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VlV ag by Chin See Vin

(founder of new viUages)

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Confucius

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Confucius said, "There are three friendships which are advantageous, and three which are injurious. Friendship with the upright; friendship with the sincere; and friendship with the man of much observation:- these are advantageous. Friendship with the man of specious airs; friendship with the insinuatingly soft; and friendship with the glib-tongued:- these are injurious ...

NOTE The author Chin See Yin is .a founder-member of the Malayan

Chinese Association and the New Villages in West Malaysia.

He is a former Member of Parliment, Negri Sembifan State Assemblyman and President of Seremban Town Council, N.S.

This book is published under

The Copyright Act 1987.

INTRODUCTION u.s. President Abraham Lincoln in his Second Inaugural Address stated - "With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us the wisdom to see the right".

This book is written without malice and without intention to hurt anyone, but, with a genuine desire to help strengthen the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and unite the Malaysian Chinese community to work for racial harmony and posterity.

I hope that this book will help future MeA leaders and members to realise that the party was formed with two main objectives -

. (a) to assist and look after the Chinese interest. and,

(b) to look after the Chinese squatters' livelihood after their resettlement.

I hope that this book will help to enlighten future MCA leaders and members that great damage has already been done to the party and the community due to constant "power-struggles" for positions and power and lucrative government jobs.

Soon, I hope, future MCA leaders and members will realise the importance for a "trio" combination, namely :-

the MeA, all Chinese guilds and associations, and all New Villages Chinese community

to work together, closely as one unit, in order to be reckoned as a force to achieve Chinese and National unity for development, progress and security in the country.

Above all, MCA leaders must create a social climate to go to the people to seek their views and needs and render assistance whenever possible.

Chin See Vin, Sel'emban, 1993.

PREFACE This is a true story of nearly a million Chinese squatters in

Malaya, who were facing eviction and deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations. It's due to British Government allegations that the communist terrorists sheltered in the squatter settlements, where money, food, medicine and other supplies were obtained.

When the activities of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) created a serious situation to turn Malaya and Singapore into a "Communist State", the British Government introduced the 1948 Emergency Regulations with drastic actions to overcome the serious situation.

During the 1941 - 1945 Japanese occupation of Malaya and Singapore, the MCP organised a resistance force called the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) in the jungle.

Later on, they joined the Force 136 under the South East Asia Command, and they were trained by BritiSh OHicers parachuted into the jungle.

When the Japanese army marched through the two countries, they were eating the squatters' produce, killing many who protested and raping their wives and daughters, burning their huts and throwing little children into the fire.

Thousands of Chinese youths were imbued with much hatred, and many went deep into the jungle tD -join the MPAJA tD fight against the Japanese, who had destroyed many villages and massacred countless numbers of helpless Chinese families in the towns and cities in Malaya and Singapore. The Japanese soldiers were barbarians.

During the Japanese occupation, the Japanese gave unwittingly the MCP not only military training but also an opportunity to strengthen and expand the MPAJA.

After the Japanese surrendered, the Second Congress of the Communist Party of India was held under the cover of the Calcutta Youth Festival in February 1948. Like other countries' Communist Parties, the MCP wanted to turn Malaya and Singapore into a "Communist State".

In June 1948, the outbreak of communist-terrorist-campaign brought the Chinese squatter community into an unenviable prominence.

The British Government intended to evict and deport to China, without trial, nearly a million Chinese squatters under the 1948 Emergency Regulations.

Fortunately, after the first eviction and deportation of about 300 Chinese squatters from a squatter settlement in Kajang, Selangor State, Malaya, my Resettlement (New Villages) Scheme was accepted as an alternative.to the deportation of Chinese squatters to China without trial by the British Government.

The first New Village in the country was set up in Seremban (my home town), which was often visited during its construction by the Bri!ish High Commissioner in Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney.

This was followed up and over 400 New Villages were set up to resettle nearly a million Chinese squatters instead of deporting them to China, thereby providing them with a new life in Malaya.

Chin See Vln Seremban, Malaysia, 1 993.

CONTENTS

PREFACE 1. Or Ling provides educational facilities to

New Villages ......................................................................... 1

2. Parl-time jobs for villagers' children for technical and skills training ................................................. 3

3. Or Ling to regain supporl from two million men and women in the 450 New Villages .............................. 5

PART ONE

The Sweat And Tears Of The Chinese Community

1. After approval of Resettlement Scheme, MCA was formed .................................................................. 9

2. Seek Chinese leaders' assistance ..................................... 19

3. British Government accept Resettlement Scheme as an alternative to deporlation to China ............................ 24

4. Resettlement Committee springs into action to set up the first Chinese New Village ................................ 29

5. Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar allots land for the New Village and local MCA leaders show cold shoulder ............................................................. 33

6. British High Commissioner praises residents' efforts to help implement scheme ....................................... 36

7. Disused mining area "miraculously" turns into farm land ...................................................................... 48

8. Chinese squatters urge Government to help rebuild their homes ............................................................. 51

9. Perak Chief Police Officer, once a member of MPAJA is murdered by communist terrorists ................................. 58

10. Local MeA leaders ignore the appeals for help from New Villagers during the big flood ...................... 63

Addendum .......................................................................... 75

PART TWO

MeA Intra-Party Struggle

1. Power struggle shames Chinese community ..................... 87

2. The early MeA leaders gain tremendous support from Chinese folks ............................................... 90

3. MCA veterans all out to get public donations .................... 96

4. Lucrative posts cause power struggle in party ................... 99

5. Lim Chong Eu tails into turbulent sea after winning MeA presidency with unfair tactics ..................... 109

6. Lim Chong Eu betrays his comrades ............................... 115

7. Independent group tests its strength in Seremban to prove MCA losing Chinese support .............................. 119

8. MeA suffers a great electoral setback due to its Chinese education policy ............................................ 126

9. Lim Keng Yaik tries to overthrow the old guards but is sacked by Tan Siew Sin .............................. 133

10. Lee San Choon climbs his political ladder without paying his debt of gratitude .................................. 136

11. Lee San Choon's clever manoeuvres result in greater power struggles ............................................... 143

12. Lee San Choon wins Chinese hearts by introducing "Reverence To Our Elders" campaign ............................. 146

13. Tan Koon Swan and Neo Yee Pan get into loggerheads when Lee San Choon fails to intervene .............................. 151

14. MCA must undergo re~structuring .................................... 156

15. MCA leaders should go back to the people and listen to people's views and suggestions .................. 159

PART THREE Reverence To Our Elders Movement 1. The forgotten "Reverence To Our Elders"

movement ......................................................................... 165

2. It is more meaningful to serve tea during Chinese New Year celebrations ..................................................... 174

3. Spiritual education is a must ............................................ 178

Dr Ling Provides Educational Facilities To New Villages

The MCA President, Data' Seri Or Ling Liong Sik is embarking on a commendable task to provide educational facilities to the villagers' children. He has to work on a more difficult task to regain the wholehearted support of two million men and women in the 450 New Villages. They need land.

A majority of the new villagers form a sizable proportion of the country's poor. These men and women have relied for generations on the cultivation of land as a means of livelihood. They do not take kindly to actions which suddenly deprive them of these means and reduce them to a state of poverty. Why can't the VIPs, Tans Seri, Datos and JPs help them?

Or Ling and MCA leaders have to appreciate the villagers' problem involve social and economic factors. They require land to grow vegetables, rear pigs and poultry and for cottage industries, land is the mainstay of life.

In the former squatter settlements, most of the new villagers were exceedingly prosperous. They possessed many pigs, large poultry farms and vast areas of vegetables. They had 1.:JOlimited acreage of arable, productive land. They produced for the people's daily needs. We must not forget them.

In the New Villages, the former squatters are to a large extent cut oH from the land, except for the small plots near their houses which are not suitable for vegetable cultivation, rearing pigs and poultry. Therefore, they have to look for employment as tappers, mine-workers and odd job labourers to feed their families. The Chinese leaders must be blamed.

They have to accept a wage that is often insuHicient to buy food for their families and give pocket money to their school-going children.

Without land, money and continued neglect are causing dissatisfaction, even hatred can come out of them. Many can be misled to commit crimes.

1

The Chief Police Officer, Data' Henry Chin said that secret sDcieties were growing at an alarming rate in Kuala Lumpu'r and other states. There has been an increasing number of murder cases in recent months. It is time to take a serious look at the problem before it gets out of hand.

It's a shame if innumerable Chinese VIPs, Tans Seri, Datos, JPs and tycoons could not assist Or Ling and MCA leaders to obtain or acquire land for the New Villagers to grow vegetables, rear pigs and poultry and for cottage industries. Such agricultural areas will help to provide cheap living and cheap labour for the production of highly competitive goods for the world markets.

2

Part-Time Jobs For Villagers' Children For Technical And Skills Training

Let us give credit where credit is due, not forgetting the Port Klang Chairman, Data' Michael Chen, who, when he was the Minister of Housing and Local Government, visited the New Villages often and rendered assistance to the schools and the needy children. It was a long time ago. Since then, the New Villages were almost forgotten.

Who is to be blamed for this situation? Whose fault it is that the villagers' children have not had the benefits of modern education or some form of social service? Why are villagers' children neglected?

In fact, the leaders of the 4,000 Chinese guilds and associations, whose members are considerable among the new villagers, could have jointly with the large number of Chinese educationists provided some form of modern education and social service to the villagers' children.

Many rich Chinese and VIPs like the Tans Seri, Datos Seri, Datos, JPs, industrialists, housing developers, tin miners, rubber­estate owners, oil-palm estate owners, bankers, lawyers, doctors, engineers, architects and accountants, are avoiding to give charity. it is unpalatable to them.

There are others who prefer to live a sheltered life in the ivory tower, and many more are still living in a state of complacency.

Many rich fear for their children's safety and many poor have to leave their children to the wind.

When people get "burnt", they will realise that there is an increase in petty theft, robbery, extortion, arson, murder, adultery, Wife-battering, child-abuse, cheating and increasing white-collar crimes.

3

Then, they will appreciate that such "ills" are due in some ways to neglected poor children, who grew up in unhealthy environment, perhaps, among the rogues, thieves, murderers, dadah addicts and subversive elements.

Those rich Chinese and VIPs, who want more development and security should volunteer their services in kinds and money generously towards the fund- for the MCA President Data' Seri Or Ling Liong Sik to provide educational facilities to the forgotten New Villages_ You help others, you are helping yourself

At the same time, the MCA leaders and members can help the villagers' childr'en to find part-time jobs for technical and skills training in the machine shops, motor-repair shops, electrical­wiring shops, furniture shops, carpentry and masonry shops to prepare them to meet the needs of expanding industries.

4

Dr Ling To Regain Support From Two Millioll Men And Women In the 450 New Villages

No man is born to perfection, and so is MCA President Data' Seri Or Ling Liong Sik.

When Chinese support for MCA was at its lowest ebb, Or Ling had a trying time to regain Chinese confidence and support.

There were no doubt disappointing moments in his efforts to strengthen the party.

However, with the wholehearted support of MCA leaders and members, Or Ling had collected more than RM25 million from the generous public for the TAR College fund. That was his finest hour.

Together with RM25 million contributed by the Federal Government, a total of RM50 million is to be spent on two new TAR campuses, which will eventually take in another 8,000 students annually_ It will be a great achievement for the party.

Now the MCA needs educational resource centres for all New Villages to enable rural children to have access to books, manipulative toys, and newspapers.

Or Ling said that it was important that every parent fully understood the concept of a complete education and how they could help their children attain educational excellence.

In fact, teachers and parents have to play a big role in education in all New Villages.

The Chinese have four cardinal points: Rites, Heroism, Integrity, and Shame; and eight virtue codes: Filial Duty, Loyalty, Charity, Love, Faithfulness, Righteousness, Peace, and Justice.

Such teachings will bring about an honourable and courteous people with knowledge to improve individuals and society.

5

When a resource centre is set up in every school in the 450 New Villages, it will be a big encouragement to the villagers' children to improve their studies in Chinese, English and Bahasa Malaysia.

Moreover, free tuition will also be provided by volunteers to the needy children. For more than 40 years, the villagers' children have had no opportunity to enjoy such facilities.

It is the duty of all Chinese educationists and all members of the 4,000 Chinese guilds and associations to lend a hand and help to raise a fund of at least RM25 million, which will enable Dr Ling, MCA leaders and members to help build a bright future for such children.

Let all Chinese assist Dr Ling to make this worthy cause a big success in the Chinese and national interest.

6

PART ONE

The eat

And Tears Of

The

hi se Community

After Approval Of Resettlement Scheme, MeA Was Formed

History can be distorted, but the facts will always prevail.

This is a story, which has not been fully told about the formation of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) now Malaysian Chinese Association, and the setting up of the New Villages during the 1948 Emergency in Malaya, both of which have provided a new life to nearly a million Chinese squatters facing deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations.

It is said: "When you drink the water, remember the spring".

A State of Emergency covering the entire Federation was declared on 18 June 1948, and it was extended to Singapore on 24 June 1948. The Malayan Communist Party (MCP) had planned to turn these two countries into a "Communist State".

The Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) issued a manifesto calling on all former comrades to take up arms against the British. On 28 June 1948, there were 4,500 guerillas reported to be massing in the jungle.

The Chinese squatters had existed at all times during the period of British rule, but their members only became really considerable during the Japanese occupation when shortage of food drove a few hundred thousand people into the countryside.

The outbreak of the terrorist-campaign in June 1948 brought the Chinese squatters community into unenviable prominence. Much of the land was on the fringes of t'he jungle and the squatter settlements were alleged to have been made use of for shelter and supplies by the terrorists, who also recruited or conscripted manpower from such settlements.

Since the squatters were easily intimidated into silence, the police and military could not obtain information regarding terrorist activities.

9

This resulted in reprisal against the unfortunate squatters collectively. Some were removed, their huts burnt down and their crops destroyed to prevent them getti ng to the terrorists.

Soon a policy was made against the unfortunate Chinese squatters. It was to evict and deport them to China without trial.

As soon as the 1948 Emergency Regulations were enforced, the police and army evicted nearly 300 Chinese squatters from the Kajang Chinese Squatter Settlement in Selangor at the end of December 1948 or in early January 1949.

No Chinese leaders, who were already cowed by the barbarous Japanese Kempetai (Japanese Military Police) and later on by the communist-terrorists, came forward to help the evicted Chinese squatters, who were soon deported to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations.

In the follow-up operations on the 6 and 9 February 1949 during the Chinese New Year celebration, the police and army moved into the Ulu Temiang Chinese Squatter Settlement and the Sikamat Chinese Squatter Settlement respectively, both in Negeri Sembilan, and evicted more than 1,500 Chinese squatters. They were detained temporarily in the Kluang Detention Camp in Johore, awaiting ships for deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations. While passing my house, I saw them being driven away in police and army trucks.

Every Chinese squatter was allowed to take only his or her personal belongings with his or her two bare hands and nothing more. Eye-witnesses said that it was a pitiful sight.

Every ~quatter family had to leave everything behind, such as all working .Imple.ments, cooking utensils, their produce like vegeta.bles, fiSh, pigs and poultry without compensation. Looters had a field day all to themselves.

T~e three drastic operations taken by the British Government within a short space of time had caused a shock-wave, frustration and annoyance to the Chinese community in the country.

In view of the special powers to arrest and the deportation of suspected communists or their supporters without trial to China many Chinese leaders, who were already cowed by th~ barbarous Japanese Kempetai and the communist terrorists preferred to avoid involvement in such serious matters under th~ 1948 Emergency Regulations.

10

In Seremban Town, as a result of the British Government's sweeping action, one after another within 3 days, much contusion and frustration were caused to the townsfolk. There was also a shortage of workers in business-houses, workshops, tin mines and plantations.

Aged. parents, relatives and friends of the 1,500 evicted Chi ne se squatters, who were waiting for deportation, were dismayed and thrown into despair.

Above a", there was a feeling of fear that if the Chinese squatters were deported to China, where at that time there was a scarcity of food~and clothi ngs, they would die of cold and hunger in a strange land without relatives and friends to help them in any way.

At that time, the MCA had not been formed.

The aged parents, relatives and friends of the evicted Chinese squa1ters were running hither and thither looking for local Chinese leaders for advice and help, but, the Chinese leaders were evasive and made lame excuses, because they themselves were scared of the serious allegations being made against the evicted Ch inese squatters under the 1948 Emergency Regulations.

The majority of the Chinese leaders were old businessmen, who were also the leaders of numerous Chinese guilds and associations.

The old towkay (head of a business) had at that time completely lost the leadership of the Chinese community and the leadership was taken over by the MPAJA.

Whether you liked it or not - they had the guns.

Such an Emergency had created a new chapter for the Chinese squatters in the country.

11

1941-1945

Japanese Atrocities

12

Japanese Atrocities

13

Japanese Atrocities

14

Japanese Atrocities

15

The Malayan

People's Anti-Japanese Army

(MPAJA) The youlhs among the Chinese squatters were imbued with hatred

against the barbarous Japanese army for their unspeakable atrocities.

The youths went deep into the jungle to join the guerilla movement (MPAJA). They were mainly members of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). The MPAJA joined the Force 136 under the South East Asia Command, which prepared 10 land the Allied Forces.

After the Second World War, the Malayan Communist Party wanted to turn Malaya and Singapore into a "Communist Stale".

A State of Emergency was declared on 18 June 1948 covering the entire Malaya and it was extended to Singapore on 24 June 1948.

The MPAJA issued a manifesto caINng on all former comrades to take up arms against the British-Malayan Government. On 24 June 1948,4,500 guerillas were reported to be massing in the jungle.

~-:~~~~ The Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA)

16

The Peninsula had a backbone of jungle-covered mountains rising to a height of 7,000 feet.

From the mountains, fast rivers ran west to the Bay of Bengal and east to the South China Sea.

Four-fifths of the land was trackless evergreen forest and undergrowth.

One hundred feet above the ground, the trees made a solid roof of green, shutting out the sky.

From their branches, curtains of vine and creeper joined the undergrowth to make a jungle so dense that a standing man is invisible at 25 yards.

The remaining one-fifth of the Peninsula was made up of rubber plantations, rice fields, tin mines, villages and towns in the 1948 Emergency period.

RESETTLEMENT AREA

My Resettlement Committee and I were determined to fulfil our responsibility to set up the New Village.

We could not let down the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang & Sikamat Chinese squatters, who were then detained in the Kluang Detention Camp.

We started off with 70 released Chinese squatters from the Kluang Detention Camp. It was the first batch.

One group was sent by lorries to obtain building materials such as jungle-poles, rafters, rattan, big yellow bamboos, attap and so on.

The other group was given the job to clear the secondary forest and noxious growths in order to prepare the ground for building long houses to provide accommodation when the 1,500 Chinese squatters were soon released from the Kluang Detention Camp.

17

British soldiers charge into a terrorist camp

18

Seek Chinese Assistance

Leaders'

The desperation and determination of the aged parents, relatives and friends to get help for the release of the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters facing deportation to China had compelled me to secure a reprieve and also consideration of my resettlement scheme as an alternative to the deportation of squatters to China without trial.

The Chinese squatters were chiefly from China, who were also mainly farmers . They trekked to the jungle. They were far away from the cities and towns. They settled down 1'0 cultivate the soil where land was in abundance.

The men and women cleared the virgin jungle, ploughed the so il and planted the seeds wh ich were to sustain them in the years to come. The area of land they cultivated depended on the numerical strength of each family . There was little interference from anyone outs ide thei r group and they flourished.

In their small way, the Chinese squatters had contributed a fa i r share towards the progress and development with workforce and the supply of vegetables , fish, meat and other daily necessities in plenty and cheaply to meet the needs of the people especially in the towns.

The peacefu l and happy existence of the Chinese squatters was shattered by the barbarous Japanese army and later on by the mi litant Communists. Next, they were the victim of c ircumstances .

It was reported that the police and army had searched the countrys ide and found Chinese squatters, men, women and children, living in tiny huts on the fr inge of the jungle amidst prosperous looking vegetable plots, flower gardens and livestock farms .

19

They were satisfied that the Chinese squatters had been feeding the Communists in the jungle. It was decided to remove the Chinese squatters from their environment and clear the country of the Communist terrorists. Hence, such deportation was ordered against the squatters.

Since I was a member of a welfare committee, many aged parents, relatives and friends of the evicted Chinese squatters, as a last resort, came to see me for advice and help.

They told me that many Chinese leaders had refused to see them in spite of repeated requests. Indeed, they were confused and sad in my office, hoping for a miracle to happen. It was a pitifu I sight.

So, I told them that I would do my best to help find a possible solution. Then, they left my office quite sadly.

Thereafter, I was at a loss, not knowing how to find a solution.

I got in touch with the Negri Sembilan Chief Police Officer (CPO), Mr G. B. Folliot, who was an old friend. He told me that he had no authority to release the evicted Chinese squatters.

Moreover, they were already sent to the Kluang Detention Camp in Johore State, pending deportation to China soon.

Mr Folliot advised me to see either the Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, Data Abdul Malek. or the Negri Sembilan British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, immediately.

If not, the evicted Chinese squatters would soon be deported to China without trial.

As a matter of courtesy, I urgently consulted several Chinese leaders and asked them to appeal to the two State Executives for the release of the evicted Chinese squatters.

I was surprised and annoyed when the Chinese leaders told me not to become involved in such serious matters under the 1948 Emergency Regulations. But, I was prepared to go it alone.

When I met Or Chong Ah Khoon, who was a well-known retired Government Medical Officer, and Mr Koh Lian Chin JP, a leading Rotary Club Member, they agreed to join me to seek help for the 'release of the evicted Chinese squatters.

Immediately, I telephoned the Negri Sembilan State Secretariat for an appointment with the Mentri Besar.

20

Soon, we met the Mentri Besar, Dato Abdul Malek, in his oHice. We had a long discussion with him. We considered various ways and suggested resettlement for the evicted squatters as a viable alternative to deportation.

The Mentri Besar, Data Abdul Malek, was very sympathetic over the matter. Frankly, he told us that he had no authority to release the evicted squatters, but he would lend a helping hand in every way possible to help the evicted squatters.

He said that he would immediately contact the Negri Sembilan British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, for an appOintment to see us, to explain the urgent need for his assistance.

He promised a piece of land when the evicted squatters were released for resettlement.

The same evening, the Mentri Besar, Data Abdul Malek, informed me over the telephone that the British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, would see Or Chong, Mr Koh and me the next morning at 10 a.m.

At the NS Residency the next morning at the appointed time, we had a lengthy and candid discussion with Mr Gordon Hall, who also told us that the Communist terrorists had created a very serious situation in the country and that the British Government had to remedy such a serious situation at any cost.

Mr Gordon Hall also told us that the terrorists were using the Chinese squatters to obtain money, food, medicine and other supplies.

Therefore, the British Government had to deny such sources in order to defeat the terrorists quickly.

Then, we pointed out the unenviable position of the Chinese squatters and we oHered some reasonable explanations in respect of the various allegations against them.

21

, .... : .

Chin See Vin Founder Member of MeA

Author Of

Resettlement (New Villages) Scheme

And Former 'Jlember Of Parliament,

State Assemblyman

& President Of Seremban Town Council

22

Mr Koh Lian Chin, JP. Rotarian Co-Founder Of The ReseHlement New Villages Scheme 1949

23

Dr Chong Ah Khoon

AMN • .JP. PJK.

Chairman,

N.S. MeA State Division

Co-Founder Of

The ReseHlement

New Villages Scheme

1949

British Government Accept Resettlenlent Scheme As An Alternative To Deportation To China In seeking the release of 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and

Sikamat Chinese squatters, the "trio", Dr Chong, Mr Koh and I, had to point out to the NS British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, that if a government officer were in a situation similar to that of an unfortunate Chinese squatter being pointed at with a terrorist's gun, the officer would no doubt for the love of his wife and children give in to the demands of the terrorist.

What else could the officer do - similarly, what else could the squatter do?

Apart from other explanations, we told Mr Gardon Hall that under such circumstances it was unfair and unjust to evict and deport the Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters to China without trial, where there was a scarcity of food and clothings and it would be certain that the majority of the Chinese squatters would die of hunger and cold in a strange land without relatives and friends to help them.

We pointed out to Mr Gordon Hall that there was no record to prove the Chinese squatters had done wrong against the government.

If a few black sheep had done so, it would not be British justice to punish the entire squatter community.

After hearing our plea and various proposals to resettle the evicted Chinese squatters, Mr Gardon Hall adjudged our appeal reasonable and agreed that resettlement of the evicted squatters would be an alternative to their deportation to China without trial.

Then, Mr Gordon Hall warned Dr Chong, Mr Koh and me not to be too optimistic about our proposal to resettle the evicted Chinese squatters.

24

But he promised us that he would refer the matter with his views and recommendations to the Officer Administrating the Government, Sir Alex Newboult, in Kuala Lumpur the same day.

It was late that same day that I received a telephone call from Mr Gordon Hall stating that Sir Alex Newboult would be happy to see Dr Chong, Mr Koh and me the next morning at 10 a.m. at King's House, Kuala Lumpur. .

In fact, Mr Gordon Hall had kindly told me over the telephone that he had had a long conversation with Sir Alex Newboult over our appeal for the release of the evicted Chinese squatters, who were detained in the Kluang Detention Camp pending deportation to Ch i na without trial.

He told me that Sir Alex Newboult had more or less accepted his views and recommendations on our proposed resettlement of the evicted Chinese squatters. from Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese Squatter Settlements.

The next day, we met the Officer Administrating the Government, Sir Alex Newboult, in his office in Kuala Lumpur, and he invited us to a table for tea.

He told us that he had had a long conversation with the NS British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, who had given him a clear picture of our views and proposed resettlement as an alternative to deportation of the evicted Chinese squatters to China.

In fact, at the discussion with Sir Alex Newboult, we believed that it would be wise to repeat all the reasons with which we had pleaded with Mr Gardon Hall for his kind assistance in the matter of urgency.

Sir Alex Newboult was impressed with our proposed resettlement new village scheme. He asked me to submit it with more details for his consideration and approval.

At my request, Sir Alex Newboult promised not to deport the evicted Chinese squatters to China under the 1948 Emergency Regulations. He told his secretary, Peter Andrew, to telephone the Repatriation Officer to stop the deportation immediately.

After a while, Sir Alex Newboult's secretary told him that about 146 of the evicted Chinese squatters had already been deported to China.

25

However, Sir Alex Newboult assured us that no further deportation of Chinese squatters would be done. We thanked him for his kind assurance.

Within a week, I submitted the proposed Resettlement (New Villages) Scheme for the first New Village in the country to be set up along the Seremban-Port Dickson road, Seremban, in order to resettle the 1,500 evicted Chin ese sq uatters who were sti 11 detained in Kluang Detention Camp. The scheme was supported by the two NS State Executives, Dato Abdu I Malek and M r Gordon Hall.

Thereafter, at the request of the British High Commissioner in Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) was formed on the initiative of (Tun Sir) Colonel H. S. Lee, Mr Yong Shook Lin and Mr Khoo Teik Ee (all three were Members of the Federal Legislative Council).

They invited the Chinese leaders of all (a few thousand) Chinese guilds and associations, Chinese Chambers of Commerce and other Chinese associations to a meeting, which was held on 27 February 1949, in Kuala Lumpur.

The formation of one Chinese organisation, the MCA, was unanimously agreed upon with the main objectives - assist the Chinese squatters and look after the Chinese interests.

After the formation of MCA, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was elected President; Col. H. S. Lee, Deputy President; Mr Yong Shook Lin and Mr Leung Cheung Ling, Joint-Secretaries and Mr Khoo Teik Ee as MCA Treasurer.

Several committees were elected for various duties, and state divisions and branches were soon set up in every state in the country to carry out the objectives of the association, which was well supported by the Chinese community.

MCA became a "household" word within Chinese families in Malaya.

On 21 April 1949, the MCA Joint-Secretaries, Mr Yong Shook Un and Mr Leung Cheung Ling wrote to me with a request to apply for the screening and release of the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang arid Sikamat Chinese squatters from Kluang Detention Camp to be resettled in Seremban as the first New Village in the country according to my Resettlement New Village Scheme.

26

H9, rr0~S ~treet, Kll,lla Lurr.:,"r.

2bt '~;--rll. 191:9.

P"rn 1 of 1-;i.nlltr::. 1)[ "!orkinr r.ollonit.t.,..~ 0n <-!;-I('·/,o.

:;crecni nr, of rlet"incl!:'; fr01n Tami".nr; t, Sik:lm.,\t :~r:\Inttcr Arp;'\~ now in

Ylllrmr r)~t.l'!llt.i (\/1 /';;lffl:--

The Chief .:~p.crct<1rv ",:;kcr) us to dc:!l. \·tith the SecretDry for r.hincse A[f:.!irs.

2. Our Mr. Yon~ Shook Lin ~roke. today~ tC' thp. Sr:crr:ta.ry for Chil\c~r: l\ffi'lirs who dl'reed tr Clsk··tho Chincsc ~ffo.irs ()ffic~r H. Spr~fflban to mLly.c the urrnnL'r.mr.nt~ with t·;r.Chn Se~ ¥in ~r, to the st:"rccninp Lit ,KlII"nr IJ".!trmt.ion Cnmp.

<, Will you kindly ~ce the Chinese AffC\irs r'fl'iccr ~t ~er(lmb.:ln and infC'lrm ~;r,f."in ~e~. Yin' .:J c co re! i ne: 1 y •

V Ol! r sf.: i. t ~ fu II ~' ,

~al~yan Chinese AS5C'1ciotion, l~, Wil~inson StFcct, Sercmb<!.ll.

27

Dear Sh.Q"ok ~n,

I forwcil'rJ.

to you. I think 'Ne p",-ve to r" :rl" this

to our .qUil.::lrl I3r~nch.

YOul'S triJ

Le??: ,~~ L/

To:

89, Cross Street,

KUDla LU::'l:-)ur.

28

Committee Action To First Chinese New

News spread like wild fire. The aged parents, relatives and tri ends were th rr lied and exci ted 10 hea r that the 1.500 evi cted UI u Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters would soon be released from the Kluang Detention Camp.

The Seremban townsfolk were jubilant, because since the detention of the squatters, many were kind and thoughtful enough to send occasionally some money, clothings, tinned food. and milk to the detainees for their children in the detention camp.

MCA Headquarters Joint-Secretaries, Mr Shook Lin and Mr Leung Cheung Ling, came to Seremban to discuss with me, Dr Chong Ah Khoon and Mr Koh Lian Chin various problems relating to the screening and releasing of the evicted squatters, problem of land to put up temporary buildings, flnanc'lal assistance and so on.

We told them that it would be a difficult task with so much paper work and various contacts and arrangements to be sorted out before getting the wagons to begin the journey to the Kluang Detention Camp to bring back the evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters tor resettlement in Seremban.

They requested us to get cracking with the resettlement.

It had taken almost a month of hard work some members of my Resettlement Committee, who were all volunteers. to prepare the torms in triplicate for screening of evicted squatters, and another set of forms in triplicate for the particulars of every evicted squatter family.

Finally, it was necessary to obtair: a comprehensive report regarding the evicted squatters for the authorities concerned for issuing the release orders.

The local MCA officials, many State Councillors and Town Councillors had not bothered to lend a helping hand to my Resettlement Committee to do the time-consumIng work. but there were many townslolk who would bring soft drinks. ·'tim

29

sum" or packets of chicken rice or "meehoon" to cheer up the members of my Resettlement Committee.

In the meantime, the Resettlement Committee was divided into several section 10 tackle the resettlement of the Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters after their release from the Kluang Detention Camp, namely :-

1. Workforce Chairman - he had to pick from among the released squatters the men to do the clearing of the land on which to build the long-houses, and the men to put up the long-houses, community hall, school, shops and temple.

2. Materials Chairman - he had to pick the men to gather certain kinds of timber from the jungle like rafters, poles, attap and other materials including donations of sawn timbers,nails, hinges, screws, changkols, rakes, hammers, screw drivers, bolts & nuts, pots, pans and cups & saucers.

3. Food Chairman - he had to get donations (instead of money) bags of rice, tins of cooking oil, tinned food, vegetables, meat, fish and other eatables.

4. Accommodation Chairman - he had to secure or set up a temporary place with beds, tables and chairs, light and water, cooking utensils etc for the first batch of released Chinese squatters (specially selected) to help in the construction of long-houses, etc.

S. Transport Chairman - he had to appeal to the owners of lorries and motor-vans to provide free transport to bring workers to the jungle to obtain building materials.

6. Storekeepers - they had 10 set up stores for materials, food and so on.

7. Camp Chairman - he had to give out daily instruction to all Chairmen, look after correspondence, note down telephone messages, payout petty cash and so on.

Several meetings were held with the lorry-owners and van­owners. They were helpful. They offered their vehicles free of charge. They provided the drivers and petrol.

Several meetings were held with local shopkeepers, estate owners, tin miners, rubber dealers and other merchants. They were helpful too. They donated rice, edible oil, tinned food, nails, hinges, changkols, rakes, timber, cement, milk, sugar, salt and sauce.

30

Several meetings were held with the stallholders in Seremban Market. Everyone was most helpful. By rotation, they provided, free of charge, one day for vegetables, one day for pork. one day for fish, one day for mutton, one day for beef, one day for fruits and so on.

Hawkers, coffee shops and restaurants contributed their fair share to help with money and kind during construction work to resettle the evicted squatters.

The Se rem ban townsfolk deserved all praise for their generous contributions of all the necessities needed for the resettlement project.

Many sent money, milk and clothings for the children of the squatters. They were true friends in the hour of need.

In fact, the screening of the squatter families were simplified by the NS Criminal Investigations Department (CID) Chief, Mr H. S. Harlock. He was a friendly and helpful officer.

Unlike some of his Asian .officers, who were haughty and arrogant to the aged parents, relatives and friends ot the evicted squatters, Mr Harlock was always ready to lend a helping hand.

It was a full-time job, often working up till midnight. The volunteers had sacrificed their precious time and spent their own money daily to help out with the paper work.

Those volunteers, who accompanied the CID officers to Kluang Detention Camp, had to spend their own money tor food and lodging to help screen the squatters and to help in many ways to assist the squatters to obtain their release.

31

MF.MORA~DUM.

32

II (l =-: ~!" ~ liet:r~

Vdr W. A. Gordon Hall

Negri Sembilan British Resident

Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar Dato Abdul Malek (Later on Governor Of Malacca) Tun AbduJ Malek Strongly Supported The ReseHlement New Villages Scheme

He supported the Resettlement New Villages Scheme as an alternative to the deportation of nearly a million Chinese squatters to China without trial under 1948 Emergency Regulations

33

Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar Allots Land The New Village Local MeA Leaders Show Cold Shoulder

For And

The British-Malayan Government's intention was to implement my Resettlement New Villages Scheme to resettle nearly a million Chinese squatters as an alternative to their deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations, and to set up the first New Village in the country in Seremban.

The Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, Dato Abdul Malek, invited me to a meeting held in the Council Chambers, State Secretariat, Seremban on 19.9.1949 where there were many Federal and State officers wanting to know more about my scheme in order to set up a few hundred new villages throughout the country.

At the meeti ng I poi nted out that it would have to surmount various problems (red-tape) in order to resettle the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters, who were detained at the Kluang Detention Camp.

The important factors were a large piece of land, materials, food, light, water, tools, a workforce and other necessities required to set up a new viI/age for the resettlement of 1,500 evicted Chinese squatters in Seremban.

Another important factor was to get dedicated volunteers to form a "Resettlement Committee" which would be divided into various groups with each group under a leader, such as - 1. Workforce Chairman, 2. Materials Chairman, 3. Food Chairman, 4. Accommodation Chairman, with provision to set up more groups, if necessary, later on.

I poi nted out that when the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang & Sikamat Chinese squatters were resettled in Seremban, they would begin a new life from scratch. Since they had lost all their worldly possessions, they could be dead-broke - no money was the

. problem.

34

Apart from each squatter family being provided with a plot of land to put up a house in the new village, they would require financial aid and arable land to eke out a livelihood.

In the event of evicting other Chinese squatters, who were to be moved to various areas (new villages), they should be provided with transport to move their belongings and implements.

In fact, the majority of the Chinese squatters were farmers, who depended largely on the good earth to eke out a living.

Therefore, it was important for government to provide a large piece of land to every new village for the bona fide farmers to plant the seeds which could sustain them in the years to come. Otherwise, there could be social problems later on.

Then, the bona fide farmers in every new village weuld be back in business, producing plenty and selling cheaply their produce, such as - vegetables, fish meat, eggs and other daily necessities to meet the needs of the people like in old times.

With regard to the resettlement of the Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters, who were detained in the Kluang Detention Camp, I told the officers that they wou'ld require much help.

There would be plenty of paper work to be done and the same had to be processed before getting the release orders to resettle them in Seremban.

I was happy to inform the officers that the NS Mentri Besar, Data Abdul Malek, had offered the land so required, and that the local Chinese were very public-spirited, particularly, the shopkeepers, the market stall holders, the hawkers, the coffee and eating shops, restaurants, merchants, tin miners, estate owners, contractors, lorry owners and individuals all of whom made very generous offers of free transport. food, materials, implements and other necessities to set up the new village to resettle the 1,500 evicted Chinese squatters.

I told the officers that I was confident the released Chinese squatters could set up the first new village in the country in Seremban under their own steam to resettle themselves.

This could be their finest hour like other human beings all over the world who cherish freedom as their greatest treasure. The present resettlement was only a temporary accommodation.

I explained to the officers that my Resettlement Committee and I would have to do the resettlement of the evicted Chinese_ squatters in the following manner :-

3.5

1. I wou Id initially apply for the release of about 60 to 70 Chinese squatters from the Kluang Detention Camp as the first batch to do the ground work, obtaining jungle materials, and constructi ng iOta 15 or more long-houses to accommodate about 100 5quatlerfamilies.

2. Then, the first and second batches of released Chinese squatters would obtain more jungle materials and construct many more long-houses to accommodate about 200 families.

3. Finally, all released Chinese squatters would continue to obtain jungle materials and construct more long houses for the remaining families. They would also build a school, a temple, a few sundry shops, a coffee & eating shop and so on.

I remindec;l the officer that when all Chinese squatters had been resettled in Malaya, one of the vital problems was winning the hearts and minds of nearly a million men and women, assisting them whenever possible and making them feel that they were an i nteg ral part of the country.

Then a greater part of the social and economic problems would be solved.

This would require a long-term policy with which to win their confidence and support.

After the meeting, Data Abdul Malek told me that he would give full support to make the new village a success.

He also told me that he heard from reliable sources that a few local MCA officials and Secretary Yap were telling their friends that my task would be a big failure.

These machiavellians ended up in ignominy.

36

British High Commissioner Praises Residents' Efforts To Help Implement Scheme

Admittedly, my Resettlement Committee and I were worried . We accepted a diHicult task to set up the first New Village in the country in Seremban to resettle 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters.

Candidly, a New Village was something new to us and no one had seen or heard of a New Village before in any part of the country.

On paper, the planning operations to set up a New Village were simple and easy, but it was no easy task to a group of novices like my Resettlement Committee and myself.

Well, we were determined to fulfil our responsibility to set up the New Village. We could not let down the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters.

Moreover, we were determined to succeed because a few local MCA officials and Secretary Yap gleefully predicted our impending tailure to set up the New Village.

It was no doubt a challenge to my Resettlement Committee and myself, and we were determined to send these machiavellians into oblivion with our success.

We started off with the release ot 70 Chinese squatters from Kluang Detention Camp. They were given temporary sheltel at an old Chinese Hospital - Wah Chai Chinese Hospital, Seremban.

One group was sent by lorries to obtain building materials from Jelebu Forest, and the other group was given the job of clearing and opening up the vacant state land as building site . It was a tough job for them to help themselves.

In the meantime, various stores were built for the storage of working implements, foodstuffs, nails, screws, hinges and other goods. A big kitchen was put up to prepare two meals daily. There were two old cooks to prepare the food.

37

However. the success of the project would depend largely on the released Chinese squatters themselves, not so much on outside support.

With police protection and two contractors, we sent 40 released Chinese squatters into the interior of Jelebu Forest for jungle­poles, timbers, ratters, big yellow bamboos, rattan and attap daily in order to gather enough building materials to build long-houses to accommodate the 1.500 evicted Chinese squatters when they were released from the detention camp.

Soon. the resettlement site was humming with activities and various units of the released squatters were hard at work. They put up the jungle-pole structures, nailing rafters into place and affixing the attap.

With the passing of days. the long-houses began to take shape. This attracted many well-wishers. curious visitors, relatives. aged parents and friends of the evicted Chinese squatters. who would come to see the progress on the resettlement site. Local MCA cynical leaders and Secretary Yap could not believe their ears and came to see the progress.

When many buildings were completed, more released Chinese squatters were brought back from Kluang Detention Camp to build up and strengthen the workforce. Electricity and water were installed free of charge.

In the meantime, more building materials were brought back from the Jelebu Forest and with other suppl ies donated by the shopkeepers and timber dealers, the released Chinese squatters started to put up more buildings.

Every evening, there would be crowds of well-wishers, curious vis itors, the aged parents, relatives and friends of the 1,500 evicted Chinese squatters coming to the resettlement site.

Some would bring fruits. soft drinks or food for the released squatters.

Then on 17 October 1949, the British High Commissioner. Sir Henry Gurney. made a "quiet" visit to the work site of the New Village.

He was accompanied by many Federal Officers walking from one long-house to another, talking freely with the released Chinese squatters.

38

After spending two hours walking around the whole area, Sir Henry Gurney called up all released Chinese squatters to congratulate them for their hardwork and the progress.

He told them that he would soon see them again for their further progress on the resettlement site.

On the same day, Sir Henry Gurney, Dr Chong Ah Khoon and myself sat at a bamboo table for Chinese tea to discuss various plans to assist the Chinese squatters.

He assured us that he would personally look into their problems. As requested he would provide a big piece of arable land for the bona fide farmers to cultivate vegetables, rear pigs, fish and other animals and also provide a plot of land for every squatter family to put up a house later on.

In fact, the first visit by Sir Henry Gurney to the resettlement site was made known to us by telephone from the Federation of Malaya Secretary of Chinese Affairs, Sir Douglas Fleming, requesting Dr Chong Ah Khoon and myself (no others) to wait for Sir Henry Gurney before 10 a.m. on 17.10.1949 due to the Emergency in the country.

Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, Dato Abdul Malek, would often visit the resettlement site to see the work in progress and spoke freely with the released Chinese squatters.

At the request of Dr Chong and myself, Data Abdul Malek without hesitation directed the Seremban District Officer to provide a large piece of land (worked-out mining land) for the bona fide farmers among the released squatters for cultivation. It was soon provided and much work had to be done to turn it into arable land.

39

Seremban Distric't Officer Inche Bahaman Bin Shamsuddin (Later on Minister of Health Malaysia)

40

Installation of Sir Henry Gurney as British High Commissioner of Malaya who suggested to Tun Sir Henry H. S. Lee to form the Malayan Chinese Association (MeA) to assist the Government to set up a few hundred New Villagep; in Malava. Took a great interest and often visited the first New Village in the countr~g during ita construction in Seremban

Chin See Vin (A.S.P.) Second-in-Command of Auxilary Police NS Contingent. 1951 .. 1955.

41

( 811)140/16/1

OI""ICIt OF'

COIot),tISSIDNIEA OF POLIC.E

I"'EOII!.QATIOH 0"- Io4ALA'I"A

ICUAL.A LU!-\PUIf

10th Decamber. 1Q5~

It 111 :,.;ttl!l weh regret that I accept yOQr resignation £ram the Po!!cc Volunteer Reserve (designate) ~lcb you have tendered OD beccmiDg aD elected me!llber of the Council of State of Yegri Sambilan.

Tbe success in founding th~ voluntaer police unit in SerembQD in 1951 10'89, 1 kno· ...

. very largely due to :lonr e.ne"l\1 Md 1 would like to offer you my very sincere tt&llks ·for all the til!le that you. hnve de'7otcc 11, th" P2'~ tour years tOk'ards ma.1n.taiDlng the eificie!Jcy of the unit.

Your. services tlve been of the greatest value.

Hay I take this opport~nlty of wishing YOIl good luck in '9~6 iD the wider gpbere of'"public serv!ce to wn~ch you !lc.ve been ele,ted.

\ .

. --(1.5. Wylie)

Ag: Commisdioner of Police.

The Hon' ble fir. Cb 1Jl See Y 1L , late !!OOOl"al'Y .!.ssistnnt SuperintellQSot of ;>oliee. clo The Cbief Police Officer, Negri Sembllan.

42

tion Dance - Chinese New Year celebration

43

Sir Henry Gurney visi ting vegetable garden which was transformed from former worked-out mining land near the New Village

Former worked·o~~ mirtong land

44

Chin Jr standing in the vegetable garden, which was transformed from former worked-out mining land

45

Chin Jr standing in the vegetable garden, which was transf orm ed from former worked-out mining land

46

!!=reedom New Villa~e

Kampung Baru Raaah in Seremban was the first Chinese New Village

47

Disused Mining Area "Miraculously" Turns Into Farm Land

"How could the farmers grow vegetables on worked-out mining land?" asked Negri Sembilan Agricultural Officer, Dr Scott, when he heard that the Seremban District Officer, Inche Bahaman Shamsudin, had allotted a big piece of worked-out mining land near the resettlement area where the first New Village in the country was under construction in Seremban.

It was on the directive of Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, Dato Abdul Malek, that the Seremban District Officer, Inche Bahaman, had allotted the worked-out mining land for the bona fide farmers among the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters after their release from Kluang Detention Camp.

After a few months, when Or Scot! noticed that vegetables were growing beautifully in abundance all over the land, which was formerly worked-out mining land, he said that it was wonderful. Also, he said: "When a Chinese slaughtered a pig, there would be meat, b'ones and fertilizer and no waste".

Then, I told him about the transformation of the worked-out mining land into arable land.

The British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, had taken much interest in the resettlement scheme. He sent on two occasions after his visit, a few Federal Officers to visit and look around the resettlement area to note its progress.

It was on the second occasion that the Federal Officers told Or Chong Ah Khoon and me that they had to submit reports to Sir Henry Gurney, who was anxious to know about progress in the resettlement area. They told us that Sir Henry Gurney was happy and sati~fied with the progress.

Meantime, more released Chinese squatters from the Kluang Detention Camp were brought back to Seremban.

Therefore, there was a bigger workforce. Some were sent to Jelebu Forest to collect more building materials and others carried on with the construction work.

48

On another occasion, the Seremban District Officer and I waited at the resettlement area for Sir Henry Gurney one afternoon on his way back to Kuala Lumpur. This was another "secret" visit to the resettlement area.

Sir Henry Gurney told us that he would like to spend more time talking to the released Chinese squatters, who, he said, had done a wonderful job.

As he walked around the resettlement area, he would stop here and there to talk to the squatters carrying on construction work.

Later on, the squatters told us thatSir Henry Gurney was a kind man.

Sir Henry Gurney would sometimes crack jokes with Inche Bahaman and me as though we were old friends.

Whenever we put over a "fast" one on him, he wou Id take it jovially. He told us that he started life as a journalist.

Then, Inche Bahaman invited Sir Henry Gurney to visit the vegetable garden near the resettlement area. He told Sir Henry Gurney that it was former worked-out mining land.

He told me to explain to Sir Henry Gurney how the transformation of the worked-out mining land was made possible into arable land for vegetable cultivation.

I told Sir Henry Gurney that the Seremban Town Board Chairman, Tunku Mustafa bin Tunku Burhanudin, had kindly agreed to direct the dumping of a dozen or more truck-loads of "night soil" over the worked-out mining land until it was fully covered up.

After that, it was left in the sun and rain for some time. The farmers used rakes to plough and mix the dried "night soil" with the sand over and over again for several days until both were well mixed.

Behind the land, there was a river and the farmers used the water to spray over the mixture every morning, noon and evening until the land was suitable and ready for growing vegetables and foodcrops.

Then, Inche Bahaman related the story to Sir Henry Gurney about the Negeri Sembilan State Agricultural Officer, Or Scott's surprise to see vegetables growing on the former worked-out mining land.

49

Sir Henry Gurney had a hearty laugh over Or Scott's yarn about the pig and no waste. However, Sir Henry Gurney said that he had learned a very good lesson and he would use other worked-out mining land for a similar purpose.

When we returned to the resettlement area, I presented to Sir Henry Gurney the members of my Resettlement Committee, which was made up of contractors, sundry shopkeepers, clerks, tin miners, estate owners, pensioners, lorry owners and a few individuals.

He thanked them for a job well done. He said that he would see them again during his next visit soon.

Sir Henry Gurney asked all of them to sit down and told them how happy he was to see everybody working together with the released squatters.

Then, he asked me to tell him about the extent of public support, which he said would be interesting to him.

I told Sir Henry Gurney that the local Chinese were very public­spirited, particularly the shopkeepers, Seremban Market stallholders, hawkers, coffee and eating shopkeepers, tin miners, estate owners, contractors, restaurant-owners, lorry-owners and many individuals, who were very generous and provided bags of rice, tins of edible oil, tinned food, vegetables, fish, meat, eggs, tinned milk, building materials, working implements, pots and pans, cups and saucers, and other necessities required to set up the new village for 1,500 evicted Chinese squatters.

In fact, it had never been in the history of Seremban people who had done so much to help their fellow-men. Indeed, they were the friends in the hour of need.

I also told Sir Henry Gurney that every evening the well­wishers, curious visitors, aged parents, relatives and friends of the evicted squatters would bring fruits, cakes, soft drinks .or packets of food for the squatters working in the resettlement area.

Before he left for home, Sir Henry Gurney said that he was also thankful to the townsfolk and the people for the generous donations.

50

Chinese Squatters Urge Government To Help Rebuild Their Homes

The British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, surprisingly met an ex-Malayan People1s Anti-Japanese Army 2nd in­command Negri Sembilan Contingent popularly known as Khoo Ah Yong who was a member of my Resettlement Committee, and who after many years became the Chi.ef Police Officer (CPO) Perak. He was awarded the title "Tan Sri" posthumously. More tales later.

On two occasions, Dr Chong Ah Khoon and I were invited by Sir Henry Gurney for tea at his residency. Apart from social conversation, many discussions were especially on the problems of the Chinese squatters and the need for government assistance in various forms.

On the first occasion, we talked about the eviction of the 1,500 Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters, who had suffered tremendous losses - all their worldly possessions .

They were allowed to take with them only their personal belonging~ with their two bare hands.

The government should compensate them for their losses based on the merits of each squatter family.

Later on, the government should give such squatter family a plot of land on which to build a house. They would need financial assistance. because they would begin a new lite after their release from the Kluang Detention Camp without money.

The majority of the Chinese squatters had been farmers for generations . Without land they would be like fish out of water.

Therefore, the government should provide a big piece of tand (arable) near the new village for the farmers to earn a livelihood.

On the second occasion, while having tea with Sir Henry Gurney at his residency, apart from matters relating to the 1948 Emergency Regulations, I told Sir Henry Gurney briefly :-

The problems of all Chinese squatters were largely social and economic factors with I ittle or no pol itical connection.

51

The trouble with the government - in peace it would only see things on the surface and in troubled time it would dig beneath the surface to get to the root of the upheaval. Therefore, the Emergency was an eye-opener.

Under the Emergency Regulations, nearly a million Chinese squatters had been uprooted, fortunately, they were to be resettled instead of deportation to China without trial where many might die of cold and hunger due to scarcity of food and clothing in China.

Such Chinese squatters were transferred to small plots of land scarcely a fraction of the size 01 their former vegetable gardens.

They should be provided with money and kind to help put up their houses and compensation for the loss of the vegetables and belongings.

The Chinese squatters had been mainly farmers for generations. They did not know any other means of livelihood.

I,n all squatter settlements throughout the country, the men and women produced plenty and sold cheaply their vegetables, fish, chickens, ducks and daily necessities for home cooking to meet the needs of people who did not depend on imported food. They were simple people and they were always law abiding,

Moreover, the workforce was always available from the squatter settlements for agricultural and industrial fields - mainly tin mines and plantations.

Admittedly, they had given a fair share towards the development and progress in the country.

It is important for the government to win the "hearts and minds" of the squatter commu n ity - they could contribute m uch to help the country.

When they became villagers, the government should provide at least a big piece of land (arable) near every new village for the bona fide farmers to grow vegetables or set up fish ponds or flower gardens.

As squatters, they would not necessarily work for others, as new villagers without land they would have to work for others for wages to support their families.

Such men and women would not be happy and contented without land. It's on land they could sow the seeds to sustain themselves.

52

They could rear pigs, fish and poultry. In every new village, the government should provide a village school, a temple, community centre, and certain facilities for relaxation.

All these problems could not be tackled with a short term policy. It should have a long term policy to look atter them, particularly to make them feel that they were an integral part of the country.

Before Or Chong and I left the residency, Sir Henry Gurney was happy over our very sincere discussions regarding the Chinese squatters' problems, and he assured us that he would work on our various proposals.

He said he would include a police post in every New Village with instructions to assist and be friendly with the people. He thanked us.

On 5 December 1949, on the directive of Sir Henry Gurney, the Federation of Malaya Secretary for Chinese Affairs, Sir Douglas Fleming, wrote to me and I agreed to be a member of the Emergency Chinese Advisory Committee.

Later on, I was offered a British title for my Resettlement Scheme, which I declined. Thereafter I decided to decline all future offers of awards.

Unfortunately, on the 6 October 1951, Sir Henry Gurney was ambushed and killed by communist guerillas on his way up to Fraser's Hill.

It was a great tragedy. Sir Henry Gurney could have given lots of assistance to all new villagers (former squatters).

He was a great man. He would no doubt have fulfilled his promises made in Seremban and Kuala Lumpur to assist all new villages.

During a big flood, the released Chinese squatters were moved to a hilly area near the resettlement area.

Every family was given a plot of land 40 feet by 100 feet to build a house on it. It's now called the "Rasah New Village", Seremban.

53

A New Village today

Another view

54

No. [84) 1.0 SCA.Conr.a/49 Chinese Secreteriat, Federation of lotllaya, lrU8la LUlllPur.

5th December" 1949.

See ytn, '1: am:!llng Road,

Sir,

I have the hooOUl' to inform you thet His

Excellency the High Commissioner ha3 in.tructed me

to invite you to become a member of the Emergency

Adv130ry Committee Cha irman.

Please inform me are ;;llling

1 have the honour to b~,

Sir,

Your obedient servent,

Work Of rJature

56

Longevity .. Officialdom" Prosperity

57

Perak Chief Police Officer~ Once A Member Of MPAJA, Is Murdered By Communist Terrorists

"Why did so many young Chinese join guerillas in the jungle?" was an interesting qClestion put to Mr Khoo Ah Yong @ Khoo Chong Kwong, an ex-Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) and Force 136 member during the Occupation, by the British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney in Seremban. (After Merdeka, Mr Khoo was Perak Chief Police OHicer (CPO).)

At the resettlement site, when I introduced Mr Khoo Ah Yong among other members of my Resettlement Committee to the British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, was surprised and happy to meet Mr Khoo working heartily to assist in the setting up of a new village to resettle the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters, who were being released by batches for resettlement in Seremban. It was during one" quiet" visit of Sir Henry Gurney.

Mr Khoo replied to Sir Henry Gurney'. "Sir, first of all, I am not a communist, but I am a great believer in the 'Three Principles' of Dr Sun Vat Sen, the father of Republican China. As I could no longer stomach the Japanese atrocities, it was due to such hatred against them, I decided to go into the jungle to join the guerillas to tight the Japanese army".

Mr Khoo also told Sir Henry Gurney: "Sir, not all Chinese youths who joined the guerillas were communists. They had similar hatred like mine against the Japanese army for atrocities against the Chinese in particular".

Mr Khoo pOinted out to Sir Henry Gurney: "Sir, all Resettlement Committee members are volunteers and we are working together as a big family to help resettle the evicted Chinese squatters. and I am proud to work together with Mr Han Hui Fong. who is a well­known Rotarian and businessman, to be in-charge ot the store for collection and distribution of food and building materials daily to the workers to put up the new village."

58

Mr Han Hui Fong was a Rotarian. He was President of the NS Coffeeshops Association. After Merdeka, Mr Han was first elected as a member of Seremban Town Council, later on, as NS State Assemblyman and served in the State Executive Council (EXCO) for many years. He was very active in the MCA, popular in social and political circles. Always a friend, he was a willing helper. Awarded a JP.

Then I told Sir Henry Gurney that the peaceful and happy existence of the Chinese squatter communjty was shattered by the barbarous Japanese Army.

They marched through the country, eating the squatters' produce, killing the helpless men who protested against the barbarous Japanese soldiers and raping their wives and daughters, burning their huts and throwing their little children into the fire without remorse.

Such atrocities were carried out against the Chinese in the towns and cities. Such Japanese were monsters.

The barbarous Japanese regarded the Chinese above all others, as their implacable enemies, and among the Chinese, the communists stood first.

I told Sir Henry Gurney that the barbarous Japanese had squeezed every cent they could out of the Chinese community. who had to make a "gift" of $50 million (pre-war money). which was handed over on 20 April 1942.

When the "gift" was presented, General Yamashita somewhat ungraciously declared that it in no way redeemed the previous actions of the Malayan Chinese for having supported Britain and China. (Every rich and poor Chinese had contributed towards the $50 million.)

To the insatiable Japanese, the "gift" was only a whetter for their appetite. Within a few months of the fall of Malaya and Singapore, the economic exploitation of Malaya began.

The Kaishas arrived: the Mitsui and Mitsubishi were the first in the field in the wake of the conquering army. Small Japanese civilian traders came in shoals for the crumbs.

However, I also told Sir Henry Gurney that I came to know Mr Khoon Ah Yong and his two comrades Tung Fook Loong and Soo Khor after the Japanese surrendered, through two old friends, Colonel Claude Fenner and Lawyer R. H. V. Rintoul.

59

The "trio" had taken part in the "Victory Parade" in London.

At the start of the 1948 Emergency, Mr Tung Fook Loong returned to the jungle, and Mr Soo Khor was repatriated to China.

Mr Khoo Ah Yong surrendered to the NS Chief Police Officer (CPO), Mr G. B. Folliot, who released him on my guarantee to work in Negri Sembilan Aerated Water Co. Ltd, Seremban, and I had to sign a surety bond for $5,000 that he would not return to the jungle to join his comrades.

Mr Khoo had worked with me for many years in the factory where I was the Managing Director. We got along very well.

He was hardworking and a jolly good fellow. He was married and had several children.

After the resettlement of the 1,500 evicted Lllu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters, out of the blue, a surrendered communist came to my office and told me that the jungle folks were preparing to kill Mr Khoo Ah Yong.

Quickly, I got a job for Mr Khoo in Cathay Organisation in Kuching, Sarawak.

Later on, I contacted Colonel Claude Fenner, who after Merdeka, was appointed Inspector General of Police Malaysia. He agreed to accept Mr Khoo into the Sarawak Police Constabulary.

Being intelligent and hardworking, Mr Khoo soon climbed the ladder higher and higher. He was sent to England and to many other countries for police training.

Subsequently Mr Khoo was promoted to be Perak Chief Police Officer (CPO), Datuk Khoo Chong Kwong, for nearly two years.

Then, one cloudy afternoon, Radio Malaysia announced that Mr Khoo had been shot and killed by two communist youngsters in \poh while on his way home for lunch.

After Mr Khoo's death, he was awarded the title of "Tan Sri" posthumously.

He was buried at the Christian Cemetry in Seremban. God bless his soul.

60

Tan Sri Khoo Chong Kong Perak Chief Police Officer

TIME AND TIDE WAIT FOR NO MAN

The Chinese zodiacal clock. The signs of the Oriental animal zodiac indicate the twelve two .. hour period in a day. The white signs pertain to daytime hours, the black ones to nightime hours.

61

NEW VILLAGE RESETTLEMENT COMMlnEE

(Photographs Of Many Members Are Not Availabl.e)

Mr Lai Cheng Hung

Honorable

Mr Han Hui Fong, JP.

Mr Ong Peng Leng Mr Loke Kal Hong Mr Chong Klm Fook

62

Local MeA Leaders Ignore The Appeals For Help From New Villagers During The Big Flood

During the big flood of 1951, due to the continuous rain for several days, many parts of Seremban town were under water.

In some areas the water rose up touching the roofs of houses, particularly the resettlement area where the water was rising continually, higher and higher, coming up to the danger level. Many new villagers were preparing to evacuate but there was no high ground.

Big Linggi River was flowing in front of the resettlement area, and its water had risen to a dangerous level.

The settlers were unable to run over to the opposite side near the main road because the swift river water had swept away the 100-feet long bridge.

At midnight, I received an urgent telephone call requesting help. I was told that they had already made a few telephone calls to Seremban MCA office assistants, MCA officials and Secretary Yap, but none had turned up at the resettlement area.

They requested urgent help for evacuation because the big Linggi River might burst its banks.

Immediately, from my house I telephoned some members of my Resettlement Committee, the police and ambulance informing them of the dangerous situation at the resettlement area.

I told them that the new villagers were afraid that the big Linggi River might burst its banks at any time and many villagers might be swept away.

I rushed over to the resettlement area, and I was happy that the police. ambulance and army were already there waiting for the arrival of many rescue boats.

I was with the police, ambulance and army officers on the opposite side of the resettlement area.

63

Since the 100-feet bridge had been carried away, two police and army officers used a boat to cross the big Linggi River, carrying with them long t-hick ropes and equipment for use by the rescue boats.

As soon as the rescue boats arrived, I had to be taken over to the resettl ement area to hel p su pervise the evacuation of 1,500 new villagers (men, women and children) to the opposite side near the main road.

There were not enough lights and the place was quite dark. It was about 3 or 4 o'clock in the morning.

Fortunately, the passing motor lorries and motor cars had stopped to give us plenty of light during the evacuation by the rescue boats.

In the meantime, many members of my Resettlement Committee were in town where many motor lorries were parked on the roadside.

They contacted the owners, who willingly ordered their drivers to drive the lorries to the opposite side of the resettlement area.

It had taken many hou rs to evacuate the 1,500 new vi Ilagers across the big Linggi River flowing so very rapidly.

Both the police and army teams including ambulance officers did a wonderful job in transporting the 1,500 new villagers with the rescue boats to safety. I thanked them.

At that time, some members of my Resettlement Committee were making arrangements at the Seremban Dance Hall for temporary accommodation for the 1,500 evacuated new villagers.

As soon as the 1,500 new vi Ilagers were safely evacuated from the resettlement area, which was flooded with the rising water from the big Linggi River's burst-banks, they were immediately transported by many lorrie~ tD the Seremban Dance Hall to be given temporary accommodation.

News travelled fast. It was dawn. There were crowds of Seremban townsfolk coming to the Seremban Dance Hall to see and cheer up the 1,500 evacuated new villagers.

Many brought with them some bread, biscuits, "tim sum", fried meehoon, and old clothings for the new villagers.

Then, a few shopkeepers and many market stallholders came to me to offer immediate needs, such as rice, edible oil, sugar, salt, milk for babies, vegetables, fish and pork.

64

I thanked them for the generous and thoughtful offers. Soon they brought them to the Seremban Dance Hall where 1,500 evacuated new villagers were put up temporarily.

During those two days, there was a constant flow of visitors, who were· relatives, friends, aged parents and even curious visitors bringing all sorts of foodstuffs, cakes, tinned milk and old cloth i ngs for the new villagers.

Indeed, for the second.time, the Seremban people rose to the occasion, showing their generosity, thoughtfulness and kindness to their fellow-men in their hour of need.

It was just wonderful to see so many people playing host to those unfortunate new villagers.

Only a few MCA officials and Secretary Yap came to pay a casual visit to the new villagers at the Seremban Dance Hall.

The new villagers greeted them with much sarcasm.

However, the Seremban townsfolk, the market stall holders and many individuals had provided plenty to feed all new villagers.

With so much supplies, there were many cooks among the new villagers, and there was no difficulty to prepare two square meals for the new villagers daily at the Seremban Dance Hall, which became their temporary home for two days.

When the water subsided, the 1,500 new villagers were transported back to their resettlement area called the "Freedom New Village" by the kind-hearted lorry owners. I thanked them.

Soon the 1,500 new villagers were moved to a nearby hilly area where every squatter family was given a small plot of land measuring 40 feet by 100 feet to build a house to shelter from the sun and rain.

All new villagers are still hoping that MCA leadership will request the government to provide a big piece of land to every new village for the bona fide farmers to cultivate vegetables etc, as promised under a programme of betterment in the new villages.

65

The Big Flood

66

RtE-Settlement And Re-Educatioll

Lessons

0CODl~ nnw HcIPJI .... (:on 11

r"o~ '"c·)ected (or ono !\old our; Q.

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As

A report In the Straits Times on the AeseHlement Scheme

A report by New Straits Times on Ulu Temiang New Village

68

t.J11J •• *II~~ ~illililCPIJB.

A newspaper report on how Chin See Vln started the New Villages Scheme to help local Chinese from being sent to Mainland China

69

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70

Beautiful Jade

Arrangements

71

More Beautiful Jade Arrangements

72

BritIsh High Commissioner Sir Henry Gurney suggested to Tun H. S. Lee to form the Malayan Chinese Association (MeA) to help the Government aet up New Villages

"We toil for fame, We live on crustsy

We make a name, Then we are busts".

L. H. Robbins

73

~

'l!d

74

ADDENDUM

The background of 450 new villages located in prominent places throughout East Malaysia were tales of woes. They were set up to re-settle nearly a million Chinese squatters based on my Resettlement (New Villages) Scheme. as ar] alternative to deportation without trial to China under the 1948 Emergency Regulations enforced by the British government in Malaya.

The new villages will remain a grim reminder to the Chinese community of the hardships and sufferings of the Chinese squatters during and after the Japanese occupation.

At that time, the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) played the role of "Or Jekyll and Mr Hyde", and the British government played their "subtle games": firstly, to recover Malaya from the Japanese forces, and secondly. to defeat the communist terrorists. In 1957, UMNO-MCA-MIC achieved an Independent Malaya.

In 1869, with the accession of the Meiji Emperor, Japan rose to her position as a world power. A Japanese Prime Minister, Tanaka, prepared a memorandum to his Emperor stating that to control the world, Japan should control Mongolia and Manchuria, then China. In order to control China, Japan had to defeat America.

In 1921, the Chinese Communist Party was formed in China (CCP). In 1924, the Chinese communists first became active in Malaya. The Malayan Communist Party (MCP) was orthodox Marxist-Leninist but followed the trends and changes in the policy of the CCP.

However, at the end of 1941, the peaceful economic and pol itical progress of Malaya came to a standstill with the arrival of the barbaric Japanese forces, and Singapore also fell into their hands.

While the Japanese envoy Saburo Kurusu failed to break the deadlock between Japan and America over oil supplies by the

75

latter, Japan had already planned for a simultaneous attack on 8 December 1941 on Pearl Harbour, Malaya, Hong Kong and the Philippines. It was a treacherous act.

With the inclusion of H.M.S. Repulse and H.M.S. Prince of Wales, the Malayan defence forces were made up of 80,000 men of several nations (British, Indians, Australians and Malayans). Of 141 aircraft of several kinds, some were obsolete and others broken down. There were no tanks and many of the troops had no war experience. They were under the command of Lt. General A. E. Percival. He also commanded the local volunteers and local defence forces made up of mainly Malayans.

A Japanese tank regiment and two Japanese divisions of crack troops landed in Northern Malaya and also at different parts like Singgora and Patani in South Thailand, including Kota Bharu in Kelantan.

When the Japanese landings were successful, the British troops began to retreat on all fronts. The two big ships were also bombed and sunk oH Kuantan, Pahang.

During the British retreat from Penang, the order to sink all boats in the harbour was not carried out, and the Japanese captured them intact. Using such boats in the numerous rivers on the West Coast, the Japanese began to land behind the British defence lines. The defending forces continued to retreat towards Johore.

Since the Japanese knew every part of Malaya well due to their tin mines and rubber estates before the war, the Australians were soon pushed back to Singapore.

It was a master-stroke of strategy based on the Japanese preparations made for a very long time during peace time.

The Japanese fighting spirit was high due to the treacherous sinking of the American Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbour in Hawaii.

Moreover, the Indian soldiers in Malaya had no fighting spirit due to the Japanese propaganda. Indian leaders were protesting openly against sending the Indian troops to fight in Malaya. This had a considerable ef/ect on the loyalty of the Indian troops.

The Japanese treacherous attack and the British military unpreparedness were the obvious reasons for the Japanese successes in both Malaya and Singapore.

76

The British army in their retreat had adopted the "scorched earth tactic", and millions of gallons of petrol and oil were set ablaze and other alcoholic drinks were drained into rivers.

The scorched earth tactics included docks, bridges, warehouses, military installations, British business houses, rubber stores, tin mines and dredges.

It was a big wastage. Food was left behind under the sun and rain to rot, and the Malayan people were left to the mercy of the barbaric Japanese forces, who executed hundred of innocent people in kampongs, towns and cities. They exhibited the victims' heads along the railings in public places to frighten the Malayans to accept Japanese commands.

The happy and peaceful existence of the Chinese squatters was badly shattered by the barbaric Japanese. The Japanese army marched through the country, eating the squatters' produce, killing many who protested and raping their women and daughters.

There were many squatter settlements in every state in the Peninsula. In everyone, there were vegetable gardens, pig sties, and fish ponds around the tiny huts.

In groups the barbaric Japanese soldiers would go into those squatter settlements for the squatters' hard-earned money or valuables, beat them up and rape their women and daughters.

Unmercifully they burnt the squatters' huts and threw the little children into the fires in spite of the aged squatters' appeals on bent knees. The Japanese would bayonet aged squatters and leave them to die.

There was not a day such atrocities were not committed by the barbaric soldiers during the Japanese occupation.

The youths among the squatters were imbued with hatred. They vowed to take revenge and fight against the barbaric Japanese. Many went deep into the jungle and joined the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) which was under the control of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP).

Both in Malaya and Singapore, the Japanese army used informers, who were men, women and boys hooded like the Ku Klux Klan, to pick out the victims, mainly the Chinese, and mass executions lasted for many days.

77

Among the five to ten thousand victims, some were shot as they· stood, others were tortured to death, and thousand!> were put onto boats, towed out to sea or deep mining ponds and pushed into the water. The barbaric Japanese machine-gunned them as they swam or struggled in the water. Many selected victims were interrogated for information by the Japanese Military Police who would torture the victims by beating them with big sticks or iron rods until unconscious and some victims were hung upside-down with their heads dipping occasionally into a drum of night soil.

Then, the barbaric Japanese would round up more victims singled out for torture and execution, from the following :-

1, all who assisted with the Chinese Distress Relief Fund. 2. rich men who gave generously to the Relief Fund. 3. newspapermen, schoolmasters and Chinese high school

students. 4. men and women with tattoo marks. 5. volunteers, volunteer reservists. 6. men who supported China and Britain.

Notwithstanding the above-mentioned heinous crimes committed by the barbaric Japanese, the Japanese army required every family in Singapore to vacate their houses and move into six camps set up with no proper facilities, stating that the Japanese wanted to inspect their houses. In fact, the Japanese soldiers ransacked their houses and took away valuables, money and jewellery,

In those camps, the people, men, women and children, found shelter on five-foot-ways for three days, Rich and poor alike had to sleep on the five-foot-ways. In the morning, they washed their faces with street-pipe water. The dead had no coHins and were wrapped up in mats and carried away for burial.

Before leaving their houses, the rich hid their money and jewelleries in the pillows on which they rested their heads.

On the 4th day, the people were allowed to go back to their houses. They found all goods and valuables missing and looted by the Japanese.

The Japanese army set up "comfort homes" for their barbaric soldiers. I was then Deputy Superintendent in-charge of war casualties in the "K. K. Emergency Hospital".

In this Emergency Hospital, there was a large number of Chinese nurses, many came from Kedah, Penang, Perak,

78

Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, and Johore hospitals along with the retreating British forces to Singapore. Those nurses were friendly. After work, we would get together to go places or the Dance Halls.

Af1er the surrender, the Chinese nurses had to complete a form each stating whether she was "single or married". If she was "single", she would be sent to the "comfort home".

In fact, 36 Chinese nurses came up to me each with a form to get my name to be filled in stating I was her husband. In order to avoid suspicion, I had to write, spell and sign my name in various ways. I told them that I was their so-called husband only during the Japanese occupation. Thus, I had 36 "wives". I took a big risk to oblige them.

To avoid Japanese capture, the hospital doctors disguised me in a doctor's uniform, and I move around with some doctors washing the wounds of Allied soldiers in the hospital. I became a "quack" doctor for a while.

One day, I had to examine and prescribe medicine for a Japanese Officer. The only prescription I was taught to write was "quinine water". So I gave the Japanese Officer such a prescription for his ailment.

After three days, the Japanese Officer came to see me again for tonic. I could not prescribe a tonic for him because I was taught to prescribe only quinine water. It's a good cure for fever.

Anyway, 1 examined him again and told him to repeat the medicine and that 1 would give him the tonic later.

Then, the Japanese Officer spoke to me in English about his sickness. When 1 asked him about his education, he told me that he was a graduate of Harvard University.

When I told him that it was my time for lunch, the Japanese Officer left me to get medicine. Then, I ran away quickly from the hospital to pack up my bag for my hometown, Seremban.

Later on, the 36 "wives" sent me some baby clothings for my young son's birthday. When my wife was surprised, I told her about my plight to claim the 36 Chinese nurses as my "wives". Otherwise, they would be sent to the "comfort homes" to entertain the barbaric Japanese soldiers. After the JapanesE: surrendered, the whole episode was forgotten.

The so-called "Liberators of East Asia and the creators of the . Co-Prosperity Sphere" were to squeeze every cent they could out

79

of the Chinese community. The leading Chinese were told that a "gift" from the Chinese of $50 million (Malayan currency) had been decided on.

This was to be handed over on 20th April 1942, but when the day came the amount had not been fully subscribed. All that could be obtained in actual cash was $29 million. Rich and poor sold land and houses to get money.

The rest was to be raised, said the Japanese, by loans from the Yokohama Specie Bank on security furnished by the contributors themselves and guaranteed by the respective Chinese associations in each state and settlement.

When the "gift" was presented, General Yamashita somewhat ungraciously declared that it in no way redeemed the previous action of the Malayan Chinese in having supported Britain and China. He said "What really matters is the attitude of the Malayan Chinese in the construction of the Co-Prosperity Sphere of Greater East Asia".

To the insatiable Japanese, the "gift" was only a whetter of the appetite. Soon, there was the ruthless economic exploitation of Malaya. The Kaishas arrived: the Mitsui and Mitsubishi were the first in the field. Lesser Japanese civilian traders came in shoals for what was left of the spoils.

Those civilian Japanese formed Kumiai i.e. syndicates or guilds. They became, in effect, Government-protected compartments of the black market. They held the monopoly to fleece the public, but they were assisted by unscrupulous get­rich-quick elements among the Chinese.

The gambling propensities of the Chinese and other Asians were obvious sources of profit to the conquerors of Malaya and gambling farms, long abolished by the British, were resuscitated in 1943.

Many unscrupulous Chinese and a few Indians became pimps to the high Japanese Officials who assisted them to obtain gambling licences in every state and settlement. There were amusement parks in every town and city where all types of games were set up for gambling, and the organizers paid heavy taxes to the treasury daily.

Outwardly there was compliance and acceptance of the Japanese conquerors; inwardly there was an ever-growing

80

hatred. The Chinese have a capacity for subtle obstruction, appearing to co-operate when they were working in the opposite direction at all times.

When the Allied forces hit back, goods from Japan arrived in trickles. Rice was imported from Burma and Thailand. Finally, Allied submarines severed the link of Japanese supplies of food and war materials.

To increase food production locally, the Japanese encouraged the people to cut down rubber trees to grow more food. Eventually, there was a big move of the people in towns and cities to the rural areas to grow vegetables, rear fish and pigs and plant "ubi-kayu" to overcome the growing rice shortage.

The tide turned against Japan with the defeat of Germany in 1945. By the middle of 1945, everything was ready for the Allied invasion of Malaya. The Japanese decided to surrender a:tter the Americans used massive B.29's to burn Tokyo (killing a few hundred thousand Japanese within a flattened area of 14 square miles) by sowing incendiaries and also on a few more Japanese cities. The planes came in, dropping cluster upon cluster of magnesium, phosphorous and napalm bombs to burn the Japanese and to flatten their cities in Japan. Lastly, after Hiroshima and Nagasaki were totally destroyed by atomic bombs, Japan announced its surrender on 15th August 1945 and the War came to an end.

The Japanese occupation will always be remembered by the people in Malaya and Singapore as a nightmare of Japanese brutality, economic hardships and "ubi-kayu" as food. The Japanese atrocities had no parallel in the civilised world.

During the Japanese occupation, there were two kinds of Chinese resistance groups to fight the Japanese. Firstly, there were the armed military groups living hidden in the hills and jungles, and secondly, there were underground organisations whose members lived openly in the towns and villages and who either helped the guerilla troops or resisted the Japanese in some other way.

Most important in the underground movement was a political association called the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Union (MPAJU), an almost entirely Chinese organisation controlled by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP).

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The MPAJA was divided into several provincial groups each under its commander. The disposition of the groups was as fDllows :-

Group 1 - Se/ang~r. Group 2 - Negeri Sembilan. Group 3 - North Johore. Group 4 - South Johore. Group 5 - Perak. Group 6 - West Pahang. Group 7 - East Pahang. Group 8 - Kedah.

The groups were alsD spilt up into small camps within easy reach of squatter settlements and other contacts.

Their food supplies were received trom MPAJU and augmented with the produce of small gardens in the jungles. In some areas, some "Sakai" tribes assisted them.

Guerilla activity was on a minor scale, but the MPAJA was built up tD assist in the liberation Df the country when the Allied Forces landed in strength according to plans made by Southeast Asia Command.

A small number of British Officers had been working, in constant danger, with the guerillas from the beginning Df the Japanese occupation in February 1942.

As the plans for the liberation reached their climax more British Officers, NCOs and wireless operators were dropped by parachute into the country, or landed by submarine, to act as liaison teams with the MPAJA and to ensure that their military operations conformed to the Allied plan.

When satisfactory liaison was established, large quantities of automatic arms and ammunition and other equipment were parachuted to the guerillas, whose task was to disrupt the Japanese lines of communication when the Allied landings began.

But in August, 1945, a few days before the invasion fleet was due to leave Indian ports, Japan surrendered.

Arrangements were made by the British Military Administration and the Southeast Asia Command for demobilisation, and at the beginning of December 1945, the guerillas were paid off on handing in their arms.

But the MPAJA never fully disarmed, much of the equipment that had been dropped, was kept, and with or without Japanese connivance, quantities of Japanese war material found its way into the hands of the communists.

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The guerillas left scores of secret armouries from which to equip themselves, and the MCP pamphlets and party literature in circulation at the end of the war and after the liberation showed clearly that even then the object of the communists was the creation of a Malayan Communist State.

As Malaya settled down to post-war reconstruction, international communism reared its ugly head. It was at this juncture, when Malayan political parties were proliferating and Malaya was passing through its democratic infancy towards adolescence that the communist insurrection began and arrested the process.

Official accounts of the outbreak in Malaya was a decision taken at the Second Congress of the Communist Party of India held under cover of the Calcutta Youth Festival in February 1948.

The communists began by setting up General Labour Unions in both territories directly under their own control and by infiltrating into newly-formed trade unions which was the post-war policy of the Government to foster.

The policy pursued was to secure as many of the key positions as possible for their own adherents in order to organise agitation and strike action, by which means they hoped to stultify the genuine efforts of labour leaders to develop responsible trade unionism.

By early 1948, the communists were testing their strength by the promotion of strikes and labour unrest on trivial pretexts all over the country and resorting to violence, intimidation and extortion to enforce their will.

In May 1948, the police had information that extremist bodies had advised all workers in trade unions to resort to violence to secure their ends. Police gave details of six political shootings which had taken place in April. In June 1948. many of the unions had been controlled by the Pan-Malayan Federation of Trade Unions, which was communist-controlled. It was not a federation of unions in the true sense. It was an "organiser" of unions, not a federation formed by the unions.

The strike and labour unrest increased throughout the country. Additional reports were made on the following :-

In North Johore, a Chinese-owned rubber estate was seized and held for a month by communist agitators.

In Kedah, workers were organized by communists into military units and drilled regularly as if on a parade ground.

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In Perak, the chairman of the Perak Committee oLthe Planting Industries Employees' Association said that there was "wholesale armed disregard for the law, intimidation, gangsterism, murder".

In Singapore, men armed with rifles, clubs and spades seized a rubber factory and ordered its 160 workers to strike. At another factory, armed men drove up and addressed the workers; a strike followed, one of the grounds for which was a demand that a particular kind of machine should be used in the factory. These machines had, in fact, already been used there for 20 years.

In many· cases, strikes were called in support of demands for wage scales which in fact were lower than were already being paid.

A State of Emergency covering the entire Federation was declared on the 18th June 1948 and was extended to Singapore on the 24th June.

The MPAJA issued a manifesto calling on all former comrades to take up arms against the British.

On 20th June 1948, 45,000 guerillas were reported to be massing in the jungle. On the same day the police station at Mentakab in Pahang was attacked. The insurrection had begun in earnest.

The Chinese squatters were then in an unenviable prominence. Many squatter settlements were on the fringes of the jungle.

The British government alleged that the squatters provided money, food, medicine and shelter to the communist terrorists. It was stated the police and army officers had scanned the countryside and found the squatters, men, women and children, living in tiny shacks on the fringe of the jungle amidst prosperous­looking vegetable plots, fish ponds and pig sties.

The officers were satisfied that the squatters had been feeding the communists in the jungle. It was suggested: "Remove them from their environment and we will clear the country of communists".

Hence, the 1948 Emergency Regulations empowered the British Government to evict and deport nearly a million Chinese squatters without trial to China, which, at that time, was short of food and clothing. If deported, many would die of hunger and cold.

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PART TWO

MeA Intra-Party

Struggle

Power Struggle Shames Chinese Community

These glimpses into the short history of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), now Malaysian Chinese Association, will provide interesting stories, somewhat similar to the legendary "Romance of the Three Kingdoms".

The glimpses into activities in the first decade of MCA, and thereafter, the glimpses into the problems created by the power struggles in the party are interesting events to help guide future generations to work with morality for posterity.

1) In the first decade of MCA, the name MCA was a "household" word to the Chinese community, who gave their wholehearted support to the party.

It's. worthy to mention that those early MCA leaders were dedicated men, who worked conscientiously without pay.

They were always willing to lend a helping hand to the poor.

Often, they would dip into their pockets to make sacrifices in order to do a service for their fellow-men. They might not be rich, but they were generous and kind.

During the 1948 Emergency period, many had stood up to the communist terrorists by helping farmers, tappers and others. As a resu It, they died with thei r boots on.

Those early MCA leaders at all levels (National, State and Branch) were, by and large, Chinese-educated, tireless workers who sacrificed precious time and money to render much laudable service to the poor and needy throughout the country during the peak of the 1948 Emergency. Today, such noble leaders are far and few in the party.

Of course, at that time there were also many devils among the good angels at all levels in the party. Those devils would prey on the unfortunate Chinese in trouble.

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2) In the next few decades of MCA, the tales of power struggles among the top-brass in the MCA from Headquarters down to the States and Branches were legendary.

Within the party, the best of friends had turned against one another for positions and power, eventually for lucrative government jobs. They worked through cliques, which could do more harm than good'to the party.

It's a dilemma to the Chinese community to stem the tide of setbacks and the erosion of their positions, influence and interests due to the MCA leaders and other Chinese leaders being unable to, co-operate on various matters affecting Chinese interests.

3) Then came the 20-month MCA crisis coupled with many former MCA leaders being involved in series of deposit­taking co-operative (DTC) scandals. The MCA was in tatters.

Unfortunately, several opposition leaders played up the DTCs debacle, misled many desperate depositors to vent their emotions in unlawful ways like the illegal demonstrations, breaking into co-operative offices, trespassing into a Director's house and instigating the rejection of the "Rescue Plan" only to end up under Receiverships.

Such opposition leaders created a big mess at the expense of a few hundred thousand depositors.

4) In the 1990 General Elections, the MCA candidates were returned limping with only 20% Chinese support, and if not for the massive Malay support the MCA candidates could have suffered bigger disastrous defeats. It's due to the MCA President not fulfilling his promises.

Under the circumstances, the MCA President should have stepped down for other leaders to re-organise and strengthen the party - no man is born indispensable.

However, the MCA was bogged in "quicksands" and the Chinese were on the horns of a dilemma.

The solution to strengthen the MCA is for the MCA to work together closely with all Chinese guilds and associations including the New Village Chinese community.

Without such support, the MCA cannot claim absolute authority to represent or speak for the Chinese community, because there are several Chinese-based political parties also claiming Chinese support.

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However, it has been proven that only 20% Chinese supported the MCA.

As a result, the Chinese support will remain "fluid", and the MCA will only play "second-fiddle" in the Barisan National government.

5) We have seen MCA in its finest hour when the party stood up for a decade of challenge during the early Emergency period to advise, assist and look after Chinese interests, more particularly, the welfare of nearly a million unfortunate Chinese squatters who were saved from deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations.

The MCA rose up to the challenge in its first decade to provide the unfortunate Chinese squatters with materials and moral assistance without fear.

The MCA had then many "unsung heroes" (mostly Chinese­educated) who made tremendous sacrifices for their fellow­men.

Yet, such "unsung heroes" were conveniently forgotten including the call for "Reverence to our Elders", which was introduced to win Chinese support during the 1981 General Elections.

It was never revised by succeeding MCA leaders who owed them a debt of gratitude.

We have also seen the party in its hours of darkness. A succession of power struggles for party leadership emerged and eventually eroded the power of the party and obscured the objectives that was to assist and look after the interests and welfare of the new villages.

Colossal sums of money were sp",~ lavishly on the power struggles. The money could have been used to set up agencies, obtain land and give financial aid to the new village farmers to grow vegetables and foodcrops, rear fish, pigs and poultry or other animals thereby bringing down the high cost of living in order to support industrialisation and provide more jobs to meet the needs of the increasing population.

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The Early MeA Leaders Gain Tremendous Support From Chinese Folks

Why, how and by whom was the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), now Malaysian Chinese Association formed?

It was the British High Commissioner in Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, who suggested to then Colonel (Tun Sir Henry H. S. Lee) Lee to form the Malayan Chinese Association, after the Resettlement New Villages Scheme was submitted on 14 February 1949 to the Officer Administrating the Government, Sir Alex Newboult, to assist and look after the Chinese and also assist the government to set up New Villages under the Resettlement New Villages Scheme throughout the country.

The MCA was formed on 27 February 1949.

Tun Lee then consulted his colleagues, Mr Yong Shook Lin, JP, and Mr Khoo Teik Ee, JP. The "trio" were then members of the Federal Legislative Council.

They were interested in Sir Henry Gurney's suggestion to form the MCA in view of the fact that the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) had already been formed to assist and look after the Malay special rights and Indian interests respectively.

On Mr Yong's suggestion, they invited Sir Henry Gurney to a dinner at Mr Yong's residence. There were altogether sixteen persons at the dinner.

While dining, Tun Lee asked Sir Henry Gurney about his suggestion to form the MCA, and Sir Henry Gurney replied that it would be good to form it at once.

Thereafter, a general meeting of Chinese leaders of all (a few thousand) Chinese guilds and associations, Chinese Chambers of Commerce, and other associations from every state and settlement were called by the "trio" (Tun Lee, Mr Yong and Mr Khoo). and it was held on 27 February 1949.

It was agreed unanimously by all present to form one single Chinese organisation called the "MCA".

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Thus, Tun Lee, Mr Yong and Mr Khoo became the founders of MCA, which gave laudable services to the Chinese community.

More importantly, the MCA assisted the government to resettle nearly a million Chinese squatters, who were facing deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations, in a few hundred New Villages throughout the country.

If this had not been done, all Chinese squatters would otherwise had been deported to China without trial. Many might have died due to scarcity of food and clothings in China at that time.

Soon after the formation 01 the MCA, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was elected President; Tun H. S. Lee Deputy President; Mr Yong Shook Lin and Mr Leung Cheung Ling as JOint-Secretaries; Mr Khoo Teik Ee Treasurer; and other leaders to various committee in order to carry out immediately the MCA objectives - to assist and look after Chinese interests, and the welfare and interests of the Chinese squatters in the country.

In every state, a State Division and many Branches were set up to serve the people. All over Malaya, similar setups were humming with activity to help solve the Chinese and Chinese squatters' problems.

But alas, "when drinking water, how many will remember the spring" .

Initially, MCA was generally concerned with the economic condition and welfare of the Chinese community and in particular the Chinese squatters' livelihood after resettlement.

Consequently, the MCA was destined to play a vital role in Chinese social, economical and political interests.

Unfortunately, the MCA leaders' successors have failed to carry out their obligation to discuss with Chinese leaders all matters relating to Chinese interests, except expressing their own opinion to the government.

They have failed to appreciate that discussions with the Chinese leaders on all matters affecting Chinese interests will be of mutual benefit to the MCA and the Chinese community, and misunderstandings between the MCA leaders and the Chinese leaders on Chinese problems will not crop up.

During my time as an oHicial of the MCA, the Chinese would refer econom ic and welfare probl ems to MCA Headquarters,

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State Division or their Branches for advice or assistance. Some cases were difficult to solve while others were solved quickly.

Thus, the early MCA leaders obtained the confidence, trust and wholehearted support of the Chinese community, and MCA became a "household" word within the community.

In every state, the early MCA leaders had to be on their toes daily. They had to assist or obtain the release of many innocent rubber tappers, mine workers and others who were arrested or detained on even the slightest suspicion of .assisting the terrorists.

During the Emergency period, many early MCA leaders were shot at and some were killed by the communist terrorists.

Many such leaders had to make tremendous sacrifices of the precious time and money, and some even suHered hardships to help their fellow-men.

The early MCA leaders dug the well with sweat and blood, but the succeeding MCA leaders who drank the water had conveniently forgotten them.

Now, they have also forgotten their obligation to the Chinese leaders, whose elders formed the MCA, to discuss with them all matters affecting Chinese interests, except expressing their own opinions to the government without knowing the Chinese views and needs and causing misunderstanding between the government and the Chinese community.

Hence only 20% Chinese supported tne MCA candidates at the 1990 general elections.

In order to regain Chinese confidence and support, MCA has to fulfil the promises made by its President, Dato Seri Or Ling Liong Sik.

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Dato $eri Dr Ling Liong Sik

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Dato Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik My party and I see the role of MCA as follows;-

Firstly, to provide a mean ingful and constructive leadership to Malaysian Chinese and to be continually responsive to the needs of the community.

Secondly, the Party has striven and shall continue to strive for justice, equality and progress for all Malaysians.

Thirdly, the Party shall work with our partners in Barisan National to maintain continued peace and stabil ity, and especially during this difficult period to provide inputs to the government to lighten the economic burden of the people, especially the ppor and hard-hit.

Fourthly, we have pressed for and shall continue to strive for a more racially balanced Civil Service so that the government machinery reflects ihe multi-racial character of the Malaysian nation. We make no apologies for this demand which is entirely in keeping with the aims and objectives of the New Economic Policy.

Dato Seri Dr Ling has to fulfil these pledges.

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o

~ Jfj.'.!~ 4bt:i W tit !R:IY-JA±.i!U"~1tt~ 1: ~ JI A !E.R1 t'F tr.JJ< tt

Newspaper report: Seremban politicians and community leaders admitted that Chin See Vln had given more contributions compared to Chen Man Hln and Hu Supang of DAP

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MeA Veterans All Out To Get PILblic Donations

In the first decade of MCA, the early MCA leaders were dedicated men. I n every State Division and its Branches, the MCA leaders would penetrate every nook and corner to mix freely with the people and have friendly chats with them in their respective towns and villages.

With matchless skill and patience, they oHered advice and assistance whenever needed to the poor and needy. (The present leaders should follow the good exam pi e of past leaders and it would help the party to regain Chinese confidence and support).

The well-ta-do Chinese estate owners, tin miners, businessmen gave donations very generously to buy land for temples, schools and charitable homes. They built them quickly.

The majority of the MCA leaders in those days were China-born and local-Chinese-educated Chinese.

In groups, they would go round for donations and monthly subscriptions for the maintenance of the schools, temples and charitable homes. They were the backbone of the party.

There was no quarrel or fight for positions, power or lucrative government jobs. (Today, there are always power struggles for positions, power and lucrative government jobs leaving the Chinese community in the lurCh).

Like many MCA veterans, in my humble way, as a Member of Parliament, NS State Assemblymen and President of the Seremban Town Council, I applied successfully for many pieces of state land for three Chinese schools and two English schools including a playground for Seremban Convent School.

It's wort.h knowing that before the formation of MCA on 27 February 1949, there were at least three nasty incidents :-

(1) The mass massacre of entire Chinese squatter areas where helpless men and women were slaughtered, mothers and daughters were raped and killed and young children were thrown into burning huts by the barbaric Japanese soldiers.

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And above all heinous crimes, the barbarous Japanese army extorted M$50 million (pre-war money) from the Chinese community. If it was not paid, heads would fall. Japan repaid with two ships. Where are the two ships?

(2) The withdrawal of "Malayan Union" in favour of "Federation of Malaya 1948" by the British Government was due to the strong UMNO opposition, more particularly, the strong suspicion that the MCP was threatening to revolt against the British Government in order to set up a "Communist State" in the country.

(3) The communist terrorists compelling the Chinese squatters to supply money, food and medicine had caused the British Government to uproot nearly a million Chinese squatters for resettlement and indiscriminately destroy their arable land for growing vegetables including their fish ponds, pig sties and poultry farms in order to deny them to the communist terrorists.

After the Japanese capitulation, the noble Chinese practice was immediately revived. As a thanksgiving to God for the return of peace and order, the rich and poor Chinese had again donated and contributed generously towards the maintenance of temples, schools and charitable homes.

The Chinese are always philanthropical toward such causes.

Then the British Government in England announced that Sir Harold MacMichael would be sent to Malaya with a plan to establish a "Malayan Union" in the country.

On 10 October 1945, Sir Harold MacMichael came to Malaya to brief the Malay Rulers and returned to England in January 1946 after obtaining the signatures of the nine Rulers on a New Treaty.

On 1 April 1946, the "Malayan Union" was established under Governor Sir Edward Gent with full powers over all civil servants although he was responsible to the Legislative Council, which was reorganised to include an equal number of both official and unofficial members.

The Sultans, who had been Heads of their respective states, would become Advisers. They would sit on a Council of Rulers, which would give advice whenever requested by the Governor.

The State and Settlement Council meetings would be conducted by the Governor who had veto powers over all official and unofficial decisions.

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The Malayan Union involved the extension of citizenship to all immigrants who regarded Malaya as their home, and all races would share equal political rights.

Soon, the Johore Mentri Besar, Data Onn bin Jaafar, formed the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) to oppose strongly the Malayan Union.

The Chinese and Indian leaders had not given their support to the Malayan Union, and they remained silent due to the loss of courage being afraid of the barbaric Japanese Kempeitai (Japanese Military Police) and, later on, the marauding communist terrorists during and after the Japanese occupation.

On account of the strong opposition to the Malayan Union by the UMNO, and the strong suspicion that the MCP was threatening to overthrow the Government and set up a "Communist State" in the country, it was on the Governor's recommendations that the British Government in England had no option but to withdraw "Malayan Union" in favour of "Federation of Malaya 1948".

On 1 February 1948, a Federal Government was set up under British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney.

The powers of the Sultans were restored. The British Residents were replaced by Mentris Besar, and a Citizenship Oath was required of all persons seeking citizenship, which was difficult to obtain.

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Lucrative Posts Cause Power Struggle In Party

Before the advent of the UMNO-MCA Alliance, which was formed on 7 January 1952, Dato Onn bin Jaafar in the middle of the year 1951 pressed on for the complete opening of UMNO membership to non-Malays, and he came under heavy Malay criticism. Dato Onn left LlMNO.

On 16 September 1951, Dato Onn formed the Independence for Malaya Party (IMP). At an imposing inaugural meeting presided by Tun Tan Cheng Lock (President of MCA), Dato Onn stated that an "Independent Malaya" had to include Singapore, Penang and Malacca.

In February 1952, the first Municipal Council election was held in Kuala Lumpur. The UMNO-MCA won nine out of twelve seats.

As a result of the IMP traumatic defeats in Kuala Lumpur Municipal and Federal Legislative Council elections in 1955, the attempt to build up IMP soon faded away.

On 3 February 1955, the UMNO-MCA held a round-table conference. It was a success and it became the basis of Sino­Malay friendship and collaboration.

On 24 August 1955, the UMNO-MCA Alliance held a meeting at the Majestic Hotel, Kuala Lumpur, to discuss elections 'and independence.

Mr K. L. Devasar of MIC, Mr Ramani of Indian Confederation, and Encik Mohamed Sopiee of National Labour Party and other parties decided not to attend the conference.

However, the MPs in England were gratified to see the Chinese and Malays had come to London together to plead for Parliamentary democracy - Malaya's Independence. It created a tremendous impression.

When they heard that UMNO-MCA Alliance had won 85% of the seats at the election held in the country, they realised that UMNO­MCA enjoyed popular support in the country.

They realised also that it meant that collaboration between the Malays and the Chinese in the realm of practical politics had been achieved.

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On 5 January 1955, at a special MIC meeting, the MIC PreSident, Mr Devasar, conveyed the news to Tunku Abdul Rahman that MIC had decided to throw in their lot with the Alliance.

On 21 July 1955, in the first Federal Legislative Council election, the UMNO-MCA-MIC Alliance campaigned vigorously for support and votes.

The Alliance won 51 out of 52 seats and PAS won 1 seat. Thereafter, Alliance continued to campaign for Malaya's Independence, and achieved Merdeka on 31 August 1957.

In every state, many MCA leaders were elected members of Federal Legislative, Municipal or Town Councils, and other MCA leaders were appointed to various Boards and Councils. Some were appointed as Federal or Stale Executive members. Many had lucrative government jobs.

They had all tasted sugar, such as - posftions, power and lucrative jobs.

Towards the end of the 1948 Emergency, many hardworking and conscientious early MCA leaders were retiring.

Many were the unsung heroes who had no fear of the communist terrorists. They were the dedicated leaders in the MCA. They would rather die with their boots on.

Power struggles in MCA :-

Oh several occasions, there were many MCA leaders who contested for the MCA Presidency and other positions in the party.

The question is often asked: why should the MCA Presidency and other positions in the party attract so much interest among certain MCA members, who were in high society generally?

There was a Kuala Lumpur District Sub-Branch. The post of Chairmanship was an enviable one, not to mention other positions in the Sub-Branch.

There were many influential Chinese leaders eyeing them. Tun H. S. Lee was mentor and benefactor to many of them.

This Sub-Branch had rendered services particularly to the petty traders and shopkeepers. Many of its Office-Bearers were appointed to several Boards and Councils by the Selangor State Government.

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After nearly a decade of dedicated service, many top-brass and members of the Sub-Branch, who were members of Boards and Councils, were out to take control of the Sub-Branch.

In the Sub-Branch, there was a rumbling noise of dissent and discontent, and trouble had started over various problems real or artificial.

Soon there were two factfons confronting each other for the Chairmanship.

On 28 July, there was a power struggle in the Kuala Lumpur MCA District Sub-Branch election between two groups who were the best of friends.

Even after the election, the two groups ended up in court and continued fighting without remorse. It was pitiful and lamentable.

Strangely, Tun H. S. Lee had for nearly a decade been Selangor MCA Chief. He had trained and brought up many members to stardom in the economic, social and political circles.

Yet, ungratefully, the Selangor MCA had not elected him as one of its delegates to the MCA general meeting on 23 March 1958.

Surprisingly, Tun H. S. Lee was one at the Negri Sembilan MCA delegates at the MCA general meeting on 23 March 1958.

This was made possible through me, because he was also staying in his bungalow in Port Dickson, and I persuaded the NS MCA members to elect Tun H. S. Lee as one of NS MCA delegates - so be it.

This was due to the rapid change of event in politics. Many Selangor MCA leaders, who ran out on Tun H. S. Lee, were proteges he had hand-picked from the gutter.

Such men were selfish and without conscience. They owed him a "debt-at-gratitude".

Moreover, Tun H. S. Lee had contributed much towards the achievement of Independent Malaya with Tunku Abdul Rahman.

It was an undeniable fact.

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L. to R. Chin See Vin, Tun H. S. Lee, and NS MCA delegates at MCA General Meetingl on, 23 May 1 958

Lion Dance

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Posterity

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CAMPAIGNING FOR MALAYA'S INDEPENDENCE Tunku Abdul Rahman, Chin See Vin & NS UMNO Leaders

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Dr Lim Swee Ann MCADeputy ' President

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Tun T. H. Tan Former Alliance

$ecretary-General & MeA Secr,etary­Genera1

Tun Tan Slew Sin Fonner Finance Minister

...... _ . ....

Data Khaw Kai Boh Former Minister Of Housing

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Tun Sir Tan Cheng Lock

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Tun Hall Omar On9 VokeLin Former President Of Senate

Tun Leong Yew Koh Former Governor Of Malacca

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Lim Chong Eu Falls IlltO Turbulent Sea After WinningMCA Presidency With Unfair Tactics

Could it be possible that after the Kuala Lumpur MCA Sub­Branch power struggle in July 1957, a "Malady" likened to "chronic cancer" began infesting many MCA top brass in several MCA general elections.

Before 1958 MCA general election, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was the MCA President. There were already lots of rumblings of dissatisfactio"n over Chinese interests, particularly the thorny issue of Chinese education.

MCA leaders and their supporters were also divided on other issues. There were already signs of an explosive struggle between two "giant" groups.

In the 1958 MCA general election, the first mighty power struggle for the MCA leadership came into being. One group was led by Tun Tan Cheng Lock and the other by Tun H. S. Lee.

In the midst of the power struggle, the Penang delegates, who were led by Or Lim Chong Eu, came into the open, holding the balance of power at the election.

When the cat was out of the bag, the people began to realise that Or Lim was smelling around to find a way to seek nomination to contest for the MCA Presidency. He was no doubt playi ng a dangerous and selfish game.

About Or Lim: He was appointed together with Too Joon Hin, Leung Cheung Ling, Goh Chee Van and Lee Thean Hin (all MCA members) to the Razak Ed ucation Comm ittee 1956.

The Report of the Education Committee 1956 was supported without reservation by all members of the Committee, and among the signatories were Or Lim together with Too, Leung, Goh and Lee.

These five Chinese members had submitted their own views without consulting the MCA or the Chinese community leaders. They were appointed by the government.

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Thus, the Report caused much disappointment and dissatisfaction among the Chinese community, especially, the Chinese educationalists. As a result, the MCA was blamed for such a report and it has lost much Chinese support since then.

However, at the eleventh hour before the MCA general election, Dr Lim, who led the Penang delegates, suggested to the Lee­Group that he should be nominated to contest against Tun Tan Cheng Lock for the MCA Presidency. It was an amazing suggestion It was a "time-bomb".

Otherwise, he would lead the Penang delegates to vote with the Tan-Group in spite of being offered a less attractive post.

Dr Lim pointed out that if the Penang MCA delegates teamed up with the Tan-Group, Tun Tan Cheng Lock would win by 5 votes based on the number of delegates in each group. Dr Lim took advantage because he held the balance of power.

Earlier a gentleman's agreement had been made between the Penang MCA delegates and the Lee-Group to join forces to oust the Tan-Group and Tun Tan Cheng Lock as President, because of his handling of Chinese interests and the new education policy in particular. Their combined force would defeat the Tan-Group by 22 votes.

There was no other choice but to replace Tun Lee with Dr Um to contest against Tun Tan Cheng Lock for the MCA Presidency. It was due to Dr Lim's eleventh hour threat.

At the final count, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was defeated by Dr Lim Chong Eu by 22 votes.

Although Dr Lim was elected as the MCA President, the majority of the MCA leaders and members did not give him due respect, because of the distasteful method used by him to secure nomination.

When the Chinese heard of Tun H. S. Lee's sacrifice, they sympathised with him and the topic became the talk of the town throughout the country. In fact, they expected Tun Lee to be elected as MCA President in order to lead the Chinese community.

The MCA leadership headed by Dr Um Chong Eu was chaotic due to the split among the delegates in the Lee-Group after the election. They claimed that Dr Lim had won the "crown" unfairly.

Dr Lim Chong Eu was considered a "young Turk" who had left another party for greener pastu res.

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Perhaps, due to the 1956 Education Report, the Chinese­educated MCA members in both the Tan and Lee groups had little respect for Or Lim.

The re were more troubl es ahead for Or Li m, because all leaders in the Tan-Group and many in the Lee-Group would not give him support due to his distasteful tactics to obtain nomination to contest the MCA Presidency. .

In tact, Or Lim Chong Eu was aware that the Lee-Group was all out to oust Tun Tan Cheng Lock and his group, which was causing the party to lose much Chinese support due to their lack of knowledge on the Chinese views and needs, more especially, Chinese education.

Moreover, Or Lim and his 4 colleagues fully supported the Razak Education Report 1956. This caused much disappointment and dissatisfaction among the Chinese community and especially, the Chinese educationalists.

Above all, Or Lim had earlier made a gentleman's agreement between the Penang MCA delegates and the Lee-Group to join forces to oust Tun Tan Cheng Lock and his group so that Tun H. S. Lee and his group would take over the control 01 MCA and regain Chinese support.

Yet, Or Lim used unfair tactics to secure nomination at the expense of his friend, Tun H. S. Lee by forcing at the eleventh hour the Lee-Group to replace him to contest against Tun Tan Cheng Lock for the MCA Presidency.

Or Um won the election but he was lost in the turbulent sea.

"Power, like a desolating pestilence, Pollutes whate'er it touches."

Shelly

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Dato Dr Lim Chong Eu who defeated Tun Tan Cheng LO'ck for MeA Presidency 1958. After a short time, Dr Um resigned.

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Mr Too Joon Hin Former Deputy Education Minister who supported 1 956 Education Report

Mr Quek Kai Dong Independent Member of Parliament He apologised to Independent Group for working with Seremban Alliance

Mr Slow Loong Hin Member of Parliament who supported Kai Dong

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Chinese Principal Groups Intellectuals, Farmers, Workers And Traders

Enlightenment

114

Linl Chong Eu Betrays His Comrades

Before the 1959 general election, there were many misunderstandings between the MCA and UMNO on conflicting policies, especially on education.

Also the MCA headed by Dr Lim Chong Eu did not agree with the Alliance Party ruling that all MCA candidates for both Parliamentary and State elections must be approved by Tunku Abdul Rahman, who was then Prime Minister, Chairman of Alliance Party and President of UMNO.

Dr Lim called an Emergency Meeting to discuss the above problem, but Dr Lim did not turn up for the meeting, and Deputy President, Tun H. S. Lee took over the chair to discuss various election problems which were widely published in the newspapers.

When Tunku Abdul Rahman confronted Dr Lim over such publications, the blame was thrown on Tun Lee, who, after giving the facts to Tunku, did not contest for a seat at the general election. It was unfair of the Tunku to accept the Tan-Group's list of MCA candidates. •

Many people believed that had Tun H. S.Lee contested against Tun Tan Cheng Lock and won the MCA Presidency, the MCA would have remained a strong political party.

It would be strongly supported by all Chinese guilds and associations, Chinese Chambers of Commerce and other organisations in the country.

The Chinese organisations, which consist of over four thousand registered Chinese guilds and associations are an interplay of groups; some of them are united by blood, others by commercial interests, and the rest by political, geographical and religious ties in Malaya.

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Candidly, the Chinese intellectuals, farmers, workers and traders have contributed much towards progress, development and security in the country.

They represent the Chinese in all walks of life, but the Chinese are divided like the loose sands. When will the Chinese unite?

When the MCA, the Chinese guilds and associations and the New Village Chinese community work together as one unit with close co-operation and understanding, then there will be racial harmony, equality, prosperity and security.

At the Parliamentary election 1959, Or Lim requested about 30 MCA members including myself to resign from the party to contest as (MCA) Independent candidates for parliamentary seats and thereafter return to join the MCA.

Or Lim promised us financial and moral support to contest against the MCA candidates wherever possible. He promised everyone of us that he would speak at our election campaign.

Since the parliamentary seats in Seremban Timor and Seremban Barat had a majority of Chinese voters, the MCA Assemblyman, Mr Han Hui Fong, introduced Mr Quek Kai Oong to me, because the latter was interested to contest for a parliamentary seat.

I took Kai Dong to MCA Headquarters and requested Dr Lim to allow me to bring in a new corner, Quek Kai Oong to contest the Seremban Barat Parliamentary seat, and I would contest the Seremban Timor Parliamentary seat. With Or Lim's approval, both Kai Oong and I won the two parliamentary seats.

The irony was that after filing our nomination papers, we were shocked to hear that Or Um had teamed up with Tunku Abdul Rahman at an election campaign in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, making wild accusations against all the (MCA) Independent candidates and calling us turncoats. Sadly, Dr Um had let down his 30 MCA comrades.

It was shameful for Or Um to team up with Tunku Abdul Rahman to condemn and destroy us. Perhaps, Or Lim wanted to seek the Tu nku's favour, but it was u nfai r to do so at ou r expense.

When some of us went to MCA Headquarters to look for Or Lim for an explanation, we were told that he had left to seek medical treatment in London. How could Or Lim have the heart to leave all his (MeA) Independent comrades in the lurch?

116

Fortunately, about ten of us contested as (MCA) Independent candidates. We had hardly two days to file our nomination papers.

Mr Quek Kai Dong (Seremban Barat Parliamentary Constituency. NS). Mr Yeoh Tat Beng (Bruas Parliamentary Constituency, Perak), and I (Seremban Timor Parliamentary Constituency. NS) were elected to Parliament.

Later on, Quek Kai Dong and his supporter, Siow Loong Hin, rejoined MCA (hoping to be apPointed to lucrative government jobs).

They came to my house with Oatuk Khaw Kai Boh to persuade me to return to MCA. I told them that I would do so as soon as monthly meetings were held with Chinese guilds and associations to help solve Chi nese problems.

After May 13.1969, Tun Tan Siew Sin asked me to help unite the Chinese. I returned to MCA with Tun Tan's assurance that MCA would work with Chinese leaders and bring in new blood to strengthen the party, but his scheme was sabotaged. Kai Oong and Siow Loong Hin ended up in cold storage.

When Dr Lim Chong Ee returned from London, he was confronted with many problems and he resigned as MCA President.

Many MeA members did not forgive him for teaming up with Tunku Abdul Rahman to attack the (MCA) Independent candidates.

What took the cake was Dr Lirn's "blue-eyed boy", Too Joon Hin's defeat in Sitiawan, Perak. He was defeated by MCA candidate, Mr Yong Woo Ming, who was strongly supported by his Fao Chow clansmen.

When Dr Lim resigned as MCA President, the Kedah Chief, Dr Cheah Toon Lock, became the Acting MCA President. For a while, there was peace and order in the party.

As Senator, Or Cheah had pleaded with government to declare a public holiday on Wesak Day, and his plea was accepted by government, which declared Wesak Day a public holiday in the country.

117

MY PALS AND I

The Winners

Negd Sembilan Chinese Recreation Club NSFA Cup & Shield Competition 1939

Front Row: Goh Hock Chye, Kat Mao Hin, Lam Quee Sang and Zee Gin

Middle Row: Wong: Chit Woh, Chew Toh Seng, Chia Sow Yin, Dr Cht:mg Ah Khoon (President), Ng Loo Beng, L im Kee Siong and Chin See Yin (Captain)

Back Row: Kwan Soon Teck, Liew Kow Seng, Khong Guan, Goh Wee, Lee Moh 'Hon, Wong Ah Kow and Loong Kwan Hoe

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Independent Group Tests Its Strength In Seremban To Prove MeA Losing Chinese Support

How I was elected President of the Seremban Town Council? It was a "sweet-sour" story.

The Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman and I got along well. We would occasionally have a drink in the Parliament Lobby, his house or sometimes in my house.

On a few occasions, Tunku asked me to return to Alliance Party to assist the Alliance Executive Secretary, Tun T. H. Tan (who was also MCA Secretary-General) or as Minister in the Prime Minister's Department.

It would mean that I would have to assist the MCA. So I told Tunku that the MCA was losing much Chinese support. Then, Tunku told me to prove it.

Soon, in 1961, I told Tu nku Abdul Rahman that I cou Id prove it by challenging the Alliance Party with my Independent Group (which was captioned "Chindependents" by the Straits Times Press) at the Seremban Town Council election.

At that time, the Labour Party in Seremban was quite strong. Tunku Abdul Rahman and I shook hands in good spirit, and I had to prove it.

Time was running out. I told many friends that I was looking for 14 candidates to join me to contest the Seremban Town Council election against the Alliance Party and the Labour Party.

My friends recommended most of the candidates who were all "political unknowns", and I brought them together and talked to them about election.

When Tun H. S. Lee, Datuk Wong Shee Fun, Datuk S. M. Yong (later on High Court Justice S. M. Yong), Datuk Lau Vat and a few elders heard about the challenge, they kindly provided financial assistance.

119

Many friends in my hometown kindly also provided financial assistance, but, just imagine, my colleagues, Quek Kai Dong and Siow Loong Hin went over to assist local MCA Chief, Lim Kee Siong and other Alliance candidates.

After nomination, Seremban Town was humming with political activities. According to local Alliance Secretary, Datuk Mahima Singh (former Member of Parliament and Malaysian Sikh leader), on election eve Kai Dong, Loong Hin and Kee Siong persuaded Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Tan Siew Sin, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Sardon and a few other Alliance leaders to come to Seremban Basketball Stadium where a big crowd would await them.

Unfortunately, when the Alliance top-brass came to the Basketball Stadium, the place was almost empty. They waited for about an hour but only a crowd of a few hundred people came to hear them. Tun Tan was annoyed and reprimanded Kee Siong, Kai Dong and Loong Hin.

According to Datuk Mahima Singh, some Alliance workers came back to Tunku & Company with information that the Independent Group was campaigning on a Chinese school playground in Temiang, Seremban, where a big crowd of over ten thousand people were listening to me speaking on a platform.

Before my campaign ended, suddenly Quek Kai Dong came up the stage to apologise to me, and I told him to apologise to the crowd. They did not receive him kindly.

On polling day, the Alliance Party had hundreds of workers and a few hundred motor cars to transport voters. The Labour Party had also many workers and many motor cars to transport voters. The Independent Group had quite many workers and not so many motor cars for voters.

Thank God, a miracle happened. The majority afthe voters, who were transported by the Alliance Party and the Labour Party to the polling stations, voted for the Independent Group.

At the final count, the Independent Group won ten out of fifteen seats, and I was elected President of the Seremban Town Council.

When I took over as President of the Seremban Town Council, there were few Chinese in the council. I approached the State Government. The Data Mentri Besar and the State Secretary agreed to consider my request for more employees to expedite various projects of the council. I had also to seek the support of the Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman who gave his support.

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After my submission of facts and figures to support my request, I was given the green light. Apart from many Malays and Indians, I employed, from time to time, in all nearly two hundred Chinese, men and women, for various services like engineering, carpentary, lighting, clerical work and a large workforce for several labour-intensive jobs to keep the town clean.

Everything was moving along smoothly and everyone of my town councillors did a good job. It was like new brooms sweeping the town clean.

After more than a year or so, I began to notice dark clouds in the sky.

When the Independent Group members and supporters were celebrating a "Moon-Cake" night in my house, out of the blue, a Chinese Towkay came in with a big packet of currency notes ($5,0001 =) as a gift for a favour. After sometime, when he was about to leave for home, I requested, in fact, handed back the packet of currency notes to him and told him not to do such a thing again.

However, a trusted friend told me that many councillors looked at the packet with much interest. He suggested that it would be wise for all of us to take an oath to keep "clean".

It was one o'clock in the morning in the Seremban Temiang Hill Temple, sixteen of us knelt down with lighted candles and joss­sticks declaring "never sell-out Chinese interests, Chinese education and Independent Group·'.

Bel ieve it or not, in breaki ng the vow, many suffered serious illness or death. Symptoms were - vomiting blood, cancer, blindness, heart failures, damaged kidney and lung problems.

11 was due to the greed for greener pastures - materialistic gains, positions and lucrative jobs.

One, who took over from me, was arrested within a few months for corruption, and the Federal Government took advantage of it to take over the elected Town and Municipal Councils in the country.

Thereafter, since no action was taken by the Federal Government on two "commission reports" to re-introduce such elected councils, the Independent Group closed shop.

Since the majority of the voters were non-Malays, in the Town and Municipal areas in West Coast, Malaya, the MCA could not muster enough votes to win the Town and Municipal elections for various reasons.

121

Then, the State and Settlement governments began appointing Government Officers and nominated councillors to run the former elected councils.

With dedicated MeA leadership and MeA leaders penetrating every nook and corner often in Town and Municipal areas to meet, advise and help the people, MeA can muster votes from the majority of the Chinese and other communities to win all such Town and Municipal elections again, when re-introduced, like good old days.

So long as the "clique system" is in the MCA, it will continue to weaken the party, and Chinese will look elsewhere for advice and assistance.

Dato Mahima Singh Former Member of Parliament Malaysia" Sikh Community Leader (Seremban Alliance Party Secretary)

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Mr Chin See Vin Seremban Town Council 1961 Election Campaign

I asked Kai Dong to apologise to the people

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Seremban Town Council Meeting

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Seremban Town Council Meeting

125

MeA Stlffers A Great Electoral Setback Due To Its Chinese Education Policy

In 1961, Tun Tan Siew Sin (son of Tun Tan Cheng Lock) took over the reins. As MCA President, Tun Tan played an active role in the party.

Tun Tan was also Finance Minister in the Government. He was a Malacca-born Chinese Baba, who spoke little Chinese.

In 1964, the MCA won 27 Parliamentary seats, a much better result compared with that of the 1969 general election.

In 1969, the MCA suffered a disastrous defeat and won only 13 out of 33 seats. They lost because they could not muster enough Chinese votes to win.

The Chinese were disillusioned because of MCA's stand on the education policy and voted for the Opposition parties as a form of protest.

Because of this, MCA President Tun Tan Siew Sin, MCA Deputy President Or Lim Swee Ann, MCA Vice-President Khaw Kai Boh and other colleagues pulled out of the Cabinet.

Tun Tan was shakened by the electoral setback. He was a sad man. There were circumstances beyond his control.

In this election, three MCA top-brass (Ministers) were defeated. They were MCA Deputy President Or Lim Swee Ann, MCA Secretary-General Kam Voon Wah and Deputy Finance Minister Or Ng Kam Poh. They were defeated by Opposition unknown candidates.

When Khaw Kai Boh was appointed by Tun Tan as Committee Chairman to make another amendment to the MCA Constitution, it became an "unholy" constitution.

Under the new Constitution, the MCA President wielded enormous powers with which he could expel dissenters at will.

The amended constitution also gave full powers to the MCA Headquarters to control all Divisions and Branches and sack

126

members who disagreed with them. It was indeed a very dictatori al constitution.

The MCA Youth leader Datuk Lee San Choon and his colleagues protested strongly against the amendments but to no avail.

(Datuk Lee later on made full use of it when he became the MCA Preside.nt ..... using it unmercifully against his opponents.)

Later on, the amended MeA Constitution generated several crisis within the party. It ripped the party apart, the like of which Malaya had not heard nor seen .....

After MCA's disastrous defeat in 1969, the Alliance Minister Tun Ismail described the MCA as "neither dead and neither alive". It was an unkind description.

On May 13,1969, racial riots broke out and there was bloodshed between the two major races in Kuala Lumpur, the Federal Capital of Malaysia.

The racial riots of May 13, 1969 were described vividly by the former Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman in his book "May 13 Before & After".

In fact, two chapters in the book on "May 13 Before & After" provided interesting reading.

I have Tunku Abdul Rahman's kind written approval to reproduce them, stating inter alia-

"Therefore it is true to say that the incidents of May 13 were really sparked off by these Communists Chinese youths, the same kind of people, if not the actual ones, who took part in the funeral procession.

" 'Oarah bayar Oarah' was among the many such slogans painted on the placards carried in the funeral procession by Labour Party youths on May 9, slogans chanted aloud by them all through the procession.

"In fact, it can now be said that these slogans of 'Oarah Bayar Oarah', and the irresponsible actions of members of the Garakan and OAP when holding their victory procession, and also other demonstrations by equally irresponsible ruffians all combined to culminate in the violence of May 13th. I'

It was 3 days before the 1969 general election when a young communist youth was shot dead.

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During [he "night visit" at the funeral parlour, many political leaders, who were seeking Chinese support, were present at the funeral parlour.

The Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman wanted to know who gave permission for the funeral procession of the dead communist to pass through the streets of Kuala Lumpur.

As a result of the "night visits" made by many opposition leaders at the funeral parlour in the 1969 general election, the opposition parties had tremendous leftist support.

The killing of the communist youth and various misunderstandings had caused a tremendous swing among the majority of the Chinese voters, some Malay voters and many Indian voters to cast their votes in favour of the Opposition candidates.

The leftists proclaimed the young communist youth, who was shot dead by the police, as a martyr. They had in fact made a mountain out of a molehill. That's Communism.

The misunderstanding's swing had shocked the Alliance Party, which nearly lost both Selangor State and Negri Sembilan State to the Opposition parties in the 1969 general election.

As a result, the country was under Emergency Administration for 21 months before the parliamentary system was restored.

Tun Razak formed the National Operations Council to administer the country. Since then, many stringent laws have been legislated.

Thanks to the Opposition parties.

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Kle.na, , 1'<'B5.

I was pleased to receive your letter of 6th April,

and to learn that you have noVl turned int 0 an aut hor" If you tl!.1Jl.k Chapters X and XI of my book "Me.y 13th,

Befol'"e and AM:er" would be of use ·to you, you are l'1e1come

to Kind regard

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"VICTORVU PARADE

Above. Gerakan supporter throwing a smoke '·bombn

Below. DAP supporters in the demonstration

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MAY 13TH IN KUALA LUMPUR

Above. Wrecked vehicles in Jalan Bangsar Below. Fire-brigade pouring water on blazing shops in

Kampung Pandan

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MAY 13TH IN KUALA LUMPUR

Above. Overturned motorcars on fire in Jalan Raja Muda where the riots began

Below. Gutted shophouses in Jalan Campbell

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Lim Keng Yaik Tries To Overthrow The Old Guards But Is Sacked By Tan Siew Sin

In February 1971, parliamentary democracy was restored. Tun Tan Siew Sin, who wanted to regain Chinese support, appealed to the Chinese leaders for advice and assistance.

Several Chinese public rallies were arranged for him to call for Chinese support and unity. Surprisingly, such rallies had large crowds, and they were great successes.

Thus encouraged, Tun Tan wanted to win a wider support for the party by bringing in young Chinese like Dr Lim Keng Yaik, Paul Leong, Alex Lee and others.

Soon, on Tun Tan's proposal, Dr Lim was appointed a Senator and within a fortnight he was made a Minister with Special Functions in charge of new villages. He played his cards well.

While making his rounds of the new villages, he became popular with the Chinese workers. At the same time, he was aware that Tun Tan Siew Sin was not popular with the Chinese for being aloof and not being able to speak Chinese.

Meanwhile, the young turks enhanced their popularity, and their leader, Dr Lim, took advantage of it byforming a young turks' movement within the party.

As Tun Tan was not happy with the new movement, he was more inclined to work with the old guards. Or Lim and his group began working to overthrow the old guards, if possible to include Tun Tan.

One morning, in June 1973, Tun Tan rang me for advice because he wanted to expel the young turks. I said it was unwise to expel them because there were two groups in the power struggle within the party.

The same evening, Tun Tan told me that he had expelled the young turks on strong advice from the old guards. I told Tun Tan to keep his eyes and ears open because old guards had a free hand to oust him.

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Although Tun Tan was MCA President, he was like a general without an army. Datuk Lee San Choon was the Deputy President and the vacuum left by the reformists was filled by San Choon's supporters including Datuk Neo Yee Pan.

These men became the power behind the throne. There was a change of outlook in the party.

Tun Tan fell ill. On the advice of a specialist, who was brought in from London, Tun Tan, after much persuasion from Tunku Abdul Rahman and myself, went to London for a serious operation, which took eight hours.

On Tun Tan's return from London, after a short rest, he went to his office to carry on the tedious job of Finance Minister.

One day, he invited me to his house for lunch and showed me a big scar of an "L" shape behind his back after the serious operation in London.

After lunch, I told Tun Tan it would be wise for him to resign as MCA President, because the old guards would throw him out for obvious reasons. Later on, he resigned as MCA President.

After Tun Tan's retirement from politics, he was appointed Chairman of Sime Darby, which is a giant conglomerate. Also, he was appointed economic consultant to the government.

Automatically, Datuk Lee San Choon took over the leadership as MCA President and Tan Sri Lee Slow Yew moved up the ladder as MCA Deputy President. It's difficult for two "tigers" to live in the same mountain.

San Choon inherited the enormous preSidential powers (spelt out in MCA constitutional amendments after May 13) although San Choon had strongly opposed the amendments when they were debated.

What an irony. he used it later on without hesitation.

Tun Tan had wisely abstained from invoking the enormous powers for a second time. If he had done so there could possibly have been a political crisis and further strengthened the Opposition parties by expelled MCA dissenters.

In order to retain the "crown", Tun Tan could have thrown a few buckets of cold water on the "hot-heads" and built up another group within the party.

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There were already rumbling noises from the old guards to get rid of Tun Tan, who was away in London for a serious operation.

There were many write-ups in the newspapers on ways and means to strengthen the party under the new leadership .•

However, when Tun Ismail bin Abdul Rahman, Deputy Prime Minister died in August 1973, Tun Tan was considered the most senior Cabinet Minister.

He made a bid for the post, but the Prime Minister Tun Razak rejected him due to a weak MCA.

In the 1974 general election, the MCA won 19 out of 24 allotted parliamentary seats, and 43 out of 54 state seats.

The achievement had generated a glow, but many a time all that glitter came to naught due to the complacency of many MPs and State Assemblymen and other leaders.

The main problem with the MCA leaders is "taking things for granted". They will go all out during a general election or by­election to campaign for votes, but after the election, they will have a "tidak-apa" attitude towards the people.

Most of them live in an ivory tower, thereby leaving the Chinese in the lurch.

Naturally, the Chinese community will lose confidence and trust in such MCA leaders. The Chinese will look elsewhere for advice and assistance.

The MCA leaders fail to realise that there are a few Chinese­based political parties who are waiting around the corner and waiting to render service to the Chinese whose votes will be helpful to them to win many Parliamentary and State seats at futu re el ections.

It's time for all MCA leaders throughout the country to wake up and see reality.

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Lee San ChOOll Climbs His Political Ladder Without Paying His Debt Of Gratitude

Who helped Datuk Lee San Choon to climb the ladder?

When Datuk Khaw Kai Boh died, there was a vacancy for the post of MCA Deputy President. At that time Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew was already a Minister in the Cabinet.

According to Datuk Michael Chen, the MCA Central Committee was working like one big family. Among the members were San Choon, Michael Chen, Siok Yew, Siang San and others.

Michael Chen, Siok Yew and Siang San discussed the vacancy at a lunch. Michael Chen told Siok Yew (who was eligible for the post of Deputy President) that, since he was already in the Cabinet, he should give way to San Choon to fill in the vacancy left behind by Kai Boh.

Surprisingly, Siok Yew agreed without hesitation. At that time, San Choon was only the MCA Youth leader and held no government job. San Choon was then not popular with Tun Tan, Tun Razak and Tun Hussein Onn. So, he had no opportunity to climb the ladder.

After consultation with Tun Tan, Datuk Michael Chen proposed at the Central Committee Meeting that Datuk Lee San Choon be the MCA Deputy President, and San Choon was apPointed.

Thereafter, San Choon was first appointed as a Deputy Minister and he continued to rise as Minister until his retirement from politics.

It's undeniable that Datuk Lee San Choon owed a "debt of gratitude" to Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew, Datuk Chan Siang San and, in particular, Datuk Michael Chen, whose sympathetic act had assisted greatly to pave the way for Datuk Lee San Choon to climb the ladder to fame and wealth.

Fearing a threat to his leadership, Datuk Lee San Choon later on got rid of his benefactors, Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew, Datuk Michael Chen and others with unfair strategies and manoeuvres.

136

After the tune, al of Tun Razak. San Choon asked Michael Chen whether Siok Yew should remain as MCA Deputy President at the next election.

Michael Chen reminded San Choon of the sacrifice made by Siok Yew tor him to become the MCA Deputy President.

A few days before the 1977 MCA general election, it was reported in the Star publication that Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan would challenge Tan Sri Lee Si ok Yew for the MCA Deputy Presidency.

Since there was a feeling of friendship among them, Michael Chen asked Hon Nyan about the report and Ho!) Nyan confi rmed it.

Michael Chen went to see San Choon about the report and San Choon admitted it.

Again, Michael Chen reminded San Choon that Siok Yew had sacrificed the Deputy Presidentship to him after Kai Boh's death.

Then, how could San Choon put up Hon Nyan against Si ok Yew at the 1977 MCA election?

When Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan challenged Tan Srj Lee Siok Yew at the 1977 MCA general election, Datuk Michael Chan joined in the contest for MCA Deputy Presidentship due to San Choon's ungrateful act. It was a 3-corner fight. This annoyed San Choon, who only had himself to blame.

Going back to the 1975 MCA general election, San Choon was elected MCA President without a hitch and the same could be said of Siok Yew as MCA Deputy President.

The Vice President were Wong Seng Chow, Tan Cheng Swee, Ngau Kan Lock and Michael Chen. Neo Yee Pan was appointed Secretary-General of MCA.

Quietly, there began another build-up and consolidation. Eventually when the curtain was drawn, the friendly atmosphere and smiling countenances were no longer there, even among old friends. Sadly, friends became foes and vice versa.

Back to the 1977 MCA general election, the Health Minister Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew was persuaded not to seek re-election as MCA Deputy President due to strong pressure by· Datuk Lee San Choon, who preferred Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan because he was in the Prime Minister's Department, to be the MCA Deputy President.

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Hon Nyan was a retired government officer and a political novice, whilst or. the other hand, Si ok Yew was a seasoned politician who could be a threat to San Choon's leadership in the party. It's San Choon's imagination!

The MCA delegates felt that it was not "cricket" for San Choon to pressure Siok Yew to withdraw from the contest when he had given up his promotion as MCA Deputy President to San Choon for the sake of friendship.

The result was that Michael Chen polled 768 votes while Hon Nyan received 437 votes.

Inside, San Choon was annoyed with the result. He should blame himself!

Datuk Michael Chan was elected the MCA Deputy President while Datuk Lee San Choon was elected the MCA President.

Then, Datuk Lee San Choon appointed Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan as the MCA Secretary-General.

Naturally, Siok Yew's supporters were annoyed because San Choon had forced Siok Yew out in the cold.

Siok Yew's former political secretary Lim Heng Kiap who was also Selangor State Assemblyman for Ampang brought into the battle field a nonentity, Chan Kok Leong to fight against San Choon for the MCA Presidency in the 1977 MCA general election.

Although Datuk Lee San Choon defeated his opponent by a big majority, he felt insulted and humiliated.

It is a saying: "Gratitude is the memory of the heart".

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Dato Lee San Choon MeA President

139

Dato Richard Ho MeA Deputy President

Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan MeA Secretary General

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Dato M ichael Che" Port Klang Chairman

Dato ehan Siang San Minister of Housing & Local Government

141

, Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew ; MeA Deputy President

;, .; ~ , " . ' . "" ...... , ~ , , .... . ~ .. Dato Neo Yee Pan

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Lee San Choon's Clever Manoeuvres Result In Greater Power Struggles

Having been made to fight a political unknown and having his hand-picked candidate chopped up like mince-meat by his benefactor, San Choon might have felt bitter. It was all his own making.

It was imagination bringing fear to San Choon that Michael Chen's widespread grassroot support could pose increasing threat to his leadership in MeA. He kept his old pal Michael Ch en in cold-storage.

Meantime, while San Choon was hoping that his protege Yee Pan would fill the vacancy left behind by Siok Yew in the Cabinet. the Prime Minister Tun Hussien Onn gave the post of Minister of Health to Datuk Richard Ho.

MCA Deputy President Datuk Mich~el Chen was then never given a chance by his Chief, Datuk Lee San Choon to be Acting MCA President who was either on leave or on tour.

Instead, San Choon had circumvented protocol by appointing a committee to represent the MCA President during his absence.

Virtually. San Chaon kept Michael Chen away from all functions inside and outside the party for obvious reasons. It was a distasteful practice.

Because of San Choon's clever manoeuvres, Richard Ho believed that San Choon had forgiven him for his alliance with Michael Chen.

It was a mistaken belief. In fact, San Choon was afraid of Michael Chen and Richard Ho working as a team in the party.

Describing San Choon and Michael Chen, the former is the swift under-current water albeit soft-spoken and aloof, when the latter is hardworking and frank.

Evidently, San Choon will avoid or keep away a person who he believes is likely to be a threat to his leadership.

After the 1979 MCA general election, at MCA President Datuk Lee San Choon's request, the Prime Minister appointed the MCA Secretary-General Datuk Neo Yee Pan as the Minister of Housing & Local Government in place of Datuk Michael Chen.

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It is "self before service and friendship" in politics.

In the "2nd National War" between two giants in the MCA, the combatants on the battle field were like the legendary characters of the "Romance of the Three Kingdoms".

However, political veteran Michael Chen had at that time as many or more grass root supporters than the schemer San Choon had in MCA.

San Choon had been forcing Michael Chen to the wall, and Michael Chen had no choice except to fight it out.

Outwardly, friendship existed between them, but it was different inside their minds - just thinking and planning the strategies for the next move. It was a chess-game.

The relationship between San Choon and Michael Chen became sour during the period of two years after the 1977 MCA general election. It was only natural.

Strangely, neither Datuk Lee San Choon's many supporters accepted Michael Chen nor respected him as MCA Deputy President. It was a poor show.

In the same way, neither did Datuk Michael Ch en's many supporters accept San Choon nor respect him as the MCA President. It was tit-for-tat.

They were slighted by the respective supporters at functions and meetings. It was unfortunate.

Such existence created a big split in the party and San Choon, who was captain of the ship, should never have allowed a state of dilapidation to exist.

Thus, there was a glaring split in the party, and it became worse with the passing of time. Each camp was recruiting for support daily, to be ready for the final confrontation on that fateful day.

Many insiders said that San Choon, much to his dislike, had to assure Chan Siang San, Lew Sip Hon and Dr Ling Liong Sik and a few other of his supporters but he had neither admitted nor denied his dislike for Richard Ho.

Richard Ho had to cast in his lot with Michael Chen in the 1979 MCA general election. He had no choice but to rely on Michael for support.

Whjle Michael Chen went for "broke" for the MCA Presidency, Datuk Richard Ho went for the MeA Deputy Presidency.

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At the election, Lee-Group put up the former "nonentity" Chan Kok Leong (who became famous overnight after contesting against Datuk Lee San Choon in the 1977 MCA general election) to fig ht Richard Ho.

The whole idea was to create friendly rapport with Richard Ho's supporters and win over support from them against Michael Chen contesting for the MCA Presidency in the party.

It was unfair to sacrifice a "happy-go-lucky" candidate (Chan Kok Leong) against Richard Ho in order to weaken support for Michael Chen in his fight against San Choon.

In spite of objections against voting procedure and other irregularities, San Choon polled 901 votes to Michael Chen's 686 votes.

Datuk Lee San Choon won by a majority of 215 votes.

If the objections had been looked into and the irregularities remedied, it was certain that Michael Chen would have won the MCA Presidency.

Richard Ho polled 866 votes to Kok Leong's 355 votes. Datuk Richard Ho won by a majority of 511 votes.

Then, San Choon invoked his enormous powers under the Constitution (unholy bible) after his victory to expel 61 members including Siok Yew who had sacrificed his promotion to San Choon to be MCA Deputy President after Datuk Khaw Kai Boh's death. (Where was San Choon's gratitude - it was a Question asked by many Chinese inside and outside the MCA.)

Many called the distasteful action a "Mockery of Justice".

Datuk Michael Chen was so disgusted, he decided to leave the MCA. He was the man who got Tun Tan's approval for San Choon to be MCA Deputy President after Kai Boh's death.

There is an old saying: "He who fights and runs away, will live to fight another day".

However, in every state throughout the country, there were many "thousand-person dinners" organised to encourage Michael Chen to fight another day.

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Lee San Choon Wins Chinese Hearts By In trod uctng "Reverence To Our Elders" Campaign

In the 1981 MCA general election, Datuk Lee San Choon was afraid ot an open contest, which could split his camp, and Datuk Richard Ho could be re-elected as Deputy President.

This could embarrass him and boost Richard Ho in view of the country's coming 1982 general election.

San Choon had cleverly called for the "maintenance of status quo" placing Neo Yee Pan in an advantageous position over Tan Koon Swan in the Central Working Committee.

There was already a power struggle in the San Choon camp between Koon Swan and Yee Pan. 80th men were eyeing the Deputy President's post and San Choon was afraid to state his preference, which could weaken his control in the party.

The lone ranger, Datuk Richard Ho was stranded by San Choon's strategic manoeuvre, which was also a tactical move to keep Richard Ho in cold storage and dump him the 1982 general election.

In order to prepare a solid foundation for the 1982 general election, Datuk Lee San Choon cleverly set up a IVlullement Committee to call tor "Reverence to our Elders", which was soon introduced with much pomp and splendour in 1981.

In every State Division, it organised parties to introduce "Reverence to our Elders". It caught the imagination of the Chinese community, who gave tremendous support to MCA to win many Pari iamentary and State seats i nel uding Datuk Lee's successful contest for the Seremban Parliamentary seat. Thereafter, it was discarded. How unkind it was to the community who supported the party to win many parliamentary and state seats?

Thereafter, the Movement Committee vanished into thin air and the call "Reverence to our Elders" was conveniently forgotten .

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Not even succeeding MCA leaderships had bothered to revive it in order to help discipline young Chinese to play a vital role in the community.

Then again, Datuk Lee San Choon had cleverly hoodwinked the Chinese with a statement on 21 February 1981 stating:

"We want only full-time men." He said the party wanted candidates who were willing to give full-time service not only to the party's interests but also to the people. (It was never carried out, mere lip-service.)

In the past, MCA.top-brass were only looking for safe Malay­Chinese constituencies, and in the 1982 general election Datuk Lee San Choon was challenged by the Opposition leaders whether he had the courage to contest in anyone of the 15 Chinese dominated parliamentary seats in the country.

After consultation with many friends and me, I suggested to San Choon that between the Oamansara parliamentary constituency (in which San Choon intended to contest) and the Seremban parliamentary constituency, he should not contest in Oamansara because the chances to win in Seremban were better.

In Seremban, it would create shock waves. Firstly, it would stir up the Chinese throughout the country and win their admiration for his courage to fight the "tiger" in its den. Secondly, the shock could demoralise the OAP at the election.

About a fortnight before polling day, there was a rumour that many Chinese in town would not give San Choon their votes.

This rumour had to be stopped, if not, it would spread like wild fire. I suggested to the Seremban Petty Traders to call an Emergency Meeting immediately.

At the meeting, I promised them that San Choon would put up an "overhead bridge" across the main trunk road to the Seremban Market.

Many said that it would need a "miracle" and out of the blue, a very loud voice said that if an "overhead bridge" could be completed before polling day, all peopl&would vote San Choon.

At the meeting, an "echo" was given resounding support .... so be it.

In order to win more support from the townsfolk, market stallholders, hawkers and others, a well-known contractor, Mr Yau Hon Koong and I got hold of four experienced weldin·g firms

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together with Yau's firm under the voluntary supervIsion (free designs) of an Engineering & Structural Consultant Mr C. C. Wong. A 30-ton iron overhead bridge was built across the main trunk road (Kuala Lumpur-Seremban) to the Seremban Market. It was a marvellous feat.

Within fourteen days, the 30-ton iron overhead bridge was completed on the eve of the polling day, which was held on 22 April 1982.

It was one of the helpful factors to the MCA President Datuk Lee San Choon to defeat the DAP National Chairman, Dr Chen Man Hin by 845 votes. Indeed San Choon had defeated the "tiger" in its den.

Datuk Lee San Choon's election campaign started from my house after lunch, where San Choon met many leaders of the Chinese guilds and associations.

San Choon was invited by every guild and association to either lunch, tea or dinner every day to meet their respective members.

Thanks to the press, which played up the visits and his appeals for support and pledges to deliver the goods.

Nevertheless, after the election, it proved to be nothing more than lip-service.

About 1 112 years later, Datuk Lee San Choon resigned as MCA President and Minister of Transport. Later on. he resigned as Member of Parliament for Seremban constituency.

The Chinese community had trusted him to lead them in the resuscitation of Chinese interests that had been eroded in many fields.

After having given him and the party so much support, the Chinese community were very disappointed and annoyed with his resignation without valid reasons.

They claimed that Datuk Lee San Choon had completely let down the Chinese community.

"You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people a 1/ the time ".

Abraham Lincoln

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Mr Vau Hon Koong Mr Chin See Vin

The 30 .. ton Iron-Overhead .. Bridge to the Seremban Market

149

IN CONSULTATION

Dato Lee San Choon and Chin See Vin In the Tiger's den

1982

Sailing For Peace And Posterity

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Tan Koon Swan And Neo Yee Pan Get Into Loggerheads VVhen Lee San Choon Fails To Intervene

Before his resignation, Datuk Lee San Choon was to many of his friends an "Emperor of ancient China". He was given enormous powers by the MeA Constitution (unholy bible) to expel any member at will, either by words or by a stroke of the pen.

No sane man like San Choon would have thrown in the towel and given up all after having been crowned with so much pomp and glory. It's so strange!

However, the power struggle continued after Datuk Lee San Choon's "sudden resignation" from the political scene.

The Emperor's maintenance of "status quo" in the MCA had created a big "hell-fire" with the help of the "unholy bible", and even the Emperor could not help to put it out. They did not hear him.

The damage was disastrous to the party and the cost to the contestants was tremendous (possibly millions of dollars) and to the Chinese community - humiliation.

The spark that caused the "hell-fire" was the "phantom members syndrome" in the party. In fact it almost ruined the party and caused many to face financial losses, some towards bankruptcy and a few to prison.

At the 1984 March Central Committee Meeting, after a lengthy debate on the thorny issue of "phantom members", Mr Tan Koon Swan and his supporters failed to get an "ad hoc committee" set up and the "steering committee" enlarged· to investigate and report on the issue.

Koon Swan finally handed in a petition signed by 15 members of the Central Working Committee to call for an Extraordinary General Meeting (EGM).

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The petitioners were Tan Kaan Swan, Ling Liong Sik, Lee Kim Sai, Kee Yong Wee, Lew Sip Hon, Wong Mock Leong, Lee Boon Peng, Ng Cheng Kiat, Chan Kit Chee, Chew Hock Thye, Lee Jong Ki, Chan Teck Chan, Ngau Boon Min and Wong Char Wah.

The MCA Constitution requires at least one-third of the members of the Central Working Committee to request an Extraordinary General Meeting.

Sip Hon and Hock Thye sent letters to the MCA Secretary­General Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan to dissociate themselves from the request for the EGM shortly after the petition was delivered to Yee Pan.

The withdrawal did not affect the petition which still had the one-third required.

Thereafter, there were more games of chess.

As a result, there was a sudden turn for the worse in the power struggle.

1. The MCA Acting President Neo Yee Pan stripped Mr Tan Koon Swan and Datuk Lee Kim Sai of their Chairmanship of MCA Federal Territory and Selangor respectively on 19 March 1984.

2. At noon, the MCA Acting Deputy President Datuk Mak Hon Kam as Chairman of the Disciplinary Board expelled the 14 petitioners.

Among them were the MCA Youth Chief & Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, Datuk Lee Kim Sai, and MCA Central Working Committee Member & Deputy Finance Minister, Datuk Or Ling Liong Sik.

Yee Pan had no doubt learned the tricks of the trade from Tun Tan Siew Sin and Datuk Lee San Choon to invoke the enormous powers provided by the" unholy bi bl e".

Unfortunately, there were reprisals, too, for Yee Pan and Hon Kam. They were caught in the gamble later on and vanished into oblivion.

There was overwhelming public sympathy far Tan Koon Swan's group (Tan-Group), and there was also condemnation for Neo Yee Pan's group (Neo-Group).

The MCA was split into two groups. Few members remained, if at all, neutral in MeA.

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Throughout the country, there were wall posters condemning Neo Yee Pan's leadership in the party, but the Neo-Group sought protection under the "unholy bible".

3. Soon, Yee Pan requested the Prime Minister Oatuk Seri Or Mahathir Mohamad to remove the expelled MCA leaders Oatuk Seri Or Ling Liong Sik and Oatuk Lee Kim Sai of their deputy ministerships, which were left vacant until the MCA crisis was resolved.

Although former MCA President Oatuk Lee San Choon said that he would not be involved in the tussle between Koon Swan and Yee Pan, he attempted to intervene but failed. They would not hear him.

Instead, Oatuk Lee San Choon was rebuffed by the leaders of the Neo-Group. Yet, to many in both groups, San Choon had been their mentor and benefactor. They were uncertain of his stand.

The power struggle was brought by both groups on many occasions to the Kuala Lumpur High Court, causing so much publicity and washing dirty linen and also causing so much damage to the MCA and the Chinese community.

Reinforcements were brought into the battle field, inside and outside MCA, by both groups spending good-money freely.

At every EGM, both groups provided their respective MCA delegates (supporters) with transport, board and lodging (first class hotels).

Then, on 30 January 1985, to end the nearly two-year MCA crisis, the two rival groups, whether they liked it or not, had to bury the hatchet by signing an agreement witnessed by the Prime Minister Oatuk Seri Or Mahathir Mohamad and the Barisan National Secretary-General Encik Ghafar Baba, who had worked out the agreement.

Many people called it the "Match-Marriage" agreement.

Unfortunately, the agreement was "broken" and after a time, the power struggle ended with a MCA general election.

On 24 November 1985, the Tan-Group won an overwhelming victory over the Neo-Group at the MCA general election, and Mr Tan Koon Swan was elected MCA President.

It was a d9ytlf joy, but the following days were long and lonely being filled with much sorrow.

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Mr Tan Khoon Swan MeA President -1985 One day of joy Many days of sorrow

"In each life some rain must fall, Son:e days must be dark and dreary" ,

Longfe/low

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Dato Neo Vee Pan

MCA Acting Presiden~

Pride Invites Calamity

"Pride goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit before a fa"".

Old Testament

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MeA Must Undergo Restructuring

In the 1990 polls, it was proven about 20% Chinese supported the MeA candidates. MeA Deputy President Datuk Lee Kim Sai, after winning the Hulu Langat parliamentary seat, was visibly annoyed and disappointed with very poor support of Chinese voters. He gave a "Big Thank" to the Hulu Langat Malay voters.

The MCA Secretary-General Dr Ting Chew Peh said that many areas, which were predominantly Chinese such as new villages and towns, gave little or no support to the MeA candidates. (Under the new system of counting votes at the polling stations, it was possible for a candidate to be able to tell how his constituents voted.) It revealed miserable Chinese support for the MCA candidates.

The poor performance at the polls requires immediate re­organisation in the MCA to achi"eve much more Chinese support. It was a disastrous defeat in Penang, where all MCA parliamentary and state candidates were wiped out.

Penang is a predominantly Chinese area. The Penang Chinese gave big shocks to the MCA President Datuk Seri Ling Liong Sik to awaken him to realise that all those candidates, who won elsewhere, won with tremendous Malay support and little Chinese support.

Before the 1990 polls, Datuk Seri Dr Li ng Liong Sik was "misled" of increasing Chinese support for the party.

It was a last minute inclusion of Mr Vim Chee Cheong (who was kept in cold storage by certain leaders) to contest against the DAP National Chairman Dr Chen Man Hin. Then, the Chinese voters came forward to support MCA to win both Seremban and Rasah parliamentary seats. Otherwise, the MCA would have lost the two parliamentary seats again.

When MCA leaders drank the water, they should remember the spring. They should not forget "who formed MCA" and "why new villages were set up". Above all, they should not ignore the Chinese guilds and associations, which supported the formation of MCA.

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The Chinese community can survive without the MCA, but the MCA cannot survive without Chinese support.

It was Tun Sir Henry H. S. Lee, Mr Yong Shook Lin and Mr Khoo Teik Ee, who motivated the formation of MCA and invited all (few thousand) Chinese guilds and associations for a meeting and formeCl the MCA on 27.2.1949 in order to assist the Chinese squatters and look after the Chinese interests. The "trio" (not Tan Cheng Lock) were the actual founders of the party.

It was the urgent need for approval to set up a few hundred new villages to resetile nearly a million Chinese squatters who were faCing deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations. It was almost a holocaust. The Resettlement New Villages Scheme prevented drastic actions from being taken against all Chinese squatters.

Or Chong Ah Khoon, Mr Koh Lian Chin and I prepared immediately a "Resettlement New Villages Scheme" as an alternative to the deportation of all Chinese squatters to China (where they could have died of cold and hunger then, due to scarcity of food and clothings).

I helped build the "First New Village in Malaya" at Jalan Port Oickson, Seremban, as a model for over 400 new villages to resettle them instead of deportation.

At that time, the MCA and the Chinese community had worked together hand-i n-glove.

Later on, many Chinese lost confidence in MCA due to the 1956 Razak Education Report, which was supported by Or Lim Chong Eu, Too Joon Hin, Leung Cheung Ling, Goh Chee Van and Lee Thian Hin as MCA representatives.

In 1957/1958 MCA general election, Or Lim Chong Eu ungentlemanly secured the nomination, which was intended for Tun Sir Henry H. S. Lee, to contest againstTun Tan Cheng Lock.for the MCA presidency, which Or Lim won and held for a while until the 1959 general election. He had to reSign after creating some problems in the party.

The Chinese community was disappointed and annoyed.

Since then, there were continuous "power struggles" among MCA leaders for positions, power and lucrative government jobs while leaving the Chinese community to fend for themselves.

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The Chinese were fed-up. The MGA lost much Chinese support in the country.

Minimize" Power Struggles". MeA President should not be a "government minister", because he has to take an "Oath of Secrecy " and implement the government pol.icy.

But, he should be a Member of Parliament or Senator who would not be tied down to government policy. Then, he could speak up freely on the Chinese views and needs.

In order to pave a way for Chi nese un ity, the MCA should include six or seven representatives who are the leaders of Kwangtun, Hokkjen, Kongsi and Hainan clan-associations in the MCA Central Working Committee in order to strengthen the relationship with the Chinese community and secure their support.

Such representat ives will provide information on Chinese views and needs to help solve Chinese problems, and strengthen racial harmony in the country .

OPINIONS Many observers believed that the Prime Minister Oatuk Seri Or

Mahathir Mohamad was aware that if there was no change in the "antI-establishment" stand 01 the urban voters, who are largely non-Malays li v ing in the cit ies, towns, new villages and estates, it would be detr imental to the MCA. Gera.kan and MIC candidates at the 1990 general elections.

Hence, the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Or Mahathir Mohamad visited every state several times expound ing: the government policies and seeking the support 01 all races. particularly, the Malays. (PM with foresight.)

Many observers also believed that the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad relied mainly on the UMNO candidates and those BN cand idates in the Sarawak and Sabah to form the new government even if the" anti-establ ishment" stand was not dissolved.

MCA has a responsibility to help dissolve it soon.

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\ .

MeA Leaders Should Go Back To The People And Listen To People's Views And Suggestions

It is vital far Chinese interests that all Chinese, men and women, support, join and help to re-organise the MCA with a dynamic leadership that can assist the Chinese community to stem the tide of setbacks and the erosion of their position, influence and interests in the country. If a house is divided it will fall. .

The success will depend largely on such leadership that can match the UMNO leadership with foresight, wisdom and courage to speak up loudly and clearly on the Chinese views and needs.

In welcoming the New Year, it is time for reconciliation, and all Quarrels are forgotten and all mistakes forgiven.

It is sad that the Chinese hold the MCA leaders in low esteem believing they lack experience and vision. To a certain extent, their opinion is quite correct.

If so, the Chinese community have to blame themselves for staying aloof from the MCA, and their complacent attitude towards the party.

They should join the MCA and play an active role in the affairs of the party, assisting to elect the dedicated members into the MCA Central Working Committee (CWC) and assisting to give more constructive criticism in order to build up a dynamic and efficient party. Otherwise, the Chinese community will continue to lose much more of their rights and interests in the country.

There are several Chinese-based political parties misleading and dividing the Chinese community, who are now like the loose­sands.

The Unions are to be blamed for the Chinese workers looking for strategies to work for fewer hours and earn more money.

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All these problems are causing so much hindrance to the -Chinese community to achieve their legitimate interests and a fair

share of the national economic cake.

With a "trio" combination between the MCA, all new villages Chinese community and the four thousand Chinese guilds and associations working together as a unit, there will be no such hindrance.

Also, there are irresponsible agents of many western missionaries misleading the ignorant Chinese into western beliefs to discard the Chinese way of life, especially the Chinese customs and traditions dating back to time immemorial.

Western beliefs will cause an abandonment of family ties and isolation from the community. The devotion to aged parents will no longer exist. The Chinese will be a fragmented and divided community and there will be grave social problems in the country.

When all Chinese, men and women, give their wholehearted support and join the MCA to help re-organise the party with a dynamic leadership, the MCA will have a new image symbolising the solidarity of the Chinese community, whose legitimate interests enshrined in the Malaysian Constitution will be achieved peacefully, with the support of all quarters.

If not, the future generations will face a bleak future. This will not happen, if the MCA and the Chinese community stand by each other to work for mutual benefits.

The Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad said that time had come to emphasise spiritual training appropriate for today and so on, and he said education should bring about honourable and courteous people with knowledge to improve individuals and society.

He has paved a way for the MCA leaders to seek the assistance of the Federal Government to introduce the teaching of religious values in Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, in all Chinese schools to maintain the traditional family life, which is losing sadly the "moral fibre".

Surely, Mr Ng Teck Fong and his joint committee on Confucianism can render much assistance in the teaching of religious values in all Chinese schools.

The MCA reputation is at an all-time low. The Chinese are confused and frustrated. The gap between the MCA and the Chinese community is widening daily.

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Many elderly Chinese blame the MCA leaders for being selfish. They are interested in gaining and holding on to power, instead of opening the door and vigorously inviting all Chinese from all new villages and all Chinese guilds and associations to join the party in order to work together, as one big family for progress and posterity.

The Chinese community want a more visionary MCA leadership that can demonstrate a genuine sense of purpose and willingness to entertain new ideas regardless of the source.

They want the leadership to work closely with the leaders of all new village Chinese community and all leaders of all Chinese guilds and associations regarding Chinese problems, in order to strengthen racial harmony, progress and development in Malaysia.

Above a", MCA leaders must create a social climate to go to the people to seek their views and needs and render assistance whenever possible.

It's a saying: "You help others, you help yourself."

This is an interesting opinion of a well-known author, Richard Wilhelm, in his "Short History of Chinese Civilization". It's as follows :-

"Since those early times China has passed through many terrific upheavals and convulsions; her soil has been laid waste time and again by monster rebellions, and more than once the whole country has been swept from end to end by a flood of invaders.

Yet her civilization has never perished, but has always resumed its march forward, often absorbing the very foes who has been victorious in the field.

What is the secret of this amazing vitality and endurance posed in like measure by no other nation?"

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PART THREE

everence

To Our Elders

Movement

The Forgotten "Reverence To Our Elders" Movement

In 1981, it was indeed commendable for the MCA to set up a Movement Committee for the party to introduce the concept of "Reverence to our Elders" to encourage young Chinese on the need to practise "filial piety".

In every state division, parties were organised to tntroduce "Reverence to our Elders". It had no doubt caught the imagination of the Chinese community, who had given much support to the party to win many parliamentary and state seats in the 1982 general election.

Later on, the Movement Committee vanished into thin air and the "Reverence to our Elders" was forgotten conveniently by the MeA leader who was canvassing for support to keep the "crown".

In the Chinese way of life, the insistence on filial piety and respect for elders and teachers, produced a disciplined youth who could play a significant role in the community.

If the MCA leadership had forged ahead with "Reverence to our Elders" movement, the party would conti nue to enjoy considerable Chinese support. MCA and Chinese leaders threw it to the wind. Due to the MCA Presidency, they were divided into two groups, and caused a two-year crisis.

From time immemorial, human beings in every part of the world, even in the most primitive tribes, have organised life supported by customs and traditions.

As a child, you look to your parents for shelter, food, clothings, education and other everyday-things you need.

When you are a child, you look to your parents for wisdom, protection and comfort. You look to them for love, understanding and care.

But do you realise that your parents look to you too for love, aHection and understanding of their views?

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Hence, it is not so much the material gains compared to the significant importance of "Reverence' to our Elders". Under a Movement Committee to be set up again by the MCA, it will be encouraging every family to give "filial piety" to their aged parents.

Somehow the two words "home & family" are likened to the words referring to "bread & butter". Every member of a family has an important role to play in achieving a happy home life.

Usually, the father is the provider of food, shelter, and other needs. The mother is the home-maker who works to make the home a clean, healthy and happy place to live in.

Every family has their times of happiness and trouble. It is a normal thing for brothers and sisters to quarrel and even fight

.sometimes, for the parents to get cross on some occasions, and for members of a family to have illness and financial problems.

It has both a bright and a dark side. The wise and strong and healthy family face their problems together, talk honestly about their feelings, and try to work out solutions to their diHiculties. Such is life.

It is said that customs and traditions die hard. To know your parents' love. it will be their wish normally for their grown up children to have families and raise children toward posterity.

Of course, many parents will appreciate the truth that there are no filial children always at the bedside of a long-sick person.

It is obvious, but so long as the family lives in harmony and co­operation, all aHairs will prosper and even the difficult problems will be solved, sometimes quite easily.

The fact remains that when your parents are alive and you do not support them, it is no use to make sacrifices to them and burn incense daily when they are dead.

It will be proper to feed and look after them when they are alive.

There are many cases where the poor parents make many sacrifices for their children to achieve a better life, but many such children, when grown up, have achieved wealth and fame in society, they have often felt ashamed of their poor aged parents, and for other reasons, even neglected them.

Such ungrateful children somehow will be punished .... time will

166

tell.

Such ungrateful children are difficult to society, which has to find ways and means to care and look after the unfortunate parents.

The and state have a responsibility to pressure the government to legislate a law requlring the grown-up children in every family to look after their

parents.

It ;s hoped that the MeA will revive the Movement Committee to re-introduce the good work in the "Reverence to our Elders" and all state divisions will set up in order to it to encourage the younger Chi nese to practise "filial piety".

Perhaps under a popular MCA leadership, there will be Chinese confidence and for a "fund" to be organised and all grown-up Chinese children in !3very family will make a small contribution monthly towards it

Such fund will be invested and the profits utilized in useful ways to cheer and whatever assistance to the parents who need them.

When the "Reverence to our Elders" movement is soon revived the MCA there will be a new MCA image and there

will be considerable Chinese support for the party, which can do much more to assist and bring cheer to aged parents.

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The senior citizens were so happy to read Shin Min Daily News' reports on HReverence To Our Elders"

169

~ "'-l o

"REVERENCE TO OUR ELDERS"

Charity Dinner jointly organised by Shin Min Daily News and Hennessv

171

1 ~

'e C'II ." ... o ... GI s: c: cs

...... 'I ~

Community leaders cutting ribbon to officiate the "Affectionate Heart Charity Night" Dinner

What Is Cooking Inside? 1. Chinese New Year Celebration - Traditionally, Chinese

tea is served to relatives and friends.

2. Reverence to our Elders - The insistence on filial piety and respect to elders and teachers to produce disciplined youths to play significant roles .....

3 . Religious educational values produce honourable and courteous people to help reduce social ills.

4. The MCA setbacks in the 1990 polls.

5. The "trio combinations" between the MCA, all New Villa,ges Chinese community and four thousand Chinese g,uilds and associations as one big family to achieve legitimate interests and a fair share of the national economic cake.

173

The festivities and rites connected wIth Chinese New Year are observed with undiminished enthusiasm.

No foreigner can fail to note the complete dislocation of all normal activities.

The outward and visible signs of the passing year are the closing of shops and appearance of new, red and almost continuous detonation of crackers are rare in modem times.

The Chinese customs and traditions die hard. The Chinese all over the world celebrate, based on lunar calendar, In the same way as the Chinese in China do.

Traditionally, Chinese tea is served to relatives and friends, being an age-old customs on any holy day, which is a time for sobriety, kindness and goodwill to one and all.

On the eve of the Chinese New the family will no matter how far they are away from home, they wll' try to make it.

It is a very important feast dating from time immemorial -symbolising the solidarity of Chinese family. After dinner, tea is served.

The dinner is not necessarily a sumptuous one. It is the reunion that is important to the family.

The dinner js first offered with tea in ancestral worShip.

It is a time for reconciliation where all and ai' mistakes forgiven.

After dinner, the family prepares to meet the New Year wilh ior good health and

Notwithstanding the act obeisance and filial piety being performed in Chinese houses, the Chinese New Year will be

with bowing or handshaking, tea drinking to a "Happy

1

New Year" and many HAng-Paws" for the children.

The members of the family will "kowtow" and offer "tea" to the elders.

Strange as it may seem - the Kwangtun, Kongsi and Hainan Chinese celebrate the Chinese New Year on the 1st day of the 1st moon, but the Hokkien Chinese actually celebrate the Chinese New Year on the 9th day of the 1st moon.

According to legend, there was a Chinese Emperor, who had to hide with some of his loyal troops in a sugar cane plantation in order to avoid his enemies who were searching for them.

This respite gave the Chinese Emperor time to re-organise his forces to recover his kingdom.

Hence, sugar cane, which is a symbol of triumph of good over evil, is placed prominently in every house, and on the 9th day of the 1st moon on which the Chinese Emperor recovered his kingdom, his people celebrated the Chinese New Year.

In the eight century A.D., Lu Yu in his "Book on Tea" stated ... "Tea tempers the spirit, calms and harmonizes the mind. It arouses thought and prevents drowsiness, lightens and refreshes the body and mind".

The legendary Emperor Shan Nung was reputed to have lived about 5,000 years ago. One day, he was sitting beneath a tree waiting patiently for some water to boil.

As he sat there, a few leaves drifted down from a tree (ternstroemiacae or tea plant) and fell into the hot water.

Soon, a delicious aroma arose from the boiling water. Intrigued by it, his Imperial Majesty took a sip with approval. Folklore accred its tea.

Scientific analysis of tea confirms many values such as amino acids, polypeptide bodies, sugar, organic acids, caffein, theophylline, fluoride, vitamin C and B complex, plus nicotinic acid. Apparently, tea has certain active ingredients to help produce urine and assist digestion.

In fact, tea-drinking Chinese are healthy and they live to an old age.

The general customary practice in a Chinese house is to serve tea to relatives and friends.

At the ti me for them to take leave, tea wi II be served - one for the road.

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It is even possible to resolve misunderstanding and tender apologies with a cup of tea.

When the USA President Mr Richard Nixon went to China on his first visit, Chairman Mao and President Nixon drank tea during their political and economic discussions.

In England, France, America and western countries, tea has become one of the most fashionable beverages.

Today, tea has been called one of the world's greatest beverages along with coffee, cocoa and other soft drinks.

During the Hari Raya celebration, the Malays serve tea or rose water to relatives and friends.

On this holy day, it will be sinful to offer alcoholic drinks such as beer, stout, whisky, brandy and the like. It's "haram".

A doctor points out "The road to Intoxication" being interesting is as fOllows :-

(1) With the first drink or so, the drinker becomes relaxed and perhaps talkative, even if he is normally reserved.

(2) As one drink follows another, he is apt to become more assertive. His reflexes are rather sluggish.

(3) Still later, the drinker may have a feeling of extreme exhilaration, or he may be a prey to utter depression.

(4) Finally, acute intoxication sets in. The drinker may lurch and sway, mumbling or may "pass out"

However, tea-drinking is a vital part of Chinese culture and way of life.

On New Year Day, it will be unwise to waste good money on alcoholic drinks for visitors and relatives.

Instead, the hard-earned money should be wisely spent on good food, meat and delicacies for the family. Then, the family and elders will be happy and that is what a Happy New Year should be.

Let us abide by customs and traditions to celebrate the Chinese New Year with tea only to serve the relatives and friends on this holy day. It's good for health and wealth.

Not drunk is he who from the floor Can rise alone, and still drink mo;e, But drunk is he who prostrate lies, Without the power to drink or rise.

A Drunka"rd

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Spiritual Education Is A Must

The Prime Minister Datuk Seri Mahathir Mohamad at a Teachers' Day celebration had paved a spiritual way saying that the time had come for us to set our priorities and to emphasise spi ritua l tra ining appropriate for today and knowled,ge which was in keeping with national-building, and that a good education system should strive towards character-bu ilding, rathe r than just be concerned with imparting knowledge.

Idea lly, he sa id, education should help bring about an honourable and courteous people with knowledge to improve individuals and society.

Such wisdoms should have awakened the leaders ot the MCA, New Vi llages and Chinese guilds and associations to set up a committee and produce a tew simp le text books on the religious values of Confucianism, Taoism and Budd hism as a subject in all Chinese schools, in order to give spiritual knowledge to the youngsters for posterity. Singapore uses sllJch text books in their schools.

'Th~ Chinese have a saying that Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism are like the three legs of a tripod, supporting the whole of their ethical li1e, and they see no inconsistency in subscribing to them all.

In a nutshell, some educationalists described Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism as :-

1. Confucianism tightened the lines of family life and that of the community. discouraging individual selfish adventure, and preaching that co-operation and virtue alone could preserve nation unity. By stressing loyalty and truth, and condemning violence and disorder which afflicts the world . Confucius was a Chinese sage and philosopher (551 - 478 B.C.).

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2. Taoism - A Chinese philosopher who lived about 600 B.C. wrotethe Tao Te Ching, one of China's sacred books. In it, Lao-Tse set down rules for a way of life now known as Taoism, which has become one of China's three chief religions. "Tao" means "the way". Lao-Tse, who lived as a hermit during his later years, taught love and humility being good for mankind.

3. Buddhism - Meaning Enlightened One is the name given to Gautama, who was an Indian religious leader of about 500 S.C. He gave up a princely life, his wife and child. He went out to seek peace and knowledge for himself and a solution to the ills of the world. His teachings formed the foundations of Buddhism. He taught that peace of mind could be gained only through the absence of desires and pursuit of a good life.

Religions can help to reduce the increasing social ills. Like the Muslims, the non-Muslims ought also to get their respective religious education in schools to build up a healthy society, which will be well-balanced in its thinking and outlook.

There is an increase in petty thef1, robbery, extortion, arson, murder, adultery, wife-battering, child-abuse, cheating and so on. Above all, white-collar crimes are rising.

There are many stories of divorce and separations in which the break up of rich and poor families are leaving their children in the lurch, without love, affection and moral care. Such children will grow up with bitterness in life and are easily misled.

When the parents are so engrossed with their daily life for material gains, they will usually lose whatever religious value they might have learnt without passing them to their children, who will grow up in unhealthy environments, perhaps, among the rogues, thieves, murderers and subversive elements.

Then, there will be decadence in the society and individuals will be only interested in themselves. If such ills are not remedied quickly, they will soon cause grave social problems.

In many ways, religion is an antidote to even grave social problems confronting society. Healthy industrious and productive Malaysians having religious education can assist largely to eradicate the social ills.

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Today, there are too many western missionaries who make use of young men and women to persuade the innocent Chinese to accept Christianity. Such agents are persuasive, talkative and clever to convert many young people, who will in turn convert thei r parents.

Indeed, it is highly deplorable tor such agents to ridicule the Chinese praying to their idols and condemning Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism and other religions. They play with fire.

Such irresponsible agents are misleading innocent Chinese into Western religious belief to discard the Chinese way of life. It's an abandonment of family ties and isolation from the community. The devotion to aged parents will no longer exist. It'll be a pity.

As a youngster in a mission school, I was often persuaded by a French priest to become a catholic. One day, I suggested a simple issue for comparison to the priest:-

When "A", who was a Buddhist, and "B", who was a Catholic, died at the same time.

The family of "An got a Chinese priest to purify his soul with clean water.

The family of "S" got a Catholic priest to purify his soul with holy water.

"A's" family used candle-sticks, joss-sticks and food for prayers.

"B's" family used candles, incense and wreaths for prayers ..

Both coHins were made of wood from trees.

Finally, both were buried and covered with earth.

Thereafter, the French priest left me alone to practise my own religion.

It is true that different races have diHerent names for their rei igions. The truth remai ns that we all pray to the same God in diHerent ways for his blessings.

The Chinese fervently hope that the leaders of the MCA, New Villages and Chinese Quilds and associations will get together to

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produce books on the religious values of Confucianism, Taoism or Buddhism as a subject in all Chinese schools in order to give spiritual knowledge to the youngsters for posterity. It will be good for the country.

The scholar, trained for public duty, seeing threatening danger, is ready to sacrifice his life.

When the opportunity of gain is presented to him, he thinks of righteousness.

In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential.

In mourning, his thoughts are about the grief which he should feel.

Such a man deserves our greatest resp'ect.

Confucius.

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Fruits Of Labour

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