2019-3038-AJHA

1

The Haj/Hagg Pilgrimage in Half a Century 1

A Sociolinguistic Exploration in Colloquial Egyptian 2

3

This paper1 attempts to cast some light on a sociolinguistic phenomenon in colloquial Egyptian 4 discourse, with particular reference to socio-religious terms. It does so through tracing the use of 5 the terms 'Hagg' (Haj- masculine) and 'Hagga' (Hajja- feminine) over fifty years, with all the 6 modifications and changes involved. The researcher aspires to link such modifications and changes 7 to socio-political factors that have developed in this last half century in Egyptian society, with an 8 eye on Islamism or political Islamist movements and trends. The research starts with an 9 introduction stating the topic, objectives and scope of the present research, followed by a short 10 review of related literature and, then, the main section of the research represented in the discussion 11 and findings. Finally, a list of the major sources and works cited is provided. 12

13

14

Introduction 15

16

To start with, asserting the close relation between linguistic behaviour on the 17

one hand and religious attitudes on the other hand can hardly be discarded as an 18

overgeneralization. There are various types of evidence that would fairly support 19

the claim of such a close relation. The first verses of the Gospel according to John 20

"In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was 21

God",2 as well as the Koranic verses describing Christ as "His Word that He 22

committed to Mary, and a Spirit from Him"3 are but two cases in point. 23

Several scholars and linguists have underlined that strong bond that ties 24

language and religion. In his book Linguistics, Language and Religion (1968), for 25

example, David Crystal refers to what he describes as "the fundamental role 26

language plays in the understanding, expression, presentation and furtherance of 27

any set of religious beliefs" (Crystal, 1966 p.1). Similarly, Gary D. Bouma and 28

Michael Clyne (1995), maintain that language is "central to the creation, expression 29

and exchange of … religious meaning" (Bouma and Clyne, 1995 p. 132). 30

It may be also fairly suggested that the "study of language use and structure 31

provides an index for detecting differences in people's attitudes and identity" 32

(Boune & Clyne, 1995, p 133). In some countries such as Lebanon, for instance, the 33

preference of one spoken dialect to another stems from the presence of certain 34

religious affinities (See: 35 .( 7002 انز، عثد خساقي،. د ذسجح ج، جشيف، تقهى انيح انهغح

1 This article is based on a research paper presented at the 6th International Conference

on Linguistics, Literature and Translation, at the Al-Zaytoonah University of Jordan. 2 King James Bible, John's Gospel, verse 1. See http://www.wsu.edu/~delahoyd/bible.doc.html. 3 As translated by A. J. Arberry in The Koran Interpreted, Sura IV, the Women,

verse 165.

2019-3038-AJHA

2

Indeed, a language variety is quite often the main vehicle employed to assert 1

a particular cultural or religious identity over others, especially within 2

communities that are subject to stress and tension at a particular time and due to 3

specific permanent or even temporal circumstances. Egyptian society in the last 4

half century may serve as a good case in point (Bassiouney, 2014) 5

The present paper is concerned with the everyday use of language with 6

religious, pseudo-religious or etymologically religious expressions involved, in an 7

attempt at exploring the religious and or ideological stance of the language user 8

as manifested in the way these expressions are used. 9

10

Statement of the Problem 11

12

Through personal observation, the researcher has noticed what seems to be a 13

notable change in the use of certain forms or terms of address or salutation in 14

everyday social discourse over half a century or so. The two terms in question 15

here are 'Hagg' (Haj- masculine) and 'Hagga' (hajja- feminine), with a variation of 16

Hegiga (Hejiga) sometimes used to address younger people. The basic change is 17

manifested in the fact that such terms or forms are now extremely fashionable 18

and much more used than they were in the fifties or sixties of the twentieth 19

century. The type of people addressed as 'Hagg' (masculine) or 'Hagga' (feminine) 20

has significantly broadened and the situation types where such terms are used 21

have also notably changed. Examples are to be discussed in the Discussions and 22

Findings section of this article. 23

The following question arises: does that new tendency in the linguistic 24

behaviour of the language users in question reflect a serious corresponding 25

change in their religious and/or ideological stance? Alternatively, is it simply a 26

matter of a new linguistic fashion that is gaining prevalence? 27

28

Scope of the Research 29

30

For a detailed study of the phenomenon in question, an exhaustive list of all 31

relevant expressions together with all notable changes should be provided. A 32

comprehensive analysis of such changes and their possible relation to the 33

religious and/or ideological attitudes of the language users concerned also need 34

to be conducted. These two requirements, however, exceed the scope of the 35

present research. 36

Thus, for the purpose of the present paper, the focus will fall on the two 37

terms or forms of address above mentioned, as typically characteristic of 38

contemporary social discourse in Egypt. 39

40

41

2019-3038-AJHA

3

Data 1

2

Two expressions and one derivative are chosen for the tracing of the Hagg or 3

Haj Pilgrimage over fifty years. 4

5

1- Hagg or Haj (Masculine- Singular) 6

2- Hagga or Hajja (Feminine- Singular) 7

3- Hegiga (Hejiga) (a variation of the masculine singular indicating some 8

kind of familiarity and usually used to address younger people. 9

10

11

Theoretical Background 12

13

According to a study of the etymological history of the term Haj or Hajj, Dr. 14

Adel Farid Tobia, professor of Ancient Egyptian Language, Faculty of 15

Archaeology, maintains that the far origin of the term goes back to the ancient 16

Egyptian word ‚HD‛ which means white, a color that symbolizes purity. 17

According to Tobia, the word was used as a verb, a noun, and an adjective. In 18

brief, it employed to account for all types of white substances, including milk, 19

cream, fat, and honey, as well as stones such as limestone and sandstone and 20

different kinds of wood and fruit; metals such as white gold and silver, plants 21

known to have a positive medical effect such as onions and linen, clothes, sandals, 22

white bread, white buildings, sunlight, the moon, the sky, the day, morning, and 23

dawn. It was also used to describe a smiling face, and a ‚white heart‛ which 24

meant a happy or joyful heart. The feminine form of this word was used as a title 25

for the goddesses Nekhbet and Hathor, and the masculine form was used for the 26

god Osiris and for the white crown that shines and glows. This word became 27

‚agios‛ in Coptic, αγιος in Greek, and ‚Hajj‛ in both standard and colloquial 28

Arabic. It means the one who wears white, the pure or the holy, the sacred, or the 29

saintly. It refers to someone who has been on pilgrimage to the holy lands. (Adel 30

Farid Tobia, 2008)4. 31

Apart from the historical origin of the term, we need to examine the 32

denotations and connotations of the term in question as used in contemporary 33

colloquial Egyptian Arabic in the following section. 34

35

36

4 Abgadiyat, Volume 3, Issue 1, pp. 56–69. Publication Year: 2008. DOI:

10.1163/2213860908X00047. ISSN: 1687-8280 E-ISSN: 2213-8609. Subjects: Middle East &

Islamic Studies.

2019-3038-AJHA

4

Definitions and Denotations 1

2

The two basic terms in question are both MSA terms and colloquial Egyptian 3

Arabic ones. The difference lies in the use of a longer vowel in the MSA 4

pronunciation. Thus, it is /ha:g/ and /hagga/ in MSA, while it is /hag/ and /hagga/ 5

in Egyptian colloquial Arabic. It is worth mentioning in this respect that 6

Egyptians in particular pronounce the letter ج as /g/ rather than /dz/ as almost all 7

other Arab countries do. 8

A third term sometimes used in contemporary colloquial Egyptian Arabic to 9

address a middle-age man is /Hegi:ga/, which is a derivation of /hag/ and /hagga/. 10

This relatively new term does not have a proper equivalent in MSA. It is also not 11

as common as /hag/ and /hagga/, and, hence, shall not be included in further 12

discussions. 13

The literal or dictionary meanings of the terms may be listed as follows: 14

15

1- /ha:g/ Noun-Singular- Masculine) = A man who has made the pilgrimage 16

to Mecca. 17

2- /ha:gga/ (Noun- Singular- Feminine)= A woman or a girl who has made 18

the pilgrimage to Mecca. 19

20

If we try to see what these terms usually mean to non-native speakers of Arabic, 21

we may have a look at the following definitions provided by WordWebPro (2015): 22

23

Noun: hajj 24

1. An Arabic term of respect for someone who has made the pilgrimage to 25

Mecca 26

[WordWeb.info] 27

1. The fifth pillar of Islam is a pilgrimage to Mecca during the month of Dhu 28

al-Hijja; at least once in a lifetime a Muslim is expected to make a religious 29

journey to Mecca and the Kaaba 30

Noun: hajji 31

1. A general term used by foreign soldiers to refer to the Iraqi people 32

2. An Arabic term of respect for someone who has made the pilgrimage to 33

Mecca 34

[WordWeb.info] 35

Noun: haji 36

[WordWeb.info] 37

38

There is also the term American term hajji or hadji as a synonym of haj. 39

According to Merriam-Webster's 11th Collegiate Dictionary (2004), 40

41

2019-3038-AJHA

5

Main Entry:hajji 1

Variant:also hadji \*ha-j*\ 2

Function: noun 3

Etymology: Arabic 6ajj*, from 6ajj- hædʒ 4

Date:1609 5

: one who has made a pilgrimage to Mecca — often used as a title. 6

hajj plural hajjes, haj plural hajes, hadj plural hadjes /hædʒ/ noun [C] 7

The religious journey to Mecca which all Muslims try to make at least once in 8

their life 9

10

On the other hand, the term Hajja (rendered as Hajja in Modern Standard 11

Arabic and Hagga in Egyptian colloquial Arabic) literally means "a woman who 12

has performed the pilgrimage to Mecca (the hajj or hagg), but it is also used in 13

Egyptian colloquial Arabic to respectfully address an older woman" (Page 40- 14

Politics of Piety: The Islamic revival And the Feminist Subject- by Saba Mahmood)5. 15

16

17

Discussion and Findings 18

19

The Haj/Hagg and Hajja/Hagga in the 50s and 60 of the Twentieth Century 20

21

It is worth noting, to start with, that the data discussed in this section are 22

based on personal observations, personal memories, random interviews with 23

elderly people (Now in their 60s or 70s) as well as Egyptian movies produced in 24

the fifties and sixties of the twentieth century. Consequently, it is practically 25

impossible to claim absolute accuracy in the data collection or documentation. 26

This article is simply an exploration into the colloquial Egyptian discourse with 27

reference to Haj/Hagg and Hajja/Hagga, along with their derivative Hegiga, 28

across different periods of time rather than a statistical investigation of the 29

lexemes in question and their use in the periods of time under study. There is, 30

indeed, a good possibility of collecting data and examining them when it comes 31

to the way these terms are used nowadays, but the problem lies in the 32

impracticality of doing exactly the same with the other end of the comparison or 33

rather contrast, i.e. the fifties and sixties. 34

Back in the sixties of the last century, the term Haj/Hagg was mainly used in 35

two main situations. The first is when a Muslim man who has just been to Mecca 36

is addressed, and hence, has literally earned the title of Haj/Hagg. Among the 37

westernized middle-class members of Egyptian society, to which the researcher 38

believes he belongs, the term was used for a couple of months or so and then the 39

gentleman in question was addressed again in the way he usually was before his 40

5 http://www.bibalex.com/calligraphycenter/abgadiyat/Attachments/Issues/Articles/hagg.pdf

2019-3038-AJHA

6

pilgrimage to the holy lands. In other words, if he was a school teacher or a public 1

clerk, he was usually addressed as Effendi,6 or sometimes (ʾustāḏ) 7 أسراذ meaning 2

‚Mr.‛ or ‚professor‛. In case the Haj/Hagg is a lower-class member and is quite 3

an elderly person, especially in the countryside or poorer areas in major cities, the 4

title was sustained and the person in question was referred to as Haj/Hagg so and 5

so for as long as he lived. 6

The second type of situation when the term Haj/Hagg was used as a term of 7

respect during the sixties in the twentieth century was not related to a real 8

pilgrimage to the holy Muslim lands or to any particular religious status. It was 9

mainly used as a respectful way of addressing elderly people who either did not 10

belong to the main stream of the middle class or were clearly of a rural origin and 11

looked like typical Egyptian peasants. Using terms such as Effendi or ‘ustad’ to 12

address these people may be offensive to them and could sound even satirical. 13

It is worth noting in this respect that there was also an equivalent Christian 14

or Coptic term frequently used in the same period of time where Copts are 15

concerned. The term is /me?addes/ which literally means a Christian pilgrim who 16

journeys to a sacred place as an act of religious devotion, usually Jerusalem. The 17

term was used with similar religious and social connotations to the Islamic term 18

Haj/Hagg and employed in very much the same social context. Tracing the use of 19

this term, however, is beyond the scope of this paper for two main reasons. The 20

first is that the present research focuses on the possible impact of political 21

Islamism on the use of certain Muslim religious terms. The second is that despite 22

the fact that Egyptian Christians have been forbidden to visit Jerusalem by Coptic 23

Church, the researcher has not noted any significant changes in the the use of the 24

term /me?addes/ in the last half century. 25

26

The Haj/Hagg in the First Two Decades of the Third Millennium 27

28

On the other hand, the terms are still much in use, and even more than ever. 29

Yet, the point here is how similar or different has their use become within the first 30

two decades of the third millennium? If their uses in the two periods of time 31

under study are more or less similar with varying degrees of frequency, we 32

would not be required to pursue further examination of the issue in depth. 33

Nevertheless, if the uses are clearly different, a second question then arises: Why 34

is there such a difference and what could it indicate on the social and/or religious 35

level? 36

6 A former Turkish term of respect; especially for government officials 7 عر، ال ذج ح: كهح فازسيح غيس عستيح: ذدل عه اناس تص عج د ر انكهح في كهح أسراذ تضى انصج انرال ان

األدب، يطق أسرا ت ى، فكأ أسراذ في حس يؤدت ذحد يد غها انرسكيح انشعس انجاهي، أصم األسراذ انصائغ أل زتا كا

د شيس، األنفاظ انفازسيح انعستح أل 28، ص:9494 -9834انعسب نهجانيقي ذح أحد شاكس ، يظ. داز انكرة، اظس: انكسديح

90و، ص:9403داز انعسب نهثسراي، انظ.انكاثنيكيح تيسخ:

2019-3038-AJHA

7

Firstly, this paper attempts to examine how the term Haj/Hagg has been used 1

in the period from 2000 till now, in 2016. The use of the term Haj/Hagg is no 2

longer confined to addressing Muslim males who have actually visited the holy 3

lands of Islam, Mecca. It is not even associated with religious people who are 4

known for their piety and devotion to the faith of Islam. Such people are usually 5

addressed by the majority of people as Sheikh not Haj/Hagg, regardless of their 6

age or social rank. Sometimes a car mechanic who has only completed his 7

elementary education may be addressed as Sheikh simply because he has a long 8

beard and wears a short Gallabeyya, which is characteristic of the way Salafis8 are 9

usually dressed. It does not really matter how much that Sheikh actually knows 10

about Islam; it is appearance that matters. 11

However, what about Haj/Hagg then? With a community, that has such an 12

interest in religious appearances or in short, religiosity, one would expect the 13

pilgrimage to the holy lands of Mecca to have more significance than it had in the 14

fifties and sixties of the last century. Is that then the case? The answer is both a 15

Yes and a No. 16

The answer is fairly 'yes', where it comes to the growing interest of Egyptian 17

Muslims in the religious rite of Haj and the consistently increasing numbers of 18

Egyptian number pilgrims going on Haj or even Umra/Umrah9. Yet, 'no' is also 19

alikely answer when we transcend appearances into reality, dresses into 20

behaviour and ritual ceremonies into every conduct or simply deal with ethics as 21

representative of human virtues and values in general rather than individual rites 22

associated with a particular religion. The reasons why the researcher believes the 23

answer to be 'No' when we consider the above-cited factors may be divided into 24

two major ones. 25

The first is that if the growing and expanding use of Hagg and Hagga is truly 26

religious, we would expect the very same to happen with regard to other Islamic 27

terms that are equally associated with the major Islamic duties, usually referred to 28

as 'the pillars of Islam". But this is not at all the case. Egyptians never address 29

each other as "Muzzaky" (Alms giver) or "Musally"(Performer of prayers), 30

although the latter is the only Islamic duty performed five times a day. 31

Furthermore, even during the month of Ramadan, when adult Muslims are 32

supposed to be fasting, Egyptians do not address each other as Saayem (Fasting). 33

Therefore, there is somehow some kind of evidence that explanation of the 34

linguistic phenomenon with regard to the use of the terms under study may not 35

be simply attributed to a given community becoming more pious or religious. 36

8 A Salafi is a member of an ultra-conservative heteorodox movement within Sunni

Islam. WordWeb Pro 8.02a, 2016 9 ‚Minor pilgrimage‛, when Muslims perform the pilgrimage to Mecca during a time

of the year other than the Hajj season. It literally means ‚overhaul‛ or ‚restoration‛.

2019-3038-AJHA

8

What could be the significant or rather relevant difference or differences 1

between the Islamic duty of Hajj/Hagg on the one hand and all the other Islamic 2

duties or pillars? To start with, Hagg is the only one that is not necessarily 3

imposed on ALL Muslims, but only on those who can afford it. So why should it 4

be more commonly used as a respectful term of address? This last question may 5

sound quite legitimate, but, in fact, the justification may as well reside in the 6

explanation of the 'can afford it' phrase. It is common knowledge to the average 7

Muslim in Egypt that 'afford' here refers to physical abilities (health wise) as well 8

as financial resources. Those who are both healthy and rich can afford Hajj/Hagg 9

and, hence, should perform their religious duty as indicated. However, those who 10

are unhealthy or healthy, yet poor are not required to perform the same duty. In 11

other words, Hagg is the only Islamic duty that is associated with wealth as such 12

and, hence, may be also related to social prestige. That is, having performed that 13

religious duty in particular is enough to indicate the person in question, i.e. the 14

Hagg, must be at least quite well off if not downright rich. 15

On another level, however, we also have to examine the way the use of the 16

religious terms of Hagg and Hagga has expanded over the last two decades 17

rather than witnessed only a notable increase in the frequency of use. Are they 18

still used particularly to address "a Muslim man who has just been to Mecca and, 19

hence, has literally earned the title of Haj/Hagg, or are they still used with elderly 20

people who do not belong to the main stream of the middle class? The answer 21

this time is definitely No. It is true the terms Hagg and Hagga are still used to 22

address real Haggs/Haggas or Muslim pilgrims, but the term Hagg is also used 23

now to address almost all elderly people indiscriminatingly, regardless of social 24

rank, official status or sometimes even religion. Even elderly Egyptian Christian 25

men are often addressed as Hagg when the addressor is not aware of their 26

religious faith, as if the norm is that all Egyptians are Muslims unless proved 27

otherwise! The term Hagga is naturally more restricted in use as elderly Egyptian 28

Muslim ladies are often veiled while Christian ladies, especially in urban 29

communities, are usually not. Another feature that was hardly common if at all 30

present in the fifties or sixties of last century, is that nowadays the two terms are 31

even quite frequently used to address gentlemen and ladies who are not elderly 32

and have only one major characteristic in common; they are clearly rich. 33

34

Findings and Conclusions 35

36

In this respect, we may re-consider all the above-cited remarks in an attempt 37

at reaching a plausible conclusion. 38

Given the financial and social associations of the Islamic pilgrimage or Hagg, 39

and the fact that it is now used as a term of respect while addressing Muslim 40

gentlemen or ladies whose appearance shows they are rich or at least well off, one 41

2019-3038-AJHA

9

may fairly conclude that the expansion in the use of the terms under study could 1

be more associated with social and/or economic considerations rather than purely 2

religious ones. 3

Out of direct personal experience and/or second-hand accounts recounted by 4

friends, relatives and acquaintances', it may be possible to claim that the terms 5

Hagg and Hagga could even be used to address unveiled women who happen to 6

be wearing clearly expensive jewelry or men who are not known to practice the 7

common rites of Islam including praying and fasting during Ramadan. The 8

researcher himself has, indeed, witnessed one case at least where the masculine 9

term Hagg was used to address an extremely rich man in a lower middle class 10

environment in Alexandria, even though the addressors, in fact, used to regard 11

the addressee as a corrupt smuggler of Hashish who had managed to get away 12

with his criminal practices to become the owner of various buildings and stores in 13

the area. Naturally, such observations cannot and certainly should not be 14

generalized, but their significance remains valid. 15

Yet the question remains: How can we link all the above to the spreading 16

influence of Islamism or political Islamist movements in Egyptian society? In this 17

respect, we may need to investigate other related social and linguistic phenomena 18

to come up with a possible answer. Within the very same chronological scope of 19

this research, several religious signs and terms have also notably become 20

widespread in Egypt, including but not limited to the wearing of veils or Hijab 21

among Egyptian women and girls, the wearing of short Gallabeyyas typical of the 22

way Salafis10 are usually dressed, the excessive use of religious terms out of 23

context such as the use of ‚Salamu Aleko‛ in answering a phone call instead of 24

simply Hello or in colloquial Egyptian "Alo", and ‚Inshaa Allah‛ with a past time 25

reference while it is linguistically restricted to the future. All the above-cited are 26

signs and slogans whose use has been openly, insistently and persistently 27

advocated by the members of Islamist movements and trends over the last fifty 28

years. 29

The researcher believes there are two main objectives underlying the 30

endeavours of political Islamists to spread such practices among Egyptians. These 31

objectives are mainly political rather than moralistic or religious. The first is to 32

create a false impression that they enjoy high popularity among Egyptians, since 33

many sectors of Egyptian society seem to positively respond to their teachings 34

and instructions. The deception resides in the fact that most of those who follow 35

the footsteps of political Islamists, where dresses and slogans are concerned, do 36

not share the political ideology of Islamist organizations or groups, but would 37

readily adopt their practices on the assumption that this would guarantee them 38

some religious advantages. The second main objective is also political rather than 39

10 A Salafi is a member of an ultra-conservative heterodox movement within Sunni

Islam. WordWeb Pro 8.02a, 2016.

2019-3038-AJHA

10

religious or even truly ethical. It lies in the fact that the more Muslim Egyptians 1

adopt the use of the so-called Islamic dresses and/or styles of talking, the more 2

they may be automatically distinguished from their Christian fellow Egyptian 3

citizens. Setting Muslims apart from Christian Copts helps give rise to sectarian 4

disturbances. Any everyday argument between two Egyptian drivers on the road, 5

for instance, could easily then turn into a major conflict between Muslims and 6

Christians. 7

It remains to be noted in this respect that despite the notable growth of such 8

seemingly religious practices, dresses and verbosity, we do not seem to have a 9

more religious society than in the fifties or sixties of the twentieth century. Even 10

according to some official statements, though not necessarily accurate statistics, 11

bribery, crimes, violence and corruption in general have widely increased over 12

the last thirty-five years, not only in number, but also in their proportion to total 13

members of Egyptian society. Thus, we seem to have more reason to link the 14

linguistic phenomenon under study to political Islamism as well as fairly assume 15

the underlying causes of such a phenomenon to be political rather than 16

theological. 17

18

19

The End of a Holy Trip that is no Longer Holy 20

21

The present paper has explored some ideas regarding a sociolinguistic 22

phenomenon in colloquial Egyptian discourse, with particular reference to socio-23

religious terms. It does so through tracing the use of the terms 'Hagg' (Haj- 24

masculine) and 'Hagga' (Hajja- feminine) over fifty years, with all the 25

modifications and changes involved. The researcher has attempted to examine the 26

possible causes of all the modifications and changes related to the frequency and 27

range of use of the terms under study within the period of time selected as the 28

chronological scope of this research, as well as possible associations with other 29

sociopolitical factors. The research ends with some tentative conclusions linking 30

the phenomenon under study to the growing influence of the movements of 31

political Islam within the Egyptian society in this last half century. The 32

conclusions are by no means conclusive, but as shown within the discussion, they 33

may be fairly supported by strong logical evidence. The researcher hopes this 34

paper may induce other researchers to conduct further academic research of the 35

subject in question and, thus, come up with more reliable findings and/or 36

conclusions based on statistical analyses rather than mainly ambitious reflections 37

and speculations. 38

39

40

41

2019-3038-AJHA

11

Works Cited 1

2

Primary Sources 3 4 Arberry, A. J. (1964), The Koran Interpreted, Oxford, OUP. 5 King James Bible, John's Gospel. 6 7

Secondary Sources 8

9 Abruzzi, Ray and J Michael. (ed) McGandy (2003), "Time: Religious and Philosophical 10

Aspects." Encyclopedia of Science and Religion, Macmillan-Thomson Gale. eNotes.com. 11 2006. http://www.enotes.com/science-religionencyclopedia/time-religious-philosophical-12 aspects (Retrieved 9 April 2016) 13

Bassiouney, Reem, (2014). Language and Identity in Modern Egypt. Edinburgh University 14 Press Ltd. 15

Bouma, Gary D; Clyne, Michael (1995). "Articulating Religious Meaning in Conversation: 16 Variations in Linguistic Style by Subdenominational Religious Group" Review of 17 Religious Research, Vol. 37, No. 2. (Dec. 1995), pp. 132-146. 18

Brown, Gillian and Yule, George (1983). Discourse Analysis. Cambridge, Cambridge 19 University Press. 20

Cohen, Andrew D (1998), "Contrastive Analysis of Speech Acts: What Do We Do with the 21 Research Findings?" Studia Anglica Posnaniensia: International Review of English 22 Studies, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. 23

Connerton, Paul. (1989). How Societies Remember. UK: CUP. 24 Crystal, David (1966), "Language and Religion" In L. Sheppard (ed) Twentieth Century 25

Catholicism (New York: Hawthorn Books), 11-28 26 ____________ (1968), Linguistics, Language and Religion. Burns & Oates/New York: 27

Hawthorn Books 28 Grundy, Peter (2nd ED) (2000). Doing Pragmatics, USA, OUP. 29 Lewis, Anthony. (2016). WordWeb Pro 8.02a. 30 Holes, Clive (2004). Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions, and Varieties. Washington, DC: 31

Georgetown University Press, Revised edition. 32 Mahmood, Saba (2011). Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject, 33

Princeton University Press. 34 Tobia, Adel F. (2008). Abgadiyat, Volume 3, Issue 1, pages 56–69. 35

http://www.bibalex.com/calligraphycenter/abgadiyat/Attachments/Issues/Articles/hagg.pdf. 36 Ward, Nigel and Al Bayyari, Yaffa (2008), "A Prosodic Feature that Invites Back-Channels in 37

Egyptian Arabic" Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics, Volume XX. 38 http://www.cs.utep.edu/nigel/papers/arabic.pdf (Retrieved 14 May 2016). 39

40

Arabic Sources 41

42 43 انطي انجهس انعسفح، عانى سهسهح انكيد، دييح، -إثيح -قييح: انيح انهغح ،(7002) انز عثد خساقي،. د ذسجح ج، جشيف،

اآلداب انف نهثقافح 44 28:ص ،9494 -9834 انكرة، داز. يظ شاكس، أحد ذحقيق نهجانيقي انعسب 45

2019-3038-AJHA

12

1 90: ص و،9403: تيسخ انكاثنيكيح انطثعح نهثسراي، انعسب داز شيس، ألد انعستح انفازسيح األنفاظ