The Impact of Unconscious Bias on Women's Career Advancement · standing next to a common reference...

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Amarette Filut, Anna Kaatz, and Molly Carnes The Impact of Unconscious Bias on Women's Career Advancement

Transcript of The Impact of Unconscious Bias on Women's Career Advancement · standing next to a common reference...

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Amarette Filut, Anna Kaatz, and Molly Carnes

The Impact of Unconscious Bias on Women's Career Advancement

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Contents

Abstract 2

Introduction 3

Unconscious Gender Bias 5

Evidence for Unconscious Gender Bias 5

How Gender Bias is Activated 7

Prescriptive Nature of Gender Stereotypes 10

Gender Bias is Mathematically Intensive Fields 12

Stereotype Threat 13

Bias to Opportunity in Leadership 15

Strategies to Mitigate Unconscious Gender Bias 17

Reducing the Influence of Unconscious Gender Bias in Hiring Practices 17

Addressing Unconscious Gender Bias in Performance-Reward Practices 18

Breaking the Gender Bias Habit 19

Conclusion 21

References 22

Amarette Filut, Anna Kaatz, and Molly Carnes1

The Impact of Unconscious Biason Women's Career Advancement

The paper forms part of

the Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews Series on

Advancing Women's Empowerment.

To cite this paper, please use:

Filut, A., Kaatz, A. and Carnes, M. The Impact of Unconscious Bias on

Women's Career Advancement. The Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews

Series on Advancing Women's Empowerment, 2017.

1 Ms.FilutisaDoctoralStudentinClinicalInvestigation,andaResearchAssistantattheCenterforWomen’sHealth

ResearchattheUniversityofWisconsin-Madison,Madison,Wisconsin;Dr.KaatzholdsaPhDinClinicalInvestigation,

and isanAssociateScientist,Center forWomen’sHealthResearch,UniversityofWisconsin-Madison,Madison,

Wisconsin;Dr.Carnes,co-directorofWISELIandDirectoroftheCenterforWomen’sHealthResearchattheUniversity

ofWisconsin-MadisonandtheWomenVeteransHealthProgramattheWilliamS.MiddletonMemorialVeterans

Hospital,isProfessorofMedicine,Psychiatry,andIndustrial&SystemsEngineeringattheUniversityofWisconsin-

Madison,Madison,Wisconsin;AllcorrespondenceshouldbeaddressedtoDr.Carnes,700RegentSt.Suite#301,

UniversityofWisconsin-Madison,Madison,WI53715;Phone: (608)263-9770;Fax: (608)265-6423;Email:

[email protected].

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Contents

Abstract 2

Introduction 3

Unconscious Gender Bias 5

Evidence for Unconscious Gender Bias 5

How Gender Bias is Activated 7

Prescriptive Nature of Gender Stereotypes 10

Gender Bias is Mathematically Intensive Fields 12

Stereotype Threat 13

Bias to Opportunity in Leadership 15

Strategies to Mitigate Unconscious Gender Bias 17

Reducing the Influence of Unconscious Gender Bias in Hiring Practices 17

Addressing Unconscious Gender Bias in Performance-Reward Practices 18

Breaking the Gender Bias Habit 19

Conclusion 21

References 22

Amarette Filut, Anna Kaatz, and Molly Carnes1

The Impact of Unconscious Biason Women's Career Advancement

The paper forms part of

the Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews Series on

Advancing Women's Empowerment.

To cite this paper, please use:

Filut, A., Kaatz, A. and Carnes, M. The Impact of Unconscious Bias on

Women's Career Advancement. The Sasakawa Peace Foundation Expert Reviews

Series on Advancing Women's Empowerment, 2017.

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Abstract

Thispaperreviewssomeoftheextantresearchonunconscious(or implicit)bias,atermthat

referstocognitiveerrorsinthewayhumansprocessinformationaboutthemselvesandothers

basedonstereotypicassumptionsaboutsocialgroups.Unconsciousbiasarisesfromthemere

existenceofgroupstereotypesandcanleadtoerrors in judgmentanddecision-makingthat

mayunwittinglyandunintentionallyconflictwithone’sexplicitandconsciouslyheldbeliefs.

Wediscusshowculturalstereotypesaboutmenandwomengiverisetounconsciousgender

biasandhowthisbiassystematicallyconstrainsopportunitiesforwomen’scareeradvancement

inorganizations,particularly in takinguptop leadershippositionsand in fieldshistorically

dominatedbymensuchasthesciences,technology,engineering,mathematics,andmedicine

(STEMM).Weconcludewithareviewofinterventionsthatappeartobesuccessfulinmitigating

thenegativeimpactofunconsciousgenderbiasonwomeninhiringandperformancerewards.

Thediscussionincludesthedescriptionofonecontrolledstudythatapproachedunconscious

genderbiasasaremediablehabitandwassuccessfulinhelpingfacultyatonelargeuniversity

breakthebiashabitwithimprovementsindepartmentclimateforallfaculty.

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Introduction

Unconsciousbias isubiquitousbecause itarises fromtheexistenceofculturalstereotypes

aboutvarioussocialcategories—includingmenandwomen.Stereotypesareawell-learnedset

ofassociationsbetweensomecharacteristicorbehaviorandanysocialcategory.Stereotypic

associationsarerepeatedlyactivatedandreinforcedbyexperiencesandthesocietalmessages

thatbombardpeopleonadailybasis throughout their lives.Althoughthecontentof these

messagesmayvaryfromonecountryorculturetoanother,theprocessbywhichhumansform

stereotypicassumptionsaboutgroupsofpeopleisthesameeverywhere.Whenevergroupsof

peoplesharesomecommonsocialcharacteristicorsocialidentity(e.g.,gender,race,countryof

origin,religionoroccupationandsoforth),stereotypicassumptionsaboutthatgrouparelikelyto

emerge.Forexample,onecannamecommonstereotypicassumptionsaboutGermans,French,

Japanese,orAmericans(Spenceretal.1999).Stereotypicassumptionsmaybeaccurateatagroup

level(e.g.menaretallerthanwomen)butmaybeinaccurateatanindividual level(i.e.,some

womenaretallerthansomemen).Thecontentofthesestereotypestendstobewidelyshared

amongmembersofanysociety,suchthattheprevailingculturalstereotypesareknowneven

bythosewhodonotconsciouslybelieveorendorsethem(Devine1989;GhavamiandPeplau

2013).

Groupstereotypescanleadtotwotypesof inter-groupbias(Devine1989).Themostfamiliar

typeofbiasisexplicitbiasthatreflectsaconsciouslyendorsedpersonalbeliefaboutgroupsof

people.Thistypeofbiasistypicallymeasuredinsurveys.Ifoneexaminestheresponsestosuch

surveys,onewouldconcludethatprejudicewithinmanycountrieshasdeclinedoverthepasthalf

century.Forexample, inthepastmanypeopleexplicitlybelievedthatwomenwereincapable

ofbeingeffective leaders,physicians,scholars,scientists,orengineers.Althoughwomenare

stillunderrepresentedinmanyofthesefields,aboundingevidenceconfirmsthatwomencan

bequiteeffectiveinalltheseroles(Hill2010;NationalAcademyofSciences,NationalAcademy

ofEngineering,andInstituteofMedicine2007).Explicitprejudiceisalsodemonstratedinthe

lawsandpracticesthat limitopportunitiesforsomegroupsandfavorothers.Forexample, in

theU.S.beforetheCivilRightsActof1964,AmericansofAfricanheritagewererestrictedfrom

participatinginmanybasicrightsbylaw,andbeforetheEducationAmendmenttothisAct in

1972(Title IX),many institutionsofhighereducationhadquotasrestrictingthenumberof

womenwhocouldbeadmitted,regardlessoftheirqualifications.

Thesecondtypeofinter-groupbiaswasfirstidentifiedexperimentallybyPatriciaDevinewho

examinedracebiasintheU.S.(Devine1989).Thistypeofunconscious(orimplicit)biasisthe

unwittingandunintentional influenceofstereotype-basedpreconceivedassumptionsabouta

groupthatoccurswhenjudginganindividualmemberofthatgroup.Theresultingcognitive

distortionthatoccursinprocessinginformationfromanindividualfromastereotypedgroup

occursevenamongthosewhoexplicitlyrejectthecontentofthestereotype.Stereotype-based

assumptions—trueornot—canoverrideobjectivedatainformulatingjudgments.Forexample,

MonicaBiernatandcolleagues(1990)foundthatthegeneralknowledgethatmenaretallerthan

womenledparticipantstojudgewomenasshorterthanmenof identicalheight,evenwhen

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standingnexttoacommonreferenceforheightsuchasadeskordoorframe(seealsoBiernat

2012).Anotherexampleofcognitivedistortionofobjective informationcanbeseen inthe

increasednumberofwomenmusiciansselectedfororchestrasfollowingtheimplementation

ofblindedauditions(Goldin2000).Whenjudgescouldobservethegenderofthemusician,

theyactuallyprofessedtohearingthemusicdifferentlybecauseofapreconceivedassumption

thatwomencouldnotachievethesametonesorvolumeasmen.Afinal,compellingexample

comesfromresearchperformedbyDonaldRubin(1992).Hefoundthatundergraduatestudents

heardmoreaccentedEnglishwhenlisteningtoarecordedlessonreadbysomeonespeaking

StandardAmericanEnglishwhileviewingapictureofateachingassistantofAsianheritagethan

whenlisteningtothesamerecordingwhileviewingapictureofateachingassistantofEuropean

heritage.Astheseexamplesillustrate,stereotype-basedassumptionscangiverisetoerrorsin

cognitiveprocessingofobjective information.Thesedistortionscansubsequently influence

judgment,decision-making,andbehavior.

Insummary,allpeople—includingindividualswhodonotendorseagroupstereotypeatthe

consciouslevelandholdegalitarianbeliefs,andaspiretoact inaccordancewithmeritocratic

principles—arevulnerabletotheinfluenceofunconsciousbias(Banaji2013).Thispaperwill

focusonhowunconsciousbiasconspirestolimitaccessofwomentocareersinSTEMMfields

andtoleadershippositionsinallfields.However,unconsciousbiasgoesbeyondjustgender—

individualsholdunconsciousbeliefsaboutavarietyofsocialcategories, includingraceand

ethnicity,nationality,sexualorientation,bodysizeandappearance,religion,andsoforth.

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Unconscious Gender Bias

Evidence for Unconscious Gender Bias

Evenasrecognitiongrowsthatgenderismorecomplexthanamale-femalebinary,stereotypic

assumptionsaboutmenandwomenarewidelysharedanddeeplypervasiveinculturalnorms.

Traitsandbehaviorsstereotypicallyassociatedwithmenincludebeingaggressive,decisive,

technical,strong,andlogicalwhilethosestereotypicallyassociatedwithwomenincludebeing

submissive,quiet,caring, relational,andnurturing(Bem1974;BurgessandBorgida1999).

Stereotypictraitsandbehaviorsmorestronglyassociatedwithmenarereferredtoasagentic

andthosemorestronglyassociatedwithwomenarereferredtoascommunal(Eagly2002).

Althoughtheremaybesomevariation in thecontentof thesegenderstereotypes,Virginia

Scheinandhercolleagues(1996)foundconsiderablesimilaritiesacrosscultures.Inonestudy,a

sampleof105femaleand211malebusinessstudentsataJapaneseuniversityexpressedsimilar

beliefsaboutgenderrolestereotypesandthecharacteristicsofsuccessfulmanagersbasedon

samplesofindividualsfromChina,England,Germany,andtheU.S.(Schein,Muelleretal.1989;

ScheinandMueller1992).Shelabeledherfindingsthethinkmanager-thinkmalephenomenon

becausethementalmodelofa leaderoverlappedtosuchahighdegreewithmalegender

stereotypes.Amorerecentmeta-analysisconfirmedthathighstatusleadershiprolesinparticular

arestereotypicallymasculine(Koenigetal.2011).Exposuretogenderstereotypesoccursfrom

birthandtheinformationcontainedinthesestereotypesisreinforcedthroughout life.These

messageslaythefoundationforunconsciousgenderbiasthatcouldshapethedecisionsofthose

intheworkforcewhodeterminewhotoadmit,mentor,hire,promote,orfundandalsoinfluence

potentialscientists,engineers,entrepreneurs,andleaders,whomustdecidewhethertheyfitina

specificcareerpathoroccupationalrole.

In1968,PhilipGoldbergconducted the first randomizedexperiment todemonstratehow

unconsciousgenderbias,triggeredbytheassignmentofamale(JohnT.McKay)orfemale(Joan

T.McKay)genderednameasauthorofanessay,ledevaluatorstorateidenticalworkdifferently

basedonwhethertheythought itwaswrittenbyamanorawoman(Goldberg1968).This

experimentalparadigm,subsequentlytermedtheGoldbergdesign,hasbeenusedextensivelyto

documenttheexistenceofgenderbiasintheevaluationofindividualmenandwomenortheir

work,andtotesttheeffectivenessofinterventionstoreducegenderbias.Ourresearchgroup

performedasystematicreviewofallstudiesthatusedaGoldbergdesigntoassessgenderbias

inexperimentalhiringsettings(Isaacetal.2009).Takentogether,thesestudiesdocumentthat

bothmaleandfemaleevaluators,generallytothesamedegree,ratewomenapplicantsasbeing

lesscompetent,lesshirable,anddeservingofalowersalarythanidenticallycredentialedmen,

particularlywhenmenandwomenareapplyingforhighstatusorleadershippositions.Wefound

nochangeintheexistenceofgenderbiasover30yearsofresearch.Inamorerecentstudyusing

theGoldbergdesign,inadditiontoratingthefemaleapplicantforalaboratorymanagerposition

lower inthesethreeareasthanthe identicalmaleapplicant,sciencefacultywerealsomore

willingtomentorthemaleapplicant(Moss-Racusinetal.2012).Thisfindingisdisturbingsince

mentorshipissocriticaltosuccessfulcareeradvancement(Sambunjak2006;Pfundetal.2015).

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Thegenderbiasmeasuredinlaboratorystudiesisreflectedinrealworlddata. Itwasrevealed

thatelitesciencelaboratoriesareless likelytoacceptfemalegraduatestudents(Sheltzerand

Smith2014); femalegraduatestudentsare less likelytoearnauthorshiponresearchpapers

despitegreaterhoursspentconductingresearch(Feldonetal.2017);womenreceive lower

salariesthanmenforcomparableworkatallstagesofcareers inscience(Wrightetal.2003;

Jagsietal.2012;Jena,etal.2016);womenarelesslikelythantheirmalepeerstobepromoted

despitegreaterverbalpraise(Biernat2012)orcomparableperformanceevaluations(Castilla

2012);andfewerthan5percentofthelargestcompaniesintheU.S.areledbywomen(Zarya

2016).JustasexperimentslikethoseperformedbyBiernatandcolleagues(1990)confirmthat

stereotype-basedassumptionsinfluencejudgmenteveninthefaceofdisconfirmingdata,these

realworldexamplesofgenderbiasoccurinspiteofevidencethatcollectiveintelligenceofteams

isgreaterwhenwomenaremembersoftheteam(Woolley2010)andwomenareaseffective

asmeninleadershiprolesandperhapsmorelikelytodemonstrateatransformational(i.e.,the

mosteffective)leadershipstyle(Eagly1992;Bass1999;Eagly2003;Rosser2003).Moreover,it

wasfoundthatinalargeU.S.study,patientscaredforbyfemalephysicianshadbetterclinical

outcomesthanthosecaredforbymenafteradjustingfornumerouspotentialconfounding

variables(Tsugawaetal.2017).

It isworthnotingthatgenderbiascanalsodisadvantagemenwhoare lessstereotypically

masculine.Forexample,tallermenhavegreatercareersuccess,higherincomes,andaremore

likelytoattainmanagerialpositionsthanshortermen(JudgeandCable2004;Lindqvist2011).

SabineSczesnyandcolleagues(2006)completedastudy inGermanyandfoundthateven

amongmen,thosewhosefacialfeaturesweredeemedtobemorestereotypicallymasculinein

photographswereassumedtobemorecompetentleaders.Inotherexperimentalstudies,baby-

facedmensuffereddiscriminationsimilartowomeninhiringforhighstatuspositions(Zebrowitz

1991),andegalitarianmenormenwhoadoptcommunalbehaviorssufferedsocialpenalties

comparedtothosewhoadheredtomorestereotypicallymasculinebehaviors(Moss-Racusin

etal.2010;Rudmanetal.2013).Furthermore,onlymaleapplicantsweredisadvantagedinan

experimentinwhichidenticalapplicationsfromamanorwomancontainedanemploymentgap

(Smith2005).Intheabsenceofspecificinformation,participantsinthisstudymadeassumptions

basedongenderrolestereotypes; theyassumedthat theemploymentgapforwomenwas

relatedtochildbearing/rearingwhiletheemploymentgapformenconstitutedagenderrole

violationbecausemenarestereotypicallyassumedtobethefamily’sbreadwinnerwhoneedsto

becontinuouslyemployed.Inasimilarvein,inbothanexperimentalandfieldstudy,Ashleigh

ShelbyRosetteandcolleagues(2015) foundthatmale leaderswerepenalized forseeking

help,presumablybecausethisviolatedthemalegenderstereotypeofbeingconfidentand

independent.

Oneofthemostwidelyusedmeasuresofunconsciousbiasforthepasttwodecadeshasbeenthe

ImplicitAssociationTest(IAT)developedbyAnthonyGreenwaldandcolleagues(1998;seealso

Noseketal.2007).ApersontakinganIATisshownwordsorpicturesonacomputerscreenand

askedtocategorizethembypressingkeysonthekeyboard.Thepersonisinstructedtodothisas

quicklyaspossibletobypassconsciouscognitiveprocessingandtheirreactiontimeisrecorded.

Sometimespairsofwordsorpicturesalignwithculturalstereotypesandsometimestheydonot.

Relevanttogenderbias,thevastmajorityofbothmenandwomenwhotakeanIATinwhichthey

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areaskedtosortAmericanmaleandfemalegenderednameswithwordsassociatedwithscience

(e.g.,biochemistry)ortheliberalarts(e.g.,history),morequicklymatchmalenameswithscience

wordsandfemalenameswithliberalartswords(Noseketal.2002),congruentwithculturaland

genderstereotypes.Similarly,thevastmajorityofpeopleonotherIATsmorequicklymatchmale

genderednameswithcareerroles(Noseketal.2002)andleadershipwords(Dasgupta2004;

Carnes,etal.2015)andfemalenameswithdomesticrolesandsupporterwords,respectively.

AlthoughtheunconsciousbiasmeasuredwithIATsmaynotreliablyaffectbehavior(Carnesetal.

2015;Laietal.2016),itcanbeanimportantmeansofdemonstratingtheubiquityofsuchbiasto

individualswhodonotbelievethattheyharborstereotype-basedbiasaboutgroupsofpeople.

TheimportanceofprovidingthisawarenessissupportedbyexperimentsbyUhlmannandCohen

(2007)inwhichindividualswhobelievethemselvestobeobjectivedemonstratedthemostbias

againstafemaleapplicantinevaluatingmaleandfemaleapplicantswithidenticalcredentials(see

alsoUhlmann2005).Greenwaldandcolleagues(2003)notedthattheIATcouldproveusefulto

detectbiaswithinnumeroussettingsincluding“personneldecisions,lawenforcementdecisions,

criminaljusticedecisions,educationaldecisions,andhealthcaredecisions.”

How Gender Bias is Activated

Trivialamountsof informationcouldbringforthunbiddentheentirecontentofastereotype.

Onceactivated, thestereotypemayserveasaperceptual filter, influencingthesubsequent

processingofinformationaboutanindividualperson,theirwork,ortheirperformance.Although

explicitprejudiceagainstwomenisstill relevant,muchof thecognitivebiasresultingfrom

genderstereotypeactivationisunconscious.AsGoldberg(1968)found,biasinevaluationcan

betriggeredintheformofanamethatisassociatedwithonegenderoranotheroranything

elsethatisstereotypicallymorestronglylinkedwithonegender.Intheexampleoftheblinded

orchestraauditions,womenfoundthattheyneededtoremovetheirshoesduringtryoutsbecause

evenbehindacurtain, theclickofheelswalkingacross thestageactivatedfemalegender

stereotypesinthejudges.MazarinBanajiandcolleagues(1993)foundthatexposingindividuals

towordsthatdescribedstereotypicalmaleorfemaletraitsledthemtosubsequentlyrateaman

orwoman,respectively,ashavinggenderstereotypiccharacteristics.Toaccomplishthissemantic

priming,theyhadparticipantsunscramblephrasesthatdescribedeitheranaggressivebehavior

pre-testedasbeingstereotypicallymale(e.g.,neverbacksdown),adependentbehaviorpre-

testedasbeingstereotypicallyfemale(e.g.,cannotmanagealone),oraneutralbehavior(e.g.,

readingabook)(MazarinBanajietal.1993).Inanostensiblyunrelatedtask,theparticipantswere

thengivenashortparagraphtoreadthatdescribedeitheramale(Donald)orafemale(Donna)

individualwhodisplayedaseriesofbehaviors.Theparticipantswerethenaskedtoratethe

individualonthetargettraitsofaggressiveordependent,aswellasothertraits.Theyfoundthat

participantswhowereexposedtotheaggressiveprimeratedDonaldasmoreaggressivethan

whenexposedtoneutralprimes.ThesameappliedforDonna:shewasratedasmoredependent

iftheywereexposedtothedependentprimescomparedtotheneutralprimes.

Suchsubtleandapparentlytrivialsemanticprimingmayhavereallifeconsequencesonwomen’s

opportunitiesforcareeradvancement.Forexample,ourresearchgroup(Carnesetal.2005;

Carnes2006)pointedoutthatacontributortotheabsenceofwomenscientistsamongawardees

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ofthefirstroundoftheNational InstitutesofHealth(NIH)Director’sPioneerAwardsin2004

mayhavebeenthelargenumberofsemanticprimesinthesolicitationandreviewcriteriawhich

wouldpredictamorefavorablereviewofmaleapplicants.Specifically,therewasahighlyvisible

focusonfundingscientistswhowouldengageinhighriskresearchandleadresearchthatwould

result intechnologicalbreakthroughs;eventheURLfortheawardcontainedtheword,“risk”

(www.highrisk.NIH.gov).Beingwillingtotakeriskswasfoundtobeastronglymale-gendered

stereotype(Bem1974;Konrad2002).Exposingreviewerstothesemale-genderedsemantic

primescouldhavefavoredmaleapplicants inthereviewprocessbytriggeringunconscious

genderbias.Followingthe2004awards,NIHmadesubstantialchangesinthewordingofthe

solicitationandreviewcriteria insubsequentrounds,eliminatingthefocusonscientificrisk-

taking,andguidingreviewerstolookattheworkoftheapplicantratherthanjusttheapplicant.

Ofnote,womenhavebeenrepresentedamongawardeesinallsubsequentrounds.Weexpressed

similarconcernswhenNIHputforththeannouncementforlargecentergrantsinclinicaland

translationalresearch(CarnesandBland2007).Wepointedoutthatahighlyprestigious,large

budgetawardthatmandatedapowerfulleaderofotherleaderswouldalmostcertainlyinduce

applicant institutionstoputforthproposals ledbymen.Ourpredictionprovedtobecorrect

in thatnoneof the initial35applicationssubmittedwas ledbyawoman.Ourgroupalso

examinedthewordingintenurecriteriadisplayedonthepublicwebsitesofthetop25ranked

medicalschools intheUnitedStates(Marchantetal.2007).Giventheinfluenceofsemantic

primingdemonstratedexperimentallybyBanajiandcolleagues(1993),wenotedthepotential

importanceofthegreaternumberofstereotypicallymale-genderedwordsthanfemale-gendered

orneutralwordsinthetenurecriteria intheseschools.Wealsofoundthatthoseschoolsthat

containedthewordleaderintheircriteriacomparedtothosethatdidnotfellsignificantlybelow

themedianslopeforincreasingtheproportionofwomenamongthetenuredfacultyoverasix-

yearperiod(Marchantetal.2007).

Genderstereotypescanbeactivatedbyexposuretoanyinformationthatispartofthestereotype.

Manyexperimentalexamplesdemonstratethis.Forexample,PaulDaviesandClaudeSteele’s

(2002)researchgroupfoundviewingtelevisioncommercialsthatreinforcedafemalegenderrole

significantlyinfluencedthesubsequentselectionofcareergoals(Daviesetal.2002)ordesireto

assumealeaderroleinagrouptask(seealsoDaviesetal.2005).PeterGlicketal.(2005)found

thatclothingthatwasmorefemininereducedthehiringselectionofwomenforhighstatus

jobs.SabineSczesnyetal. (2002)foundthatapplicantswearingascent(pre-testedtosmell

masculine)receivedthehighestevaluationsinevaluationforaleadershippositioncomparedtoa

femininescent.StoutandDasgupta(2011)examinedtheeffectofgender-exclusivelanguagein

theapplicationandhiringprocess.Theymanipulatedgenderpronouns(he/hisvs.she/her)injob

announcementsandfoundthattheuseofmalepronounsresultedinwomenbeingmorelikely

toexpecttobeostracized,lessmotivatedtopursueaposition,andalowerlevelofidentification

with theposition.Theyalso found thatgender-exclusive language increasedawoman’s

perceptionofsexismandloweredhersenseofbelonging.Men,however,didnothavesuch

negativereactionstotheuseofgender-exclusivelanguageforajobdescription.SapnaCheryan

andcolleagues(2009)showedhowsubtlegenderedcues in theenvironmentcanactivate

unconsciousgenderbiasandmakewomenfeelincludedorexcludedfromthetraditionallymale-

dominatedfieldofcomputersciencebyimplicitlyfosteringor inhibitingambientbelonging.

Theyhadstudents,whowereunawareofthepurposeofthestudy,sitforoneminuteinaroom

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thatcontainedeitherpre-testeditemsdeemedtypicalforamalestudent(e.g.,aStarTrekwall

poster,videogameboxes,andcomputerparts)orgenderneutralitems(e.g.,anatureposter,art,

orgeneralinterestbooks).Exposuretothemale-typicalitemscausedfemalestudentstobeless

interestedincomputersciencethanstudentsexposedtothegenderneutralitemswhilehaving

noeffectonmalestudents.

LeraBoroditskyandcolleagues(2003)foundthatgenderstereotypicassumptionscanextend

beyondthesocialworldtoincludeinanimateobjects.Forexample,thewordforkeyismasculine

inGermanandfeminine inSpanish.SpeakinginEnglish,nativeGermanspeakersdescribed

keyswithfairlyagenticadjectivesincludinghard,heavy,metal,andjaggedwhilenativeSpanish

speakersdescribedkeysasgolden,intricate,little,andlovely.Conversely,thewordforbridgeis

feminineinGermanandmasculineinSpanish.Inthiscase,Germanspeakersdescribedbridges

withfairlycommunaladjectivesincludingbeautiful,elegant,fragile,andpretty,whileSpanish

speakersusedadjectivessuchasbig,dangerous,strong,andsturdy.

Becauseonlywomencanbemothers,motherhoodstatusalonetriggersgenderstereotypesthat

havebeenshowntodisadvantagewomeninhiringevaluationsforahighstatusposition.Shelley

Correllandcolleagues(2007)haveshownthatwhenmotherhoodstatusissubtlysignaledby

notingonaresumemembershipinanorganizationforparents,withnootherinformationabout

children,participantsratedmothersassignificantlylesscompetentandhavinglowerlevelsof

workcommitmentthanidenticalapplicantswhohadnoinformationintheirresumesidentifying

theirparentalstatus.Participantsalsoallowedfewer latedays, requiredahigherqualifying

examinationscore,recommendedalowersalary,andpredictedalowerlikelihoodofpromotion

formotherscomparedtothenon-motherswiththeidenticalcredentials.Achildlesswomanwas

nearlytwiceaslikelytoberecommendedforhirecomparedtoamother.Incomparison,fathers

wereratedassignificantlymorecommitted,allowedmorelatedays,andahighersalarythan

non-fathers.Correlletal.(2007)alsocompletedanauditstudyinwhichresumesofmothers

ornon-mothersweresent inresponsetoactual jobopenings.As intheexperimentalstudy,

theyfoundthatchildlesswomenreceivedtwiceasmanycallbacksfromprospectiveemployers

asmothers.AccordingtoHilletal. (2010)writingfortheAmericanAssociationofUniversity

Women,asinglewomanismorelikelytobehiredforatenure-trackpositionandpromotedthan

amarriedwoman.Bycontrast,inanexperimentalstudy,MadelineHeilmanandOkimoto(2008)

foundthatalthoughmotherhoodstatuscanworkagainstawomaninmanyevaluativesituations,

onceawomanhasachieveda leadershipposition, informationconfirminghermotherhood

statusmaybebeneficial.TheyconductedaGoldbergdesignstudy,whichconsistedof two

identiticalapplications(onemaleandonefemale)beingevaluatedforaposition.Theyfound

thatwhennoparentalinformationwasprovidedintheapplication,theidenticallycredentialed

manandwomanwereratedasequivalentlycompetent,butthewomanwasratedassignificantly

lesslikeable.However,includingastatementindicatingthatthemanagerhadchildrenresulted

inequivalentratingsof likeabilityanddesirabilityasabosswithnodecrement inratingsof

competence(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).

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Prescriptive Nature of Gender Stereotypes

Genderstereotypesnotonlydescribethegeneralculturalassumptionsandcreatebehavorial

normsabouthowmenandwomenare (descriptive)orshouldbe (prescriptive), theyalso

establish implicit (andexplicit)boundaries forhowmenandwomenshouldnotbehave

(proscriptive).Theresultinggenderrulescontributetosubtle(andsometimesnotsosubtle)

gender-trackingofwomenandmentowarddifferentcareeroutcomes.Ourdetailedexamination

ofthewrittenevaluationsofmedicalstudentsprovidesawindowintothesubtleyetconsistent

socializationofmalestudentstowardhigherstatus,technical,agenticspecialties(e.g.,orthopedic

surgery)andfemalestudentstowardlowerstatus,communalspecialties(e.g.,familymedicine)

(Isaacetal.2011).Thissamekindofsocializationmayhappenwithinamedicalspecialtywith

fewerwomenrisingto fullprofessorpositionswhencontrollingforpotentialconfounding

variables(Blumenthaletal.2017;CarnesandBaireyMerz2017).

Oneknowsthatunconsciousbiasisatplayifswitchinggendersinathoughtexperimentmakes

aroleorbehaviorthatmayhaveappearedcompletelyordinaryforonegendersuddenlyappear

oddorincongruous.Althoughitmayseemhumorouswhenthethoughtexperimentinvolves

menwalkinginhighheels(whichusuallyinvokeslaughter)orwearinglipstickoradress, it is

nothumorouswhenthissamejuxtapositionproducesalackoffitforwomenintopleadership

positionsorinmaledominatedfieldssuchasengineering,computerscience,orbusiness.Both

menandwomenpaysocialpenaltiesforviolatingprescriptivegendernorms,butmenarenot

forcedtoviolategendernormssimplybyshowingupforworkandsuccessfullydoingtheirjobs

(Heilmanetal.2004;Heilman2012).

Theassumptionsaboutthetraitsandbehaviorsneededtobesuccessfulincertainoccupations

andinanytopleadershiproleoverlapwithmalestereotypestoafargreaterextentthantheydo

withfemalegenderstereotypes(Koenigetal.2011).EachtimeweteachourcourseonWomen

andLeadershipinMedicine,Science,andEngineering(Isaacetal.2012),weaskstudentson

thefirstdaytocallouttraitsandbehaviorsthatarepartofamalestereotype.Asnotedabove,

allpresentareawareofthecontentofthestereotypeandwealwaysgetwordssuchasdecisive,

independent,strong,logical,competitive,andunemotional.Thenwedothesameforafemale

steretoypeandgetwordssuchasnurturing,nice,caring,supportive,gentle,andemotional.We

writetheselistsofwordsontheboard.Wethenaskwhattraitsandbehaviorsdescribetypical

leaders.Eachtime, thewordsonthis listoverlapalmostdirectlywiththeword list formale

stereotypes.Eagly(2002)referstothisphenomenonasrolecongruityformale leaders(see

alsoEaglyandCarli2007).Womenarenotaffordedthesamerolecongruityforleadershipasis

affordedtomen.Thisdisadvantageswomen’scareeradvancement intwoways.First,women

sufferfromcompetencybiasforbeingwomenwiththestereotypicassumptionoflowerability

thanmeninhigherstatusandleadershiproles.Thesecondwaywomenaredisadvantagedis

that if theydoadoptstereotypicallymalebehaviors, theywillsuffer intheirevaluationsand

effectivenessbecausethesesamebehaviorsthatareexpectedfrommenwillincursocialcensure

forviolatingprescriptivefemalegendernormswhenenactedbywomen(Eagly1990;Heilman

2001;Heilmanetal.2004).

MadelineHeilman’s researchgroupdemonstrated this clearly ina seriesofexperiments

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basedontheGoldbergdesign(Heilmanetal.2004).Theyfoundthatwhenperformancewas

ambiguous(e.g.,theleaderwasgoingtobecomingupfortheannualperformancereview),the

assistantvicepresidentwiththefemalegenderednamewasratedaslesscompetent,butmore

likeable,thantheidenticalassistantvicepresidentwithamalegenderedname.However,when

performancewasclear(therecentperformanceevaluationconfirmedthattheassistantvice

presidentwasperforminginthetop5percentofothersinthisposition),thefemaleleaderwas

viewedasequivalentlycompetenttohermalecounterpart,butwasassumedtobelesslikeable

andmoreinterpersonallyhostile.Inathirdstudy,theyconfirmedthatlikeabilityandcompetence

independentlypredictedthewillingnessoftheparticipantstoconferinstitutionalbenefits.Laurie

Rudman’sresearchgroup(RudmanandGlick2001)referstothenegativeevaluationsreceived

bywomenwhoarecompetentinmalerolesasbacklashagainstagenticwomenforbreaking

genderrules.Acrossseveralstudies,hergroup(RudmanandGlick2001)hasshown,forexample,

thatevenattheriskoflosingagame,participantswillrejectacompetentwomanasapartnerif

shebragsaboutherskills,andthatstudentsevaluatingapplicantsforacomputerlabmanager

positionplacedgreatervalueonsocialskillsthanoncompetenceforfemaleapplicants,butnot

male(Phelanetal.2008).

HeilmanandOkimoto(2007)confirmedthatthedisadvantagefacedbycompetentwomenin

leadershiprolesisrelatedtogenderroleviolationintwoways.Ontheonehand,bysucceeding

inamalerole,womenleadersareviolatingtheproscriptivegenderrulesofhowwomenshould

notbehave.Ontheother,theymaybeviewedasfailingtoadheretotheprescriptivegenderrules

ofhowwomenshouldbehaveandthusreproachedforsufferingfromacommunalitydeficit.In

experimentswiththeGoldbergdesign,theyexaminedtheratingsofamale(James)orfemale

(Andrea)applicantforaleadershippositioninamale-dominatedfield(vicepresidentoffinancial

affairs).Participantsread introductionsof thenewvicepresident that includedbackground

information,descriptionsofexemplarypastworkexperiencesandperformanceawards,

andaccountsofpastsupervisorsandcoworkersattestingtotheiroutstandingeffectiveness,

competence,andaggressiveachievementswhichwereascribedtodoingwhatittooktosucceed

(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).Participants rated femaleandmale leadersasequivalently

competentandachievement-oriented,butratedAndreaas less likable,more interpersonally

hostile,and lessdesirableasaboss than the identically credentialed James.Theauthors

concludedthat thesenegativeassumptionsresultedfromtheperceptionofacommunality

deficitbecausetheywereeliminatedwhenthemanipulationincludedstatementsaboutthe

communalaspectsofthevicepresident’sbehavioratworksuchasbeingknowntoencourage

cooperationandhelpfulbehaviorandhavingbeencommendedforeffortstopromoteapositive

community(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).Evaluationsofthemalevicepresident,James,were

unaffectedbythepresenceofcommunalstatements.Furthermore,as innearlyallGoldberg

designstudies,bothmaleandfemaleparticipantsdemonstratedsimilargenderbiases.Asnoted

earlier,proofofmotherhoodstatusasconfirmationofcommunalityinanotherstudybyHeilman

andOkimoto(2008),similarlyledtomorepositiveevaluationsofawomanleader.CarolIsaac

(2007) interviewedwomendeansabouttheir leadershipexperiencesand,workingwithour

researchgroup,interviewedfacultyindepartmentswithwomenchairsabouttheirobservations

andperceptionsoftheirchairs’leadership.Inbothsituations,shefoundnumerousexamplesthat

supportedtheexperimentalfindingsofHeilman’sgroupandothers:thesetopwomenleaders

enactedeffectiveleadershipbyexhibitingbothagenticandcommunalbehaviors.Forexample,

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onefacultymembernotedthatthechairwanted“eachindividual,whetheritbefacultyorstaffor

resident…tosucceedandthen,thelogicalconsequenceofthatisthatthedepartmentsucceeds

asawhole…Iseeherreallycaringaboutindividuals…butIseenoegoinvolved”(Isaac2007,

page536).

Inaddition to the socialpenalties aimedatwomenwhoviolate femalegendernorms,

RudmanandFairchild (2004)have studied the fearofbacklashexperiencedbywomen

themselves.This fearofbacklash leadswomentoconstrict theirownbehaviors,whichcan

reinforceandperpetuate theexistinggender rules.Girlsareguided in theprescriptiveand

proscriptiverestraintsofgenderstereotypesontheirbehaviorfromanearlyagewithrepeated

admonishmentstobemodestandself-deprecatingcoupledwithscoldingforbraggingorbeing

bossy(RudmanandFairchild2004).Ourresearchgroupdocumentedfearofbacklashexpressed

byfemalephysicians in internalmedicineresidency(Bartelsetal.2008;Kolehmainenetal.

2014).Inonestudy,weinterviewedmaleandfemaleresidentsabouttheirexperiencesleading

cardiopulmonaryresuscitationevents(codes)aspartoftheirresidencytraining(Kolehmainen

etal.2014).Wequalitativelyanalyzedthetextofsemi-structuredinterviewsfrom25internal

medicineresidenciesatninedifferenttrainingprogramsthroughouttheU.S.Bothmaleand

femaleresidentsdescribedthe idealcodeleader inthisurgent, time-sensitive, task-oriented

settinginhighlyagentic,masculineterms(e.g., loud,deepvoice,tall,authoritativepresence,

controllingtheroom,andsoforth).Nooneexplicitlyperceivedthatthegenderofthecodeleader

matteredintermsofhisorhereffectiveness,buttheneedtobehaveinacounternormativeway

forwomenleadingcodesindicatedafearofbacklash.Forexample,anumberoffemale,butno

male,residentsdescribedbeingconcernedthattheywouldappear“bossy”whengivingorders

duringacode(Kolehmainenetal.2014).Quotesfromsomeofthefemaleresidentsincluded:“I

justfeltkindofbadyellingatpeople”;“Ijusttrymybesttolookauthoritative…butit’sstressful”;

“ThemostimportantthingisthatwhenIaskforthingstheyshouldnotsoundlikeorders;”and

“Youaren’tsureifpeople’sfeelingsaregoingtobehurtoriftheyaregoingtobemadaboutit”

(Kolehmainenetal.2014).

Gender Bias in Mathematically Intensive Fields

Theculturalstereotypesthatgirlsare lessadeptatmathematics thanboysdeservesspecial

mentionbecause it isparticularlyperniciousasthecall forwomentoentermathematically

intensivefieldsgrows(NSF2007).Thisstereotype-basedassumptionpersists in thefaceof

considerableresearchtothecontrary(Halpernetal.2007;Lindbergetal.2010).Despitehaving

similarratesof interest inmathematicsandscienceatayoungerage,asgirlsandboysgrow

upadividebeginstoemerge.AccordingtotheNationalScienceFoundationin1996,menare

expectedanddemonstratedtobemoreinterestedinthefieldofmathematicsthantheirfemale

counterparts.Thesocietalmessagessuggestingthatboysbelong in thesetechnical fields—

playingwithLegosandLincolnLogsgrowingup,andreceivingfeedbackthattheybelongin

thisfield—canreinforcetogirlsatayoungagethattheydonotbelonginthisfield.Astudyby

JanetHydeandcolleagues(Hydeetal.1990)foundthatstartinginhighschoolboysbeganto

outperformgirlsinmathematicstests.

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Whileboysandgirlshaveanequalinterestinmathematicsinhighschool(NSF,1996),adivide

emergesduringcollegewherewomenareunder-representedinmath-intensivefields.Astudy

byNoseketal.(2002)examinedimplicitmeasuresof“mathattitude,mathidentity,math-gender

stereotypes,andgender identity” incollegestudents.Theyconfirmedthatstudentswiththe

strongestfemalegroupidentityhadthemostnegativeimplicitattitudestowardmathematics.

Asgirlsgrowup,theyaresocializedtobelievethattheycannotsucceedinmathematics,and

thisstereotypecantriggerimplicitbeliefsabouttheirabilityastheyentercollegeandgraduate

school.Thestereotypicassumptionaboutwomen’slowerabilityinmathematicsissotenacious

thatinanexperimentalstudy,Reubenetal.(2014)foundthatwhenparticipantswereprovided

clearevidenceofawoman’scompetenceinmathematicsperformance,theycouldonlypartially

mitigatebiasagainstselectingawomaninsteadofamanforapositionrequiringmathematics

skills.

At thedoctoral level, recentwork fromAndreiCimpian’s researchgroup(Leslieetal.2015)

hasexaminedtherelationshipbetweenthenumberofdoctoraldegrees intheU.S.awarded

towomenandthebeliefby those in thefieldandothers thatsuccess in that fieldrequires

someinnatebrilliance.Relevanttounconsciousgenderbias,fieldsthatvaluedgiftednessover

dedicationhadfewerwomenPhDs.Mathematics,physics,andcomputerscienceweresomeof

thefieldswiththehighestbeliefs intheneedfor innategiftednesstosucceedandhadsome

ofthefewestwomenreceivingPhDs.Thisrelationshipcouldnotbeaccountedforbyscoreson

standardizedtests,hoursworked,orselectivityofthegraduateprogram.

Stereotype Threat

Inadditiontoinfluencingthewayothersevaluateanindividualwomanorherperformance,

unconsciousgenderbiasbasedonculturalstereotypescan influenceawoman’sownself-

judgmentsandbehaviors.Asnotedabove, fearofbacklash isoneway internalizedgender

stereotypescandoso.Anotherwaygenderstereotypescaninfluenceanindividualwoman’s

behavior isthroughstereotypethreat.Thisphenomenonwasfirstdescribedinanexperiment

thatisnowconsideredoneofthemodernclassicsinsocialpsychology.Inthisexperiment,male

andfemaleundergraduatesatatopuniversityintheU.S.,allofwhomsawthemselvesasstrong

mathematicsstudents,weregivenatestcomposedofdifficult itemsfromthemathematics

sectionof theGraduateRecordExamination.Halfof thesestudentswere told that the test

showedgenderdifferences;theotherhalfwastoldthatthetestshowednogenderdifferences.

Remarkably,femalestudentsperformedworsethantheirmalecounterpartswhenthetestwas

describedasshowinggenderdifferences,butperformedasequallywellasmenwhenthetest

wasdescribedasshowingnodifferences.Stereotypethreatleadsindividualstounderperform

relativetotheirabilitieswhentheyaremembersofagroupthathasnegativeperformanceaspart

ofitsgroupstereotypewhenevertheyareremindedoftheirgroupidentity(SteeleandAronson

1995;Steele1997;YedidiaandBickel2001).Aninterestingmanipulationofstereotypethreat

wasconductedbyShihandcolleagues(1999)inagroupoffemalecollegestudentsintheU.S.

andCanadawhowereofAsianheritage.Thesestudentsheldtwosocialidentitieswithdiffering

stereotypiccontentregardingmathematicsperformance—womenwithlowerquantitativeskills

andAsianswithgreaterquantitativeskills.Theresearchersfoundthatcomparedtoacontrol

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condition,thestudentsperformedworseonamathematicstestiftheyactivatedgenderidentity

beforethetestbyaskingafewquestionsabouttheirgenderatthebeginningofamathematics

test(e.g.,whethertheypreferredaco-edorsinglesexdormitory),butperformedbetterthan

thoseinacontrolgroupwhenthequestionsactivatedtheirAsianidentity(e.g.,whethertheir

parentsorgrandparentsspokeanylanguagesotherthanEnglish).

Stereotypethreatcan leadto impairedperformanceby increasingstress (Carretal.2000),

negativemood(e.g.,anxiety, frustration,disappointmentandsadness) (Logeletal.2009),

andmonitoringofone’sbehavior,greateremotionalregulation,aswellasreductioninmental

capacity,anddecreaseinmotivation(Adamsetal.2006;Conradetal.2010).Individualsmaybe

consciousofstressandanxietyunderthesecircumstances,butoftenarenotawareofitsetiology,

andthusare likelytoattributetheiranxietytotheirowndeficitsratherthantothesituation

(Johnsetal.2005).Thiscouldleadwomentoself-selectoutofmathintensivefields.Fortunately,

simply informingwomenabout theexistenceof stereotype threatappears toeffectively

inoculateagainstitsnegativeimpactonwomen’smathematicsperformance(Johnsetal.2005).

Statementsaffirmingidentitysafetyarealsoeffective.Forexample,inthepreviouslymentioned

studybyDaviesandcolleagues(2005),womenwerelesslikelythanmentoselectaleadership

roleinagrouptaskunderstereotypethreattriggeredbyviewingwomenenactingfemalegender

stereotypicbehaviors intelevisioncommercials.However,whenactivationofthethreatwas

followedbyastatementconfirmingthatbothgendersperformedequallywellintheleaderand

subordinateroleinthegrouptask,thegenderdifferenceinroleselectionvanished(Daviesetal.

2005).

Giventhatlowerperformanceintherealmofleadershipispartofafemalegenderstereotype,

itisnotsurprisingthatstereotypethreatcanbetriggeredwhenwomenareenactingleadership

(HoytandBlascovich2007;Hoytetal.2010).IncollaborationwithDianaBurgessandcolleagues

(2012),ourresearchgroupdescribedhowtheenvironmentofacademicmedicinewouldbe

predictedtoinvokestereotypethreatinwomenleaders.Theseconditionsarerelevanttowomen’s

careeradvancementtowardleadershipinotherfieldsaswellbecausetheyarenotuniqueto

academicmedicine.Theyincludethefrequentemphasisonleadershipjobrequirementsthat

are inconsistentwithfemalegenderstereotypes(e.g.,strong,decisive leaderwhowill take

charge)ratherthanemphasizingneutralorstereotypicallyfemalestereotypes(e.g.,collaborative,

abletodevelopbeneficialrelationshipswithinandbeyondtheorganization);women’stoken

minorityandsolostatus in leadershipwhichmakesgendersalient;reinforcementofgender

hierarchybecausesupportivenon-leadershiprolesarefilledlargelybywomen;andovertsexism,

discrimination,andharassment.Tohelpcombatstereotypethreat,weextrapolatedfromexisting

researchandrecommendedteaching facultymembersaboutstereotype threat,providing

structuredopportunities for female facultymembers toshare theirexperienceswitheach

other,workingtoreducesexualharassmentandovertgenderdiscrimination,trainingfacultyin

performancefeedbackthatdoesnotinvokenegativestereotypesorsexism,increasingexposure

tofemaleleaders,avoidingframingcriteriaforawardsorpromotionintermsofstereotypically

malegenderedqualities,andencouraging leadershipopportunities for femalestudents to

enhancetheir leadershipself-efficacy.Leadershipself-efficacy(i.e.,self-perceivedcompetency

thatonecanlead)isimportantbecauseresearchbyCrystalHoytandJimBlascovich(2007)find

thatleadershipself-efficacycanbufferwomenfromthedamagingeffectsofstereotypethreat(see

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alsoHoyt2010).Leadershipself-efficacycandevelopbyhavingexperiencesenactingleadership.

NancyWayneandcolleagues(2010)foundthatteacherscanfosterwomen’searlyexperiences

withleadershipintheirclassessimplybyintentionallystatingthatwhenstudentsdivideinto

workgroupstheyshouldencouragesomeonewhohasnothadleadershipexperiencetoleadthe

grouptask.

Bias to Opportunity in Leadership

Mostoftheextantresearchfindsthatunconsciousgenderbiasworksagainstwomenasthey

advanceincareers,particularly infieldsthathavetypicallybeenoccupiedbymen.However,

asnoted inTable1,assumptionsbasedongender stereotypescouldcreatepreferential

opportunitiesforwomeninsomesettings.RosetteandTost(2010)pointoutthatmostofthe

researchonhowgenderstereotypesandtheresultantunconsciousbiasagainstwomen in

leadershiphasexaminedwomeninmiddlemanagement.Theyconductedtwostudieswhich

foundthattheacknowledgedgenderbiasthatworksagainstwomenastheyriseinleadership

mayactuallyworkintheirfavorwhentheyoccupytopleadershippositions.Thisbenefitderives

fromtheassumptionsthatwomenhadtobemorecompetentandperformatahigher level

thancomparablycredentialedmen(i.e.,adoublestandard) togainaccess tosuchahigh

statusposition(RosetteandTost(2010).Thefirststudypresentedparticipantswithanarticle

aboutachiefexecutiveofficer(CEO)andtherecentperformanceofafictionalcompany.The

genderoftheCEOwassignaledinaGoldbergdesignwithaheadshotphotographofaman

orawomanmatched foremotionalexpressionandphysicalattractiveness.Thecompany’s

successwasindicatedwithagraphicdisplayofearningswhichshowedeitherasteadyincrease

ordeclineoverafive-monthperiod. Creditorblameforperformancewasmanipulatedtobe

eitherplacedontheCEOorattributedtoexternalmarketfactorsbyhavingthearticlestatethat

thiswastheconclusionofan industryanalyst.ParticipantsassessedtheCEOonconfidence,

skillfulness,competitiveness,power,andcapability(e.g.,“IthinktheCEOisskillful”)representing

agenticcharacteristics;andonwarmth,goodnature, friendliness,consideration,caring,and

understanding(e.g.,“IthinktheCEOisfriendly”)representingcommunalcharacteristics(Rosette

andTost2010).WhentheCEOwasresponsibleforthesuccessofthecompany,femaleCEOs

wereevaluatedmorefavorablythanmaleCEOsonbothagenticandcommunalcharacteristics.

Nogenderdifferenceswerefoundwhenthecompanyfailedorwhenthemarketwascreditedfor

itssuccess.Inthesecondstudy,participantsreadabriefperformancesummaryofeitheramale

orfemalemiddle-levelmanageroratop-levelseniorexecutivevice-president.Thegenderofthe

incumbentwassignaledbynameandtheuseofmaleorfemalegenderedpronouns.Inaddition

totheevaluationofagenticandcommunaltraits,thisstudyaddedanassessmentoftheleader’s

overalleffectiveness(e.g.,“Ithinkthat[Mr./Ms.]Jonesisanexceptionalleader”)andquestionsto

assesswhetherparticipantsperceivedtheexistenceofadoublestandardofcompetenceformen

andwomen(e.g.,“Ingeneralwomenhavetoworktwiceashardtobecomea[top-level/mid-

level]managerasmendo”)(RosetteandTost2010).Analysesofresultsindicatedthatwomen

intop-butnotmiddle-managementpositionswereperceivedtobesignificantlymoreeffective

thanmen in thesepositionsandtobebothmoreagenticandcommunal.Thisassumption

wasmediatedbytheperceiveddoublestandard.Statementsbyseveralfacultymemberswe

interviewedindepartmentswithwomenchairssupportedtheseexperimentalfindings.They

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expressedasenseofprideathavingrecruitedsuchhighlyaccomplishedwomenwithonenoting

thatotherdepartmentsinthecountrywere“jealous”(Isaac2010).

Table 1. The Same Unconscious Gender Bias that Usually Disadvantages Women Leaders Can

Sometimes Turn Into Opportunity

Disadvantaging Bias Potential Opportunity

• The“thinkmanager-thinkmale”phenomenon

creates“lackof fit”, role incongruity,and

backlashforwomenleaders(Schein,Mueller

etal.1996;RudmanandGlick2001;Eagly

2002;Heilman2012).

• Womenintop(butnotmiddle)leadership

maybeviewedasmoreeffectivethanmen

becauseofthegeneralbeliefthattheyhad

tobebetterthancomparablementoachieve

thisposition(RosetteandTost2010).

• Women,butnotmen,inleadershippositions

canaskforhelp,atraitwhichisassociated

withgoodleadership,withoutbeingviewed

aslesscompetentleaders(Rosette,Mueller

etal.2015).

• Womenwhoself-promoteornegotiateon

behalfof themselvesmayincurpenalties

(Bowles2007).

• Womenmaybemoreeffectivethanmen

whennegotiatingonbehalf of others

(AmanatullahandMorris2010).

• Womenwholeadwithanautocratic,directive

stylesufferinevaluation(Eagly1992).

• Atransformationalleadershipstylecombines

agentic and communal behaviors and

embodiesmany stereotypically female

genderbehaviors;e.g.,caringaboutand

mentoringone’ssubordinates(Bass1999;

Eagly2003).

• Womenleaderswhocombineagenticand

communalbehaviorsarethemosteffective

(HeilmanandOkimoto2007).

• Women’scontributiontoateameffortmay

notbeacknowledgedonateamwithmen

andwomen,whilemen’scontribution is

acknowledged(HeilmanandHaynes2005).

• It is a good practice to acknowledge

the contributionof all teammembers

because specific acknowledgment of

women’sexpertisegainsrecognitionofher

contributiontoateameffort(Heilmanand

Haynes2005).

• Womenare socialized tohavedifferent

communicationstylesmorethanmenand

thesehavebeencriticized(HeimandGolant

1993).

• Strategic display of positive emotion

improvednegotiationoutcomesandwomen

aremorelikelythanmentoexhibitthese

behaviors,whichincludedbeingfriendlyand

smiling(Kopelman,Rosetteetal.2006).

• Womenmaybedisadvantagedinnegotiation

because requirednegotiationbehaviors

violatefemalegendernorms(Bowles2007).

• External conferralof statuswitha title

providedwomen,butnotmen,anadvantage

innegotiation(AmanatullahandTinsley

2013).

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Strategies to Mitigate Unconscious Gender Bias

Agrowingbodyofresearchhasidentifiedsituationsthatfacilitatetheinfiltrationofunconscious

biasintojudgmentanddecision-makingprocessesaswellasinterventionsthatcanreducethe

influenceofunconsciousgenderbias.Theseinterventionsincludeinstitutionallevelchangesin

theworkingenvironmentandinhiringandperformance-rewardpracticesandindividual level

strategiesonecanpracticetobreakthegenderbiashabit.

Toensure thatall individualshaveequalopportunity todevelopanduse their talentsand

advanceintheircareers,theunintentionalconsequencesofunconsciousgenderbiasmustbe

addressed.Wediscussinterventionsthathavebeenfoundtobeeffectiveinexperimentalstudies

inreducinggenderbiasinhiringandannualperformancerewards.Weconcludebyreviewinga

clusterrandomizedcontrolledstudywhichapproachesgenderbiasasaremediablehabitwith

positiveresults.

Reducing the Influence of Unconscious Gender Bias in Hiring Practices

Weconductedasystematicreviewofstudieswithrandomizedcontrolleddesignsthatexamined

the impactofsome interventions inanexperimentalhiringsetting(Isaacetal.2009).We

evaluated27publications indetail (andsomepapers, includingmorethanonestudy).The

interventionsfell intothreecategories:(1)varyingthe informationprovidedtoraters inthe

application(12studies);(2)changingthebehavior,scent,orappearanceoftheapplicant(9

studies);and(3)alteringtheconditionsunderwhichratersassessedapplicants(10studies).

Fromtheseandothermorerecentstudies,wesynthesizedthefollowingrecommendations

forevidence-basedinterventionsthatinstitutionscanimplementtoreducethelikelihoodthat

unconsciousgenderbiaswillinadvertentlyinfluencetheevaluationofapplicants:

• Designtheapplicationprocesstoallowcandidatestoprovideindividuatingevidenceofjob-

relevantcompetency;ambiguityorpartial informationwillencouragerelianceongender-

basedstereotypestofillinabsentinformationanddisadvantagewomen.

• Visiblydisplayevidencethatmenandwomenareequivalentlysuccessful in theposition;

thiscanbethroughstatementssuchas“researchconfirmsthatmenandwomenareequally

successfulat[position]”,picturesdemonstratingmenandwomensuccessfullyperformingthe

job(e.g.,onwallposters,brochures,andwebsites),orthroughsuccessinrecruiting,retaining,

andadvancingmorewomentoleadershippositions.

• Workhardtoensurethatwomencompriseatleast25percentofanapplicantpool;percentages

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belowthiscantriggerunconsciousgenderbias.

• Insistthatraterscommittothevalueofspecificcredentialsbeforeseeingactualapplicants;this

prevents“reconstructing”thevalueofcredentialstofavorthemaleapplicant.

• Ratespecificqualificationsbeforemakingsummaryjudgmentsaboutapplicant.

• Designequitydirectivesandanti-bias trainingsothatratersdonot feelcoercedtohirea

woman;coercivepracticescanbackfireleadingtounqualifiedmenbeinghiredoverqualified

women.

• Donotaskaboutparenthoodstatusintheapplicationorinterviewquestions.

• Encourageraterstospendadequatetimeandavoidunduedistractionswhenevaluatinga

candidate;theseencouragethecognitivehabitofrelyingongenderstereotypes.

• Usestructuredratherthanunstructuredinterviews;needingtothinkaboutwhatquestionto

askcreatesacognitivedistraction,encouragingrelianceongenderstereotypes.

• Avoidgender-exclusivelanguage(his/him)anddonotuseman-suffix injobtitles(e.g.use

chairorchairpersonasopposedtochairman); thissemanticpriming leadsevaluators to

assumethepositionrequiresmale-genderedtraits.

• Substitutespecific,descriptivelanguageforabstracttermsthataremorestereotypicallylinked

tomen;forexample,replacestrong,charismaticleaderwithanindividualwhohasledateam

ofatleast[number]peopleandwhohasexperiencewith…

• Implement trainingworkshops forpersonneldecision-makers that includeexamplesof

commonhiringbiasesandgroupproblem-solvingforovercomingsuchbiases.

• Encourageraterstouseaninclusionratherthananexclusionselectionstrategyinconstructing

afinallistofapplicantsbecausethiswillconsistentlyresultinashorterlistthatislesslikelyto

beinfluencedbystereotypicassumptions.

Addressing Unconscious Gender Bias in Performance-Reward Practices

AccordingtoHill (2016), therearepracticesorganizationscanestablish toensurewomen’s

successwithintheir field.Thoseinmanagerialrolesmustbeheldresponsibleforpromoting

womentoleadershippositions.Theimportanceoftheaccumulationofadvantageonacareer

shouldencourageinstitutionstoexamineannualperformance-rewardsystems(Valian1998).

ThesuccessofEmilioCastilla’s(2015)workwithalargeservice-sectorcompanyisnoteworthy

andcouldbeextrapolatedtootherfields.Inthiscompany,womenwerereceivinglowerannual

performancerewardsthancomparablyperformingmen.Thisdifferencewaseliminatedbythe

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followingtwointerventions.Thefirstwastheimplementationofprocessaccountabilityinthe

formofacommitteethatreviewedamanager’sperformance-rewarddecisionanditsjustification

foreachemployee.Thecommitteehadtheability todiscussthedecisionwiththemanager

andtomakeadjustments.Thesecondwasoutcometransparency inwhichallmembersof

theorganizationcanseetheperformance-rewarddecisionsandrationale.Allmembersofthe

organizationreceivedtraininginthenewsystemandastaffpersonwashiredtocoordinatethe

effort.Genderbiasinannualperformance-rewardswascompletelyeliminated.

Breaking the Gender Bias Habit

Ourresearchgrouphasfoundsuccessinapproachingunconsciousgenderbiasasapotentially

remediablehabit.Thisneutralapproachavoidsblamingandshaming(whohasnottriedtobreak

anunwantedhabit)andallowsustomobilizeeffectivestrategiesthatfosterhealthbehavioral

changessuchassmokingcessation(Carnesetal.2005;Carnesetal.2012).Aswithanyhabit,

breakingthebiashabit isamulti-stepprocess that requiresmorethangood intentions.We

developedaninteractiveworkshopincorporatingprinciplesofbehavioralchange.Theworkshop

hasthreemodules.Thefirstmodulepresentedunconsciousbiasasahabitofmind.Thesecond

modulehelpedfacultybecomebias literate(Sevo2008)sothat theycan identifyand label

instancesofunconsciousbiasmanifested intheworkplace.Thethirdmodule impartedfive

specificcognitivebehavioralstrategiesgroundedinresearchthatcouldbepracticedtoovercome

genderbias:

• Stereotypereplacement(e.g.,ifgirlsarebeingportrayedasbadatmathematics,identifythisas

agenderstereotypeandconsciouslychallengeandreplaceitwithaccurateinformation);

• Positivecounter-stereotype imaging(e.g.,beforeevaluating jobapplicants foraposition

traditionallyheldbymen, imagine indetailaneffectivewomanleader—eitheronethat is

knownoroneintheabstract);

• Perspective taking (e.g., imagine indetailwhat it is like tobeawomanandhaveyour

credentialsquestionedortobeviewedasunlikeableforbeingcompetentatyourjob);

• Individuation (e.g.,gather specific informationaboutan individualwoman toprevent

unconsciousgenderbiasfromleadingtopotentiallyinaccurateassumptions);

• Increasingopportunitiesforcontactwithcounter-stereotypicexemplars(e.g.,meetwithsenior

womeninyourcompanyorprofessiontodiscusstheirideasandvision).

Wealsopresentedtwocounterproductivestrategies:stereotypesuppression(i.e.,attemptingto

be“genderblind”)andholdingastrongbeliefinone’sabilitytomakeobjectivejudgments.Both

ofthesehavebeenshowntoenhancetheinfluenceofstereotype-basedbiasonjudgment.To

facilitatebehavioralchange,participantsimmediatelyappliedcontentthroughpaireddiscussions,

audienceresponse,casestudiesconductedasreaders’ theater,andawrittencommitmentto

action.Asreminderstopracticebias-reducingbehaviors,participantsreceivedafoldercontaining

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workshopmaterials,abibliography,andabookmarklistingthesixformsofbiasdiscussedand

thefivebiashabit-changingstrategies.

Inastudyofover2,000 faculty inscience,medicine,andengineeringdepartmentsat the

UniversityofWisconsin-Madison,wetestedtheabilityofthisworkshoptohelpfacultybreak

thebiashabit.Facultyin46randomlyselecteddepartmentswereallocatedtotheexperimental

groupandreceivedthis interventionwhile46departmentsservedascontrols.Comparedto

facultyincontroldepartments,threemonthsfollowingtheworkshop,facultyintheexperimental

departmentsweresignificantlymoreawareof theirownpersonalbias,moremotivatedto

engageingenderequitypromotingactivities,moreconfidentthattheycoulddoso,andmore

likelytoreportengagingingenderequitypromotingactivitiesonaregularbasis.Inaddition,on

aseparatesurvey,maleandfemalefacultyintheexperimentaldepartmentsreportedabetter

workingenvironment.Specifically,theyweremorelikelytoreportthattheyfelttheyfitintheir

departments,thattheirresearchwasvalued,andthattheywerecomfortableraisingpersonalor

familyobligationseveniftheyconflictedwithdepartmentalactivities(Carnesetal.2015).Twoto

threeyearsaftertheintervention,theexperimentaldepartmentsshowedalargerpercentageof

womenamongnewly-hiredfaculty,suggestingthatthisinterventionhasalonglastinginfluence

onattitudesandbehaviorsattheindividualanddepartmental level(unpublisheddata).Over

600facultymemberstookthegender-leadershipImplicitAssociationTest(IAT)(Dasgupta2004).

Figure1showsthatover70percentofmaleandfemalefacultydemonstratedunconsciousbias

favoringmalenamesandleadershipwordsandfemalenamesandsupporterwords.Importantly,

scoresonthisIATwerenotaffectedbyparticipationintheworkshop.Weinterpretthistomean

thatambientsocialinformationreinforcesandmaintainsthisbias,butthatpeoplecanchange

theirhabitualbehaviortopromotegenderequityeveniftheystillshowunconsciousbiasonan

IATtest.

Figure 1. Gender and Leadership IAT Scores.

Number of Respondents

Male Respondents(n=359)

40

30

20

10

0

72%

8%

-0.8 -0.5 -0.2 +0.1 +0.4 +0.7 +1.0 +1.3

IAT Score --> Male / Leader Stereotyping

Number of Respondents

Female Respondents(n=315)

40

30

20

10

0

71%

8%

-0.8 -0.5 -0.2 +0.1 +0.4 +0.7 +1.0 +1.3

IAT Score --> Male / Leader Stereotyping

Source:Carnesetal.(unpublishedpaper)

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Conclusion

Unconsciousgenderbiasisubiquitous. It isunlikelythatsuchbiascanbeeliminatedbecause

culturalmessagesaboutmenandwomenareeverywhereandcontinually reinforce the

stereotypicassumptionsthatgiverisetounconsciousbias.Unconsciousgenderbias iseasily

activatedandappliedeveninthosewhoaspiretobefairandegalitarian.However,researchhas

identifiedeffectivestrategiesthatcanbedeployedtopreventtheunwantedandunintentional

consequencesofunconsciousgenderbias and itsnegative impactonwomen’s career

advancementinSTEMM.

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Designed by

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The Sasakawa Peace Foundation SPF_PR

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