
charge)ratherthanemphasizingneutralorstereotypicallyfemalestereotypes(e.g.,collaborative,
abletodevelopbeneficialrelationshipswithinandbeyondtheorganization);women’stoken
minorityandsolostatus in leadershipwhichmakesgendersalient;reinforcementofgender
hierarchybecausesupportivenon-leadershiprolesarefilledlargelybywomen;andovertsexism,
discrimination,andharassment.Tohelpcombatstereotypethreat,weextrapolatedfromexisting
researchandrecommendedteaching facultymembersaboutstereotype threat,providing
structuredopportunities for female facultymembers toshare theirexperienceswitheach
other,workingtoreducesexualharassmentandovertgenderdiscrimination,trainingfacultyin
performancefeedbackthatdoesnotinvokenegativestereotypesorsexism,increasingexposure
tofemaleleaders,avoidingframingcriteriaforawardsorpromotionintermsofstereotypically
malegenderedqualities,andencouraging leadershipopportunities for femalestudents to
enhancetheir leadershipself-efficacy.Leadershipself-efficacy(i.e.,self-perceivedcompetency
thatonecanlead)isimportantbecauseresearchbyCrystalHoytandJimBlascovich(2007)find
thatleadershipself-efficacycanbufferwomenfromthedamagingeffectsofstereotypethreat(see
15
alsoHoyt2010).Leadershipself-efficacycandevelopbyhavingexperiencesenactingleadership.
NancyWayneandcolleagues(2010)foundthatteacherscanfosterwomen’searlyexperiences
withleadershipintheirclassessimplybyintentionallystatingthatwhenstudentsdivideinto
workgroupstheyshouldencouragesomeonewhohasnothadleadershipexperiencetoleadthe
grouptask.
Bias to Opportunity in Leadership
Mostoftheextantresearchfindsthatunconsciousgenderbiasworksagainstwomenasthey
advanceincareers,particularly infieldsthathavetypicallybeenoccupiedbymen.However,
asnoted inTable1,assumptionsbasedongender stereotypescouldcreatepreferential
opportunitiesforwomeninsomesettings.RosetteandTost(2010)pointoutthatmostofthe
researchonhowgenderstereotypesandtheresultantunconsciousbiasagainstwomen in
leadershiphasexaminedwomeninmiddlemanagement.Theyconductedtwostudieswhich
foundthattheacknowledgedgenderbiasthatworksagainstwomenastheyriseinleadership
mayactuallyworkintheirfavorwhentheyoccupytopleadershippositions.Thisbenefitderives
fromtheassumptionsthatwomenhadtobemorecompetentandperformatahigher level
thancomparablycredentialedmen(i.e.,adoublestandard) togainaccess tosuchahigh
statusposition(RosetteandTost(2010).Thefirststudypresentedparticipantswithanarticle
aboutachiefexecutiveofficer(CEO)andtherecentperformanceofafictionalcompany.The
genderoftheCEOwassignaledinaGoldbergdesignwithaheadshotphotographofaman
orawomanmatched foremotionalexpressionandphysicalattractiveness.Thecompany’s
successwasindicatedwithagraphicdisplayofearningswhichshowedeitherasteadyincrease
ordeclineoverafive-monthperiod. Creditorblameforperformancewasmanipulatedtobe
eitherplacedontheCEOorattributedtoexternalmarketfactorsbyhavingthearticlestatethat
thiswastheconclusionofan industryanalyst.ParticipantsassessedtheCEOonconfidence,
skillfulness,competitiveness,power,andcapability(e.g.,“IthinktheCEOisskillful”)representing
agenticcharacteristics;andonwarmth,goodnature, friendliness,consideration,caring,and
understanding(e.g.,“IthinktheCEOisfriendly”)representingcommunalcharacteristics(Rosette
andTost2010).WhentheCEOwasresponsibleforthesuccessofthecompany,femaleCEOs
wereevaluatedmorefavorablythanmaleCEOsonbothagenticandcommunalcharacteristics.
Nogenderdifferenceswerefoundwhenthecompanyfailedorwhenthemarketwascreditedfor
itssuccess.Inthesecondstudy,participantsreadabriefperformancesummaryofeitheramale
orfemalemiddle-levelmanageroratop-levelseniorexecutivevice-president.Thegenderofthe
incumbentwassignaledbynameandtheuseofmaleorfemalegenderedpronouns.Inaddition
totheevaluationofagenticandcommunaltraits,thisstudyaddedanassessmentoftheleader’s
overalleffectiveness(e.g.,“Ithinkthat[Mr./Ms.]Jonesisanexceptionalleader”)andquestionsto
assesswhetherparticipantsperceivedtheexistenceofadoublestandardofcompetenceformen
andwomen(e.g.,“Ingeneralwomenhavetoworktwiceashardtobecomea[top-level/mid-
level]managerasmendo”)(RosetteandTost2010).Analysesofresultsindicatedthatwomen
intop-butnotmiddle-managementpositionswereperceivedtobesignificantlymoreeffective
thanmen in thesepositionsandtobebothmoreagenticandcommunal.Thisassumption
wasmediatedbytheperceiveddoublestandard.Statementsbyseveralfacultymemberswe
interviewedindepartmentswithwomenchairssupportedtheseexperimentalfindings.They
16
expressedasenseofprideathavingrecruitedsuchhighlyaccomplishedwomenwithonenoting
thatotherdepartmentsinthecountrywere“jealous”(Isaac2010).
Table 1. The Same Unconscious Gender Bias that Usually Disadvantages Women Leaders Can
Sometimes Turn Into Opportunity
Disadvantaging Bias Potential Opportunity
• The“thinkmanager-thinkmale”phenomenon
creates“lackof fit”, role incongruity,and
backlashforwomenleaders(Schein,Mueller
etal.1996;RudmanandGlick2001;Eagly
2002;Heilman2012).
• Womenintop(butnotmiddle)leadership
maybeviewedasmoreeffectivethanmen
becauseofthegeneralbeliefthattheyhad
tobebetterthancomparablementoachieve
thisposition(RosetteandTost2010).
• Women,butnotmen,inleadershippositions
canaskforhelp,atraitwhichisassociated
withgoodleadership,withoutbeingviewed
aslesscompetentleaders(Rosette,Mueller
etal.2015).
• Womenwhoself-promoteornegotiateon
behalfof themselvesmayincurpenalties
(Bowles2007).
• Womenmaybemoreeffectivethanmen
whennegotiatingonbehalf of others
(AmanatullahandMorris2010).
• Womenwholeadwithanautocratic,directive
stylesufferinevaluation(Eagly1992).
• Atransformationalleadershipstylecombines
agentic and communal behaviors and
embodiesmany stereotypically female
genderbehaviors;e.g.,caringaboutand
mentoringone’ssubordinates(Bass1999;
Eagly2003).
• Womenleaderswhocombineagenticand
communalbehaviorsarethemosteffective
(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).
• Women’scontributiontoateameffortmay
notbeacknowledgedonateamwithmen
andwomen,whilemen’scontribution is
acknowledged(HeilmanandHaynes2005).
• It is a good practice to acknowledge
the contributionof all teammembers
because specific acknowledgment of
women’sexpertisegainsrecognitionofher
contributiontoateameffort(Heilmanand
Haynes2005).
• Womenare socialized tohavedifferent
communicationstylesmorethanmenand
thesehavebeencriticized(HeimandGolant
1993).
• Strategic display of positive emotion
improvednegotiationoutcomesandwomen
aremorelikelythanmentoexhibitthese
behaviors,whichincludedbeingfriendlyand
smiling(Kopelman,Rosetteetal.2006).
• Womenmaybedisadvantagedinnegotiation
because requirednegotiationbehaviors
violatefemalegendernorms(Bowles2007).
• External conferralof statuswitha title
providedwomen,butnotmen,anadvantage
innegotiation(AmanatullahandTinsley
2013).
17
Strategies to Mitigate Unconscious Gender Bias
Agrowingbodyofresearchhasidentifiedsituationsthatfacilitatetheinfiltrationofunconscious
biasintojudgmentanddecision-makingprocessesaswellasinterventionsthatcanreducethe
influenceofunconsciousgenderbias.Theseinterventionsincludeinstitutionallevelchangesin
theworkingenvironmentandinhiringandperformance-rewardpracticesandindividual level
strategiesonecanpracticetobreakthegenderbiashabit.
Toensure thatall individualshaveequalopportunity todevelopanduse their talentsand
advanceintheircareers,theunintentionalconsequencesofunconsciousgenderbiasmustbe
addressed.Wediscussinterventionsthathavebeenfoundtobeeffectiveinexperimentalstudies
inreducinggenderbiasinhiringandannualperformancerewards.Weconcludebyreviewinga
clusterrandomizedcontrolledstudywhichapproachesgenderbiasasaremediablehabitwith
positiveresults.
Reducing the Influence of Unconscious Gender Bias in Hiring Practices
Weconductedasystematicreviewofstudieswithrandomizedcontrolleddesignsthatexamined
the impactofsome interventions inanexperimentalhiringsetting(Isaacetal.2009).We
evaluated27publications indetail (andsomepapers, includingmorethanonestudy).The
interventionsfell intothreecategories:(1)varyingthe informationprovidedtoraters inthe
application(12studies);(2)changingthebehavior,scent,orappearanceoftheapplicant(9
studies);and(3)alteringtheconditionsunderwhichratersassessedapplicants(10studies).
Fromtheseandothermorerecentstudies,wesynthesizedthefollowingrecommendations
forevidence-basedinterventionsthatinstitutionscanimplementtoreducethelikelihoodthat
unconsciousgenderbiaswillinadvertentlyinfluencetheevaluationofapplicants:
• Designtheapplicationprocesstoallowcandidatestoprovideindividuatingevidenceofjob-
relevantcompetency;ambiguityorpartial informationwillencouragerelianceongender-
basedstereotypestofillinabsentinformationanddisadvantagewomen.
• Visiblydisplayevidencethatmenandwomenareequivalentlysuccessful in theposition;
thiscanbethroughstatementssuchas“researchconfirmsthatmenandwomenareequally
successfulat[position]”,picturesdemonstratingmenandwomensuccessfullyperformingthe
job(e.g.,onwallposters,brochures,andwebsites),orthroughsuccessinrecruiting,retaining,
andadvancingmorewomentoleadershippositions.
• Workhardtoensurethatwomencompriseatleast25percentofanapplicantpool;percentages
18
belowthiscantriggerunconsciousgenderbias.
• Insistthatraterscommittothevalueofspecificcredentialsbeforeseeingactualapplicants;this
prevents“reconstructing”thevalueofcredentialstofavorthemaleapplicant.
• Ratespecificqualificationsbeforemakingsummaryjudgmentsaboutapplicant.
• Designequitydirectivesandanti-bias trainingsothatratersdonot feelcoercedtohirea
woman;coercivepracticescanbackfireleadingtounqualifiedmenbeinghiredoverqualified
women.
• Donotaskaboutparenthoodstatusintheapplicationorinterviewquestions.
• Encourageraterstospendadequatetimeandavoidunduedistractionswhenevaluatinga
candidate;theseencouragethecognitivehabitofrelyingongenderstereotypes.
• Usestructuredratherthanunstructuredinterviews;needingtothinkaboutwhatquestionto
askcreatesacognitivedistraction,encouragingrelianceongenderstereotypes.
• Avoidgender-exclusivelanguage(his/him)anddonotuseman-suffix injobtitles(e.g.use
chairorchairpersonasopposedtochairman); thissemanticpriming leadsevaluators to
assumethepositionrequiresmale-genderedtraits.
• Substitutespecific,descriptivelanguageforabstracttermsthataremorestereotypicallylinked
tomen;forexample,replacestrong,charismaticleaderwithanindividualwhohasledateam
ofatleast[number]peopleandwhohasexperiencewith…
• Implement trainingworkshops forpersonneldecision-makers that includeexamplesof
commonhiringbiasesandgroupproblem-solvingforovercomingsuchbiases.
• Encourageraterstouseaninclusionratherthananexclusionselectionstrategyinconstructing
afinallistofapplicantsbecausethiswillconsistentlyresultinashorterlistthatislesslikelyto
beinfluencedbystereotypicassumptions.
Addressing Unconscious Gender Bias in Performance-Reward Practices
AccordingtoHill (2016), therearepracticesorganizationscanestablish toensurewomen’s
successwithintheir field.Thoseinmanagerialrolesmustbeheldresponsibleforpromoting
womentoleadershippositions.Theimportanceoftheaccumulationofadvantageonacareer
shouldencourageinstitutionstoexamineannualperformance-rewardsystems(Valian1998).
ThesuccessofEmilioCastilla’s(2015)workwithalargeservice-sectorcompanyisnoteworthy
andcouldbeextrapolatedtootherfields.Inthiscompany,womenwerereceivinglowerannual
performancerewardsthancomparablyperformingmen.Thisdifferencewaseliminatedbythe
19
followingtwointerventions.Thefirstwastheimplementationofprocessaccountabilityinthe
formofacommitteethatreviewedamanager’sperformance-rewarddecisionanditsjustification
foreachemployee.Thecommitteehadtheability todiscussthedecisionwiththemanager
andtomakeadjustments.Thesecondwasoutcometransparency inwhichallmembersof
theorganizationcanseetheperformance-rewarddecisionsandrationale.Allmembersofthe
organizationreceivedtraininginthenewsystemandastaffpersonwashiredtocoordinatethe
effort.Genderbiasinannualperformance-rewardswascompletelyeliminated.
Breaking the Gender Bias Habit
Ourresearchgrouphasfoundsuccessinapproachingunconsciousgenderbiasasapotentially
remediablehabit.Thisneutralapproachavoidsblamingandshaming(whohasnottriedtobreak
anunwantedhabit)andallowsustomobilizeeffectivestrategiesthatfosterhealthbehavioral
changessuchassmokingcessation(Carnesetal.2005;Carnesetal.2012).Aswithanyhabit,
breakingthebiashabit isamulti-stepprocess that requiresmorethangood intentions.We
developedaninteractiveworkshopincorporatingprinciplesofbehavioralchange.Theworkshop
hasthreemodules.Thefirstmodulepresentedunconsciousbiasasahabitofmind.Thesecond
modulehelpedfacultybecomebias literate(Sevo2008)sothat theycan identifyand label
instancesofunconsciousbiasmanifested intheworkplace.Thethirdmodule impartedfive
specificcognitivebehavioralstrategiesgroundedinresearchthatcouldbepracticedtoovercome
genderbias:
• Stereotypereplacement(e.g.,ifgirlsarebeingportrayedasbadatmathematics,identifythisas
agenderstereotypeandconsciouslychallengeandreplaceitwithaccurateinformation);
• Positivecounter-stereotype imaging(e.g.,beforeevaluating jobapplicants foraposition
traditionallyheldbymen, imagine indetailaneffectivewomanleader—eitheronethat is
knownoroneintheabstract);
• Perspective taking (e.g., imagine indetailwhat it is like tobeawomanandhaveyour
credentialsquestionedortobeviewedasunlikeableforbeingcompetentatyourjob);
• Individuation (e.g.,gather specific informationaboutan individualwoman toprevent
unconsciousgenderbiasfromleadingtopotentiallyinaccurateassumptions);
• Increasingopportunitiesforcontactwithcounter-stereotypicexemplars(e.g.,meetwithsenior
womeninyourcompanyorprofessiontodiscusstheirideasandvision).
Wealsopresentedtwocounterproductivestrategies:stereotypesuppression(i.e.,attemptingto
be“genderblind”)andholdingastrongbeliefinone’sabilitytomakeobjectivejudgments.Both
ofthesehavebeenshowntoenhancetheinfluenceofstereotype-basedbiasonjudgment.To
facilitatebehavioralchange,participantsimmediatelyappliedcontentthroughpaireddiscussions,
audienceresponse,casestudiesconductedasreaders’ theater,andawrittencommitmentto
action.Asreminderstopracticebias-reducingbehaviors,participantsreceivedafoldercontaining
20
workshopmaterials,abibliography,andabookmarklistingthesixformsofbiasdiscussedand
thefivebiashabit-changingstrategies.
Inastudyofover2,000 faculty inscience,medicine,andengineeringdepartmentsat the
UniversityofWisconsin-Madison,wetestedtheabilityofthisworkshoptohelpfacultybreak
thebiashabit.Facultyin46randomlyselecteddepartmentswereallocatedtotheexperimental
groupandreceivedthis interventionwhile46departmentsservedascontrols.Comparedto
facultyincontroldepartments,threemonthsfollowingtheworkshop,facultyintheexperimental
departmentsweresignificantlymoreawareof theirownpersonalbias,moremotivatedto
engageingenderequitypromotingactivities,moreconfidentthattheycoulddoso,andmore
likelytoreportengagingingenderequitypromotingactivitiesonaregularbasis.Inaddition,on
aseparatesurvey,maleandfemalefacultyintheexperimentaldepartmentsreportedabetter
workingenvironment.Specifically,theyweremorelikelytoreportthattheyfelttheyfitintheir
departments,thattheirresearchwasvalued,andthattheywerecomfortableraisingpersonalor
familyobligationseveniftheyconflictedwithdepartmentalactivities(Carnesetal.2015).Twoto
threeyearsaftertheintervention,theexperimentaldepartmentsshowedalargerpercentageof
womenamongnewly-hiredfaculty,suggestingthatthisinterventionhasalonglastinginfluence
onattitudesandbehaviorsattheindividualanddepartmental level(unpublisheddata).Over
600facultymemberstookthegender-leadershipImplicitAssociationTest(IAT)(Dasgupta2004).
Figure1showsthatover70percentofmaleandfemalefacultydemonstratedunconsciousbias
favoringmalenamesandleadershipwordsandfemalenamesandsupporterwords.Importantly,
scoresonthisIATwerenotaffectedbyparticipationintheworkshop.Weinterpretthistomean
thatambientsocialinformationreinforcesandmaintainsthisbias,butthatpeoplecanchange
theirhabitualbehaviortopromotegenderequityeveniftheystillshowunconsciousbiasonan
IATtest.
Figure 1. Gender and Leadership IAT Scores.
Number of Respondents
Male Respondents(n=359)
40
30
20
10
0
72%
8%
-0.8 -0.5 -0.2 +0.1 +0.4 +0.7 +1.0 +1.3
IAT Score --> Male / Leader Stereotyping
Number of Respondents
Female Respondents(n=315)
40
30
20
10
0
71%
8%
-0.8 -0.5 -0.2 +0.1 +0.4 +0.7 +1.0 +1.3
IAT Score --> Male / Leader Stereotyping
Source:Carnesetal.(unpublishedpaper)
21
Conclusion
Unconsciousgenderbiasisubiquitous. It isunlikelythatsuchbiascanbeeliminatedbecause
culturalmessagesaboutmenandwomenareeverywhereandcontinually reinforce the
stereotypicassumptionsthatgiverisetounconsciousbias.Unconsciousgenderbias iseasily
activatedandappliedeveninthosewhoaspiretobefairandegalitarian.However,researchhas
identifiedeffectivestrategiesthatcanbedeployedtopreventtheunwantedandunintentional
consequencesofunconsciousgenderbias and itsnegative impactonwomen’s career
advancementinSTEMM.
22
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