The Chinese in the Caribbean || The Settlement of the Chinese in Jamaica: 1854 -c.1970

The Settlement of the Chinese in Jamaica: 1854 -c.1970Author(s): PATRICK BRYANSource: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 50, No. 2, The Chinese in the Caribbean (June 2004), pp. 15-25Published by: University of the West Indies and Caribbean QuarterlyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40654450 .

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15

The Settlement of the Chinese in Jamaica: 1854 - c.1970

by

PATRICK BRYAN

The first, and smallest, wave, of Chinese migration occurred between 1854 and 1886when Chinese labourers were imported for plantation work. The second wave, between 1900 and the 1940's, was primarily an immigration of businessmen. The third wave consisted of Chinese immigrating to Jamaica since the 1980's. It was, however, the second wave that was most important in terms of numbers and impact. The second wave, which introduced a large number of Chinese businessmen into Jamaica, reached its climax in the 1920's. The migration of Chinese was encouraged from the Chinese end by land hunger, high taxes, civil war, warlordism, international war and intervention - and particularly in southern and south eastern China, whence came the Hakka, the primary ethnic group that entered Jamaica.

In 1854 two groups of Chinese arrived in Jamaica. The first group arrived from Hong Kong by the 'Epsom' on July 30. Of the 267 travellers, 224 made it to Jamaica, and some 57 of the remainder were hospitalized . The second group was a remnant of an original contingent of 1,042 contracted for work on the Panama Railroad. Some 197 arrived in Kingston Harbour on November 1 , 1 854 on the ship the 'Vampire'. Ten years later a third group of 200 arrived in Jamaica from British Guiana, Trinidad and Panama.

The last shipment of Chinese labourers arrived on the 'Prinz Alexander' in July 1884 from Hong Kong via San Francisco and Panama. There were 694 passengers including 509 men, 109 women, 59 boys and 17 girls. The majority were allotted to estates in St.Thomas and St. Mary; the others went to Portland, St. Andrew, St. Catherine and Westmoreland.

Levy reports that contracts, which offered a $4.00 wage for a twelve hour work day (excluding Sundays), food, clothing, accommodation, medical care and a garden, were frequently violated. The Chinese protested violently, leading to the introduction of military reinforcements and the death of one worker. By 1886, two

years after the shipment of nearly 700 Chinese on the Prinz Alexander, at least 179 Chinese had deserted the estates to which they had been assigned. By 1891 the number of Chinese in Jamaica had dwindled to 481. The prejudiced response of the Jamaican authorities to the determination of the Chinese to protect their interests was that they were "recalcitrant" "turbulent", "vindictive in temper", and "crafty".2

Chinese migration for plantation labour was therefore not sustained, abundant, or successful. Since the 'Prinz Alexander' had brought in 694 passengers we can conclude, pessimistically, that qiute a few had died, though the low



16

death rate of the Chinese would debunk that idea. More optimistically, several may have emigrated. A third possibility was that those were all the Chinese the census takers could locate.

The substantial increase in the Chinese population from 481 in 1891 to 6,886 by the time of the 1943 census, was a consequence of the second wave of migration - this time of businessmen, and just as important the entry into Jamaica of more Chinese women. Chinese migration became heavier in the 1920's and 1930's. Immigrants who arrived on the 'Gorgistan' in 1921 were all businessmen (621 of them) who gave forwarding addresses of other Chinese businessmen in the fourteen parishes of Jamaica. In 1922 there were 497 arrivals, and in 1933 there were another 559. The colonial authorities also favoured the immigration of Chinese females in order to reduce the levels of concubinage between Chinese males and 'native' Jamaican females that had produced 5,508 Chinese coloured by 1943 (2,928 of them female). "It is, I think, desirable that bona fide wives and fiancés should be allowed to join their husbands and prospective husbands in Jamaica thereby reducing to a small extent cohabitation with native women" pronounced a colonial official, in response to the level of racial intermixture. By the 1920's the majority of Chinese entering Jamaica were the wives and fiancées of Chinese men on the island.3 The Chinese population also had a comparatively good survival rate. Whereas the mortality figure for Indians was 2.66 per thousand in 1887, the Chinese rate was 0.59 in 1888.

With a number of Chinese becoming shopkeepers before the end of the 19th century, Jamaica became known as a centre of economic opportunity. Suc- cessful Chinese merchants invited their relatives to come to the island where, after the necessary apprenticeship, they entered business on their own account.

The Chinese in Jamaica are understandably associated with the grocery retail trade. Up to the time of the 1943 census nearly 64 percent of Chinese men and 50.4 percent of Chinese women were involved in trade. After the middle of the 19th century, conditions were ripe for the expansion of the grocery retail trade. This expansion was related to the movement of the former slaves into previously unsettled areas outside the ambit of the plantations. The former slaves and their descendants were now wage earners and, despite deplorable wages and a limited cash income, they had become part of the consuming classes.

The geographical distribution of the Chinese shows that between 1881 and 1921, there was a significant decline in the percentage of Chinese dwelling in Kingston and an equally significant rise in the percentage living in parishes outside Kingston and St. Andrew. In 1921, 58.1 percent of Chinese were in parishes outside Kingston and St. Andrew.5 By 1943, with the rapid urbanization of Kingston and St. Andrew, the numbers were beginning to be reversed, with 49.7 percent of Chinese living in parishes outside Kingston and St. Andrew, and an increase from 1.9 percent in St. Andrew to 16.8 percent by 1943.6



17

Although the majority of Chinese became involved with trade there were 10.7 percent of men and 18.4 percent of women who were in clerical jobs, which suggests a rapid improvement in literacy in English. In 1943 there were only 32 Chinese labourers in the entire island.7

Of the 6,405 Trade Licenses issued during the year ending March 1925, the Chinese accounted for l,8058. The Chinese did not, therefore, monopolize the grocery retail trade but their volume of business was considerable. Their success as businessmen was attributed to superior service, long working hours, and credit facilities and accessibility.

The following account hints at the relationship between Chinese businessmen and their urban clientele:

And if you at home now, and you say you want to cook and you don't have any meat or fish, you just go down to the Chinaman shop. . .You say to the Chinaman give me a piece offish to cook, him chap a big piece and give you to go home. Suppose you want a little oil to put on it. . . or you want a piece of salt pork that they used to have plenty, he would give you a piece a salt pork to go home with, and you go back and you buy things. Where I was living in Allman Town, the Chinese dem that have shops we and them get along very much, and I see everybody get along with Chinese and the Indian dem. Well the Chinese dem keep shop but they were very nice persons to deal with9.

The Chinese system of credit did not apply only to grocery retail, but in the early years also to the sale of vegetables in the city:

For if they came here they used to walk with these baskets on their heads and come to your gate. If it is a little bundle of callaloo, you buy. If is a bundle of Pak Choi or so they sell you little, and every day they came with it, and weekends they come and collect their money. Chinese economic progress is demonstrated in the fact that by 1942, their

average earnings of 34.83 shillings per week fell just below 'Syrian' (54 shillings) earnings, well ahead of Blacks (6.16), East Indians (10.08) and Coloured (18.16).11 Or as Lucius Watson, the wharf-worker, expressed it:

The Chinese use' to live amongst de low class people, till dey start to grow up. Chinese start to come up, and come up. De Chinese use' to be shop owners. Hear what de Chinese use' to do when dey come here. They use' to laundry, use' to do cultivation, cash crop and laundry and open shop. Dat was dere



18

trade and dey build deyself right up and dey lef us same place.12 Some members of the Chinese community were prominent bakers. A

Chinese baker in Kingston, of the first generation of immigrants, not only owned his own bakery but also owned four properties in Kingston. Jimmy Lowe ran a bottling factory in Port Antonio, and later went into selling life- insurance.13

The Chinese emerged as part of the ethnically differentiated Jamaican middle class. In the economic sense they were integrated into the Jamaican community, but resisted assimilation.14 The coloured community was far more concerned with winning status-linked occupations within the civil service; while Afro- Jamaicans did not completely ignore the retail business, they tended like the East Indians, to be more closely associated with agricultural pursuits. In St. Elizabeth, John Lodenquai was not only a retailer and wholesaler of dry goods; he also sold petroleum, and was one of the largest landed proprietors in St. Eliza- beth. Other combinations were ice-cream parlours and pastry shops; ice-cream parlour and restaurant; grocery and ice cream parlour.

The settlement of the Chinese community in Jamaica had its difficult side. Johnson has examined the Chinese situation in the context of their existence as a trading minority, with a distinct ethnic identity.17 Their association with the urban working class was plagued by ambivalence. We noted earlier the amicable commercial relations between the urban working class and the Chinese. Yet the following extract indicates that some hostile feelings were harboured by the urban working class:

The bus was parked, waiting on the tram car and I behold about fourteen men beating up one man pushing a bread cart. Dey have something like a big rubba hose beating the man, telling 'im dat him mus' stop push bread cart fe Chinaman and mek de Chinaman get mule or horse to do their work.

During the 1938 upheaval some were forced to close their stores.

The Chinese constantly ran afoul of the weights and measures law, and in China Town - Barry Street and its environs - they had to face regular raids by the Jamaican constabulary in search of opium. At the same time non-Chinese shopkeepers recognizing the competition that the Chinese presented with their more generous credit facilities and "brawtas" were not friendly to the Chinese.

Not surprisingly, some merchants gave support to the Native Defenders' Committee, which in its search for social justice for black Jamaicans blamed the Chinese for loss of jobs. The Chinese were construed as competing against small black shopkeepers as well. The NDC sought to encourage Jamaicans to make their purchases from small or non-Chinese shopkeepers. The NDC, in part, represented Jamaicans who had been forced out of Spanish America by the sugar crisis in Cuba during the 1920s and the Great Depression of the 1930s.They were resentful of



19

what they perceived to be the liberal manner with which Chinese were allowed to enter Jamaica, while they were being pushed out of Cuba and Central America. The anti-Chinese stance of the NDC was part of a general protest against social and economic conditions on the island, a protest that culminated in the 1930s upheaval.20

Adapting to a new environment poses inevitable problems - including language.One area of difficulty for the Chinese was learning the language. In order to enter Jamaica thay had to prove some acquaintance with English, but that knowledge was hardly sufficient for them to be functional in their everyday use of English, and particularly Jamaican Creole. Moreover, in Jamaica, the laws insisted, understandably, that accounts be kept in English.

In addition to such obvious difficulties, however, the Chinese became the scapegoats for the moral decadence of Jamaica manifested in gambling and alcohol consumption. The Jamaican élite were highly critical of Chinese gambling practices in the island. However, Chinese Peaka Pow and Drop Pan continued to attract the urban poor because it offered high returns for small investment - or so it thought. (Police reports indicated the presence of Drop Pan and Peaka Pow in at least six venues in Kingston and five in Annotto Bay). The police, however, found the suppression of gambling an impossible exercise because "the better classes of the community" were also active "participants" in Chinese gambling. So desperate had the Inspector General of Police become that he recommended the invocation of Gambling Law 25, 1898, whereby Courts could order the demolition of suspect premises.

They were also held responsible for the increase in alcohol consumption. Mr. Wint, an Afro- Jamaican legislator, in taking the matter of spirit licenses before the Legislative Council insisted that the "whole thing" was linked to the Chinese. He proposed that no more licenses should be given to the Chinese, on the dubious

ground that they had caused "the great increase in the number of Spirit Licences." Wint also suggested that the Chinese shopkeepers adulterated liquor: "They had introduced all kinds of drugs into the liquors, and the effect was demoralizing on the people."21 They were also accused of violating the weights and measures laws, and of course of using and trading in opium. The police found it difficult to secure convictions for opium. There were also laws that directly affected the Chinese- such as the Bankruptcy Law that public opinion believed to be abused by the Chinese.

We have noted that Chinese businessmen entering Jamaica had affili- ations with other Chinese businessmen. This affinity ensured the strengthening of their innate ethnic consciousness. That ethnic consciousness was also bolstered by acts of hostility against the Chinese. The recognition of the need to assist other Chinese to settle into the new environment led to the creation of Chinese associations that occasionally duplicated other institutions and organizations in the island. The first generation of Chinese began to establish associations to facilitate settle-



20

ment. They quickly followed the pattern of setting up organizations to represent their ethnic interests. Indians established the East Indian Progressive Society (1940); Jews established the Hebrew Benevolent Society, the Gemibut Hazadim Society, the Jewish Ladies' Zionist Organization (1929) and the Jewish Circle, and the Jewish Ladies' Charity Organization.

The Chinese also early developed a Chinese Benevolent Association (CBA), which was registered under the Friendly Society Act of 1890. Its functions were "to relieve wives, children, in illness or accident and to maintain the Chinese Sanatorium, the Chinese Public School, Chinese Cemetery and Chinese Alms- house." The Society also aimed "to protect and promote lawful trade and com- merce carried on by members and to act as arbitrator in the settlement of disputes arising out of commercial transactions." Chinese mutual aid reflected not only the existence of a close-knit community but showed an awareness of the impor- tance of the Chinese community as an adjunct of Jamaica's commercial world. The CBA worked very closely with the Jamaican authorities on the question of Chinese immigration, and acted as guarantor for new Chinese immigrants. The CBA also published, twice weekly, the "Chinese Public News" (partly in Chi- nese). The CBA virtually played the role of Embassy in Jamaica, in the absence of any official representation from China. In a note to the Colonial Secretary in 1930, the CBA suggested a more active role for itself in matters pertaining to the immigration of Chinese or, in fact, any other matter of interest to the Chinese community. The CBA sought to:

Bring about the concentration of Chinese matters in ourselves in view of the complexities that will inevitably arise in our grow- ing community, in efficiently facilitating the reciprocal relations between the Government and our people here and in fostering a healthier and happier commercial and civic attitude among our people in accord with the constructive spirit that is abroad in the island. . . to guide the energies of Chinese people here along a consistent and progressive channel thereby to contribute more definitely to the development of the Island

The CBA founded the Chinese Sanatorium, which offered free medical care to those Chinese who could not afford high medical fees. Chinese businessmen gave financial support for these medical facilities. Another important Chinese institution was the Chi Kung Tong, or Chinese Freemasonry Society. In some respects there was rivalry between the CBA and the Chi Kung Tong. which had been formed as early as 1887, and had an exclusively Chinese membership. The Chi Kong Tong had an exclusively Chinese membership.

As the descendants of the first generation Chinese increased in number, and the link with China declined, there was an acceleration of adaptation to the norms of Jamaican life, an adaptation that did not eliminate a strong sense of ethnic ethnicity between members of the Chinese community.



21

The Chinese formed the Catholic Action Association, the Chinese Ath- letic Club, the Wholesalers' Association (1938), the Bakers' Association (1938), the Retailers' Association (1942) and the Soda Fountain and Restaurants Associa- tion (1953). The Chinese made use of the island's network of elementary schools, but, in 1924, they also established their own school, at 48 Princess Street in Kingston, through the Sin Min Association. The Sin Min were "mainly the literate and educated people within the Chinese community, who aimed to promote knowledge and education among the younger Chinese."

The curriculum, at first, reflected a strong connection with China and Chinese culture, which supplemented the usual education in literacy and numer- acy. Funds for the establishment of the school were raised from the proceeds of a number of cultural events sponsored by the Chinese Benevolent Society. The curriculum included History, English, Arithmetic, Painting, Music and the Chi- nese Language, which was given special emphasis. Some of the first principals of the Chinese school were imported from China

In 1928, the Sin Min school became the Chinese Public School. The change of name signaled a slight change of emphasis. The new aim was to prepare students for further studies in the secondary schools of Jamaica. The emphasis on Chinese culture continued for some time, however, and it was not until 1961 that the Chinese language was dropped from the curriculum. The explanation was that it was too much to ask children to learn both English and Chinese. By 1961, however, the Chinese had become quite a settled community in Jamaica, and there was no need to emphasize the Chinese language. The Chinese school was closed in 1965 through lack of funds. More probably, however, the school by 1961 had lost its raison d'etre. Schools such as St. George's College (where at one time over 40 percent of the boys were Chinese), Immaculate Conception High School for Girls, and Alpha Academy, had become preserves for a sound secondary education for the Chinese community, most of whom could afford the fees. Once the decision was made to stop the teaching of the Chinese language there was no obvious need for the Sin Min School.

The establishment of these associations, which were ethnically exclu- sive, provoked the rebuke of veteran journalist Evon Blake:

The Chinese take full advantage of all the facilities the community offers, yet such facilities as they have as a group are reserved for Chinese only. Examples: only Chinese are em- ployed in Chinese businesses; only Chinese kids are accepted in the Chinese Public School; only Chinese are admitted to mem-

25 bership in the Chinese Athletic Club

The links with China declined but remained for a long time. The first

generation of Chinese immigrants retained their connections with China in other ways than by the teaching of a Chinese language, and importing Chinese wives.



22

Significant portions of the Chinese community maintained a strong interest in political developments in China. Supporters of General Chiang Kai-Shek's Kuomintang, for example, dedicated a volume The Chinese in The Caribbean in 1941 to the Chiang Kai Sheks.

Chinese citizens who could afford to do so sent their children to China to be educated in the Chinese way of life. John Lodenquai, who had come to Jamaica at age 14 years, sent "most" of his seven children, in their early years, to be educated in China, to learn the language and the Chinese "customs and traditions." The thirty-five year old Cecil Tie Ten Quee, a merchant operating from 135 Barry Street, sent his first child to Nantong, China. Thomas Ho's (Ho Seung) three children by his first wife were all resident in China. The two children by his second wife remained in Jamaica.26 Philip Young a wholesaler and retailer in May Pen had ten children, five of whom were at school in Hong Kong. He returned to China in 1928, and carried on business in Hong Kong until 1936 when he returned to Jamaica.27 Jimmy Lowe was sent to China by his father until age 1 1 years. With the threat of Japanese aggression against south China, Lowe was sent back to Jamaica where he completed his education. Some children, such as Lowe, were sent to China at age one year; others at a later age, but essentially during their most impressionable years.

These few examples indicate that the link with China was unbroken; even in terms of family, it was not unusual for Chinese men to have one family in China and another in Jamaica. Some maintained businesses in both China and Jamaica. For example, Shim Quee, who, in 1927 was 41 years old and had been born at Pow On District in Canton, applied for Jamaica naturalization in 1927. By then, his father, Shim Sam, had already returned to China - to Kowloon and Hong Kong, accompanied by his wife, Lue Shee. Shim Quee operated businesses in both Jamaica and China, as the following chronology shows:

191 1-23 51 Laws St., Kingston 1 923-26 Kowloon & Hong Kong 1 926-28 5 1 Laws St. Kingston 1931 120 Barry Street 1 934 Connolley Avenue

A letter to the Colonial Secretary from the Treasury, dated December 1 1, 1936, noted that the Bank of Nova Scotia had sent "drafts to Hong Kong amount- ing to £8,000, which it was assumed was to bring out more Chinese to Jamaica, to support families in China or provide a 'nest egg' for those who were intending to return to China." Apart from remittances that must have gone to support families in China, sections of estates were reserved, by will, for despatch to China. Young Mew Tong provided in his 1945 will that three sixths of his real estate sales were to be remitted to "my said Trustees to China every four months, for the mainte- nance of my sons..." Albert Chang, a merchant whose property of 470 acres was



23

bequeathed to the Board of Trustees of the Boys Scouts in Jamaica, also established a memorial fund in 1946, in honour of his father, to be called the Wai Tai Memorial Fund, "for the benefit, education and relief, of the inhabitants of the village of Chang Ha in the district of Tarn Sui, Kwangtung in China, and for the improvement of buildings in the said village" and provided that, if adequate arrangements could not be made to send remittances to China, the funds should be used for local (Jamaican) charities. Johnson Lee Peow of St. James bequeathed all his "real and personal property" to his father, Lee Fui Shung, in Kwangtung. Finally, Philip Ho Lung (Hoo Leung Quee), merchant of Richmond St. Mary, continued to own property in both China and Jamaica, specifically in Hong Kong - "all that piece or parcel of land, premises hereditaments situate at No. 254 Hop Leo St., and premises at #228 Chong Sa Wan Road, Hong Kong."29

It is improbable that the links between Jamaica and China are as close now as they were with the first generation Chinese. However, where material links have been broken, in the eyes of many Sino- Jamaicans, China remains a land with which they are spiritually linked.

The Jamaican state committed itself to the cultural integration of the Chinese, or perhaps more accurately, missionaries were keen to bring the Chinese into the bosom of Christianity. In this respect, the Roman Catholics were most successful.

Missionary work among the Chinese was initially directed at the children. In 1939, Rev. Mrs. Helen Gallimore, who had spent many years in China as a missionary, conducted religious work from the East Street Tabernacle in King- ston. Away from the Chinese homeland, the Chinese community was more prone to accept Christian teaching; this acceptance was perhaps all the more possible because of the close link between religion and education in Jamaica.

The adoption of Christianity by the Chinese was a consequence of mis-

sionary proselytizing by Chinese and non-Chinese. Increasingly, however, it was the Chinese community itself that determined the direction of Chinese religious adherence. The prominent Leahong family, for example, pulled many Chinese into the Anglican Church. Roman Catholics, however, were to make the biggest impact on the Chinese community. By 1925 there were 3,000 Chinese Catholics. Father Simon Tang who came to Jamaica from Canton in 1926 undertook Catholic

teaching. Following Tang's departure, William Pinchin " who owned a business at the corner of Barry Street and Matthew's Lane, acted as instructor to convey the fundamentals of Christian doctrine to adult Chinese who knew little English."30 Attachment to the Catholic Church, insists one Chinese respondent, did not neces-

sarily arise from doctrinal conversion, but as much from the practical assistance offered by the clergy. The new immigrants received advice, for example, on legal matters in a society whose legal system was new to them, a difficulty compounded by lack of knowledge of English. The priests and nuns won the trust of the Chinese community who entrusted their children to the care of the Catholic



24

Church. In fact, many parents entered the Catholic Church through the influence of their children. The Chinese sent their children to St. George's College for boys, Immaculate Conception and Alpha for girls. The Chinese Community established the Chinese Catholic Action Association (CCAA), which dedicated itself to community work, visiting hospitals, the alms-houses and the homes of the infirm. It also educated those children who did not attend Catholic schools in the rudiments of the Catholic catechism.

Contemporary Jamaican Chinese still celebrate the Festival of the Har- vest Moon, the Chinese New Year, and Gah-San. The latter is essentially a memorial service for parents and ancestors at the Chinese cemetery. Events such as these still serve to weld the Chinese community together.

There were 1 1,710 Chinese living in Jamaica in 1970. Following massive emigration during the 1970s, the population declined to 5,320. The emigration was part of the movement out of Jamaica by businessmen who rejected the left-wing rhetoric of the then Jamaican government.

After a hundred and fifty years, the Chinese community remains a ra- cially distinct minority, and despite a significant adaptation to western culture in Jamaica has not gone the path of full assimilation. Chinese occupations, still often linked to business and business administration, have become far more varied during the twentieth century.

NOTES

1 . Jacqueline Levy, "Chinese Indentured Immigration to Jamaica during the latter part of the Nine- teenth Century" Paper presented to the Fourth Annual Conference of Caribbean Historians, UWI, Mona April 9-14, 1972, 19.

2. Jamaica Departmental Reports (JDR) Protector of Immigrants, "Annual Report, 1 883-84", 199 and 1885-6, 13.

3. Jamaica Archives (JA) Colonial Secretariat (CSO/ IB/5/77/1 16. SS 388/25.

4. Jacqueline Levy, "The Economic Role of the Chinese in Jamaica. The Grocery Retail Trade," Ja- maica Historical Review XV, 1986,39.

5. George W. Roberts, The Population of Jamaica, London: Cambridge University Press, 1957, Table 15, 67.

6. Ibid.

7. Jamaica Census, 1943.

8. Jacqueline Levy, "The Economic Role" 41 .

9. Patrick Bryan & Karl Watson, Not for Wages Alone: Eyewitness Summaries of the 1938 Labour Re- bellion in Jamaica, Kingston: Department of History, p. 16 and 19.

10. Ibid., 19.

1 1 . Andrew Lind, "Adjustment Patterns among the Jamaican Chinese," Social and Economic Studies, VII:2, June 1958, 155.

12. Bryan and Watson, Not for Wages Alone, 68.



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13. Author's Interview with Mr. Jimmy Lowe, April 1992.

14. See Andrew Lind, op. cit.

15. Jacqueline Levy, "The Economic Role," 1986, 40.

16. Chinese Community, The Chinese in the Caribbean, Kingston, 1941. 88.

17. Howard Johnson, "The Anti-Chinese Riots of 1918 in Jamaica, Immigrants and Minorities, III March 1983.

1 8. Bryan and Watson, Not for Wages Alone, 68.

1 9. Patrick Bryan, "The Creolization of the Chinese Community in Jamaica," in Rhoda Reddock, Ethnic Minorities in Caribbean Society, Trinidad & Tobago St. Augustine, 1996, 216-219.

20. Ibid., 210-216.

21. JA CSO IB/5/284 7692/26.

22. Handbook of Jamaica, 1936.

23 JA CSO IB/5/77/19 Chinese Benevolent Society. 24. Henry Lynch-Campbell, The Chinese in Jamaica kingston: City Printery,1957, 33. 25. Quoted in Gail Bouknight,

" A Study of the Chinese Retail Grocery Trade and its Impact upon Chinese Ethnicity and Sino-Jamaican Relations" M.A. Thesis (1991), Department of Anthro- pology, Brown University, 44.

26. JA CSO 1927 IB/5/77 Naturalization of Cecil Tie Ten Quee (67/1858, 1927); Naturalization of Philip Ho Lung (80/4373, 1927-30), Naturalization of Thomas Ho (Ho Seung) (61/2608, 1927- 28.

27. Chinese Community, The Chinese in the Caribbean, 107.

28. Daniella Gentles, " A Study of the Migratory Patterns of the Chinese in Jamaica between 1 854 and 1945," Caribbean Studies Project, UWI, Mona, 1990, 34, citing JA CSO 7194, 1934.

29. Island Record Office, Wills of the Supreme Court. Wills of Young Mew Tong (1945), Albert Chang, 1946, Johnson Lee Peow, Feb. 2, 1944, Philip Ho Lung (Hoo Leung Quee).

30. Francis Osborne S.J., History of the Catholic Church in Jamaica, Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988, 341-2.



The Chinese in the Caribbean || The Settlement of the Chinese in Jamaica: 1854 -c.1970

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