The dynamics among poverty, vulnerability, and resilience ... vulnerability... · nerable people to...
Transcript of The dynamics among poverty, vulnerability, and resilience ... vulnerability... · nerable people to...
ORI GIN AL PA PER
The dynamics among poverty, vulnerability,and resilience: evidence from coastal Bangladesh
Md. Nasif Ahsan1,2,3 • Kuniyoshi Takeuchi1
Received: 28 July 2014 / Accepted: 2 September 2015� The Author(s) 2015. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com
Abstract The concepts of vulnerability and resilience govern contemporary natural haz-
ard-led disaster risk management approaches. However, the empirical assimilation of
socioeconomic resilience and its calibration with poverty and vulnerability are very few,
which inhibit a rational process of risk analysis and policy making. In this study, we per-
formed an empirical investigation of socioeconomic resilience to natural hazard-triggered
disasters regarding tropical cyclone affected communities in southwestern coastal Bangla-
desh. Applying the ‘Access model’ (Blaikie et al. in At risk: natural hazards, people’s vul-
nerability and disasters. 1st edn, Routledge, London, 47–74, 1994) framework, we found that
tropical Cyclone Aila invoked detrimental impacts on the communities, especially in terms of
consumption, employment and access to resources. Our empirical findings also revealed that
the poor were more vulnerable and thus suffered significantly higher financial, settlement,
and physical damage. Nonetheless, such a high degree of vulnerability did not necessarily
result in a low level of resilience since the poor households demonstrated a better ability to
withstand perturbations and stresses than their non-poor neighbors. This contravenes the ‘flip
side’ dogma conventionally assumed between vulnerability and resilience (i.e., vulnerability
is the flip side of resilience). The results further indicate that an increasing degree of risk from
tropical cyclones is likely to affect the consumption and socioeconomic status of the coastal
communities. However, we did not find any evidence to suggest that the burden of detrimental
impacts from cyclones is likely to be disproportionately borne by the poor households.
Keywords Access model � Poverty � Socioeconomic vulnerability � Socioeconomic
resilience � Natural hazards � Cyclone Aila � Bangladesh
& Md. Nasif [email protected]; [email protected]
1 International Centre for Water Hazard and Risk Management (UNESCO-ICHARM), Tsukuba,Ibaraki, Japan
2 National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS), Tokyo, Japan
3 Economics Discipline, Khulna University, Khulna 9208, Bangladesh
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Nat HazardsDOI 10.1007/s11069-015-1950-0
1 Introduction
Natural hazard risk management frameworks have experienced a paradigm transition in
contemporary times from emergency response to an all-inclusive disaster risk management
approach (UN/ISDR 2005). The impetus for this transition is spurred through emphasizing
the formation of climate-resilient communities by enhancing the coping capacity of vul-
nerable people to the impact of natural hazards.
The definitions of vulnerability and resilience differ within and between research domains
(Birkmann et al. 2013; Gallopın 2006). Relevant disaster risk literature defines socioeco-
nomic vulnerability as susceptibility that precedes and succeeds disasters with different
intensity and subsequently affects social, economic, political, and institutional components
(Cutter et al. 2000; Finch et al. 2010; IPCC 2012; Lee 2014). Possessing a ‘mediating role,’
socioeconomic vulnerability has become a pivotal factor that exacerbates the effects and
impacts of catastrophic events in the form of climatic extreme events across the world. Such
vulnerability affects not only the local community’s sensitivity but also their coping capacity
to environmental changes (Lee 2014). Thus, the development research community opts for a
comprehensive definition of socioeconomic vulnerability as a combination of sensitivity,
exposure, and response capacity (Adger 2006; Gallopın 2006). The theme of sensitivity
revolves around the susceptibility-oriented definition of vulnerability in disaster risk litera-
ture. Sensitivity is an inherent characteristic of a system and explores the degree to which a
system is likely to be affected by an endogenous or exogenous shock (Gallopın 2006).
Exposure is the nature and degree to which a system experiences geophysical or sociopolitical
stress (Adger 2006). The response capacity of a system is its ability to manage or cope with
perturbations and stresses (Tompkins and Adger 2005).
The concept of ‘resilience’ emerged in the knowledge domain of ecology between the
late 1960s and the early 1970s. It refers to the degree of relationship among the compo-
nents in a system and a measurement of the ability of a system to absorb unanticipated
adverse states and learn to bounce back to its original state through different trajectories
(Folke 2006; Gallopın 2006; Holling 1973; Wildavsky 1988). The entry of the term ‘re-
silience’ in the disaster discourse has been treated as a new paradigm in the disaster risk
reduction concept since the World Conference on Disaster Reduction (WCDR) in 2005
(Manyena 2006). Two broad approaches are applied to explain disaster resilience in human
communities: (1) outcome (end result) and (2) process (leading to desired outcomes)
(Kaplan 1999). The former approach defines resilience as the ability of a human habitat to
apprehend, absorb, accommodate, or recover from a shock (IPCC 2012). The yardstick in
this case is the success or failure of a system to revert to a state as good as or better than
that of the pre-disaster state in the shortest possible time (DFID 2011; Gilbert 2010). The
latter approach exhibits resilience as a synergy among self-organization, experience from
‘learning by doing,’ diagnosis of information, and adaptation accordingly (Resilience
Alliance 2010). This latter approach treats resilience as a broader phenomenon than just
recovery, cincturing a system’s coping capacity to shock along with its ability to lessen
exposure to shock (Adger et al. 2011; Cutter et al. 2008b).
A thematic cross-disciplinary division with regard to vulnerability and resilience
emerges through academic debates on the innate features of their mutual links. Scholars
opining for the narrowly defined paradigm suggest that vulnerability is the flip side of
resilience (Folke et al. 2002); in other words, a high level of vulnerability attributes to a
low incidence of resilience and vice versa (Cannon 2008). However, the upholding for the
broadly defined vulnerability paradigm demits the flip-side hypothesis, advocating that
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though a resilient system is generally less vulnerable than a non-resilient one, the relation
is likely to be asymmetric (Gallopın 2006). Hence, two alternative hypotheses are pro-
posed: either (1) resilience is a subset of vulnerability; or (2) both vulnerability and
resilience are two distinct concepts with some overlapping components (Cutter et al.
2008a; Gallopın 2006).
Manyena (2006) contrasted vulnerability and resilience on the basis of intrinsic charac-
teristics where the former belongs to the domains of physical and life sciences while the latter
belongs to the medical and social-science domains. Recently, resilience has been considered
as a more pivotal component than vulnerability in socioinstitutional dynamics (Manyena
2014; Wood et al. 2013). Gallopın (2006) chalks out two fundamental thematic demarcations
between vulnerability and resilience. First, resilience associates with the transition of states
among domains of attraction, whereas vulnerability associates with structural changes in a
system. Second, resilience is an innate property of a system which does not include exposure
to shock, while vulnerability does. Vulnerability and resilience are assumed to be interlinked
through response capacity, which is considered as a core component of vulnerability (Gal-
lopın 2006; Nelson et al. 2007). This conclusion invites further debate on whether resilience is
a subset of vulnerability or a different but overlapping concept. The solution in this case might
be the way response and adaptive capacities are defined since resilience is influenced by a
system’s adaptive and response capacities (Akter and Mallick 2013). Some scholars treat and
apply resilience and vulnerability interchangeably (Adger 2006; Smit and Wandel 2006).
This suggests that resilience is very likely to be a subset of vulnerability. Based on a time
frame, on the other hand, Turner et al. (Turner et al. 2003) defined adaptive and response
capacities as long- and short-term strategic activities, respectively. The scope of response
capacity, referring mainly to the ability just to survive, is smaller than that of adaptive
capacity. Hence, adaptive capacity implies a relatively long-term, sustainable mechanism that
can adjust sensitivity and exposure to shock for a system (Adger et al. 2011; Gallopın 2006;
Turner et al. 2003). This view demonstrates that resilience and vulnerability are two distinct
concepts having response capacity as a common component.
Debates over the vulnerability–resilience dynamics dim our understanding on distri-
bution of effects from natural hazards across different groups in the same community.
Socioeconomic vulnerability literature postulates a high degree of affinity between the
socioeconomic status and vulnerability of a household (Adger 1999, 2006; Ahsan and
Warner 2014; Ahsan 2010). At a given level of socioeconomic status, the poor and
marginalized segments of society are more likely to live in weakly constructed settlements
situated in hazard-prone locations, which makes them more exposed and sensitive to
hazard shocks. Besides, they suffer from the inability to reduce such exposure and sen-
sitivity (i.e., less adaptive capacity) by shifting to safer places or strongly constructed
settlements and consequently to cope with shocks (i.e., less response capacity) (Ahsan
2014; Akter and Mallick 2013). This exhibits a close relationship between the poverty
status and socioeconomic resilience of communities. The dynamics between socioeco-
nomic vulnerability and resilience play a key role in determining the pattern of relationship
with poverty. For instance, the ‘flip side’ dogma exhibits more vulnerable communities
such as the poor and marginalized are also less resilient. This renders that immediate
effects (e.g., loss of life and assets), short-term impacts (e.g., structural, physical, and
economic damage), and long-term impacts (i.e., less income and consumption, fewer
economic opportunities, and lower standards of living) from natural hazards are very likely
to be disproportionately borne by the poorer segment of society. If the opposite is valid,
i.e., high vulnerability does not necessarily lead to low resilience, then the poor and
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marginalized may bear a significant share of immediate effects and short-term impacts
from natural hazards, but they may equally be able to evade long-term adverse impacts.
Data-driven empirical studies on socioeconomic resilience and its conjuncture with
poverty and socioeconomic vulnerability are very few (Cutter et al. 2008b; Gallopın 2006;
Manyena 2006). Such limited empirical studies dealing with socioeconomic resilience
have mainly focused on the issue of adaptive and response capacities (Alam and Collins
2010; Kaul and Thornton 2013; Lee 2014; Lei et al. 2014; O’Brien and O’Keefe 2010; Paul
and Routray 2011; Reams et al. 2013). Alongside, some studies have addressed particular
strategies (e.g., education, selling livestock, microfinance, and remittance) for assessing
households’ ability to recover after a hazard shock (Helgeson et al. 2013; Mohapatra et al.
2012; Parvin and Shaw 2013; Razafindrabe et al. 2014). These studies consider resilience
as a segregated concept linking to neither poverty nor vulnerability. As a result, there is
hardly any comprehensive knowledge available that focuses resilience through the poverty
and vulnerability dynamics in a real-world scenario. The general outcomes obtained from
the existing studies render that the immediate, short-term, and long-term effects of natural
hazards are significant and adverse for livelihood strategies of rural poor and marginalized
households. The usage of common response strategies such as education, insurance,
remittance, or sale of livestock may help affected people to survive, yet only at a lower
welfare level for an uncertain period.
As the risk of natural hazard-led disasters has increased around the world and the new
paradigm of disaster risk reduction has emerged with an emphasis on forming resilient
societies, it is important to develop and enrich a knowledge base on the dynamics of
socioeconomic resilience and its links with poverty and vulnerability (Cutter et al. 2008b).
For a better understanding of this dynamics, three issues need to be assessed: (1) What are
patterns of resilience for different groups (e.g., poor and non-poor) in a community?; (2) What
are varying patterns of resilience for different vulnerability profiles (e.g., high to low) within a
community?; and (3) What type of policy recommendation is necessary to minimize the
difference in resilience (if any) among different groups? This paper reports an empirical case
study, which investigated these three questions by utilizing primary data collected from a
household survey in a hazard-prone and low-income community in the southwestern coastal
Bangladesh. Due to the unavailability of a well-established framework for resilience
assessment in the domain of social science, we applied a customized version of the ‘Access
model’ in this paper, which is a notable assessment model in the disaster risk domain.
Investigating socioeconomic resilience before and after a natural hazard-led disaster event,
we examined mutual links among the different components of vulnerability and resilience for
poor and non-poor groups in a community on the basis of different definitional spectrums.
To proceed with our analysis, the remainder of this paper is structured as follows:
Sect. 2 outlines a theoretical framework applied for resilience assessment; Sect. 3 presents
the context of the case study with relevant descriptions on the study location and data;
Sect. 4 presents empirical findings (results); Sect. 5 focuses on discussion of results; and
Sect. 6 concludes the paper with policy recommendations.
2 Theoretical framework
This section introduces a theoretical framework applied to resilience assessment in this
study. We, therefore, first overview several existing frameworks, followed by discussion
on the Access model.
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2.1 Existing frameworks
Available resilience assessment frameworks differ, depending on their orientation toward
the outcome- or process-driven approach. The former approach deals with resilience in
terms of end results, while the latter approach treats resilience as a sequence of dynamic
reformations to regain the original state. For instance, the resilience assessment framework
by DFID (2011) proposes four possible reactions (i.e., outcomes) to a shock. The best case
is ‘bounce back better,’ which indicates that a household demonstrates a stronger capability
to deal with future perturbations than it did in the past. The second best case is ‘bounce
back,’ indicating a household’s capability of reinstating the pre-disaster status. The third
best case, ‘recover, but worse than before,’ refers to less capacity, compared with the pre-
disaster condition; and finally, ‘collapse’ indicates the worst case where a household
suffers substantial deterioration in its capacity to cope with future perturbations. Likewise,
FAO (2013) portraits resilience as outcome through a number of socioeconomic variables
namely access to income, food, basic services, assets, and social safety-nets together with
stability of adaptive capacity. By assigning weights to these factors, a composite weighted
index is obtained which provides a ‘resilience score’ for a specific location. Following this
approach, FAO compares the resilience scores among different locations.
The process-driven approach encapsulates the dynamism of resilience in terms of its
operational definition. So far, the most notable process-oriented approach denoting resi-
lience is the disaster resilience of place (DROP) model suggested by Cutter et al. (2008b).
This model considers and contrasts the attributes of a system (e.g., household or com-
munity) in different time periods (i.e., pre- vs. post-disaster). The pre-disaster attributes,
treated as intrinsic vulnerability, are assumed to be the static benchmarks of a household
which are governed by three types of determinant that are social, structural, and envi-
ronmental. The structural determinants focus a household’s sensitivity, whereas the
environmental determinants imply its exposure. The social determinants estimate the
degree of sensitivity and response capacity. The post-disaster attributes explore the
dynamic benchmarks of resilience through factors such as hazard maps, evacuation routes,
and early warnings (altogether constitute adaptive capacity).
The ‘4 Rs’ model suggested by Forgette et al. (2008) portraits resilience by measuring a
household’s capacity on the basis of risk recognition, resistance, redundancy, and rapidity.
Risk recognition postulates the degree to which a household can detect the risk likelihood
of a disaster. Resistance is the robustness of the structural, environmental, and socioeco-
nomic attributes of a system to withstand perturbations. Redundancy is the extent to which
structural, environmental, and socioeconomic statuses permit substitutes or resources for
the replacement of critical commodities (e.g., food, logistic supply, and credit), and
rapidity is the span of time utilized by individuals and groups in a community to reach
internal and external support (e.g., the time to reach relief supports).
In line with ‘4 Rs’ model, the MOVE framework which is also a process-oriented
approach focuses the nexuses among vulnerability, risk, and social responses (Birkmann
et al. 2013). Considering resilience as societal response capacity to perturbation and stress
by utilizing the common-pool resources, the definitional spectrum of the MOVE frame-
work includes pre-disaster risk reduction, coping capacity during disaster, and post-disaster
response measures by the at-risk community with a focus of learning from the past
experience(s) and accordingly applying those lessons to handle future hazard events
(Birkmann et al. 2013).
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The frameworks mentioned in the above discussion establish a paradigm where pre- and
post-disaster situations lie between two extremes, and the DROP model (Cutter et al.
2008b), the resilience index framework (FAO 2013), and the 4 Rs model (Forgette et al.
2008) take respective positions somewhere ‘in-between’ of the two poles. In addition,
resilience in the MOVE framework (Birkmann et al. Birkmann et al. 2013) only deals with
pre-disaster features and post-disaster response (not recovery). Thus, no model addresses
the full paradigm of all the existing scientifically accepted approaches on disaster resi-
lience. Therefore, we opt for the Access model, introduced first by Blaikie et al. (1994) and
further developed by Wisner et al. (2004) since it accommodates a wider spectrum of
resilience dynamics. We customized the Access model to apply it for better understanding
of socioeconomic resilience to perturbations and stresses (i.e., natural hazard impacts).
2.2 Access model
The Access model is developed by Blaikie et al. (1994) and upgraded further by Wisner
et al. (2004, 2012) and related to the pressure and release (PAR) model, which is a political
economy approach to address disaster impacts. The PAR model postulates that disaster risk
is formed by the interaction (known as the pressure point) between the progression of
vulnerability (root cause, dynamic pressure, and unsafe conditions) and hazard. However,
the PAR model does not provide a detailed analysis of a scenario at the pressure point. The
Access model deals with the details of what takes place at the pressure point between
catastrophic events and expected immediate, together with short- and long-term social
processes. Hence, this model presents how households’ resilience in a community is
affected by difference in access to economic or political resources (e.g., income/con-
sumption, employment, acquaintance with local elites such as community leaders and
people with political power) required maintaining a steady livelihood or normal state.
Resource accessibility is the key challenge for households to recover their livelihoods,
make themselves stable, increase their resilience to hazard shocks, and gain the capacity to
restitute livelihoods to the previous normal state.
We divided our customized Access model into five major phases in accordance with a
common logic used in a conventional disaster management cycle: pre-disaster normal state,
adaptive capacity, resistance, response and recovery, and post-disaster quasi-normal state
(Fig. 1). The pre-disaster normal state (also known as the pre-disaster steady state) is the
features indicating the ‘initial (original) state of well-being’ at time t with the livelihood of
households given exposure, sensitivity, and response capacity to natural hazards (e.g.,
cyclones, floods). The iterative features of livelihood are altogether suggested by repeated
cycles denoting livelihood decisions, and each on one box, arranged in the diagram behind
each other, implies cyclic decision-making during different time periods (at time t and
t ? 1, respectively). The sequence of adaptive capacity and resistance resembles the tra-
jectory that operates the transition between normal and disaster states. Pre- and post-
disaster states are differentiated by a threshold level, which consists of a simultaneous
decrease in both Access-profile and Access-qualification, where Access-profile is viewed
in terms of resource-access phenomenon such as the degree of access to sanitation, water
and electricity, structure of settlement, and non-land asset portfolio; while Access-quali-
fication implies socioeconomic welfare phenomena such as household consumption and
employment opportunity (Blaikie et al. 1994; Wisner et al. 2004). Crossing this threshold
invokes the transition to disaster at time t ? 1. Beyond the transition to the disaster phase,
the response and recovery functions by households commence, and thus, the post-disaster
quasi-normal state (also known as post-disaster steady state) is obtained, which is
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temporary and inferior to the initial state of well-being. Successful adoption of necessary
disaster risk reduction actions by households may necessarily lead them to bounce back to
their pre-disaster normal state at t ? 1; otherwise, their livelihood is very likely to be
collapsed, and eventually, the households would encounter a new cycle of another disaster
at time t ? 1. Social relation and the structure of domination in this customized model lead
to social integration (e.g., social capital) and acquaintance with local elites, respectively.
Different components and subcomponents during time t and t ? 1 in Fig. 1 are assumed to
be interlinked.
Previous studies on socioeconomic vulnerability revealed mutual links among poverty,
exposure, sensitivity, response, and adaptive capacity. The core message from these links
is that the poor are more likely to be vulnerable (in compliance with the narrow and broad
spectral definition of vulnerability) and less likely to be prepared (Brouwer et al. 2007; Lei
et al. 2014). However, the mutual links that contribute to sketch the pre-disaster features to
post-disaster status have not been addressed yet. In this context, we inclined our attention
to the said pre–post issues in the current study. Therefore, we intended to investigate the
following three propositions in particular. First, a higher degree of exposure and sensitivity
associated with inadequate adaptive capacity is likely to expedite higher damage (propo-
sition 1). Second, households that suffer less damage (i.e., high resistance) possess better
Thre
shol
d
The trigger event (cyclone)
Structure of domination
Social relations
Exposure
Sensitivity Resistance Adaptive capacity Response
Poverty
Poverty-led unsafe condition
Change in Access Profile
Change in Access Qualification
Transition to disaster
Structure of domination
Social relations
Post-disaster quasi normal state (Success/failure to adopt actions for
disaster risk reduction)
Collapse of livelihood
Iteration of new disaster
time
= t
time
= t+
1
Pre-disaster normal state
Response and
recovery
Household livelihood
Fig. 1 Access model for assessing socioeconomic resilience toward natural hazard-led disasters [adaptedand customized from Blaikie et al. (1994); Wisner et al. (2004)]
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absorptive capacity (i.e., high response capacity) (proposition 2). Lastly, resistance,
response, and absorptive capacities are the pivotal elements of recovery (proposition 3).
3 Materials and methods
3.1 Study area profile
The spatial focus of our case study is a tropical cyclone affected coastal community,
Koyra, which is a subdistrict of Khulna district, located in the southwestern coastal
Bangladesh (Fig. 2). This subdistrict is located at the southern side of Khulna, having an
area of about 1800 sq. km. The administrative setup of Koyra consists of seven union
parishads,1 72 mouzas2, and 131 villages (Banglapedia 2006). Bangladesh, a plain and
low-lying delta facing northern Indian Ocean, is ranked as one of the most vulnerable
countries to extreme meteorological events (e.g., cyclone) (Germanwatch 2014). Forming
an about 600-km coastline, the southern part of Bangladesh shares its boundary with the
Bay of Bengal. The coastal zone occupies about 30 % of Bangladesh and is a habitat for
one-third of the total population of the country. The different geophysical settings of the
coastal zone provide diversified employment opportunities for the coastal communities
whose residents are mostly poor and live in structurally weak settlements (BBS 2011;
PDO-ICZMP 2003). Within the span of the last five decades, this coastal zone has suffered
from at least 14 strong cyclones with storm surges, three of which (Cyclones Bhola in
1970, Gorky in 1991, and Sidr in 2007) were calamitous (Alam and Collins 2010).
Cyclones Bhola and Gorky were the most devastating tropical cyclones in the history of
high-speed wind disasters in Bangladesh (EM-DAT 2014).
Koyra comprises of flat land having natural ground slopes and is surrounded by the
Sundarbans, the largest mangrove forest and a UNESCO world heritage site. The geo-
graphical location of Koyra belongs to an immature deltaic slope, which is a habitat for
around 195 thousand people (BBS 2010). Aquaculture and traditional agricultural farming
(e.g., cropping) are the notable sources of livelihood here. People living near and along the
border of the Sundarbans are the poorest and depend on resources from this mangrove
forest for their livelihood, such as woodlot collection, honey and wax harvesting,
extraction of ‘nipa palm’ as fuel wood, and ecotourism (Harun-or-Rashid et al. 2009;
Sadath and Krott 2012). The concerned agency of the Bangladesh government (forest
department) reserves the right to authorize public access to this forest consisting of
reserved and non-reserved forest areas. Every year for a certain period, the agency does not
authorize public access even to the non-reserved part.
Within less than 2 years after super cyclone Sidr, the southwestern coastal belt was hit
again by a Category I (wind speed 119–153 km/h) tropical cyclone, Aila, with a wind
velocity of 120 km/h. The associated storm surges were three meters higher than that of the
normal tide. Most coastal districts (11 out of 19) were severely affected. The economic
damage due to this cyclone was about US$ 170 million, including 190 deaths, 7000
injuries, and more than 100,000 livestock deaths (UNDP 2010). The Ministry of Disaster
Management and Relief of the Bangladesh government along with local and international
NGOs conducted response and recovery activities in the post-Aila period. Food, cash,
potable drinking water, and essential medicines along with necessary non-food items were
1 Lowest tier of Local Government in Bangladesh.2 Clusters.
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distributed for affected people as emergency relief supplies. The majority of the supplies
were distributed through government-operated schemes like Vulnerability Group Feeding
(VGF), Vulnerable Group Development (VGD), and Cash for Work (CFW).
3.2 Data collection
With a view to realizing the study objective, we designed a cross-sectional household
survey approach through a random experimental framework to make ‘pre versus post’ and
‘poor versus non-poor’ comparisons. The household survey was conducted 7 months (in
December 2009 and January 2010) after the holocaust made by Cyclone Aila in May 2009.
Fig. 2 Location of the study area [prepared with the data provided by the GIS unit of the Local Governmentand Engineering Department (LGED) of the Government of Peoples Republic of Bangladesh (2010)]
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Data were collected from all seven unions of the Koyra subdistrict, and three villages were
randomly selected from each union (Fig. 2). The previous year of Cyclone Aila (i.e., 2008)
was treated as the base year for the ‘pre versus post’ comparison. Information on the base
year was collected during the household survey by applying retrospective recalling, which
is a widely used method in social-science research. We applied a standard difference-in-
difference estimation approach in this paper to compare cross-sectional welfare outcomes
(1) between the poor and non-poor and (2) before and after the cyclone event.
We designed an analysis plan with three stages. First, the connection between vulner-
ability- and resilience components (propositions 1 and 2) was assessed by applying linear
correlation, parametric, and non-parametric testing tools. Second, these propositions were
compared cross-sectionally between the poor and non-poor to understand whether they
would vary significantly and/or systematically.3 For the ‘pre versus post’ comparison
(proposition 3), a number of deterministic models were estimated. For models, a general
difference-in-difference approach was followed. We considered Ct,t?1 and At,t?1 as the
major threshold indicators for Access-qualification and Access-profile, respectively. Sub-
sequently, Xt,t?1, Yt,t?1, and Zt,t?1 were variable sets representing resistance, response, and
adaptive capacities, respectively (see details in Table 1). u was a vector of the unobserved
characteristics of households, having impact on the threshold indicators. e was treated as
idiosyncratic error. We controlled unobservable heterogeneity biases by assuming them as
time invariants. Hence, these were controlled with fixed baseline household characteristics
such as age, occupation, religion, education, and location. We adopted the following
general form (Eqs. 1 and 2) of difference-in-difference specification for the consumption-
and asset-profile-growth equations. We used consumption since the income of the
respondent households was found very volatile, especially in the post-cyclone period.
DCt;tþ1 ¼ ac þ bcXðcÞt;tþ1þ ccYðcÞt;tþ1
þ dcZðcÞt;tþ1þ uc þ eðcÞt;tþ1
ð1Þ
DAt;tþ1 ¼ aa þ baXðaÞt;tþ1þ caYðaÞt;tþ1
þ daZðaÞt;tþ1þ ua þ eðaÞt;tþ1
ð2Þ
where DCt,t?1 and DAt,t?1 denote consumption growth (i.e., the difference in a household’s
yearly consumption between the pre- and post-cyclone periods) and asset-profile growth
(i.e., difference between the pre- and post-cyclone periods in monetary value of all non-
land assets owned by the households for a year), respectively; a denotes constant; b, c, and
d are coefficients to be estimated for consumption and asset profile, accordingly. Thus, a
positive value of DCt,t?1 indicates a higher consumption level at the pre-cyclone normal
state (i.e., pre-disaster period), while a negative value denotes a higher consumption at the
post-cyclone quasi-normal state (i.e., post-disaster period). This same rule is also appli-
cable to DAt,t?1. Both consumption and asset profile are measured in 2009–2010 US
dollars.
The household survey using structured questionnaire was conducted for 420 households
(20 from each village and thus 60 from each union). The local university’s senior
undergraduate students along with local experts were deployed for this questionnaire
survey after intensive training through a weeklong workshop to ensure uniformity in the
surveying process. Due to the unavailability of household lists from local government
offices, the ‘random walk’ methodology (WHO 2011) was applied to choose the road-
direction from the central marketplace of the concerned localities (commonly known as
3 This implies the power of a repetitive-measures design. In this case, we divided entire sample into twogroups (poor and non-poor) where ‘systematically’ refers to the effect size (i.e., power) of the repetitivemeasure, which is shown by point-biserial (r). For a detailed explanation, see Field (2005).
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Table 1 Components and associated indicators of vulnerability and resistance
Components Indicators Measurements Source forindicators
Sensitivity Sex ratio Female–male ratio in household Chambers andConway(1992)
Natural resourcedependency
Dependency of household on naturalsources (fisheries, agriculture) for theirlivelihood
Lee (2014)
Dependency ratio Number of children (0–14 years) andelderly (60? years) in household
Cutter et al.(2008b)
House type Material used for constructing the housebefore cyclone Aila
(a: mud; b: bamboo; c: wood; d: straw; e:dry nipa palm; f: concrete; g: tin/tally)
Location of cyclone center Distance to the nearest cyclone center fromhousehold’s location (km)
Exposure Distance from the erodedriver
Distance calculated using GPS coordinatesof household’s location
Brower et al.(2007)
Responsecapacity
Relief requirement, rapidityof reaching to relief andrehabilitation aid
Households required with emergency reliefas external aid (food, shelter, medicalsupport) after the cyclone
Forgette et al.(2008)
Time elapsed to reach emergency reliefs(days)
Households received housing materials asrehabilitation aid
Adaptivecapacity
Hazard identification andrecognition
Household participated in disasterpreparedness training before the cyclone
Forgette et al.(2008); Leiet al. (2014)Household’s understanding of early
warning message
Early warning received by the household
Literacy Schooling years of the household head Demurger andFournier(2011)
Microfinance Household borrowed money after thecyclone
Marincioniet al. (2013)
Social capital Living duration within the samecommunity
Ahsan andWarner(2014)
Safety net Household is a member of any GO/NGO-operated safety-net program
Acquaintance with localelitesa
Connection or affinity with local elites Pelling andHigh (2005)
Resistance Economic damage Value of financial damage (in US$) Forgette et al.(2008)Structural damage Settlement (house) damage (in %)
Physical damage Number of household members died orinjured due to the cyclone
a In this study, the concept of local elite refers to community leaders (e.g., teachers, chief of local mosquecommittee) and people with political power (e.g., village chairman, political leader)
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Hut in Bengali), where every 20th household along the randomly chosen road was
approached for a face-to-face interview. A set of rules of thumb suggested by the United
Nations Statistical Division (UN 2008) was followed for this survey. The questionnaire
was structured through an iterative process where the first draft was prepared after seven
focus group discussions and additional discussions with local experts including local
government officials, NGO workers, priests (Imam for the Muslims and Purohit for the
Hindus), and teachers from schools and colleges. Having conducted two subsequent trial
runs in the study location, the questionnaire was finalized. The final version contained 32
main questions with one general section and two specific sections. The general section
consisted of ten main questions on basic socioeconomic and sociodemographic information
of households (income, consumption, asset portfolio, settlement conditions, utilities, and
sanitation). The specific sections consisted of 22 main questions with a set of recall-type
questions on the economic status and living standard in the pre-Aila period. Each survey
took around thirty minutes to complete. Household respondents were also enquired on their
physical and economic perturbations made by Aila and the pre- and post-strategies applied
to cope with the effects and impacts of this catastrophe. They were also asked about the
nature and extent of assistance offered by government and non-government agencies.
Over 62 % of the respondents in our sample could neither read nor write. About 80 % of
the sampled households were Muslim. More than 73 % were found to be living below the
upper poverty line4 before the cyclone. The households living below the poverty line were
significantly more likely to have illiterate heads, to have a significantly larger household
size, and to have a significantly higher dependency and female–male ratios. A substantial
portion of households under the poverty line were involved in informal sectors as day
laborers and were significantly less likely to have access to electricity and sanitation.
4 Results
This section consisting of four subsections presents the results of this study. The first subsection
enacts a brief discussion on empirical findings on mutual dynamics among poverty, the pre-
cyclone normal state, and adaptive capacity. The remaining subsections explicate empirical
findings associated with key mutual links of our interest, which are structured in Sect. 2.2.
Table 1 provides a summary of indicators used to quantify the vulnerability and resilience.
4.1 Poverty and adaptive capacity in the pre-cyclone normal state
Table 2 presents test results (Chi-squared, mean difference test) for the key indicators of
the pre-cyclone normal state (i.e., the pre-disaster period) and adaptation between the poor
and non-poor. The empirical findings suggest that sensitivity, exposure, and adaptive
capacity were more likely to be associated with poverty, which is consistent with the
results documented in relevant socioeconomic vulnerability literature. The poor were more
likely to reside in structurally weak settlements (non-concrete houses made of bamboo,
mud-platform, straw, dried nipa palm), near the exposed zones (i.e., close to eroded rivers),
and relatively distant locations from cyclone centers. These households possessed a higher
4 The poverty line was calculated in 2005 (accordingly adjusted for 2008–09) by applying the Cost of BasicNeed (CBN) consumption as a poverty threshold value, which was US$ 202/capita/year in 2008–09 (BBS2005, 2010, 2011). The CBN consumption consists of both food and non-food items required for main-taining a minimum living standard.
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female–male ratios and were significantly and systematically more dependent on natural
resources for their livelihood. They were less likely to participate in disaster preparedness
training and to receive early warnings for any upcoming hazard. All these features pos-
tulate the unsafe living conditions of the poor. However, the poor were significantly
quicker than non-poor households in reaching emergency reliefs (response capacity).
Table 2 Poverty, pre-cyclone normal state, and adaptive capacity (N = 420)
Components Indicators Poora Non-poora
Test statistics (p value)(effect sized)
Sensitivity Households lived in strong (i.e.,concrete) settlements (%)
62 76 7.65b (p\ 0.006) (0.14d)
Female–male ratio in thehousehold
1.17 0.64 7.11c (p\ 0.000) (0.33d)
Dependency ratio 0.38 0.36 1.001c (p\ 0.317) (0.05d)
Distance from the nearest cyclonecenter (km)
3.48 2.99 3.53c (p\ 0.000) (0.17d)
Households depend on naturalsources (e.g., fishery, forestry,and agriculture) for theirlivelihoods (%)
84.75 43.20 75.81b (p\ 0.000) (0.45d)
Exposure Distance from the eroded river(km)
2.2 3.94 15.26c (p\ 0.000) (0.60d)
Responsecapacity
Households required withemergency relief as external aid(food, shelter, medical support)(%)
82 62 20.07b (p\ 0.000) (0.22d)
Time elapsed to reach emergencyreliefs (days)
2.4 3.31 10.13c (p\ 0.000) (0.44d)
Households received housingmaterials as rehabilitation aid(%)
70.85 60.8 4.06b (p\ 0.044) (0.10d)
Adaptive capacity Households participated inpreparedness training beforeCyclone Aila (%)
12.88 91.2 233.20b (p\ 0.000) (0.75d)
Early warning received by thehouseholds (%)
8.14 84.4 241.45b (p\ 0.000) (0.76d)
Schooling years of the householdhead
3.92 5.94 6.17c (p\ 0.000) (0.29d)
Households borrowed credit aftercyclone (%)
89.15 33.6 136.27b (p\ 0.000) (0.57d)
Living duration within samecommunity (years)
37.72 42.12 2.86c (p\ 0.000) (0.14d)
Member of any GO/NGO-operatedsafety-net program (%)
88.47 20 189.48b (p\ 0.000) (0.67d)
Households’ acquaintance withlocal elites (%)
23.3 79.8 124.31b (p\ 0.036) (0.58d)
a Households below and above of the poverty threshold before Cyclone Ailab Chi-squared statisticsc z-statistics for mean difference testd Point-biserial (r) where 0.2, 0.5, and 0.8 refer to small but not trivial, medium, and high effect size,respectively (Field 2005)
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Being from a poor household community also significantly increased the likelihood of
availing emergency relief supplies (excluding food) (all reliefs: z = 3.09, p\ 0.003; food:
z = 0.75, p\ 0.454).
4.2 Nexus among exposure, sensitivity, adaptive capacity, and resistance
Proposition 1 A higher degree of exposure and sensitivity associated with inadequate
adaptive capacity is likely to expedite higher level of damage.
As anticipated, financial, settlement, and physical damages were directly and signifi-
cantly correlated with sensitivity and exposure. On average, the households residing in
weak settlements (i.e., non-concrete houses) suffered significantly higher levels of damage
than those residing in strong settlements (i.e., concrete houses) (Table 3). At the same time,
the former group of households were significantly and systematically more likely to incur
fatality and/or physical injury and higher financial damage than those of the latter group
(Table 3). The poor households (of the pre-cyclone normal state) incurred significantly
higher relative financial damage than the non-poor group due to the cyclone-led disaster
event (z = 6.58, p\ 0.001, effect size = 0.31). Although no statistically significant and
systematic relationship was found in the number of dependent members between the poor
and non-poor households, the poor were significantly more likely to experience a higher
number of fatalities or physical injuries (z = 7.37, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.34). This
might be due to their settlement locations since the proximity to the exposed zones (i.e.,
near eroded rivers) exhibited a statistically significant inverse correlation with physical,
financial, and settlement damage. The households living farther from the exposed zones
Table 3 Relation between sensitivity and resistance (N = 420)
Financialdamagea,e (US$)
Settlementdamage (%)
Physical damage (nos. ofinjury or death)
Strong settlement (i.e., concrete houses) 155 58.92 0.67
Weak settlement (i.e., houses made bymud, bamboo, and straw)
182 66.08 0.82
Mean difference test statisticsb (p value)(effect sizec)
21.45(p\ 0.000)(0.73c)
3.91(p\ 0.001)(0.19c)
1.93 (p\ 0.05) (0.10c)
Near to cyclone center (less than 2 km) 151.83 48.32 0.45
Away from cyclone center (more than2 km)
167.18 68.58 0.86
Mean difference test statisticsb (p value)(effect sizec)
5.21 (p\ 0.001)(0.25c)
13.07p\ 0.000)(0.54c)
5.46 (p\ 0.000) (0.26c)
Number of dependent members 0.07d (p\ 0.138)
Distance to the nearest cyclone center(km)
0.03d (p\ 0.573)
a Five observations containing outlier values for financial damage were excluded from datasetb z-statisticsc Point-biserial (r) for effect sized Pearson’s correlation coefficiente Calculated for all concerned non-land assets
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were likely to incur significantly lower physical damage (i.e., death or injury) (r = -0.22,
p\ 0.000). The degree of financial damage (r = -0.26, p\ 0.001) was also significantly
lower for the households residing farther from the exposed zones. In the same way, the
association between the degree of settlement damage and the distance from the exposed
zones showed a significantly inverse relationship (r = -0.49, p\ 0.001), suggesting that
households located away from an exposed zone were likely to experience significantly
lower structural damage for their settlements.
Participation of households in disaster preparedness training exhibited a significant
negative correlation with financial (r = -0.24, p\ 0.000), settlement (r = -0.60,
p\ 0.000), and physical (r = -0.29, p\ 0.000) damage, respectively. Furthermore, a
statistically significant inverse relationship was obtained between the likelihood of phys-
ical injury and the failure to seek refuge in a cyclone center (z = 11.69, p\ 0.000, effect
size = 0.50). This suggests that the households having participated in preparedness
training were able to avoid higher financial, settlement, and physical damage; however,
when they failed to seek refuge in a cyclone center due to space insufficiency, they were
more likely to experience a higher number of death or injury.
Around 73 % households that incurred financial, settlement, or physical damage bor-
rowed credit from microfinance organizations. The lender households were acquainted
with local NGO officials, and at least 57 % of them took credit even during the pre-disaster
period. Local elites played key pseudo-roles in the decision-making process of NGOs and
local governments. A statistically significant difference was observed between the likeli-
hood of borrowing credit and the degree of financial (z = 4.72, p\ 0.000, effect
size = 0.23), settlement (z = 10.26, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.49), and physical
(z = 5.09, p\ 0.001, effect size = 0.24) damage, respectively. In addition, the likelihood
of borrowing credit varied significantly and systematically in terms of the pre-cyclone
consumption level (z = 10.83, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.47) and the (non-land) asset
profile (z = 5.50, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.26) of households.
4.3 Nexus between resistance and response capacity
Proposition 2 Households that suffer less damage possess better absorptive capacity.
We examined response capacity by applying two yardsticks: the necessity and rapidity
to reach emergency relief supplies (i.e., external aid). The lower or zero necessity of
emergency relief during the post-catastrophe indicates a higher internal response capacity.
Relief dependency during an emergency does not necessarily demonstrate deficiency in
response to capacity as long as such relief (i.e., aid) can be reached within a reasonable
time frame (i.e., rapidity). About 76 % of the respondents required emergency relief in any
form to cope with the immediate devastation of Cyclone Aila. As anticipated, the
households that suffered a significantly less degrees of financial, settlement, and physical
damage were able to respond to the catastrophe through a mobilization of their internal
assets or resources. Such households mostly belonged to the non-poor group (see Table 2).
Due to sociopolitical as well as economical biases, together with damaged physical
infrastructure (e.g., roads and river networks), the distribution of emergency relief supplies
varied within and between administrative boundaries (e.g., unions and villages). Areas with
damaged road networks deterred emergency relief efforts from reaching to affected
households. Controlling for the proximity to the exposed zones and cyclone centers, the
time needed to reach emergency relief supplies showed a significant negative correlation
with financial, settlement, and physical damage (financial: r = -0.19, p\ 0.004;
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settlement: r = -0.29, p\ 0.001; physical: r = -0.17, p\ 0.000). A similar trend was
obtained for the households that received housing materials as rehabilitation aid. However,
no significant difference was observed in receiving rehabilitation aid between the house-
hold groups that suffered proportionately more (70 % and above) and less (below 70 %)
settlement damage (z = 1.36, p\ 0.177). Involvement in any program, either operated by
local government or NGOs, escalated the likelihood of receiving rehabilitation aid (Chi-
squared = 3.16, p\ 0.078). These empirical findings suggest that a mutual link between
resistance and response is not convincing enough to conclude that a low level of resistance
does not cause a low level of response capacity.
4.4 Nexus among resistance, response capacity, absorptive capacity,and recovery
Proposition 3 Resistance, response, and absorptive capacities are the pivotal elements
of recovery.
This subsection deals with the deterministic association of resistance, response, and
absorptive capacities with recovery from the perspective of Access-qualification and
Access-profile thresholds. We first made a contrast of Access-qualification and Access-
profile threshold conditions between the pre-cyclone normal state and the post-cyclone
quasi-normal state. We then identified the major drivers for these thresholds through
regression results.
4.4.1 Access-qualification and Access-profile thresholds
For this study, we opted for a set of household-level socioeconomic features as determi-
nants of the Access-qualification and Access-profile thresholds. These determinants are
likely to vary in accordance with locational contexts. In this study, we considered con-
sumption, poverty status, and employment status as determinants of the Access-qualifi-
cation threshold. Simultaneously, for the Access-profile threshold, we considered multiple
factors of settlement structure, land possession, access to pure drinking water, sanitation,
and electricity. Table 4 compares their pre- and post-cyclone situations.
It is evident that Cyclone Aila had detrimental effects on the capability of the house-
holds in terms of poverty, total, and per capita consumption levels. The proportion of the
households below the poverty line escalated from 70 to 79 % after the catastrophic event.
Interestingly, the poor suffered a significantly and systematically lower dispersion in yearly
average consumption (US$ 48.09) than the non-poor (US$ 328.54) in the post-cyclone
period, compared with the pre-cyclone period (z = 5.76, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.27).
Similarly in per capita consumption, the poor experienced a significantly and systemati-
cally lower dispersion (US$ 11.06) than the non-poor (US$ 86.16) between the same
periods (z = 8.09, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.37). No significant difference was observed
in consumption dispersion between the households whose heads became unemployed after
the cyclone and those whose heads maintained their employment (z = 1.05, p\ 0.294,
effect size = 0.05).
The percentage of the households that possessed a piece of land (either self-owned or
leased) for income generation decreased significantly and systematically after the cyclone.
A very small improvement was noted in terms of settlement conditions; less than 2 % of
the weak settlements were reconstructed with rehabilitation materials in the post-cyclone
period. Considering settlement resilience, a significant and systematic difference was
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observed between the poor and non-poor households (Chi-squared = 70.51, p\ 0.001,
effect size = 0.17). However, the households exhibiting a higher settlement resilience
significantly and systematically suffered a lower dispersion in yearly average consumption
(US$ 31.38) compared to those whose settlement condition remained weak in the post-
event period in contrast to the pre-event period (z = 5.99, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.28).
The households’ accessibility to sanitation, pure drinking water, and electricity diminished
significantly and systematically after the catastrophe. The degrees of access to sanitation
and clean water sources were associated significantly and systematically, suggesting that
the households that suffered less access to clean water sources were more likely to have
poor access to sanitation (Chi-squared = 39.44, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.12). The
households with insufficient access to sanitation experienced significantly and systemati-
cally higher settlement damage (z = 28.53, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.82). Although no
significant association was observed between poverty status and access to pure drinking
water sources (Chi-squared = 1.63, p\ 0.203, effect size = 0.03), the poor were more
likely to suffer significantly and systematically higher settlement damage due to the
cyclone event (Chi-squared = 111.47, p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.16). The households
acquainted with local NGOs were significantly and systematically more likely to overcome
their limited accessibility to clean water in the post-cyclone period (Chi-square = 17.65,
p\ 0.000, effect size = 0.43).
4.4.2 Major drivers behind change
This section deals with regression results. Both Eqs. (1) and (2) had the same set of
regressors; therefore, the concerned estimations might encounter endogeneity problem.
Hence, the seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) method was applied to estimate both the
equations, where the correlation between residuals of these equations was found very weak
and also not significant (correlation: 0.064; Breusch–Pagan test of independence:
Table 4 Access-qualification and Access-profile thresholds before and after Cyclone Aila (N = 420)
Determinants Before(2008)
After(2009)
Test statistics (p value) (effectsize)
Access-qualification
Households below poverty line (%) 70.24 79.29 160.49a (p\ 0.000) (0.10c)
Yearly average household consumption(US$)
887.00 755.45 5.70b (p\ 0.000) (0.26c)
Per capita consumption (US$) 185.52 152.12 7.33b (p\ 0.000) (0.39c)
Unemployment (%) 12.86 45.00 75.74a (p\ 0.000) (0.35c)
Access-profile
Households possessed either self-owned orleased land for income generation (%)
83.19 61.67 16.33a(p\ 0.001) (0.42c)
Weak settlements (%) 65.24 63.81 10.45a (p\ 0.001) (0.12c)
Access to sanitation (%) 71.67 36.90 19.97a (p\ 0.000) (0.35c)
Access to pure drinking-water source (%) 77.38 25.71 5.06a (p\ 0.024) (0.52c)
Access to electricity (%) 25.71 21.19 297.31a (p\ 0.000) (0.15c)
a Chi-square statisticsb Z-statistics for mean difference testc Point-biserial (r) for effect size
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v2(1) = 1.718, p\ 0.192). Furthermore, the cross-equation constraint was also found not
significant (v2(1) = 0.42, p\ 0.519). Thus, we ran SUR without imposing any restriction,
and the obtained results are presented in Table 5. In the following part, we first focused on
the relationship between consumption growth (i.e., difference in households’ total con-
sumption between the pre- and post-cyclone states) and a set of indicators representing
resistance, response, and adaptive capacity together with some fixed characteristics. We
then focused on the relationship between asset-profile growth (i.e., difference in non-land
asset values between the pre- and post-cyclone states) and the same set of indicators.
Out of the resistance indicators, settlement damage (i.e., the structural damage of
houses) exhibited a statistically significant positive5 relationship with both consumption
growth and (non-land) asset-profile growth, indicating households that incurred settlement
damage suffered significantly lower consumption and asset profile in the post-cyclone
quasi-normal state, compared with the pre-cyclone normal state. No significant difference
was observed between consumption growth and asset-profile growth in the case where
either a male or female household member(s) suffered physical injury or death. The mean
coefficient of financial damage was significantly different than zero for consumption
growth with a positive sign indicating lower consumption during the post-cyclone period
for the households. For response capacity, the households that delayed reaching emergency
relief experienced a significantly lower consumption in post-cyclone situation on average,
and other factors held constant. However, no significant difference was observed between
response time and asset-profile growth. Among the set of adaptive capacity components,
the associated coefficients of preparedness and acquaintance with local elites suggested
that the households that participated in preparedness training and were acquainted with
local elites could avoid significantly lower consumption and asset profile aftermath the
cyclone event. Interestingly, the households that took credit could maintain a significantly
higher level of asset profile in the post-cyclone period. The coefficients of the other
components of adaptive capacity (safety-net membership and social capital) were not
significantly different than zero. Having conducted the propensity score matching6 to
estimate difference in difference for consumption growth between the poor and non-poor
households, we observed that the poor could consume significantly more (by US$ 38 on
yearly average) during the post-cyclone period than the non-poor. However, we did not
find similar evidence for asset-profile growth.
For the fixed initial household characteristics, we obtained some interesting results. The
coefficients of the (non-land) asset indicators (ownership of cattle and a mobile phone)
significantly influenced the households’ consumption and asset-profile growth. While cattle
ownership significantly contributed to maintaining a higher consumption level (i.e., less or
no consumption shock) for the households, mobile phone ownership indulged them to
maintain a lower consumption level (i.e., higher consumption shock) after the cyclone. The
reason behind these opposite scenarios is likely to be the disproportionate maintenance
cost. The households with relatively better educated heads suffered significantly less
consumption and asset profile aftermath the cyclone. Again, the households with more
dependent members could ensure a significantly higher asset profile in the post-cyclone
5 As mentioned in Sect. 3.2, a positive value of consumption growth indicates a higher consumption level inthe pre-cyclone period (normal state), while a negative value denotes higher consumption in the post-cyclone period (quasi-normal state). This same rule is also applicable to asset-profile growth.6 Propensity scores in regions of common support were estimated where the average treatment effect ontreated (ATT) estimation using the radius method (100 replications) provided a value of -37.968 with at-statistic of 2.525 and a bias-corrected 95 % confidence interval of -55.8526 to -15.0008.
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Table 5 Seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) results for drivers of household consumption- and asset-profile growth
Variable name Variable description Eq. (1)DCt;tþ1
Eq. (2)DAt;tþ1
Coefficients (SE)
Indicators of resistance (Xt,t?1)
Financial damagea Monetary value of total damagefor non-land asset (in US$)
0.023* (0.011) 0.329 (0.578)
Settlement damage House structure damage (%) 0.539***(0.245)
3.508**(2.804)
Injured or dead (female) Number of female householdmembers injured or dead
-1.556 (4.981) 11.6 (17.1)
Injured or dead (male) Number of male householdmembers injured or dead
-0.541 (4.497) -55.65(154.2)
Response capacity (Yt,t?1)
Response time Time elapsed to reach emergencyrelief (in days)
9.328***(3.136)
15.8 (10.8)
Adaptive capacity (Zt,t?1)
Preparedness Household’s participation inemergency preparednesstraining before cycloneAila = 1, otherwise = 0
-43.78***(6.035)
-147.80**(27.8)
Acquaintance with local elites Household’s connection withlocal elites = 1, otherwise = 0
-7.720* (6.05) -184.9**(46.3)
Credit Household loaned money afterthe cyclone = 1,otherwise = 0
-6.304 (7.186) -55.3**(46.9)
Safety-net member Household is a member of anyGO/NGO-operated safety-netprogram = 1, otherwise = 0
7.741 (7.560) 179.0 (260.3)
Social capital Living duration of householdwith current community (years)
-0.0424(0.332)
0.724 (11.44)
Fixed initial household characteristics at reference level (u)
Religion Muslim = 1, otherwise = 0 1.206 (6.676) 229.9 (664.1)
Age Age of household head (years) -0.0687(0.377)
10.16 (12.97)
Education Schooling of household head(years)
1.798**(0.910)
109.3***(31.29)
Dependents Number of dependentmember(s) (age below 5 andover 60 years)
-3.279 (4.360) -36.7***(12.29)
Exposed zone (river) proximity Location of household within twokilometers from erodedriver = 1, otherwise = 0
-3.068 (2.436) -166.8**(83.44)
Self-employedb Household head is self-employed = 1, otherwise = 0
-2.111 (8.028) -62.99 (276.5)
Day laborerb Household head is daylaborer = 1, otherwise = 0
-4.791 (6.896) -19.81(237.5)
Cattle (non-land asset indicator 1) Household owned cattle = 1,otherwise = 0
-19.80*(10.70)
-710.8*(368.5)
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period although no such findings were obtained for consumption growth. Regardless of
ages of dependent members during evacuation, they usually carried light assets (jewelry,
radios, or precious metallic belongings) as well as cattle, which relegated them from
suffering an asset shock aftermath the cyclone. In addition, households that lived near to
eroded river (i.e., exposed zone) were likely to maintain significantly higher asset profile in
post-cyclone period only, which was possibly due to their successful access with relief
supplies and rehabilitation aid. Religion, age, self-employment, and day labor had sig-
nificant influence on neither consumption nor asset-profile growth.
Table 6 presents results obtained from Models 1 and 2, postulating a similar difference-
in-difference estimation approaches conducted in Eqs. (1) and (2), where unemployment
and land loss are used as dependent variables instead of consumption and asset profile;
these two variables are assumed to be the major drivers of changes in Access-qualification
and Access-profile, respectively. The dependent variable in Model 1 in Table 6 is unem-
ployment, coded as 0 if the household head was employed before and after the cyclone, and
as 1 if he had been employed before the cyclone but became unemployed after the event.
The dependent variable in Model 2 is land loss, coded as 0 if the household suffered no loss
of land before and after the cyclone, and as 1 if and only if it incurred loss of land
aftermath the cyclone.
Similar to the findings from the consumption growth model (Table 5), one of the
outcomes of Model 1 in Table 6 showed a positive relationship between the loss of (non-
land) assets (fishery and livestock) and the likelihood of becoming unemployed in the post-
cyclone period. Also similar to both consumption and asset-profile growth models, the
households that maintained acquaintance with local elites were less likely to be unem-
ployed after the catastrophe. Again, consistent with the consumption growth model, better
educated household heads were more likely to lose job after the catastrophe, which is
supported by the fact that day laborers were less likely to be unemployed in the same
period because they were more flexible to switch over different employment opportunities
than self-employed and wage-paid individuals. For instance, day laborers working in
shrimp farms (known as Gher) can switch to honey collection or agricultural (e.g., crop)
contract workers, while self-employed and wage-paid individuals are tied to a specific type
of employment. Unlike the consumption growth model, the households with unemployed
heads were more likely to borrow money in the post-cyclone situation.
Table 5 continued
Variable name Variable description Eq. (1)DCt;tþ1
Eq. (2)DAt;tþ1
Coefficients (SE)
Mobile phone (non-land assetindicator 2)
Household head owned a mobilephone = 1, otherwise = 0
10.71* (5.652) 198.3* (174.3)
Constant 109.8***(33.38)
118** (96.0)
Number of observations (N) 415 415
R2 0.308 0.231
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p\ 0.01; ** p\ 0.05; * p\ 0.1a Five observations containing outlier values for financial damage were excluded from datasetb Reference level category is wage-paid labor
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Table 6 Major drivers behind change in unemployment and land loss
Variable name Variable description Model 1Unemploymenta
Model 2Land lossb,d
Coefficients (SE)
Indicators of resistance (Xt,t?1)
Fishery Loss of fishery = 1,otherwise = 0
2.683*** (0.686) 1.277*** (0.358)
Livestock Loss of livestock = 1,otherwise = 0
2.655*** (0.683) 0.259 (0.349)
Settlement damage House structure damage (%) – -0.0134 (0.0113)
Injured or dead Number of householdmember(s) injured or dead
0.0205 (0.362) 2.106*** (0.347)
Adaptive capacity (Zt,t?1)
Social capital Living duration of householdwith current community(years)
0.0400 (0.0182) –
Acquaintance withlocal elites
Household’s connection withlocal elites = 1,otherwise = 0
-0.509** (0.323) 0.0170 (0.0111)
Credit Household loaned moneyafter the cyclone = 1,otherwise = 0
1.536*** (0.584) 0.364* (0.268)
Safety-net member Household is a member ofany GO/NGO-operatedsafety-net program = 1,otherwise = 0
-0.863 (0.923) 0.681 (0.864)
Fixed initial household characteristics at reference level (u)
Religion Muslim = 1, otherwise = 0 0.276 (0.646) 0.576 (0.381)
Education Schooling of household-head(years)
0.197* (0.111) -0.0553 (0.0798)
Exposed zone (river)proximity
Location of household within2 km from erodedriver = 1, otherwise = 0
-0.889* (0.478) 1.638*** (0.386)
Day laborerc Household-head is daylaborer = 1, otherwise = 0
-4.614*** (1.386) 0.263 (0.433)
Constant -5.575*** (1.609) -2.012** (0.901)
Model fit statistics
Number ofobservations (N)
189 259
Percentage correctlyclassified
87.59 73.35
Pseudo R-squared 0.6075 0.3755
Likelihood-ratioChi-square
140.50, df = 11 162.39, df = 11
*** p\ 0.01; ** p\ 0.05; * p\ 0.1a 1 = employed before cyclone, unemployed after; 0 = employed both before and after cycloneb 1 = loss of land (owned or leased) for cultivation after cyclone; 0 = otherwisec Reference level category is wage-paid labord Piece of land either self-owned or leased by the household for purpose of income generation
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Model 2 in Table 6 shows the association between the loss of land and the same set of
indicators used in Model 1, where the only exception is that only settlement damage and
social capital were not included in Models 1 and 2, respectively. The households that
suffered land loss were also more likely to lose fishery since small fish farms (Gher) in the
study location were generally formed by using self-owned or leased land. Unlike in the
consumption and asset-profile growth models, the households that experienced land loss
were more likely to suffer physical injury and/or death of family members. In this context,
the location of the households might be an important factor since the results suggested a
significantly positive association between the loss of land and the proximity of household
to the eroded rivers (within 2 km). The households affected by land loss were significantly
more inclined to use loans after the cyclone to cope with consumption shock.
5 Discussion
The poverty–vulnerability dynamics may be differently perceived on the basis of the
definitional spectrum of vulnerability. Applying the narrow definitional spectrum (i.e.,
vulnerability is the degree of susceptibility/sensitivity to an external shock), we found
convincing evidence in favor of the hypothesis that the poor were more susceptible to
natural hazards such as tropical cyclones than the non-poor since the poor resided in weak
settlements, located relatively farther away from the nearest cyclone centers, lived near to
the exposed zones, and depended more on natural resources for their livelihoods. With the
wide definitional spectrum incorporating exposure, sensitivity, and response capacity as the
core components of vulnerability, the poverty–vulnerability dynamics exhibited rather
weak evidence. Despite the fact that the poor households were significantly more exposed
to risk posed by tropical cyclones, since most of them lived in the exposed areas (near the
eroded rivers), their response capacity to post-cyclone situations by reaching emergency
relief was significantly quicker than the non-poor. The poor households could avail all
aftershock emergency relief supplies except food, whose distribution was substantially
influenced by local elites. Acquaintance with officials from local government offices and/or
NGOs helped them to receive post-cyclone rehabilitation aid and subsequently restore
settlements along with necessary support (e.g., access to clean water); however, the
decision-making process of these institutions was influenced substantially by local elites.
However, no conclusive evidence was obtained to suggest that local elites were likely to
influence the distribution process of post-cyclone relief supplies, yet affinity with them
eventually helped the poor to become employed (e.g., in informal wage-paid jobs). Thus,
the response capacity of the poor households might be distorted by elite influence;
nonetheless, such distortion did not invite any systematic discrimination against the poor.
Depending on the definitional spectrums, the poverty–resilience dynamics also differ in
the same manner as poverty–vulnerability dynamics. From the perspective of the outcome-
oriented definition, our empirical results exhibited that poor households are more resilient
than non-poor because the poor were more able to restore the pre-cyclone normal state
from the post-cyclone quasi-normal state due to the following reasons: (1) the poor
maintained a relatively higher consumption level aftermath the cyclone event; (2) day
laborers, who were typically belonged to the poorer segment of society, were likely to
maintain their employment in the post-cyclone; (3) the poor households were significantly
more likely to access to credit and rehabilitation aid than the non-poor; and (4) by utilizing
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these types of support, the poor were likely to construct stronger settlements (i.e., houses)
in the post-cyclone quasi-normal state.
In the realm of the process-oriented definition, the positive association with the pov-
erty–resilience dynamics seemed to be slightly weaker due to obvious distinctions between
the poor and non-poor households on ‘hazard identification and recognition,’ an indicator
of adaptive capacity. The poor households were found less prepared in terms of partici-
pating in preparedness training and receiving early warnings. We observed a significantly
negative impact of no preparedness training on the degree of financial, settlement, and
physical damage. This finding demonstrates a substantial (indirect) negative effect on
socioeconomic resilience.
Regardless of the definitional spectrums, our empirical results did not produce any
conclusive evidence in favor of the flip-side hypothesis for vulnerability (i.e., vulnerability
is the flip side of resilience). In light of the narrow definitional spectrum, vulnerability and
resilience seem to possess a substantial portion in common. Despite the fact that sensitivity
unambiguously contributed to high financial, settlement, and physical damage; it was not
necessarily manifested through lower resilience. The empirical results postulated that both
financial and settlement damages contributed to a significantly lower level of consumption
in the post-cyclone quasi-normal state (which is also true for asset profile in some cases). In
addition, the households that incurred loss of (non-land) assets were also more likely to
become unemployed due to losing equipment related to their occupations (e.g., fishing gear
or boats). However, the poor households maintained a significantly higher consumption
level (ATT = -37.968; t = 3.487), suggesting that they could avoid post-cyclone con-
sumption shock. These facts indicated the evidence that the poor households learnt lessons
from previous experiences and accordingly adopted necessary preventive actions to avoid
any future loss.
Evidence supporting the flip-side hypothesis of vulnerability lacks credibility further
when the definitional spectrum of vulnerability is widened. We observed an interesting
impact of cyclone exposure on post-cyclone employment status and consumption growth.
From one side, the households living far from the exposed zones were less likely to be
unemployed after the cyclone event. From the other side, the households living close to the
exposed zones could maintain a significantly higher level of asset profile after the cyclone.
These findings resemble to Sapountzaki’s (2012) axiom on the vulnerability–resilience
dynamics, where resilience is structured as a process of vulnerability re-arrangement and a
function of unevenly distributed opportunities among communities.
6 Concluding remarks and policy recommendations
Throughout this study, we investigated and explored mutual links among poverty, vul-
nerability, and resilience. The main objective of this study was to enrich our understanding
of the dynamics underpinning poverty, vulnerability, and resilience with a view to bridging
the existing knowledge gap on resilience diversity among households. In alignment with
the findings of existing literature on disaster risk domain, the empirical findings from our
study suggest that tropical cyclones significantly exacerbated adverse immediate effects as
well as medium- and long-term impacts on coastal people’s lives and livelihoods in terms
of consumption, employment, and access to basic utilities like clean water and sanitation.
An established economic theory on consumption postulates that consumption is a function
of income (Friedman 1957; Keynes 1936). Hence, based on the empirical findings on
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consumption growth (Table 5) in our study, we can conclude that the coastal communities
were very likely to suffer an income shock aftermath the cyclone, which was reflected
through their consumption growth. The loss of (non-land) assets used for income gener-
ation, human capital shock, and proximity to the exposed zones were the pivotal factors to
explain the resilience diversity among households. Despite the fact that the poor were more
vulnerable to hazard shocks and severely affected by higher financial, settlement, and
physical damage, they showed a comparatively better ability to respond to, cope with, and
recover from shock than did the non-poor. These findings exhibit that increasing risk from
tropical cyclones is likely to affect the income opportunity and living standards of coastal
residents. However, we did not find any evidence that the incidence of these adverse
impacts is likely to be disproportionately borne by poor households.
Four key policy recommendations can be made based on the findings of this study. First,
the current level of social safety-net programs operated by the government and/or non-
government organizations (NGOs) does not appear to be optimally effective for the poor to
get rid of the poverty trap. Thus, the scope of existing social safety-nets needs to be
expanded to make people less dependent on natural resources for their livelihood. At the
same time, soft credit schemes with minimal interest rates for the haves-not should be
enhanced, especially for the frictional-unemployed and self-employed ones to help them to
avoid being unemployed for an indefinite period of time. Second, the existing hazard
preparedness training programs appear to systematically exclude poor households.
Therefore, the scope and effectiveness of the preparedness programs should be improved
by reaching out to poor households, enhancing the current capacity along with the asso-
ciated utilities in cyclone centers, arranging evacuation drills at least once a year, and
providing necessary logistic supports to smoothen evacuation process for households with
elderly members and children living far from their nearest cyclone centers. Thirdly, the
means of the early warning systems in the study area are very limited. However, mobile
phones are commonly owned by a good number of households in coastal communities.
Thus, voice messages in the local dialect might be effective if disseminated by the gov-
ernment through mobile phone operators to the coastal areas prior to upcoming hazards.
Simultaneously, loud speakers in mosques can also be used for this purpose. Finally, the
post-cyclone emergency relief and rehabilitation programs seem to be well focused.
However, the insufficiency of relief supplies relative to the demand for them appears to
exasperate competition, thereby making room for local social elites to influence the dis-
tribution process. An effective way of eliminating such influence could be rational pre-
estimation of actual demand for relief supplies and allocation in addition to strict moni-
toring of their distribution.
Acknowledgments The data collection was financially supported by the Executive Committee ofWageningen University, the Netherlands. We are particularly grateful for the support provided by Md. FirozAhmed and Rezwanul Haque of Economics Discipline of Khulna University, Bangladesh during datacollection. We thank Nahid Morshed for his help in map preparation. We also thank the anonymousreviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions to improve this article. The usual disclaimer applies.
Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Inter-national License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution,and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and thesource, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
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