The Genesis of Secterial Violence

8/13/2019 The Genesis of Secterial Violence

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The genesis of sectarian violence

Air Commodore (R) Khalid Iqbal

It is not a fairytale. Not very long ago, Muharram was not the season of sectarian

violence and mayhem; people of all sects would attend the Majalis under the same

roof to pay homage to the great martyrs of Islam. While the Shias would move in

processions, the Sunnis would line up along the routes and manage the sabeels.

Indeed, the rise of sectarian violence in Pakistan is a recent phenomenon.

Pakistanis are not sectarian-minded and for most of the countrys history, people of

different sects have co-existed peacefully. Nevertheless, sectarian scourge in its

current form is certainly deep-rooted and cannot be eliminated easily. It is being

systematically fanned by misguided adventurers and religious bigots. An unfortunate

combination of vested interests, misplaced policies and discriminatory laws has

drastically reduced the scope for a religiously tolerant state and society in Pakistan.

Communalism, religious intolerance and sectarian violence are ugly scars on the face

of any society; these are certainly an anti-thesis to the teachings of Islam. The word

Islam means peace and harmony. As a matter of doctrine, it forbids bigotry and

fanaticism. What to talk of intra-Islam harmony, it pursues generosity and tolerance

towards the followers of other religions as well. It is interesting to refer to Quaid-i-Azam

Mohammad Ali Jinnahs address to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947:


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....you are free to go to your temples; you are free to go to your mosques or to any

other place of worship....You may belong to any religion or caste or creed - that has

nothing to do with the business of the state. This speech came under similar

circumstances when post-partition communal violence was at its peak.

The expanse of sectarian extremism has enhanced over the last three to four

decades. Earlier, it was confined to rural pockets; now it haunts major metropolitan

centres as well. In good old days, sectarian violence used to spark up spontaneously

and then subside quickly to give way to peace. Now it is a perpetual activity spanning

over the entire year.

The older version of extremism was a reactive response to objectionable utterances or

actions of rival sect, now it is a proactive and premeditated activity, incorporating a

shade of battles for turf. Earlier, weapons were glass bottles and knives, now we face

grenades and bombs.

Another factor sustaining the sectarian intolerance is its politicisation. Sectarian parties

have entered the arena of politics; clerics contest elections on sectarian, rather than

Islamic basis. Sectarian intolerance is now the springboard for political dividend. Even

mainstream political parties like to have electoral adjustment with sectarian clerics-

turned politicians.

The conflict between sectarian groups is not merely ideological; often it is impelled by

the desire to obtain political power. Undue patronage of the clergy by various

governments has steadily raised their public profile and influence, culminating in a

larger than life political clout of sectarian parties.

Yet another cause is dominance of orthodoxy in the religious scholarship and their

acceptance as an authority on religion. While orthodoxy holds the sway; mainstream

clergy stands marginalised. Peripheral theological debates provide the basis for


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volatile divisions. As a result, healthy academic discourse has been replaced by

militancy.

Of late, a dangerous trend has emerged whereby sectarian groups are playing an

increased role in fuelling the insurgencies in Balochistan and Fata. Most of the

extremist outfits either have well-thought-out linkages with terrorist organisations or

they are unwittingly strengthening their agenda. Acts of violence by sectarian

organisations are reinforcing the global perception of equating Islam with militancy and

terrorism.

It is an oversimplification to attribute the mushrooming of sectarian violence as a

spinoff of the Afghan jihad or the Islamisation effort by President Ziaul Haq.

Afghanistan, where successive wars have destroyed the physical infrastructure and

the social fabric, sectarianism is much more contained than in Pakistan.

While challenging institutionalised sectarianism is certainly not easy, strengthening the

common cultural heritage of Pakistani people offers a less-confrontational way to

reverse the trend. The compulsions fuelling religious conflicts are surely complex.

They have multiple negative implications. At the same time, this is not a problem that

will go away on its own. It needs to be confronted head-on!

The government, civil society, political parties and media have critical roles to play in

countering trends through the promotion of religious freedom, social harmony and

protection of divergent opinion holders. The blame for the current situation falls

squarely on successive governments. The strategy to tackle sectarian extremism has

always been reactive than proactive; i.e. it has always been about damage control.

Successive governments have seldom been serious to arrest the steady rise of

sectarian extremism.

It is high time that Pakistan comes up with a well-thought-out national strategy to

tackle sectarian extremism. The government cannot contain religious extremism and


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violence by simply issuing executive orders. It requires a comprehensive approach

that entails monitoring supporters of the militant groups, curtailing their societal

sources of support, and taking appropriate action against the hardcore sectarian

militants. The government must also adopt measures to address socio-economic

inequities. Unless poverty and underdevelopment are addressed effectively,

ideological appeals and militancy will continue to attract the alienated youth.

The problem, which has taken roots over a couple of decades, may not necessarily

take as long to eradicate. It is, however, essential that the effort to tackle the sectarian

violence begins immediately. This effort must be underwritten by unwavering political

will, and a long-term strategy. Mere cosmetic measures wont achieve much beyond

patchy pauses of calm.

WriterisConsultant, Policy & Strategic Response, IPRI.

Email:[email protected]

The article was published in The Nation, November 25, 2012.

The Genesis of Secterial Violence

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