“The tribal Chiefs and headmen were allowed to maintain their positions on

condition of loyalty to the British Government. Any doubt on that count

used to result in immediate removal and replacement of the unwanted tribal

Chief by a relative or another tribesman. Sometimes even new

Chieftainships would be introduced and scrupulously maintained… In return

for certain privileges and monetary payments through pensions, the tribal

Heads proved useful in keeping peace among their respective tribes. No

restrictions were put on such Chiefs in the matter of burdening the tribesmen

on various excuses by imposing taxes on threat of sending them to British

jails in case of non-compliance. Here we see the unfortunate people of

Baluchistan deprived of educational, political, social and economic

development, with constant threats of facing long terms of imprisonment at

the sweet will of the (British) Political Agent, or through him, of the tribal

Chiefs. The ugly part of this double-edged policy was that while it served

the purpose of the British Government, it also helped them wholesale to

keep intact the helpful’ illiteracy and ignorance of the people, which plan

kept the tribesmen in a calculated state of perpetual disunity and inter-tribal

warfare”.

The history of Balochistan, dating back to 7000 years, the area being part of Irani, or

neighbouring empires, the understanding reached between Khan of Kalat and Quaid-e-

Azam after 1947, the rebellion by the radical youngsters against that deal, the repeated

military operations in the area, by Ayub Khan, Bhutto, and Musharraf, the mysterious

murder of Akbar Bugti, the Aghaz-e-Haqoo-e-Balochistan package by Zardari, all are

events too well known to be re counted here.

Over the years, the ruling elite has been polluting the public mind with baseless

assumptions and storylines regarding Balochistan. This leaves little room for logical

debate on the province and on the appalling socio-economic and political realities that

have resulted in the Baloch people’s hostility to the state system.

Despite massive media outreach and the Internet revolution, the rigid perception about

Balochistan and its people remains unchanged. Facts about Baloch society and its tribal

structure, as well as the outdated government-sustained tribal system in which corrupt

tribal chiefs are in collusion with the establishment are rarely analysed. These tribal

chiefs have played a leading role in the wholesale destruction of the Baloch society.

The establishment’s standard narrative on the crisis in Balochistan revolves around such

standard assumptions as: the sardars and nawabs are the main cause of the province’s

socio-economic backwardness; the Baloch uprising is foreign-funded; and Balochistan is

fully empowered and governed by the locals.

No serious efforts have been made to understand Balochistan beyond the fact that the

province is a mineral-rich region that produces natural gas, and is a colony populated by

tribal warlords and their impoverished subjects. There is no denying that the power-

hungry tribal chiefs are widely responsible for Balochistan’s woes. But these sardars

derive their legitimacy from Islamabad, and are sustained by the government and the

civil-military-establishment. However, while the Baloch deeply respect their tribal

traditions and culture, this doesn’t hinder their participation in socio-economic

development.

The first universities, schools and other centres of learning in Balochistan were

established by moderate and nationalist Baloch tribal chiefs who were staunch opponents

of colonial rule in the Subcontinent, particularly in Balochistan. In the early 1930s,

Nawab Yousuf Aziz Magsi established the first educational institution – Jama-e-Yousufia

– in Jhal Magsi. He brought revolutionary changes in Baloch society by encouraging

education and opposing the sardari system, despite being a sardar himself. Being very

concerned about the welfare of the Baloch youth, he widely campaigned for social and

political reforms in the province.

  A majority of ministers or local influential are Nawabs, Sardars or Waderas

with roots in the tribal System. The Sardari System is a

Primitive way of exploitation still prevalent in Balochistan. The Sardar

demands object loyalty of his subjects and ensure it through

coercion and tyranny. A male tribal on attaining adulthood has to serve the

Sardar free for five years, before he can become eligible

to take job independently or raise a family. Similar are the codes of conduct

for female subjects. Every tribal has to offer a goat or

sheep when Sardar is blessed with a Child or Sardar marriages of his

daughter or son. A tribal-men and women holds by nature are

a simple creature. They are ignorant through mechanizations of Sardars and

denied any access to fruits of modern age. Sardars

have not allowed even construction of roads, what to speak if schools and

hospitals.

  The tribal system recognizes no boundaries including perhaps the

international boundaries. There is a crisis across tribal

population to and pro Afghanistan and Iran. Due to lack of communication

and access along the border, the people on both sides

generally meet their daily requirements through barter exchanges.

Smuggling is only an extension of barter trade.

  The ruling class in the province is product of the Sardari System. The Chief

Minister and most of the Provincial Ministers are

sardars. Under the tribal system, not only a sardar retains his fief under

government sanctions, but also maintains an army of Levies

at government expense.

  The British bought the loyalty o tribal Sardars through coercion and

money. The annual Sibi Mela used to be the Sibi Darbar in

colonial days, where sardars paid homage to the British Resident by pulling

his cart upto the dias. In a tribal Society, where very little

has changes oer years, everything has to be paid for, even royalty. Most of

the Sardars, small or big, are in the payroll of

Commissioners, Deputy Commissioners or Political Agents. Not

surprisingly, bureaucracy also makes a lot of money by sharing the

booty.

  The sardars expect monetary reward for maintaining peace in their areas.

Akbar Bugt and his sons receive aroung Rs.100 million

annually from the Sui Fields as so-called royalty. Besides they can fleece a

few lac of rupees every time they want, by using strong

hand methods against the gas field management. They can travel free from

Sui airport in PPL aircraft. A couple of rooms in Serena

Hotel Quetta are always booked for the Bugti clan, of course, free or on

nominal charges.