THE ASSAM TRIBUNE ANALYSIS DATE 16 MARCH 2021 For ...
Transcript of THE ASSAM TRIBUNE ANALYSIS DATE 16 MARCH 2021 For ...
THE ASSAM TRIBUNE ANALYSIS
DATE – 16 MARCH 2021
For Preliminary and Mains examination
As per new Pattern of APSC
(Also useful for UPSC and other State level government examinations)
Answers of MCQs of 15-03-2021
1. B
2. B
3. C. 1 and 4 only
4. B . The Udan is a regional airport development scheme aimed at enhancing connectivity to remote and
regional areas of the country and making air travel affordable. The scheme is a key component of Centre's
National Civil Aviation Policy led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and launched in June 2016
5. C
MCQs of 16-03-2021
Q1. How many tribes are there in India?
a) 645
b) 565
c) 345
d) 445
Q2. In which state of India resides the maximum number of tribes?
A. Madhya Pradesh
B. Nagaland
C. West Bengal
D. Assam
Q3. Which is the largest tribe in India?
A. Bhil
B. Gond
C. Baiga
D. Bodos
Q4. In which state Kuki tribes live?
A. Manipur
B. Mizoram
C. Arunachal Pradesh
D. Assam
Q5. What is the percentage of tribal population in India?
A. 16.6%
B. 8.6%
C. 10.6%
D. 11.6%
CONTENTS
1. No ‘exclusive cliques’ should be formed: China on first Quad summit (GS 2 - International Relations )
2. SC commences hearing whether Mandal verdict needs to be revisited ( GS 2 – Polity )
3. Centre declines timeline on granting ST status ( GS 2 – Polity and Governance )
4. No proposal to bring petrol, diesel, ATF, gas under GST: FM ( GS 3 – Economy )
5. India now has world’s 4th largest forex reserves ( GS 3 – Economy )
6. RBI asks banks to implement CTS in all branches by Sept 30 ( GS 3 – Economy )
7. Anjan Baskota to be presented Sahitya Akademi’s Young Writer Award ( GS 5 – Awards )
EDITORIALS
1. Zale’n-gam: The elusive Kuki homeland ( GS 5 – Tribes of Northeast )
2. Assam polls and Clause 6 panel report ( GS 5 – Polity )
3. Good initiative ( GS 5 – Conservation )
4. Crime in the city ( GS 5 – Security )
No ‘exclusive cliques’ should be formed: China on first Quad summit
China said on Monday that no “exclusive cliques” should be formed as it accused some countries
of trying to “drive a wedge” among regional nations citing the “China threat” and asserted that
they will “end up nowhere”.
Quad countries involving the US, India, Australia and Japan held their first virtual summit on
Friday during which President Joe Biden told leaders of the coalition that a “free and open” Indo-
Pacific is essential to their countries and vowed that his country was committed to working with
its partners and allies in the region to achieve stability.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the virtual summit alongside Australian Prime Minister
Scott Morrison and Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga.
“Relevant countries should abandon the Cold War mentality and ideological bias, do not form
exclusive cliques and act in a way conducive to solidarity, unity, regional peace and stability,”
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian told a media briefing here.
He was answering a question about the first Leaders’ Summit of the Quad countries and the
reported remarks by US National Secretary Adviser Jake Sullivan that the four leaders discussed
the challenge posed by China and said all four believed the democracies could help compete with
autocracy.
“For some time, some countries have been exaggerating the so-called ‘China threat’. China
challenges to drive a wedge among regional countries to sow discord between their relations with
China,” Zhao said.
“What they have done is against the trend of times which is peace, development and win-win
cooperation and runs counter to the common aspirations of people in the region,” he said.
“They will gain no support and will end up nowhere,” he said. – PTI
SC commences hearing whether Mandal verdict needs to be revisited
The Supreme Court commenced hearing on Monday on whether the landmark 1992 verdict in the Indira
Sawhney case, which caps the quota at 50 per cent, require a re-look by a larger bench.
A five-judge Constitution bench, headed by Justice Ashok Bhushan, gave a week time to all the States to
submit their brief note of submissions after some of them sought time.
Senior advocate Arvind Datar, appearing for petitioners who opened the arguments on the question of
reference to a larger bench, said there was no need to revisit the Indira Sawhney verdict.
Datar argued that a 11-judge bench needed to be constituted to revisit the verdict, which dealt with
several issues, including the cap of 50 per cent quota, adding that it was not required.
Since its inception of the Supreme Court, a 11-judge bench has been constituted only five times to
examine issues that are unique and of immense constitutional importance, he said.
Datar said the question raised in the matter was only whether the 50-per-cent quota limit could be
breached and not other issues dealt by the 1992 verdict.
“Indira Sawhney (judgement) was delivered with so much deliberations and views that in my humble view
it need not be revisited,” Datar said, adding that the 50 per cent cap had been accepted since the verdict.
The bench, also comprising justices L Nageswara Rao, S Abdul Nazeer, Hemant Gupta and S Ravindra Bhat
said: “On the request of counsel for different States, we allow one week time to file their brief note of
written submissions.”
At the outset, senior advocate Jaideep Gupta for Kerala sought adjournment on the ground that Assembly
elections were on in the State.
The top court rejected his plea and said: “We cannot adjourn the hearing in this case because of the
elections.”
The bench said it needed to address the issue of 102 amendment of Constitution as it affects every State.
Senior advocate Shekhar Naphade, representing Tamil Nadu, said the court would have to see the special
circumstances in which reservation in excess of 50 per cent had been given.
Both Naphade and Gupta said reservation was a policy matter and the hearing on the issue be adjourned
due to the elections.
The bench said it was not deciding the factual aspects and would deal with the legal propositions.
On March 8, the top court had framed five questions to be taken up by the constitution bench, including
whether the ‘Mandal verdict’ require a re-look by a larger bench “in the light of subsequent Constitutional
amendments, judgments and changed social dynamics of the society”.
It had issued notices to all States on issues of “seminal importance”, including whether the 102nd
amendment deprives the State legislatures of its power to enact a law determining the socially and
economically backward classes and conferring benefits to them under its enabling power.
The 102nd Constitution inserted Articles 338B, which deals with the structure, duties and powers of the
National Commission for Backward Classes, and 342A that deals with power of the President to notify a
particular caste as Socially and Educationally Backward Class and power of Parliament to change the list.
The issue of interpretation of the amendment cropped up before the bench, which is hearing the pleas
pertaining to the 2018 Maharashtra law granting reservation to Marathas in education and jobs.– PTI
Centre declines timeline on granting ST status
Ahead of the Assembly elections in Assam, the issue of granting scheduled tribe (ST) status to six
communities of the State has been revived, with the Centre disclosing that a special committee
constituted in this regard has submitted its report that has been marked ‘secret’, but declined to
give a timeline.
“All actions have been taken with respect to the State government’s proposal for the communities
demanding scheduled tribe status as per these modalities. As such, no timeline can be specified for
inclusion of communities in the ST list,” Union Minister of Tribal Affairs Arjun Munda told the
Lok Sabha.
In reply to an unstarred question by Assam MPs Gaurav Gogoi and Abdul Khaleque, the minister
said that a proposal was received from the Government of Assam for granting of ST status to six
communities – Matak, Moran, Tai Ahom, Chutia, Koch Rajbongshi and tea community.
A special committee was constituted under the Ministry of Home Affairs (NE Division) on
February 29, 2016 to recommend the modalities for granting of scheduled tribe status to these six
communities of Assam under the chairmanship of Special Secretary (IS), Ministry of Home
Affairs.
The committee was required to suggest modalities for the required reservations, of shifting the
existing reservation for these communities from OBC to ST, protecting the interests of existing
tribes, a mechanism to ensure fairness of reservations within these six communities and related
security considerations.
The committee submitted its report on December 28, 2018, which is classified as ‘secret’.
The Government of India on June 15, 1999 (further amended on June 25, 2002), has laid down the
modalities for determining the claims for inclusion in, exclusion from and other modification in
the Orders specifying the list of scheduled tribes.
According to these modalities, only those proposals, which have been recommended and justified
by the State government and concurred by the Registrar General of India and the National
Commission for Scheduled Tribes are to be considered for amendment of legislation.
No proposal to bring petrol, diesel, ATF, gas under GST: FM
Amid record-high fuel prices, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman today said there is no proposal as of
now to bring crude oil, petrol, diesel, jet fuel (ATF) and natural gas under the goods and services tax (GST).
When the GST was introduced on July 1, 2017, amalgamating over a dozen Central and State levies, five
commodities – crude oil, natural gas, petrol, diesel, and aviation turbine fuel (ATF) – were kept out of its
purview given the revenue dependence of the Central and State governments on this sector.
This meant that the Central government continued to levy excise duty on them while State governments
charged VAT. These taxes, with excise duty in particular, have been raised periodically.
While the taxes haven’t come down, a spike in global oil prices on demand recovery has pushed petrol
and diesel to an all-time high, leading to demand for them being brought under the GST.
“At present, there is no proposal to bring petroleum crude, petrol, diesel, ATF and natural gas under GST,”
Sitharaman said in a written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha.
She said the law prescribes that the GST Council shall recommend the date on which the goods and
services tax be levied on petroleum crude, high-speed diesel, motor spirit (commonly known as petrol),
natural gas and ATF.
“So far, the GST Council, in which the States are also represented, has not made any recommendation for
inclusion of these goods under GST,” she said.
The Council may consider the issue of inclusion of these five petroleum products at a time it considers
appropriate keeping in view all the relevant factors, including revenue implication, she added.
Including oil products under GST will not just help companies set off tax that they paid on input but will
also bring about uniformity in taxation on the fuels in the country.
Sitharaman has in recent weeks talked of inclusion of fuel under GST as well as Centre and States taking a
joint call on cutting taxes to cushion consumers against the spike in retail prices. – PTI
India now has world’s 4th largest forex reserves
Indias forex reserves have now become the fourth largest in the world at $580.3 billion surpassing Russia.
Emerging markets have been building reserves to guard against volatility due to Covid aftershocks.
Reserves for India and Russia have plateaued rising for months. India pulled ahead as Russian holdings
declined at a faster rate. India’s foreign currency holdings fell by $4.3 billion to $580.3 billion as of March
5, the Reserve Bank of India said on Friday, edging out Russia’s $580.1 billion pile.
The world’s largest forex reserves league table is headed by China, followed by Japan and Switzerland.
India’s reserves, which are now worth 18 months of imports, have been boosted by massive inflows by
FIIs into the stock market and burgeoning FDI. According to a recent report by Acuite Ratings, the Indian
rupee has strengthened in 2021 so far on healthy portfolio inflows, and sharp downward adjustment in
inflation.
“We expect India to post record BoP surplus of $105 billion in FY21, followed by a healthy surplus of $55
billion in FY22. – IANS
RBI asks banks to implement CTS in all branches by Sept 30
The Reserve Bank today asked banks to implement the image-based Cheque Truncation System
(CTS) in all branches by September 30, a move aimed at faster settlement of cheques resulting in
better customer service.
There are about 18,000 bank branches that are still outside any formal clearing arrangement.
Last month, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) had announced pan-India coverage of CTS by
bringing all bank branches under the image-based clearing mechanism.
The CTS is in use since 2010 and presently covers around 1,50,000 branches. All the erstwhile
1,219 non-CTS clearing houses (ECCS centres) have been migrated to CTS effective September
2020. It is, however, seen that there are branches of banks that are outside any formal clearing
arrangement and their customers face hardships due to longer time taken and cost involved in
collection of cheques presented by them, the RBI said.
“To leverage the availability of CTS and provide uniform customer experience irrespective of
location of her/his bank branch, it has been decided to extend CTS across all bank branches in the
country,” it said in a circular.
To facilitate this, banks will have to ensure that all their branches participate in image-based CTS
under respective grids by September 30, 2021, it said. Banks are free to adopt a model of their
choice, like deploying suitable infrastructure in every branch or following a hub-and-spoke model,
and concerned banks should coordinate with the respective Regional Offices of RBI to
operationalise this, it said.
Banks have also been asked to inform the RBI the roadmap to achieve pan-India coverage of CTS
and submit a status report before April 30, 2021.
The RBI had proposed to bring all such branches under the CTS clearing mechanism by
September 2021 in order to bring operational efficiency in paper-based clearing and make the
process of collection and settlement of cheques faster resulting in better customer service. – PTI
Anjan Baskota to be presented Sahitya Akademi’s Young Writer Award
Anjan Baskota, a young and promising writer of Jamuguri area in Sonitpur district, has been
selected for Sahitya Akademi’s prestigious Young Writer Award 2020 for his collection of essays
titled Dristi penned in Nepali language and published in 2016.
The award will be presented in New Delhi shortly.
Baskota, a resident of Samar Dalani in Jamuguri area of undivided Sonitpur district, is a
multilingual writer having command over Nepali, Assamese, Hindi and English languages.
He has many books to his credit, which include Nibarita Manabota Aru Nibandha
Bichitra (Assamese, 2014), Dristi Nibandha Sangra (Nepali, 2016), Patingar Ko
Itihas (translation of poetry collection from Assamese to Nepali
2017), Atmanusandhan (collection of Nepali poems, 2020). He has edited a number books till date
and is closely associated with compilation of a trilingual dictionary (Nepali, Assamese and
English) to be published by ABILAC (Anundoram Borooah Institute of Language Art and
Culture).
The award was declared in an executive committee meeting of the institution of letters held in
New Delhi on March 12. Surya Prasad Adhikari, Nanda Hangkhim and Bijaya Bantawa were the
jury members.
Significantly, Baskota happens to be the first person from Assam to receive the prestigious award
in Nepali literature. A regular contributor to different dailies, journals and magazines, he also
serves The Assam Tribune as a correspondent from Jamugurihat.
It may perhaps not be out of place to mention here that Baskota was awarded the ‘Kabi Bhakta Rai
Smriti Sahitya Puraskar 2020’ by a Siliguri-based literary organisation named Kabi Bhakta Rai
Smriti Mandap in January last. In the mean time, many organisations of Sootea, Jamugurihat and
Biswanath have lauded Baskota’s achievement.
EDITORIALS
Zale’n-gam: The elusive Kuki homeland
Spread over at least six countries, the Kukis of the great Chin-Kuki-Mizo race have never had the
happiness of a homeland of their own, like all in the Northeast do. Even as pioneer insurgent groups in the
region like the Mizo National Front (MNF) have come to the mainstream as early as 1985, the Kukis in the
Northeast, including Manipur and Assam, are still on the run as renegades in the mountains and deep
jungle areas of Assam and the Northeast.
If many insurgent groups in the region have come back to the mainstream, the Kukis are still slogging it
out in the treacherous mountains, though some may have signed ceasefire pacts with the Centre. Armed
with high-tech weapons, the Kuki heroes of the Assam Regiment in the World War II are still on the run.
Simple and truthful kin of undivided Assam, the Kukis are the original Assamese as they claim for
themselves.
Despite considerable clout in the Manipur Assembly, the Kukis have not seen the light of the day in the
region they claim as their own. There is yet to be an autonomous council for the Kukis in Manipur or the
western part of the erstwhile North Cachar Hills. Wielding clout over the strategically key tri-junction
where Nagaland, Assam and Manipur meet in the Borail mountain range, the aspirations of the Kukis have
mostly been overlooked.
Owing allegiance to Israel, the Kukis, like the Chins and Mizos, are drawn to the holy land of Israel. Even as
Israel has the strategic game plan of a greater Israel encapsulating the Middle-east, the Israelis have long
been engaged in the creation of a Greater Israel in Southeast Asia with the Chin-Kuki-Mizo and other
allied ethnic groups. The growth of the Kuki identity, and that of the Meitei and the Naga, is a historical
process perceived in the backdrop of their social collectivity in the Northeast.
Zale’n-gam refers to the contiguous ancestral lands in present-day Northeast India, northwest Burma and
the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. In India, Zale’n-gam includes areas in Assam, Tripura, Nagaland
and Manipur. In Myanmar, the land of the Kukis refers to the Sagaing Division where they predominate. If
Ajit Doval is the troubleshooter building bridges with Israel for the nation and Prime Minister Narendra
Modi, it’s as much incumbent on the NSA to ensure the balance among the Israeli, Chinese, Myanmarese
and Indian geostrategical interests in the backdrop of Zale’n-gam, the long-dreamt homeland of the
indomitable Kukis.
So long as the Kukis await their homeland in whatever form in Assam or Manipur, and otherwise, the
Israeli cause steps back in time. If the Kukis do not find constitutional recognition, it’s only so much of a
load on the strategic game plan of a greater Israel in Southeast Asia. A greater Israel and Zale’n-gam can
only complement each other.
Lanchanhima Sailo, founder of the Chhinlung Israel People’s Convention (CIPC), a secessionist Mizo
organization, says their goal is an independent Mizo Israelite nation inside India. He’s known for his
propagation of a campaign to change the name of Mizoram to Chhinlung-Israel. A greater Chhinlung-Israel
state that includes the Mizos of neighbouring Myanmar and Bangladesh is a proposition that wouldn’t be
warmly accepted in either Dhaka or Naypyitaw or New Delhi.
Today, there are many Bnei Menashe who live in Mizoram and Manipur with a portion settled in Assam
and Myanmar. Most of them have undergone conversion waiting to go to Israel, the land of their
forefathers. Even some devoted Christians including church leaders too have agreed to their Israel and
Jewish origin.
Disillusioned by the antipathy of the powers that be in India and Myanmar, the Kuki National Organization
(KNO) and its armed wing the Kuki National Army (KNA) have long been demanding integration of all Kuki-
dominated areas under a single unit called Zale’n-gam. In the event of a failure to create Zale’n-gam, the
KNO-KNA focus is on creating two separate States, one in Myanmar and the other in Manipur.
Ahead of the advent of the British colonialists, the Kukis were an independent people in their undivided
domain. Each of the clans was governed by its chief on the basis of its own laws, customs and traditions.
The intellectual resurgence of the Kuki-Chin groups led by people such as PS Haokip and others are indeed
remarkable.
Though the Kukis never wanted to join the Indian Union, they were compelled to concede when Manipur
acceded to India. They moved Prime Minister Nehru in 1960 and sought to be a State under the Indian
Union. Indifferent towards the Kuki people’s political aspirations, Nehru might have likely misread the
Kukis who are one of the bravest warriors in the Mongoloid race.
When three years later, Centre granted statehood to Nagaland, the Kukis were indeed upset. Ever anti-
colonial, the Kukis joined the Mizos whose Mizo National Front (MNF) had been waging a guerrilla war
against the Indian security forces. The Mizo Accord in 1986 left the Kukis out, hit below the belt. The Kuki
State Demand Committee (KSDC) was formed on November 2, 2010 to champion the political will of the
Kuki people in Manipur.
Preceding the formation of KSDC was a landmark meeting held on September 2, 2010 in New Delhi under
the aegis of the Kuki Inpi and Kuki Nampi Palai. The resolution passed was to seek statehood for the Kukis
spread over their ancestral land.
Early on, the Kuki National Volunteer (KNV) was the first political body formed in 1958-1959 for the
purpose of reuniting all the Kukis in the Indian Union and adjoining areas. Maintaining territorial integrity
of Manipur has been the aspiration of the Kukis since the beginning of their movement. Kangleipak
(Manipur) and Zale’n-gam (Kukiland) were in peaceful coexistence with mutual respect for territorial
integrity.
The Kukis were always the allies of the Manipuris, Tipperah and Burmese at all times ahead of the British
intervention. They were never the vassals of any one of them. The British sliced the northern part of their
broad territory and tagged it to Manipur kingdom without the consent of the Kukis. The Kuki-Chin tangle
has become a mess, and unless initiatives are taken, forces may go on the offensive any day, both within
India and neighburing Myanmar.
Assam polls and Clause 6 panel report
The reactions of the Government as expressed by the Minister are manifestly illogical and thus untenable.
Insertion of Clause 6 follows logically from the recognition inherent in the Accord that, in the long run, the
distinct identity of the indigenous Assamese people was not safe under the existing framework of the laws
and the Constitution.
The ongoing campaigns for the elections to the Assam Assembly present a great opportunity to propagate
and demand expeditious implementation of the special constitutional measures to safeguard the political
rights of the indigenous Assamese people. It is clear that in absence of such measures, the Assamese are
faced with the inevitable peril of losing their linguistic and socio-cultural identity in the not too distant
future. In this context the recommendations of the high-level committee on Clause 6 of the Assam Accord
assume great significance. In timely implementation of them lies the only hope of salvation of the distinct
identity of the Assamese. It is a matter of grave concern that this issue, so vital for the survival of the
Assamese identity, has not found any resonance in the ongoing election campaigns.
The three Ds under Clause 5 of the Accord, namely, detection, deletion and deportation, can be regarded
as a dead chapter beyond resurrection. The NRC process, implemented at an enormous cost and
controversy, has been reduced to a pathetic joke. The Government at the Centre has already made it
official that the illegal immigrants from Bangladesh would neither be extradited nor rendered stateless
citizens.
Thus Assam is destined to be saddled with a massive burden of immigrants, a population with abnormally
high growth rate. Therein looms large the daunting prospect of the indigenous Assamese being reduced
to an insignificant minority in the foreseeable future. Inevitable consequence is loss of political rights – a
sine qua non for the survival of the Assamese sub-nationalist identity. It was precisely to avert such a
disaster that Clause 6 was introduced in the Accord to provide effective safeguards for protecting the
distinct identity of the Assamese.
Although introduced with a clever design to quell the widespread movement against the CAA, the
Assamese people saw a light at the end of the tunnel when the Centre appointed a high-level committee
on Clause 6 of the Accord. The report of the committee containing recommendations for implementation
of Clause 6 was submitted a year ago.
It is intriguing that the BJP at the Centre was dilly-dallying and evasive in receiving the report itself and
the State Government, after receiving the report, has also been equally reticent and inactive. The
Opposition parties, dependent on the immigrant vote banks, are still flagging the issue of CAA, using it as
a red herring to divert attention from the report.
It was in this context that there was a sense of shock and awe when, on February 17 last, a Minister of the
Government of Assam had dismissed the recommendations of the committee as unfit for implementation.
As reported in the press, this was the first official reaction on the report of the committee after a lapse of
one year from the date of submission of the report.
The Minister stated categorically that the recommendations could not be implemented as they are mere
expectations and ‘far from legal reality’. He also denounced the recommendations as repugnant to ‘many
judgments and pronouncements of the Supreme Court and provisions of the Constitution’. With regard to
the recommendation on reservation of seats in Parliament, Assembly, government jobs, etc., to the
extent of 80%, he dismissed them as unacceptable, being contrary to the maximum limit of 50% as laid
down by the apex court for all reservations.
The reactions of the Government as expressed by the Minister are manifestly illogical and thus untenable.
Insertion of Clause 6 follows logically from the recognition inherent in the Accord that, in the long run, the
distinct identity of the indigenous Assamese people was not safe under the existing framework of the laws
and the Constitution. It was precisely for the purpose of saving the Assamese from this existential threat
that Clause 6 provided for special ‘constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards as considered
necessary and appropriate’.
There cannot be any doubt whatsoever that the clause made it incumbent on the Central Government to
make all necessary amendments of the Constitution and enact laws to safeguard the interest and identity
of the Assamese people. The Committee’s recommendations are in pursuance of this directive in the
Accord, both in letter and spirit. Therefore, the Minister’s argument that the recommendations are mere
expectations and ‘far from legal reality’ and ‘tantamount to infringement of the existing provisions of the
Constitution’ cannot be sustained.
Another ground cited for the non-implementation of the recommendations is the judgment of the
Supreme Court purportedly limiting reservations to a maximum limit of 50%. This limit has been laid down
in the judgment in the case of Indra Sawhney Vs Union of India (1992). It is applicable only to government
jobs and admission to educational institutions. Since then this limit has already been exceeded in several
States on multiple grounds peculiar to the respective States.
Rather than weakening, it strengthens the case of special status and privileges to be bestowed on the
Assamese. There is no plausible reason to apprehend that reservation of 80% in government jobs
including existing reservation of 49.5% would be struck down by the apex court.
The most important amongst the recommendations is 80% reservation of seats in Parliament, State
Assembly, State Council and local bodies for the indigenous Assamese people including existing
reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. The Accord makes it obligatory for the Centre to make
amendments to the Constitution and introduce new Articles/Clauses in Parts XVI, Part XXI, etc., as has
been done in the cases of special provisions for several States and communities.
Special provisions to be made for Assam are analogous to those for Scheduled Tribes and Castes and as
such, may not be assailed on the ground of inconsistency with the basic structure of the Constitution.
Laws pertaining to reservations as a special case for the Assamese may also be placed in Schedule 9 under
Article 31B of the Constitution, putting them beyond the scope of challenge before the court.
While adjudicating on the validity of these special provisions, courts are bound to keep in view the
singularly unique character of Assam’s case, its complex ethnic diversity, aggravated by ceaseless assault
on its demographic integrity by unabated large scale influx of immigrants, unlike any other State.
Notwithstanding the critical comments of the State Minister, it is abundantly clear that the
recommendations of the committee on Clause 6 of the Accord are eminently implementable, with some
give and take. The special political and economic rights as recommended by the committee are the only
saviour or the so-called protective shield that is capable of preserving the identity and heritage of the
indigenous Assamese people.
The spectre of loss of political power to immigrants is staring the Assamese in the face. They can no longer
afford to be gullible or complacent. At the time of exercising their franchise in this election, the Assamese
must make sure that they cast their votes only for party or parties that unequivocally declare their
unequivocal support for implementation of Clause 6 panel recommendations.
Good initiative
Experts have established that, if floods in the Brahmaputra Valley have intensified with the passage of
time, at least a part of the problem lies in decrease of forest cover in the Northeast States through which
the river and its numerous tributaries flow. Deforestation is particularly responsible for excessive detritus
discharge and siltation, as also erosion of riverbanks and consequent displacement of people. Thus the
obvious corollary to the issue is the undertaking of planned forestry programmes in the region, along with
other steps, so as to better manage these turbulent rivers.
It is in such a context the news that a detailed project report (DPR) on rejuvenation and management of
the Brahmaputra river system through forestry interventions has been prepared by the Rain Forest
Research Institute (RFRI) at Jorhat is so heartening. Equally heartening is the fact that the DPR, prepared
with support from forest departments of Northeast States and West Bengal, besides other stakeholders,
has been approved by the Union Ministry of Forests, Environment and Climate Change and is set to be
implemented.
That the DPR has inputs from diverse sources of expertise including IIT Guwahati, Brahmaputra Board and
individuals and organizations engaged in research on river systems of the region, enhances its credibility.
As communicated by the RFRI the DPR adopts a holistic approach while envisaging model-based
plantation activities in natural, agriculture, and urban landscapes within the Brahmaputra basin.
It incorporates a methodology which will include interventions with respect to soil and water
conservation, riparian wildlife and wetland management along with supporting activities, including
creating mass awareness and capacity building of institutions and local communities. Based on 71 forestry
models, the interventions reportedly will focus on addressing major issues related to the river, like soil
erosion and sedimentation, increasing green cover, sequestering more atmospheric carbon, supporting
livelihood issues, beautifying the river basin, augmenting biodiversity and educating the people on
environmental issues.
The DPR proposes to rejuvenate about 51,500 hectares of the Brahmaputra river-scape in the seven
States during the first phase for which Rs 1,135 crore has been proposed for carrying out the required
interventions by the respective State forest departments and other relevant stakeholders. While lauding
the preparation of the DPR, the people of this region will keep their fingers crossed that its
recommendations are actually implemented. Since independence various reports and schemes, by bodies
like the Brahmaputra Board, have been prepared, with almost all destined to gather dust.
During the tenure of the BJP State Government, for instance, there had been envisioning of grandiose
projects such as the dredging of the river and using the accumulated silt to build highways on both banks.
Given the reality that annual floods have been the bane of the Brahmaputra Valley, it would indeed be a
pity if this new initiative suffers the fate of its predecessors!
Crime in the city
A spurt in crimes in the city in general and Fancy Bazar area in particular has emerged as a disturbing
concern. The menace of petty crimes such as theft and snatching of mobile phones, jewellery, cash, etc.,
has been reported almost as a matter of routine, with the traders of greater Fancy Bazar area moving the
administration to take urgent and effective steps against the perpetrators. A spurt in illegal settlements
near railway tracks is being cited as a breeding ground for such criminal activities.
The police needs to investigate the matter immediately and take action on the criminals. Drug pedalling is
another serious concern in the area and more disturbingly, a section of local traders was also found to be
involved in the nefarious activity, as corroborated by the arrest of a couple of businessmen a few months
back. Indeed, the easy availability of contraband narcotics has assumed sinister propositions in the city
and the authorities have been found to be completely lacking in tackling the scourge.
This apart, crimes like burglary, theft, robbery, murder, rape and kidnapping have registered a rather high
incidence in the State capital. Apparently, poor policing and sloppy investigation have made criminals
shed their fear of the law and perpetrate their criminal acts with impunity. The incompetence of the
Police Department is deep-rooted, and long-term reform and planning are imperative to make the forces
respond to crimes with clinical efficiency.
As for the city, it is a fact that much of the city’s criminal and antisocial activities stems from its floating
population. Be that as it may, the police need to pull up its socks and equip itself in the best possible
manner to deal with the deteriorating situation. A thorough modernization of the men in khaki is a dire
need. Today’s criminals being a smarter lot, it is imperative that the police keep on upgrading its skills and
strategies to take them on successfully.
While constraints such as manpower crunch, dearth of required technological assistance and overall
modernization of the forces, etc., continue to hamper the functioning of the police, the low morale and
the general complacent attitude of the police has not helped matters either. While crimes of all sorts have
witnessed a spurt, equally conspicuous has been the failure of the police in putting some semblance of
check in the deteriorating situation.
The common man has little security in the city – something testified to by the spurt in crimes. Widespread
corruption among the police as also the thriving police-criminal nexus, too, is having a negative impact on
its functioning. Another imperative need is to have enhanced police-public interactions. If the public is
vigilant and cooperates with the police, many acts of crime can be pre-empted. Citizens’ committees need
to keep a close watch on the happenings in their respective localities and keep the police well-informed of
any suspicious developments.