The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic Texts

7/27/2019 The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic Texts

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The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic TextsRivka Ulmer Bucknell University

The engagement with Egypt and the Egyptian gods that transpired in the HebrewBible continued into the texts produced by rabbinic Judaism. Rabbinic texts of late antiquity and the early medieval period frequently presented images of Egyptand its religion. One of the critical objectives of these portrayals of Egypt was toset boundaries of Jewish identity by presenting rabbinic Judaism in opposition toEgyptian culture. The Egyptian cultural icons in rabbinic texts also demonstrate thatthe rabbis were aware of cultures other than their own.1 The presence of Egyptianelements in midrash had previously been noted to a very limited extent by scholarsof the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the science of Judaism), and it has not escapedthe attention of more recent scholarship.

The Wissenschaft scholars were motivated to expand the research of Jewishtopics and Ànd “oriental” and “Near Eastern” inÁuences in rabbinic literature.2 The lexicographer Samuel Krauss, for example, identiÀed the names of a verysmall number of Egyptian gods in rabbinic literature.3 Recent scholars, like Gideon

1 The trade contacts between Egypt and the land of Israel were well established. During the Àrstsix centuries of the Common Era there was extensive importation into the land of Israel of beer, Àsh,

medical remedies, and chemicals from Egypt; during the same period substantial exports were sentto Egypt from the land of Israel (see Daniel Sperber, “Objects of Trade between Palestine and Egyptin Roman Times,” JESHO 19 [1976] 113–47). Generally, there were close ties between the Jewsof Egypt and the land of Israel, especially with Jerusalem, in the last centuries B.C.E. and the earlycenturies C.E. Intellectual and religious contacts between the two countries included educational andmethodological exchanges (e.g., teachers of Jewish traditions came to Israel from Alexandria).

2 Moritz Güdemann, Religionsgeschichtliche Studien (Schriften des Israelitischen Literatur-Vereins 2; Leipzig: Oskar Leiner, 1876); Bernard Heller, “Egyptian Elements in the Haggadah,” in

Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume (ed. Samuel Löwinger and Joseph Somogyi; Budapest: [s.n.],1948) 1:412–18; Jakob Horovitz, Die Josephserzählung (Frankfurt am Main: Kauffmann, 1921),

and others.3 Samuel Krauss, “Aegyptische und syrische Götternamen im Talmud,” in Semitic Studies in Memory of Rev. Dr. Alexander Kohut (ed. George A. Kohut; Berlin: Calvary, 1897) 339–53, esp.George A. Kohut; Berlin: Calvary, 1897) 339–53, esp.



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Bohak4 and I,5 have researched Egyptian religious concepts in rabbinic texts.Bohak has described rabbinic notions of idolatry and paganism and he establishedthat the rabbis had knowledge of Egypt based upon their own experience or thatof others. He gathered and presented the evidence for rabbinic knowledge of Egyptian festivals, objects, and magical practices. In my previous work I haveadvanced an Egyptological perspective and applied semiotics and iconographyin contextualizing Egyptian icons in rabbinic texts. This article will demonstratefurther a signiÀcant awareness of Egyptian gods in rabbinic texts; the analysis willfocus upon the identity of these gods, the contexts of their manifestations, as wellas their function and assumed power. The question must be raised: Why did therabbis mention Egyptian gods and integrate them into their discourse? One responseto this question is that the rabbis continued to oppose the culture and religion of

Egypt, since Egypt was for the rabbis the ultimate symbol of the “Other.” Thepurpose of invoking Egyptian icons was to establish rabbinic concepts in contrastto competing ideologies, such as those of the Egyptians speciÀcally, but also of new religious groups, like Christians and Gnostics, who laid claim to the HebrewGod. The rabbis frequently utilized Egyptian icons as a metaphor for Rome andthese new religious groups. In this article I will be focusing on Egyptian religiousviews, rather than those instances in which Egypt was only a cipher for some othergroup. Rabbinic texts utilized portrayals of Egyptian gods to demarcate rabbinicJudaism from other cultures.

Some Egyptian elements in midrash are fairly accurate depictions of Hellenistic-Roman customs,6 while other references to Egypt are consistent with imagesand customs found in earlier periods of Egyptian history. Among the numerous

4 Gideon Bohak, “Rabbinic Perspectives on Egyptian Religion,” Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 2 (2000) 215–31.

5 Rivka Ulmer, “Zwischen ägyptischer Vorlage und talmudischer Rezeption. Josef und dieÄgypterin,” Kairos 24/25 (1992/93) 75–90; idem, “Discovering Mosaistics: Israel’s EgyptianRoots,” Bulletin of the Israeli Academic Centre in Cairo 18 (1994) 24–27; idem, “The Divine Eyein Ancient Egypt and in the Midrashic Interpretation of Formative Judaism,” Journal of Religion

and Society 5 (2003) 1–17; idem, “Visions of Egypt in Midrash: Pharaoh’s Birthday and the NileFestival,” in Biblical Interpretation in Judaism and Christianity (ed. Isaac Kalimi and Peter Haas;New York: T&T Clark, 2006) 52–78; idem, “Visions of Egypt and the Land of Israel under theRomans: A Dialectical Relationship between History and Homiletical Midrash,” Frankfurt JewishStudies Bulletin 33 (2006) 1–33; idem, “Visions of Egypt in Midrash: The Nile as the Landscapeof the Other,” in Discussing Cultural InÁuences: Text, Context, and Non-Text in Rabbinic Judaism(ed. Rivka Ulmer; Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2007) 193–234; idem, “EgyptianMagic and the Osiris Myth in Midrash,” in Midrash and Context (ed. Lieve Teugels and RivkaUlmer; Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias, 2007) 139–79; idem, “Cleopatra as a Cultural Icon in RabbinicLiterature,” Hen 29 (2007) 327–53; idem, “Some Remarks on the Egyptian Language (Coptic) inRabbinic Texts,” in Interpretation, Religion and Culture in Midrash and Beyond (ed. Lieve Teugelsand Rivka Ulmer; Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias, 2008) 79–89.

6 See, for example, Jack Lindsay, Daily Life in Roman Egypt (London: F. Muller, 1963)



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Egyptian elements eliciting religious responses found in different midrashim arethe Nile inundation,7 the Nile god,8 mummy portraits and funeral customs,9 theEgyptian language,10 Egyptian festivals,11 as well as Queen Cleopatra.12 Egyptianelements were immediately recognizable as Egyptian, including the gods Anubis,13 Osiris,14 Isis and Serapis, 15 Ra‘16 and Horus.17 Greco-Roman Egypt and the spreadof Hellenism were the main cultural conduits for Egyptian and the “Egyptianizing”concepts in rabbinic texts. The Egyptian gods appear in disparate passages inrabbinic literature; often an earlier passage is cited and reworked in a later text.This article will not attempt to write a comprehensive history of the developmentof conceptions of Egyptian gods in the rabbinic corpus. However, I have noticeda greater involvement with Egypt as a theological construct in the later, medievaland homiletical midrashic texts.

Q The Power Struggle between the Egyptian God Ra‘ and theHebrew GodAnimosity between the Hebrew God and the Egyptian gods are found already insome of ancient Israel’s earliest writings. The Bible states: “And against all thegods of Egypt I will execute judgments” (Exod 12:12). The Hebrews in the NileDelta region of Egypt during the time of the Exodus would have been familiar withthe Egyptian god Ra‘, since there were temples dedicated to Ra‘ in this region. A

priest of Ra‘ is referred to in the Hebrew Bible in regard to the marriage of Josephto the daughter of the priest Potiphera (Gen 41:45, 46:20; Gen 41:50: “Before theyears of famine came, Joseph had two sons, whom Asenath, daughter of Potiphera,priest of On, bore to him”). These passages from Genesis resonated with the rabbisand were a source for their own understanding of Egyptian religion. Potiphera wasa priest of Ra‘ at On (Џwnw, Heliopolis). The name Potiphera (Egyptian: THNTV" [he who was given by Ra‘]) identiÀes him as a High Priest of Ra‘.18 The namePotiphera (or its variation: Potiphar) is Egyptian; however, as set forth below,the rabbis deduced their own reading of the name, which was not based upon the

7 Gen. Rab. 13:9 and parallels.8 Gen. Rab. 69:4 and parallels.9 Pesiq. Rab. 17:13, Ulmer, ed. and parallels.10 Esth. Rab. 4:12 and parallels.11 Exod. Rab. 11:11 and parallels.12 t. Nid. 4:17 and parallels.13 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11 and parallels.14 Mek. Beshallah 1 and parallels.15 t. Avod. Zar. 5:1.16 Yal. 1, 372 Ki tissa and parallels.17 y. Mo’ed Qat. 3:7, 83c and parallels.




Egyptian language. The name was merely recognized as foreign in rabbinic texts(e.g., Gen. Rab. 86:3; Tanh., Buber ed., Vayeshev 14; b. Sotah 13b).19

Gen. Rab. 86:3, Theodor/Albeck, p. 1054:

Potiphar, [an ofÀcer of Pharaoh’s, the captain of the guard, an Egyptianbought him] (Gen. 39:1) is Poti-phera. He was called Potiphar because hefattened bull calves [ ]VTJTQ] for the purposes of idolatry; “Poti-phera,”because he used to uncover [V?[T] himself in idolatry, but when the bullcalf [Joseph] came there, [Potiphar] was enlightened [J[XIMRSZb]. A eunuchof Pharaoh (ibid.)—[This means] he was castrated, teaching that [Potiphar]purchased [Joseph] for the purpose of intercourse, whereupon the Holy One,blessed be He, emasculated [Potiphar].

The names of Potiphar are deconstructed and read as Hebrew roots, rendering

terms that are related to idolatry. The rabbis recognized that the names “Potiphar”and “Potiphera” were related names of an Egyptian priest without providing anyspeciÀc reference to the Egyptian god he served. The above text mentions bullcalves that could be construed to reÁect an Egyptian god in pure animal form, suchas Apis20 (e.g., Apis of Memphis or the Menevis bull of Heliopolis).21 The Apis bullwas worshiped commencing in the Early Period in Egyptian history in Memphis;22 the animal chosen as the divine bull possessed special features. Osiris-Apis wasincarnated into the Apis bull and the visible rituals of the bull worship related tothis embodiment of Osiris-Apis; the bull mainly symbolized the life cycle, frombirth to death and resurrection, from Apis to Osiris-Apis. The rabbis utilized theJoseph story and the deconstruction of “Potiphar” and “Potiphera” in order toengage in speculative etymology that shaped their understanding of the nature of Egyptian religious practices.

The usage of Egyptian theophoric names in rabbinic texts is a fairly rareoccurrence; the exception to this statement is the usage of the Egyptian namesof biblical characters such as PinÜas23 and Zaphnat Pa‘neah.24 This latter nameis the name that Pharaoh gave to Joseph (Gen 41:45), and Joseph’s Egyptian

name may be translated as follows: “Ptah maintains the life of . . .” The Egyptianetymology of some of the Hebrew names in rabbinic documents demonstratesthe pervasiveness and the awareness of Egypt in Jewish memory. It should beemphasized that only a few Egyptian gods are speciÀcally mentioned in rabbinic

19 See Ulmer, “Zwischen ägyptischer Vorlage,” 85.Zwischen ägyptischer Vorlage,” 85.” 85.20 Alfred Hermann, “Der letzte Apisstier,” JAC 3 (1960) 34–50.21 Erik Hornung, Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the Many (trans. J. Baines;

Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982) 109, 136; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians (2vols.; London: Methuen & Company, 1904; repr., New York: Dover, 1969) 1:195–201.

22 Michael Jones, “Memphis, Apis Bull Embalming House,” Encyclopedia of the Archaeologyof Ancient Egypt , 491–93.



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texts; this may be due to the fear of mentioning a foreign god by name, whichcould possibly invoke its magical potency. By contrast, the Greek Magical Papyri,written by Jews in Egypt, are Àlled with references to Egyptian gods and theirGreco-Roman or Coptic derivatives.

The Egyptian god Ra‘ was the powerful sun-god, who was mainly depicted inhuman form and worshiped as the one who created and sustained the world.25 Byday Ra‘ traveled in his barque through the sky and by night he passed throughthe underworld; he was reborn and he aged. Ra‘ is referred to in the Bible atExod 10:10. Additionally, several biblical expressions refer to Ra‘: “the eyeof the whole land.”26 The Hebrew root [L]?V in the Bible often signiÀes Ra‘speciÀcally instead of “evil,” which is the more common meaning associatedwith this root. Thus, the terms “evil eye” or “evil” in some instances refers to the

Egyptian sun-god.27

In midrash this connection between evil and Ra‘ is recognizedin a medieval compendium:

Yal. 1, 15 Joshua (Yal. 1, 372 Ki tissa):

Pharaoh said to Israel: Look, evil [Ra‘ L?V] is before you (Exod 10:10). Andhe said: I see in my astrological constellations that one star rises against you;his name is Ra‘, he signiÀes blood and carnage. When Israel sinned throughthe calf in the desert the Holy One, Blessed be He, wanted to kill them.

The parallel passage, Yal. 1, 392 Ki tissa, has a variation as its text continues:

“the Egyptians said: One rises against you, his name is Ra‘.” Rashi also refers toa midrash in his commentary on Exod 10:10. This verse reads, “And he said tothem, Let the Lord be with you, if I will let you go, and your little ones. Look,evil (L?V) is before you.” Rashi comments: “I have heard that in midrash aggadahthere is a certain star, the name of it is L?V [Ra‘]. Pharaoh said to [the Hebrews],Through my astrology I see that star rising towards you in the desert …” Thiscomment by Rashi, as well as the above citations from the Yalqut , suggest thatrabbinic interpretation claimed that the god Ra‘ persecuted the Israelites duringthe Exodus. The following midrash has an additional reference to the god Ra‘ inhis role of persecuting the Israelites.

Exod. Rab. 20:6:

Another interpretation: And it came to pass, when Pharaoh let the people go (Exod 13:17). It is written: Our soul escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers (Ps 124: 7). Israel may be compared to a dove, which was detectedby REÝEWL Ra‘ while sitting in her nest. This was the case with Israel inEgypt, where the snake [REÝEWL] Pharaoh used craftiness against them and

25 Hornung, Conceptions, 281; Alexandre Piankoff, The Litany of Re (Bollingen Series XL; NewYork: Pantheon, 1964); Ulmer, “The Divine Eye.”

26 Rendsburg, “The Egyptian Sun-God,” 7. Although the focus of Rendsburg’s article is the




he said: Come, let us deal wisely with them (Exod 1:10); and he is comparedto a snake, as it says: Prophesy against Pharaoh […] the great snake (Ezek29:3).

In the above passage the phrase REÝEWL Ra‘ means “an evil snake” or morecorrectly, “the snake of Ra‘.” The text combines the persecution by the god Ra‘and the persecution by Pharaoh, who in conjunction acted as co-persecutors of theIsraelites. To clarify this sentence it should be understood that Pharaoh himself wasperceived by Egyptians as the son of Ra‘. This is also indicative of the perceivedcombat between the Hebrew God and the major Egyptian god Ra‘. Anothermidrashic text, Mek. Beshallah 2,28 refers to the pursuit of the Israelites by a snakeand a hawk: “If she [Israel] enters, there is the serpent. If she stays out, there is thehawk. In such a plight were the Israelites at that moment, the sea forming a bar

and the enemy pursuing.” The snake and the hawk could relate to Egyptian godsprotecting Pharaoh; the hawk may represent Horus, the Egyptian god who guardedthe Egyptian king and the snake may represent the uraeus snake29 on his headdress.Frequently in midrash a snake may represent Egypt or the Egyptian king. In abiblical passage that speaks about Egypt’s destruction, Jeremiah compares Egyptto a “hissing” snake: “Her [Egypt’s] sound is like that of a snake on the move” (Jer46:22). The Egyptian hissing snake, which, again, is related to the uraeus snake, asymbol of Pharaoh,30 is also found in the following midrashic text:

Exod. Rab. 3:12:R. Ele’azar said that [Moses’] rod was converted into a snake correspond-ing to (OIRIKIH ) Pharaoh, who was called a snake, as it says: “Behold, I amagainst you, Pharaoh King of Egypt, the great-snake.” (Ezek 29:3)

This midrashic text elaborates upon the term “snake.” In the extended text of thismidrash a snake god is mentioned by a Roman lady (maœrônâ), which is a rhetoricaldevice to create a dialogue. However, the crucial question is why the rod of Moseswas transformed into a snake. The midrashic term OIRIKIH creates an antithetical

comparison between Pharaoh’s snake (the uraeus) and Moses’ snake, implicitlyalso between Pharaoh’s rod (a scepter) and Moses’ rod.31 The competition betweenMoses and the Egyptian magicians was conducted by the respective representativesof the Hebrew God and the Egyptian god.

The image of the Egyptian snake is elaborated upon in the following midrash:

Tanh. Va-era’ 432:

When Pharaoh shall speak unto you, saying […]” (Exod 7:9). Let our rabbiinstruct us [ ]IPEQQIHIRYVEFFIRY]: May someone who is bitten by a snake

28 Lauterbach ed., 211.29 See Ulmer, “The Divine Eye,” 3.




Egyptian gods existed in multiple forms; the multitude of visible images and thedeÀnite animal species relating to a god “make[s] the god more accessible.”41 Theview that Egyptians worshiped animals was a common misconception in antiquity,shared by the Romans42 and the rabbis. Divine animals and statues representinggods were rejected by Judaism in rabbinic texts.43 The existence of animal worshipin general, without speciÀc mention of Egypt, is addressed in the following text:

b. Zev. 114a:

But as for an animal set apart [for idolatrous practices] and an animal wor-shiped [as an idol, is it correct that] no one can forbid that which does not

belong to him?

This talmudic passage raises the “jurisdictional” issue as to whether the rabbis had

the authority to forbid animal worship if the animals were owned by idolaters. Inshort, it could be argued that animal worship could be permitted to the idolaters. Therabbis perceived such animal worship as the cult of the “Others,” "jF|HlL^EVE.

Whether the golden calf (Exod 32:4)44 was an Egyptian god is disputed.45 However, some midrashic and related texts interpret the calf as an Egyptian god.For example, a late midrash states that “the Egyptians are carrying their gods andthey are singing and reciting hymns before it. . . . Make a god like the Egyptiangod for us” (Pirqe R. El. 46).46 This is based upon a long chain of interpretationsthat claim that the golden calf was a statue of the Egyptian god Apis.47 AlthoughAlthough

it has seemed reasonable to some scholars to assume that a group that had just leftEgypt would create an Egyptian god, the polemic may, instead, have originally beendirected against a Canaanite god with whom the editors of the Bible were likely

41 Hornung, Conceptions, 137.42 See Klaas A. D. Smelik and Emily A. Hemelrijk, “’Who Knows not what Monsters Demented

Egypt’s Worship?’ Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the AncientConception of Egypt,” ANRW II.17.4, 2337–57.

43 See Meyer Reinhold, “Roman Attitudes toward Egyptians,” Ancient World 3 (1980) 97–103;Holger Sonnabend, Fremdenbild und Politik. Vorstellungen der Römer von Ägypten und demVorstellungen der Römer von Ägypten und demPartherrreich in der späten Republik und frühen Kaiserzeit (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1986)19. Josephus, however, contains comparisons of Judaism to Egyptian religions: “Again the contrastJosephus, however, contains comparisons of Judaism to Egyptian religions: “Again the contrastbetween the two cults created bitter animosity, since our religion is as far removed from that whichis in vogue among them as is the nature of God from that of irrational beasts. For it is their nationalcustom to regard animals as gods, and this custom is universal, although there are local differencesin the honours paid to them.” (C. Ap. 1.224–225).

44 For the “calf” ($IKIP) in the golden calf episode (Exod 32:1–33:23) as a young ox or a bullsee Nahum Sarna, The JPS Torah Commentary: Exodus (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society,1991) 203.

45 The American Israelite, 35, 16 (Oct. 19, 1888) 4, presented this claim; Allan M. Langner,“The Golden Calf and Ra,” JBQ 31 (2003) 43–47, esp. 44.



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to have been more familiar.48 It is clear, however, that the rabbis understood thecalf to be an Egyptian deity and Egyptological comparisons support the premisethat their interpretations were informed by some knowledge of Egyptian religiouscustoms.

The Egyptian worship of lambs is mentioned in midrashic text, as well as in theTalmud (Tanh., Buber edition, Bo 3; b. Shabb. 89a): “the Egyptians were bowingdown to lambs.” In fact, the Israelites were requested to slay the Egyptian lambgod:

Exod. Rab. 16:249:

You Ànd that when the Israelites were in Egypt, they worshiped idols andwere reluctant to abandon them, for it says: “They did not cast away thedetestable things their eyes fasted upon [nor did they forsake the idols of

Egypt]” (Ezek 20:8). God said to Moses: As long as Israel worships Egyptiangods, they will not be redeemed; go and tell them to abandon their evil waysand to reject idolatry. This is the meaning of, “draw out and take you lambs”(Exod 12:21). [This means:] Draw away your hands from idolatry and takefor yourselves lambs, thereby slaying the gods of Egypt and preparing thePassover; only through this will the Lord pass over you. This is the meaningof, “Through returning and resting will you be saved.” (Isa 30:15)

The above reference to lambs may refer to the Egyptian gods Amun or Khnum.50 Both of these gods were frequently depicted with ram’s horns. These Egyptian gods

were also known in Greco-Roman times, for example, Khnum51 was occasionallyidentiÀed as Amun52 and the combination of Zeus and Amun was designated asZeus-Ammon.53 Several centuries earlier there had been conÁicts in the Àfth centuryB.C.E. between the Egyptian priests of Khnum in Yev (Elephantine; Egyptian: Abu)who worshiped rams (lambs) and their neighbors, the Jewish priests of the localtemple of Yah(o), who sacriÀced lambs;54 this tension transpired on the same islandin the Nile.55 Khnum, the ram-headed creator god, was worshiped together with

48

Nahum M. Sarna, Exploring Exodus: The Origins of Biblical Israel (New York: Schocken,1986) 218, states that there is “no need to turn to Egypt.”49 Num. Rab. 16:25; Shir Rab. 2:45.50 Hornung, Conceptions, 274, 278. Concerning a Khnum amulet found in Israel, see Gideon

Bohak, “A Note on the Chnoubis Gem from Tel Dor,” IEJ 47 (1997) 255–56.51 Herodotus, Hist. 2.28 mentions Khnum as the guardian of the Nile source and as a horned

ram, ibid. 2.42; 4.18.52 See Stefan Pfeiffer, “Die Entsprechung ägyptischer Götter im griechischen Pantheon,” in

Ägypten, Griechenland und Rom. Abwehr und Berührung. Städelsches Kunstinstitut und StädtischeGalerie, 26. November 2005–26. Februar 2006 (Frankfurt: Liebighaus, 2005) 285–90.

53 See Stefan Schmidt, “Ammon,” in Ägypten, Griechenland und Rom, 187–94.54 Herodotus, Hist. 2.38, 41, 42, 45, claims that the Israelites sacriÀced sacred animals, e.g.,Israelites sacriÀced sacred animals, e.g.,

the sacred cow of Isis.




Satis, goddess of the Àrst Nile cataract, and their daughter, Anukis, and representthe principle triad of Egyptian deities at Elephantine (Khnemu, Satet, Anqet ).

Names of Egyptian Gods: Neith, Nephthys, and Haroeris There is evidence that the names of some Egyptian gods were assimilated intoHebrew personal names, which is an indication of the close relationship that Jewsin Egypt had with their surrounding culture. In her research of personal namesfrom Egypt that appear in Jewish texts from antiquity, Tal Ilan56 lists the nameof a proselyte, W]]JTR, transcribed as “Neptis.” This name may be based upon theThis name may be based upon theEgyptian goddess Nephthys (nebt-het ), which is also mentioned by Plutarch57 in hisconÁation of the Osiris myth. Similarly, the name “Neptis”58 W]JT]R in b. Yevam. 98a98acould also relate to the goddess Nephthys, who was married to her brother, Osiris,

since problematic marriage practices are involved in the passage set forth below.This appears to be a singular usage in rabbinic literature of the name Nephthys.

b. Yevam. 98a:

Come and hear what R. Jose said: A case involving the proselyte Nephthys,who married the wife of his maternal brother, and when the case was submit-ted to the Sages their verdict was that the law of matrimony does not applyto a proselyte.

Several names of Egyptian gods are attested to in rabbinic literature, for example,

the phrase in b. ‘Avod. Zar. 11b “there are those who say: RMXFEVIEVFXR,” maycontain a combination of Neith and Phre according to Samuel Krauss.59

b. ‘Avod. Zar. 11b:

R. ˔anan b. ˔isda in the name of Rav, others say: R. ˔anan b. Rava in thename of Rav said: There are Àve appointed temples of idol-worship: TheTemple of Bel in Babel, The Temple of Nebo in Kursi, Tar‘ata in Mapug,Zerifa in Ashkelon, Nishra in Arabia. When R. Dimi came [he said], theyadded to these the market-place in ‘En-Bekhi [and] the Nidbakhah of Acco;there are those who say: the Nitbara of Acco. Rav Dimi of Nahardea recitedthese in the reversed order: The market-place of Acco, the Nidbakhah of ‘En-Bekhi.

Archives from Elephantine: The Life of an Ancient Jewish Military Colony (Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1968) 279–93; Alexander E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1923; repr., Osnabrück: Zeller, 1967) 21, provides the so-called “Passoverpapyrus;” see also Detlef Franke, “Elephantine,” The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt , 1,465–67; Lester L. Grabbe, A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, vol. 1,Yehud: A History of the Persian Province of Judah (London: T&T Clark, 2004) 211–12; Assmann,

Moses the Egyptian, 61–64.56 Tal Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity (TSAJ 91; 2 vols.; Tübingen: Mohr

Siebeck, 2002) 1:48, 50.



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As mentioned above, Krauss contends that: RMXFEVI may contain a combination of Neith and Phre. However, Krauss does not explore the multiple possible derivationsof the word Phre. In my judgment, if the second element of the term RMXFEVI is infact Phre, it may be derived from the Egyptian p3 r‘, which also occurs in Gen41:45 as part of the name of the priest Potiphera. As mentioned above, Potipherawas a priest of Ra‘ at On. Additionally, one of the names of the Egyptian kings,containing the element Phre, related the king to the sun-god. On the other hand,Phre may be related to pr-‘3, the term for “pharaoh.” Alternatively, in the GreekMagical Papyri a spell for invisibility contains the element Phre in a series of names that mention other Egyptian gods in a Hellenized form: “I am Anubis, I amOsir-Phre, I am OSOT SORONOUIER, I am Osiris whom Seth destroyed.”60 It shouldbe emphasized that the evidence is inconclusive in regard to the meaning of the

assumed element Phre in the talmudic term RMXFEVI (b. ‘Avod. Zar. 11b).Based upon comparative Egyptian descriptions of the goddess Neith, it appears

likely that the talmudic term RMXFEVI may contain the theophoric name of Neithand one of her attributes: “Neith created.” In Egypt, and in particular in templesfrom the Greco-Roman period (e.g., Esna), Neith was viewed as a creator goddess.Furthermore, Neith was frequently identiÀed with Isis.61 If RMXFEVI means “Neithcreated,” then the Bavli text above should be understood to claim that a statue of thisparticular manifestation of the Egyptian goddess Neith had been erected in Acco.The same passage in b. ‘Avod. Zar. 11b contains the variant reading “RMHFEOLEL,”

which could refer to the Syrian god Zeus Madbachos. This explanation of thisvariant reading is not to be preferred. While this variant reading may have beenemended to refer to a Syrian manifestation of Zeus or a different incarnation of Neith, the preferred reading more directly conÀrms the contention that the Bavlirefers to a cult statue of an otherwise known manifestation of Neith. There is amore likely explanation for the variant term, “RMHFEOLEL,” which retains an elementsimilar to the name of the Egyptian goddess Neith (nit ) and despite grammaticaldifÀculties could be translated: “Neith wept.”62 The weeping Neith could relate to

the mourning and weeping Nephthys in some versions of the Osiris myth.63

Thereading of “RMHFEOLEL” is attested to in a manuscript (MS The Jewish TheologicalSeminary, Rab. 15, EOFHR[ or LOFHR). However, two other manuscripts of theTalmud have a Hebrew transcription of the name of the goddess “Neith” that iscloser to the Egyptian name: MS Munich, cod. Hebr, 95, fol. 375v: [O?Fp ‘ OFXR[ and MS Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Suppl. Heb. 1337, fol. 136a, which has“Nitbakhah” twice: LOFXR[LOFXR]VQEHEO]E[O?Fp, “and Nitbakhah in Acco,and there are those who say Nitbakhah.” My interpretation is based upon the above

60 PGM I, 247–62.61 Herodotus, Hist. 11:59; 11:62 mentions the annual festival of Isis-Neith at Saïs.




spelling in MS Munich, which supports my contention that the term in questioncontains “Neith.” In my opinion, Krauss was mistaken in his contention that Phrewas a component of the talmudic term nitbare; however, he was correct that “Neith”

was probably a signiÀcant component of this term.The name of the Egyptian goddess Neith (njt )64 was thought to be part of theHebrew name XRWE (“Asenath,” Gen 41:45, 50; 46:20); however, according tosome Egyptologists, deriving this name from an artiÀcial Egyptian term nsnt meaning “belonging to Neith”65 is no longer tenable. Rather, a reconstruction of the Egyptian elements in Asenath’s name could possibly render the meaning “shebelonged to her father.”66 In my view, the name of Asenath does not contain thetheophoric element of Neith.

The statues representing Egyptian gods were visible manifestations of Egypt

and its religions not only in Egypt, but also in the land of Israel and the Diaspora.The Egyptian god Arueris67 (©%VSYZLVMb; the elder Horus, Haroeris) is presentedas a powerful idol in rabbinic literature. We Ànd the admonition: “Close hiseyes when you walk by his statue” or “Stomp out his eyes” in several Yerushalmipassages ( y. ‘Avod. Zar. 3:11, 43b; y. Sheqal. 2:5,47a; y. Mo’ed Qat. 3:7).68 Thereare variant spellings of the name of the Egyptian god, Arueris, in the Yerushalmipassages, including “Aduri” and “Arura.”

To summarize this section I suggest the following: personal names in rabbinicliterature sometimes reÁect Egyptian gods; direct references to the Egyptian gods

64 Neith had different attributes; often she was depicted as “the terrifying one” with arrows anda shield. Herodotus identiÀed her with Athena (Neith-Athena, see Olaf Kaper, “Stele für Tutu mitNeith-Athena und Nemesis,” in Ägypten, Griechenland und Rom, 619). Alternatively she was aserpent goddess, see Erika Feucht, “Ein Bildnis der Neith als Schlangengöttin,” in Egyptian Religion:The Last Thousand Years, Studies Dedicated to the Memory of Jan Quaegebeur (ed. Willy Clarysse,Antoon Schoors, and Harco Willems; OLA 84–85; Leuven: Peeters, 1998) 105–15. Neith was alsoa primeval goddess involved in creation and protecting the pharaoh (Hornung, Conceptions, 280);see also Susan Tower Hollis, “Five Egyptian Goddesses in the Third Millenium B.C.: Neith, Hathor,Nut, Isis, Nephtys,” KMT 5/4 (1995) 46.

65 Redford, A Study of the Biblical Story of Joseph, 229.66 See James K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: Evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus

Tradition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997) 85, who provides this explanation, summarizesthe research, and states that “no example of the name ns-nt is known in ancient Egyptian onomastics.”Kenneth A. Kitchen, “Genesis in the Near Eastern World,” in He Swore an Oath: Biblical Themes fromGenesis 12–50 (ed. R. S. Hess et al.; Cambridge: Tyndale House, 1993) 77–92, esp. 79–80, arguesthat the translation “belonging to (her father)” makes sense in both the Hebrew and the Egyptian.In the Jewish-Hellenistic novel Joseph and Aseneth, Asenath is renamed “city of refuge.”

67 Krauss, “Aegyptische,” 345; on Arueris, see Plutarch, Is. Os., F 355 (trans. Frank Cole Babbitt;LCL; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1949) 33.

68

The variants include, but are not limited to, the following:]V[HE in y. ‘Avod. Zar. 3:11, 43b(Krotoshin); ]V[HLE in y. Ber. 2:5, 4b (ed. Peter Schäfer et al., Synopse zum Talmud Yerushalmi.I/1-2[TSAJ 31; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1991]), y. Ber. 2:11, MS Paris Bibliothèque Nationale Heb. 1389



RIVKA ULMER 193

themselves are also found in rabbinic literature; there are possible manifestationsof “Neith,” as well as a reference to a statue of this goddess; deriving “Asenath”from “Neith” is no longer tenable; the statue of the Egyptian god Haroeris is alsoreferred to in rabbinic texts. Additional Egyptian gods that are extensively cited inrabbinic literature include Isis and Serapis in Greco-Roman garb,69 the RomanizedNile god (Nilos), and the view that Pharaoh was a god. 70

Q The Cult of Isis and SerapisThe cult of Isis and Serapis and sacriÀces to Ammon, Osiris, and Nephthys wereprevalent even in remote corners of the Roman Empire.71 Egypt under the Ptolemiesand, in particular, under Roman rule had returned to many former religiousmanifestations of Egyptian culture. The multifaceted phenomena of Egypt were,

often in a superÀcial manner, integrated into other texts, including the rabbiniccorpus. In Rome Egypt was understood to be the original source of wisdom, yetthey found numerous aspects of Egyptian cult practices rather disturbing andabhorrent.72 It was difÀcult for Romans to inculcate such traditions as that of thedivine bull, Serapis. Nevertheless, in Roman religions Serapis was a divine entity,usually in human form.

The cult of Neotera-Isis was practiced in Roman Palestine, making it likely thatthe rabbis had some exposure to this Egyptian export. The titles of Cleopatra VII

(Philopator, reigned 51–30 B.C.E.) on coins include XLIERI¢XIVE, which may referto Cleopatra as Isis-Aphrodite73 or Hathor (the Hellenized Aphrodite-Hathor).74 Forexample, this title is engraved on a tetradrachma from Ashkelon from around 37B.C.E., toward the end of her rule. In contrast to the coins from her earlier reign,which followed Greek conventions, this type of coin is Roman in style; the image ismarkedly different from the softer images of Hellenistic queens and the coin’s lesselegant depiction reÁects the Roman inÁuence. The meaning of Cleopatra’s title,5)%2);8)6%, is somewhat ambiguous; it could mean “the newer goddess,”75 arole that Cleopatra assigned to herself (Isis-Aphrodite). Cleopatra VII drew upon the

cults of the Egyptian gods—Isis, Osiris, and Apis—in order to Àrmly establish herrule and to Egyptianize her image. The Isis cult and its derivatives were also foundin the land of Israel,76 in places such as Raphia, Gaza, and Ashkelon. Additionally,

69 t. ‘Avod. Zar. 5:1; Ulmer, “Cleopatra,” 341–43.70 See Ulmer, “The Nile,” 217–24.71 See Sarolta A. Takâacs, Isis and Sarapis in the Roman World (Leiden: Brill, 1995).72 See Smelik and Hemelrijk, “Who Knows not;” Reinhold, “Roman Attitudes toward Egyptians,”

97–103; Sonnabend, Fremdenbild , 19.73 For example, Heidelberg, Ägyptologisches Institut der Universität, exhibit no. 961.74 Kleopatra. Ägypten um die Zeitenwende. Kunsthalle der Hypo-Kulturstiftung, 16. Juni–10.

September 1989 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1989) 191 (no. 57u).




in the Land of Israel there had been earlier combinations of features of Isis withthe local goddesses, such as Astarte.

Another combination of Isis with Agape in an oath formula appears in the BavliasETK

]EQ[VH

, “By the Roman [a]gape!”77 Amulets with Isis and representations of Isis lactans (i.e., Isis as a breast-feeding mother) were common in late antiquity andthere are numerous depictions and cameos from the Roman era depicting Isis andSerapis together.78 The reference to depictions of Isis79 and Serapis in the Toseftawas in all likelihood added to the other prohibited representations in this rabbinictext in second century Palestine.80 According to Marmorstein,81 R. Judah’s statementin the passage set forth in the Talmud and in its earlier version in the Tosefta (t. ‘Avod. Zar. 5:1, Zuckermandel, 468), refers to Isis worship in his time. If one Ànds a sealring with an image of a breast-feeding woman or the image of Serapis, the Ànder

is required to dispose of the ring in the Dead Sea, i.e., dumping the object into theDead Sea. This early reference in rabbinic literature reads:

t. ‘Avod. Zar. 5:1:

NPQL]PÞ]P[]Ú[UVHXV[\LRFPXV[\LQNXV[\[]P?[X?FJE\Q82WTVW[ÚU]RQX[QHE[

Someone who found a ring with a representation of the sun, a representation

of the moon or a representation of a HIVoU|R [serpent] should take it to the

Dead Sea. [MS Vienna: R. Judah said] And also if [there is] an image [X[QH]

of a breastfeeding woman or of Serapis [on a ring that someone has found,he should take it to the Dead Sea].

Tiber; Egypt in the Roman World. Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference of Isis Studies,Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, May 11–14, 2005 (Leiden: Brill, 2005) 448–69; JodiMagness, “The Cults of Isis and Kore at Samaria-Sebaste in the Hellenistic and Roman periods,”

HTR 94 (2001) 157–77.77

Samuel Krauss, Griechische und lateinische Lehnwörter im Talmud, Midrasch und Targum (2 vols.; Berlin: Calvary, 1898) 2:182; J. Gwyn GrifÀths, “Ïsis and Agape,”CP 80 (1985) 139–41.

78 For example, cameos in Kunsthistorisches Museum, Antikensammlung, Vienna, IX A 8, andthe Brooklyn Museum, 73.85, Charles Edwin Wilbur Fund.

79 According to Moritz Güdemann, “Mythenmischung in der Hagada,” MGWJ 5 (1876) 177–195;6 (1876) 225–31; 7 (1876) 255–61, the Tosefta and the Bavli clearly refer to a representation of Isisholding Horus, 225; see also Heinrich Blaufuss, Götter, Bilder und Symbole nach den Traktatenüber fremden Dienst (Aboda Zara) in Mischna, Tosefta, Jerusalemer und Babylonischem Talmud (Nuremberg: Stich, 1910) 19; Krauss, “Aegyptische,” 346; Saul Lieberman, Hellenism in JewishPalestine (New York: JTS, 1962) 136–38.

80 Margarete Schlüter, ‘Derãqôn’ und Götzendienst (Judentum und Umwelt 4; Frankfurt amMain: Peter Lang, 1982) 126–27.

81 A. Marmorstein, “Egyptian Mythology and Babylonian Magic in Bible and Talmud,” in



RIVKA ULMER 195

The breast-feeding woman in this Toseftan text may refer to Isis or another mother-goddess.83 An image of a breast-feeding woman on a seal ring is not permitted; thisprohibition implies that such representations were in existence. Additionally, theterm HIQYX , which is found in this passage, is often related to divine appearancesin rabbinic literature.84 In all probability an image of the goddess Isis as a breast-feeding goddess is the subject of this prohibition.

The above passage from the Tosefta is cited as a FEVEMXE in the Bavli (b. ‘Avod. Zar. 43a)85 within the talmudic discussion of foreign, idolatrous worship and therejection of Hellenism.86 The context of the talmudic passage apparently mandatesreading the image of the breast-feeding woman as a foreign goddess. The talmudicpassage states:

b. ‘Avod. Zar. 43a:

For it has been taught: R. Judah adds the image [X[QH] of a breastfeeding

woman and of Serapis87 [or: Sar Apis, W]TEVW[]. A breastfeeding woman—because of Eve who breastfed the whole world; Serapis—because of Joseph

who ruled/was a WEV [VW] and appeased [W]TQ] the whole world. [Serapis

refers to Joseph when he is represented as] holding a measure [E[]VK] and ismeasuring [grain], and [the breastfeeding woman refers to Eve] when she is

holding a child and breastfeeding him.

This talmudic passage mentions Serapis and the grain measure (QSHMYW) he is

holding. In the manner of midrashic R|oVU|R, the name of Serapis is divided intotwo words that serve as the basis for the ensuing interpretation. Serapis is identiÀedwith Joseph in the talmudic passage based upon the premise that both providedgrain during periods of famine. Identifying Serapis with Joseph is a common themein Jewish and early Christian literature.88 As mentioned above, Isis and Serapis

83 Schlüter, Derăqôn, 126–28.84 Marcus Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the

Midrashic Literature (2 vols.; New York: Pardes, 1950) 1:312b, s.v. X[QH.85 See Schlüter, Derãqôn; Emmanuel Friedheim, “Who Are the Deities Concealed behind the

Rabbinic Expression ‘A Nursing Female Image’?” HTR 96 (2003) 239–50, maintains that the“nursing female” refers to Nysa-Atargatis, Dionysus, and Jupiter Heliopolitanus.

86 Martin Hengel, The ‘Hellenization’ of Judaea in the First Century after Christ (Philadelphia:Trinity, 1989).

87 MS Munich Cod. Hebr. 95 has Serapis in one word [W]TVW].88 Suidas, Lexicon, s.v. 7EZVETMb; Horovitz,Horovitz, Josephserzählung, 120–28; Gerard Mussies, “The

Interpretatio Judaica of Serapis,” in Studies in Hellenistic Religions (ed. M. J. Vermaseren; Leiden:Brill, 1979) 189–214, esp. 212; Güdemann, “Mythenmischung,” 255; Lieberman, Hellenism, 138n. 87. Midrashic references to Osiris in the Horus and Osiris myths have little in common withMidrashic references to Osiris in the Horus and Osiris myths have little in common with

Osiris-Apis, i.e., Serapis. The equivalence of Joseph and Serapis is in all likelihood based uponManetho’s etymology of Osarsyph (Josephus, C. Ap. 26.26). Mussies, “Interpretatio Judaica,”193, states that this identiÀcation dates at least from the second century B.C.E. Giuseppe Veltri,




often appeared in tandem. It is therefore probable that the breast-feeding motherin the text is Isis, since the breast-feeding woman and Serapis are mentioned intandem in this passage.

If one attempts to locate the icon of Serapis in rabbinic texts, one should considerthat Serapis is a Romanized deity that is based upon an Egyptian god. The Greeksperceived Serapis as Pluton or Helios, as well as other gods. The prevailing view89 inrespect to Serapis has been that this god is a Ptolemaic invention, which combinedthe Egyptian gods Osiris (ws jr) and Apis (h p).90 Ptolemy I (367–283 B.C.E.) is saidto have construed Serapis as the major god of the state that was populated by Greeksand Egyptians. However, this previously held thesis in regard to the formation of the Greco-Roman god Serapis needs to be challenged. The possible revision of thisthesis draws upon Egyptology; a more comprehensive understanding of Serapis may

contribute to the interpretation of this god in rabbinic passages. Additionally, theEgyptian composite elements of Serapis need to be reexamined in order to identifythe iconography of Serapis or Sarapis91 (Sar Apis) in rabbinic texts.

Arguably, Serapis should no longer be viewed as purely resulting from acombination of Egyptian and Hellenistic features and as an invention of thePtolemaic rulers of Egypt.92 The ancient Egyptian Apis93 (h pwj ) and Osiris-Apis(ws jr h p) had a cult center in Memphis millennia before the Àrst Greeks enteredEgypt in the seventh century B.C.E. After death the Apis bull was mummiÀed;it was believed that the bull renewed its existence. In regard to the burial and

mummiÀcation of the bull in a Serapeum in Greco-Roman Egypt, one may notethat from the period of the New Kingdom in Egypt the Apis bulls were buried inthe Serapeum in Sakkarah. Based upon Egyptian evidence, this form of Osirisis identical with Serapis.94 The Egyptian Memphis continued to be a cult centerand a god named “Oserapis” (©3WSVEZTMb) was venerated by Greeks in the fourthcentury B.C.E.95

identiÀcation of Joseph with a bull since Serapis was a designation of the divine Apis. However,I agree with Mussies that there is no relation between the bull in Deut 33:17 and Serapis, the god

who may have had the form of a bull.89 See John E. Stambaugh, Serapis under the Early Ptolemies (Leiden: Brill, 1972).90 For Hellenistic and Romanized descriptions of Apis, see Herodotus, Hist., 3.28, 38, 41; Strabo,

Geogr. 17.17, 22, 23; Diodorus Siculus, Bibl. Hist. 1.25; Aelian, Nat. an. 11:11; Plutarch, Mor., Is.Os. 56, 43; Cicero, Resp. 3.9.24.

91 Günther Hölbl, “Serapis,” LÄ 5, 870–74, s.v. states that “Serapis” is a more recent form of “Sarapis.” In rabbinic literature the spelling Áuctuates between one word and two words (Serapisor Sar Apis); however, other than the nôœărîqôn method there does not seem to be any meaningattached to this difference.

92 Peter Mayr, “Serapis: Göttliche Interpretationshilfe,” Antike Welt 35 (2004) 30.93 Jean Vercoutter, “Apis,” LÄ 1, 338–50.94 See Philippe Borgeaud and Youri Volakhine, “La formation de la légende de Sarapis. Une

approche transculturelle,” Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 2 (2000) 37–76, 53–55.̓



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The introduction of the Serapis cult in Alexandria and the building of a Serap-eion96 in that area may have occurred in the third century B.C.E. or, alternatively,this cult may have been derived from an earlier Serapis cult that utilized the site of a previous cult.97 One purpose of this cult may have been to integrate and unite themulti-cultural inhabitants of Alexandria under one god by following the precedentof other cities that had one main god.98 The Serapis cult in Alexandria may bereÁected in the Septuagint. In Jer 26:15 (=MT Jer 46:15) the LXX inserts “Apis” intoits translation:: “Why does Apis Áee from you? Your choice ox does not continue. . .” In Ptolemaic Egypt we encounter the dual nature of gods, as gods of theGreeks and gods of the Egyptians: Serapis was and remained the form attributed toOsiris in Memphis.99 In Hellenistic Egypt, Serapis was venerated in Memphis andin Alexandria; he was viewed as the god of salvation after death, as the one who

listened to prayers and as the god who healed people following the custom of stayingovernight in his sanctuary.100 Although Serapis was mainly revered as healing thesick, a multitude of other representations of Serapis developed, including motifsborrowed from statues of Greek gods. The portrayal of Serapis with Àve curls of hair on his forehead was prevalent in the land of Israel and probably derived fromthe second century C.E. imperial Rome, however, earlier references to Serapis fromthe third century B.C.E. were also present in Samaria. 101

An important feature of the Hellenistic Serapis was his frequent depiction witha OEPEXLSW—a bushel measure for grain—on his head, which meant by the talmudic

reference to be “a measure,” in the excerpt above. Amodius—a beaker to measuregrain—was being held by Serapis in that description.102 The distinction between

96 D. Kessler, “Das hellenistische Serapeum in Alexandria und Ägypten in ägyptologischer Sicht,”in Ägypten und der östliche Mittelmeerraum im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr.: Akten des interdisziplinären Akten des interdisziplinärenSymposions am Institut für Ägyptologie der Universität München 25.–27.10.1996 (ed. M. Görg andG. Hölbl; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000) 163–230, esp. 217. Other locales included Letopolis,Prosopites, Saïs, and Sakkarah.

97 See Stefan Schmidt, “Serapis—ein neuer Gott für die Griechen in Ägypten,” in Ägypten, Griech-enland und Rom, 291–304, for a review of the literature.

98 Schmidt, “Serapis,” 294; J. Gwyn GrifÀths, Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride (Cambridge:University of Wales Press, 1970) 43, states: “In the Roman era . . . at Memphis and Abydos therewas a revival of Oserapis.”

99 Günther Hölbl, A History of the Ptolemaic Empire (trans. Tina Saavedra; London: Routledge,2001) 100, notices the shifting nature of Isis and Serapis. The temple of Edfu, outer hypostyle, interior,north wall, depicts Ptolemy VIII offering a pectoral to Osiri; see Marco Zecchi, A Study of the

Egyptian God Osiris Hemag (Archeologia e Storia della civiltà egiziana e del vicino oriente antico1; Imola: Editrice la mandragora, 1996) 42.

100 Vespasian sought the counsel of Serapis during his stay in Alexandria in 69/70 C.E.101 Coins issued in Jerusalem from the time of Hadrian to Valerianus depict Serapis; additionally,

there is a second century inscription referring to Serapis in Jerusalem, see also Mussies, “TheInterpretatio Judaica,” 191. For further discussions of the Serapis cult in the land of Israel, seeManns, “Nouvelles,” 235, who speciÀcally refers to the identiÀcation of Joseph with Serapis in the




gods holding their attributes in their hands or carrying them upon their heads israther insigniÀcant. The QSHMYW, like the horns of the ancient Egyptian main godAmun and the locks of the Greek god Zeus, often served to identify Serapis. 103 In comparison, Isis occasionally has been depicted iconographically with grainon her head or carrying a cornucopia.104 During the Roman period Isis frequentlyhad a sun disc on her head, Áanked by stalks of grain. We may note that Egyptiandeities mainly wore their identiÀable symbols on their heads. Based upon the aboveexamination of the evolution of Isis and Serapis, I suggest that the rabbinic passaget. ‘Avod. Zar. 5:1 (cited in b. ‘Avod. Zar. 43a), which juxtaposes a breast-feedingwoman (probably Isis) and Serapis, manifests an iconographic nexus: The godSerapis takes a form of Osiris; Isis is depicted in relationship to Osiris.

Q The Nile God and Moses as the Child of the NileThe Roman predilection of assigning gods to rivers also applied to the Nile. The term“Nilos”105 (2IMDPSb) refers to the river-god Nilos, as well as to the river Nile itself in Greco-Roman Egypt. In rabbinic literature the term Nilos occurs frequently andusually refers to the Nile river.106 Nilos is used to identify the location of Joseph’scofÀn that Moses had to retrieve during the time of the Exodus.107 Nilos alsoappears in midrash in reference to the Nile as a source of water108 and in regard to aNile festival,109 which celebrated Egyptian divinities. The rabbis described W[P]R[],

the Nile festival, to include such activities as idolatrous sacriÀcial offerings to theNile god in observance of the Nile inundation and spectacles, as well as circusperformances. Rabbinic texts from the third to the sixth century utilized the term Nilos more frequently than the other terms for the Nile (e.g. ]qSV, RoLoV). In latemidrashic texts from the medieval period the authors of these texts revert to thebiblical term ]qSV in order to archaize their texts.

A perceived Egyptian etymology of the name of Moses110 (1[Y"WLZb) is foundin Philo, Mos. 1.17: “for the Egyptians call water mou;” Josephus, Ant . 2.228,

103

For example, a bust in Ägyptisches Museum, Berlin, 11 479, second century B.C.E., from thenome of Arsinoë; see Osiris, Kreuz, Halbmond: 5000 Jahre Kunst in Ägypten (ed. E. Brunner-Traut,H. Brunner, and J. Zick-Nissen; Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1984) 143 (no. 116).

104 See, for example, the description of Isis-Tyche in Campbell Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1950) 273.

105 Jastrow, Dictionary, 2:904.106 The Vulgate contains the term “Nilus” (Isa 23:3).107 An early attestation of the retrieval of Joseph’s cofÀn from the Nile is found in t. Sotah 4:7

(ed.Lieberman ); see also Mek. Beshallah ( Mekhilta de-Rabbi Yishma’el (ed. Horovitz and Rabin;2d ed.; Jerusalem, 1970); Exod. Rab. 20:19; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11; Tanh. Beshallah 2; Yal. 1, 247

Beshallah; Midr. Aggadah 13. Mishnat Rabbi Eliezer 19: “they put him into the ocean.”108 Sifre Deut. 38; Midr. Tannaim 11:10; Gen. Rab. 13:9; Tg. Yer. Gen. 47:7.Gen. 47:7.109 Pesiq. Rab. 6:2, Ulmer ed.; Gen. Rab. 87; 13:7; Exod. Rab. 11:11, (ed. Shinan). Rashi on



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states: “for the Egyptians call water môu and those who are saved esês.”111 Thesetwo terms are transcriptions of the Coptic words for “water” and “saved.”112 Withregard to an Egyptian etymology of the name of Moses we may add that “Moses”may be based upon msw, “child of . . . ,”113 which possibly could be completed as“child of the god Ra‘ ” as in the Egyptian name Ramose. Thus, the name Mosescould have been an abbreviation of a theophoric name, omitting the name of anEgyptian god.114 Another derivation is to read Moses as “to conceive, to bear.”115 However, Abraham H. Yahuda, based upon the spelling in the Hebrew Bible,derives the name of Moses from Egyptian “water” or “seed” and “pond, lake,expanse of water”; thus, Moses would mean “Child of the Nile” (mw-še).116 Inthis author’s view, “Child of the Nile” is the most likely derivation of the Hebrewname Moses as it appears in the Bible. In midrashic literature it is emphasized

that Moses is an Egyptian name, given to him by the daughter of Pharaoh. Theetymology explaining the name of Moses in midrash is the same as in the Bible,which is “drawn out of the water.”117 However, the midrash poses the question asto whether this name would be the correct grammatical Hebrew form for someonedrawn out of the water.

Q The Dog-Headed God AnubisAnubis is the god responsible for embalming and is the lord of the necropolis,118

who is often depicted in the form of a dog or a jackal watching over the tombs.Traces of the Egyptian god Anubis are found in midrashic texts that refer to the dogsguarding the Egyptian tomb of Joseph in a necropolis.119 In midrashic texts thesewatchdogs of the tombs were juxtaposed to the “barking” dogs in the Scripturalreference from the Exodus narrative. Thesetwo features of barking and watchingare consistent with references in Roman and Egyptian texts that refer to Anubis.120

111 Josephus V. Jewish Ant iquities (trans. H. St. J. Thackeray; LCL; Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1930). See Lester Grabbe, Etymology in Early Jewish Interpretation:The Hebrew Names in Philo (BJS 115; Atlanta: Scholars, 1988) 188, refers to Philo’s interpretationand its difference from the LXX.

112 Gesenius, Hebräisches und Aramäisches Handwörterbuch, 17 th ed., s.v. LpQ.113 Rainer Hannig, Die Sprache der Pharaonen. Groơes Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch-Deutsch

(2800-950 v. Chr.) (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1995), s.v.(Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1995), s.v. ms, 361.114Thomas A.G. Hartmann, “Moses und Maria–‘Amuns Kind und Liebling’—Auf den ägyptischen

Spuren zweier biblischer Namen,” ZAW 116 (2004) 616–22, esp. 618.115 WÄS , 2:137, s.v. Q], meaning “to conceive, bear.” See also John Gwyn GrifÀths, “The

Egyptian Derivation of the Name Moses,” JNES 12 (1953) 225–31. Donald B. Redford, “Moses,”The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt , 2:438–39, relates the name Moses to the same Egyptianroot msi (to bear), but also considers the Canaanite serpent god, Muō.

116 Yahuda, Language of the Pentateuch, 258.117 Midrash Ha-Gadol Shemot 2:10 and Midrash Tehillim 90.




There are opposing powers that Moses has to combat when attempting to locateJoseph’s cofÀn at the time of the exodus from Egypt.

Exod. Rab. 20:19:

. . . and the Egyptians had constructed dogs made of gold which, by meansof magic, barked for forty days whenever a man approached the sarcophagus,however, Moses made them shut up, as it is said: “But not a dog shall growlat any of the Israelites [not at people, not at animals, so that you shall know

that the Lord makes a distinction between Egypt and Israel].” (Exod 11:7)

Within the different cycles of the Joseph legend in midrash, 121 we Ànd “magicaldogs” or “artiÀcial dogs” (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:5) that are rendered powerless byMoses. These dogs are fashioned from gold, which was frequently utilized in funeralrites and funeral furnishings in Egypt because of the eternal value of the material.The dogs are identiÀed as watching over the tombs in some versions of the midrashictexts. The dog motif may refer to practices associated with the jackal-headed godAnubis (inpw),122 who was a Àgure prominent in the rites of embalming.123 Thiscustom continued into Greco-Roman and Coptic Egypt.124 On a shroud paintingfrom Coptic Egypt (ca. 180 C.E.) we Ànd Anubis attending to the deceased, a manin Roman garb representing the mummiÀed Osiris.125 Anubis was also knownto Roman writers and he is found on Jewish amulets from the Àrst through thirdcenturies C.E.;126 signiÀcantly, some of these amulets had mixed inscriptions, for

his analysis of the Ànal judgment according to Diodorus Siculus refers to the voice of Anubis, 77;see also Günter Vittmann, “Von Kastraten, Hundskopfmenschen und Kannibalen,” ZÄS 127 (2000)167–82, esp. 167; Josephus, C. Ap. 2.85, mentions Anubis. Propertius, Elegies 1, 39 writes that[Cleopatra] “dared to pick barking Anubis against our Jupiter,” and Mark Anthony is said to havebeen accompanied by Egyptian gods in the battle against Octavian, such as “Anubis the barker”(Virgil, Aeneid 8.698–700).

121 Tanh. Beshallah Beshallah 2:5; Eqev 6:5 Mek., Beshallahǅ, Petihǅta (ed. Horovitz and Rabin); Deut. Rab. 11:5 (Vilna: Romm, 1887); Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:5; Midr. Petirat Moshe in Bet ha-Midrash, 1:115–16;

Midr. Shir ha-Shirim, ed. Grünhut, 13a–b; Midr. Aggadah, 13; Pesiq. Zutǅ. Shemot 13:19; Divre

Ha-yamim shel Moshe, Bet-Ha Midrash, 2:10–11; Pereq R. Yoshiahu, Bet Ha-Midrash, 6:112–13(repr., Otzar Midrashim; Midrash Ha-Gadol, Bereshit on Gen 50:24); Yal. 1, 226 Beshallah, passim;t. Sotah 4:7 (ed. Lieberman; ed. Zuckermandel, 299–300); versions in: b. Sotah 13a; Bereshit Rabbati,Va-yehi 264; Tg. Ps.-J. to Exod 13:19 and Gen 50:26.

122 Brigitte Altenmüller, “Anubis,” LÄ, 1:327–33. 123 Pyramid Texts 1122c–d; the Tomb of Rai, Dra Abu el-Naga, 18th dynasty, 1300 B.C.E.

(Staatliche Sammlung Ägyptischer Kunst München, 1996); Der el-Medina, Tomb No. 1; PapyrusRhind (ca. 9 B.C.E.); Reinhold Merkelbach, “Diodor über das Totengericht der Ägypter,” ZÄS 120(1993) 71–84, 77, refers to the voice of Anubis; Günter Vittmann, “Von Kastraten, Hundskopfmenschenund Kannibalen,” 167; Josephus, Ant. 18.65.

124 An Alexandrian tomb, the Tigrane Tomb, which was moved to Kom el-Shoqafa, depicts acorpse Áanked by two jackals, cf. Susan Marjorie Venit, Monumental Tombs of Ancient Alexandria:The Theater of the Dead (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002) plate X.



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example, in the name of the Hebrew God in hieroglyphs. Furthermore, Anubis isoften depicted with a key (ankh) and in the Greek magical papyri Anubis carries thekey to the tombs of the dead;127 this may be a precursor for the key of resurrection of the dead in the midrash of the three keys.128 In this midrash God keeps this uniquekey to the tombs.129 Although the name of the Egyptian god Anubis is not directlymentioned in midrashic literature, one may ask the question as to how the rabbiscould have depicted barking dogs watching over tombs in Egypt, if they were totallyoblivious to the role of the Egyptian deity Anubis? Furthermore, the rabbis werevery reluctant to actually name foreign gods, since such an act of naming couldbestow power upon such gods.

Q The Snake Apopis

The Egyptian Apopis, the huge snake-god that threatens the barque of the sun-godevery morning,130 is also mentioned in rabbinic texts. Y. Ned. 11:1, twice containsan oath formula: ]T[T]E “By Apopis!”131 This is a non-binding oath and a Jewshould avoid swearing in the name of idolatrous gods. Krauss emphasizes that theterm Apopis is not equivalent to the term TMTM (Tetragrammaton), which appearsoften in the Greek magical papyri.132 I agree with Krauss that the term Apopis, asit appears in the Yerushalmi, is deÀnitely not a reference to the God of Israel andthe ineffable name. Apopis was a hostile power that had to be adjured in order

to balance good and evil. In Egyptian magic there were multiple descriptionsand rituals to overcome the attacks of Apopis and to paralyze his powers. Theseapotropaic rites reverberate in the talmudic oath formula, ]T[T]E “By Apopis!”Rabbinic texts merely record the name of this Egyptian divine snake as part of anoath in the vernacular of Roman Palestine.

Q The Condemnation and Destruction of Egyptian GodsThe biblical lemma, “On all the gods of Egypt will I execute judgments” (Exod12:12), has been interpreted to mean that God battled and destroyed Egyptian

gods in inner biblical, as well as in rabbinic interpretation. The destruction of theEgyptian gods together with the Egyptian kings is also mentioned in Jeremiah:“Behold, I will bring punishment to Amon of No, and Pharaoh, and Egypt, with their

127 Siegfried Morenz, “Anubis mit dem Schlüssel,” in Religion und Geschichte des alten Ägyptens (ed. Elke Blumenthal and Siegfried Hermann; Cologne: Wöhlau, 1975) 510–20.

128 Gen. Rab. 73:4; Deut. Rab. 7:6; Pesiq. Rab. Rab. 42:6 (ed.Ulmer); b. Ta‘an. 2a; b. Sanh. 113a.129 See Rivka Ulmer, “Consistency and Change in Rabbinic Literature as ReÁected in the Terms

‘Rain’ and ‘Dew’,” JSJ 26 (1995) 55–75.130 Book of the Gates, tomb of Ramses VI (1142–1135 B.C.E.); in the Greco-Roman period Apopis

is thought to have been created by Neith (Esna temple). In Coptic Egypt Apopis is also mentioned,see Joris F. Borghouts, “The Evil Eye of Apopis,” JEA 59 (1973) 114–50.




gods, and their kings; even Pharaoh and all them that trust in him” (Jer 46:25). Thispassage from Jeremiah was interpreted by the rabbis as an attack on the Egyptiangods. Rabbinic interpretation used the Bible as a resource for addressing Egyptianreligion. The divine battle against the gods of Egypt is also a topic in midrashictexts (e.g., Gen. Rab. 96:5; Num. Rab. 16:25; Song Rab. 2:29).

Num. Rab. 16:25:

Moses said to Him: “The inhabitants of the land . . . have heard that You,Lord, are in the midst of the people . . . now if You will kill this people asone man” (Num 14: 14–15). He meant: Do not do this that the nations of the world will not say: The gods of Canaan are more difÀcult to overcomethan the gods of Egypt; the gods of Egypt are false, but those of Canaan arestrong.

Rabbinic interpretations of passages that deal with the destruction of Egyptian godsare based upon attitudes found in the Hebrew Bible. Israelite worship of Egyptiangods is condemned in Josh 24:14, a dialogue between the Israelites and Joshua, inwhich serving the Lord, as opposed to worshiping other gods, is emphasized: “Putaway the gods that your ancestors served beyond the River and in Egypt. . .” Thispassage indicates that the Israelites had actually worshipped Egyptian gods. Thisidolatrous worship of Egyptian gods is also condemned in Ezek 20:7–8: “Do notdeÀle yourselves with the idols of Egypt . . . not one of them cast away the detestable

things their eyes fasted upon, nor did they forsake the idols of Egypt.”133

A midrashictext continues this theme of the condemnation of the worship of Egyptian gods.The “Hebrews” are rebuked for worshipping Egyptian gods in Egypt.

Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:7:

Our Master Moses, How can we be redeemed, seeing that the land of Egyptis Àlled with the Àlth of idolatry? [Moses] said: Since God wishes to redeemyou, He will overlook your idolatrous worship.

Following biblical paradigms rabbinic literature viewed Egyptian gods in the context

of having been worshiped by the Hebrews in Egypt and consequently, these idolshad to be rejected. In this rejection of Egyptian gods it becomes evident that therabbis had some knowledge of different Egyptian divinities. These rabbinic textsdemonstrate that Egypt was not a mere abstraction of which the rabbis had no realknowledge.

Q ConclusionJewish perceptions of Egyptian gods in midrashic texts were transmitted through

biblical interpretation; alternatively, they were often derived from the surroundingGreco-Roman culture—the culture that dominated the era during which rabbinictexts were created Egyptian gods in midrash facilitated the establishment of



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theological positions in which the God of the Israelites displaced the Egyptian gods.It can be surmised that perhaps the rabbis deliberately invoked Egyptian gods inorder to reafÀrm the supremacy of the God of Israel and, by extension the rabbinicperspective of Judaism. Egyptian gods are referred to in the following midrashiccontexts: 1) in opposition to the Israelite God in narrative and homiletic passages,2) as gods worshiped by idolaters, 3) as elements of theophoric names, 4) as statuesof foreign cults, 5) on objects, such as a ring, 6) in oaths.

The rabbis composed some remarkably accurate passages concerning Egyptand its gods. However, describing the Egyptian gods was not the primary focusof the midrashic corpus; the major concern in midrash was the idea of “opposing”the land, culture, and religions of Egypt. It is critical that one recognizes thedisempowered relationship to “Egypt” of the writers of midrash and the role Egypt

plays rhetorically and polemically in their texts. Ultimately, Egypt was a symbolof the “Other” whenever it was the focus of the hermeneutics of midrash.

The Àrst inversion of Egyptian concepts arguably transpired in the HebrewBible when Egyptian practices were deemed to be abominations. The culturalpractices of the “Others,” as well as their deities, were summarily rejected. Thesecond inversion of the “Otherness” of Egyptian culture was willfully createdby the rabbis in midrashic texts.134 In Egypt, the gods were viewed as supremelypositive symbols indicative of power, life, and eternity, while in the midrashic textsthe Egyptian gods were transformed into negative symbols, indicative of idolatry,

persecution, and death. It is clear that the rabbis possessed a basic knowledge of Egypt, but they manipulated this information to serve their own polemical purposesin their texts. In their portrayals of Egyptian gods the rabbis included topics andthemes that were motivated by ideological and religious norms wholly differentfrom those of the Egyptian religionists. The purpose of manipulating these Egyptianideas and customs was to establish rabbinic concepts in contrast to Egypt, Rome,new religious groups, as well as against others who laid claim to the Hebrew God.Egypt had become more of a theological position rather than a real place. This

theological position served as a trope for rhetorical effect in the rabbinic struggleagainst religious and cultural threats posed by life in Roman Palestine and in theDiaspora. In many respects these environments were viewed as another Egypt.

Rome, the ruling power in the Land of Israel in late antiquity, was fascinated withEgypt; Rome also adopted Egyptian gods, such as Isis and Serapis that offered newreligious perspectives and who were both viewed as representatives of an ancientand exotic culture. The rabbinic discussions textualize these Egyptian icons in thepolemical or dialectical engagement of the rabbis with foreign cults and beliefs.

A further aspect of rabbinic references to the Egyptian gods is that they serve as

not only links to the past, but as a catalyst for current obligations, the continuous




performance of the divine commandments. Midrash serves as a sacred way fortextual engagement and, in the case of homiletic texts about Egyptian gods, midrashoffers a narrative for the Jews that reveals the relevant, true meaning of God. Therabbinic texts utilized portrayals of Egyptian gods in order to make statements of their own values and ideologies. Rabbinic texts referred to Egyptian cultural icons,which served to demarcate rabbinic Judaism from Egyptian and other foreigncultures.

Throughout late antiquity the rabbis continued to affect and alter receivedtraditions. What we call rabbinic Judaism was in an enormous state of Áux andself-examination, while Judaic culture was a work in progress. In the midst of this dynamic tension, the rabbis and their associates still contributed to theircommunity’s identity. Like the biblical writers, who struggled with the concept of

the “Exodus from Egypt” and deÀned Judaism in opposition to Egyptian customs,the rabbis expressed their perspective of this struggle in their own evolving terms.Reengaging with Egypt and its gods in order to shape and deÀne Judaism was a wayof conducting one’s life within the philosophical framework of one’s community,aspiring to an ethical ideal of differentiating oneself from the majority culture thatwas viewed as the “Other.”



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The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic Texts

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