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Transcript of The Architecture of Oman
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Much of Oman's existing vernacular architecture standsun-
occupied. I do hope that this book helps to change this. These
buildings deserve rehabilitation and preservation. They are both very
beautiful and of great importance as a record of thecultural context
of the urban fabric, the architectural heritage and the social customs
of Oman. The material presented here persuades me that the Omani
people's pride in their traditional way of life is themain guarantee of
continuity in the urban context. I pray that the professionaIs under-
stand how important it is that this cultural identity informs future
housing policy.
Th e scale of vernacular architecture in Oman is always human.
This fact derives from the use by master craftsmen and builders of
parts of their body as units of measurement during the building
process. Local materials have served generations of Omani master
builders well, by translating their skilland imagination into an arch-
tecture integrated with the natural environment from which they
have gained so much of their inspiration. The materials- stone, mud-brick, wood, lime and a mud plaster, known as sdmj, particular to
Oman - have provided the craftsman with the means to produce an
architecture distinguished, for example, by the contrast of expressive
details and decoration against the massive solidity of the rendered
walls. Such detailingcan be seen in the wide variety ofdrdyish (win-
dow niches), masbr~biwabwooden window screens) and ornate
carved doors.
FOREWORD b
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Introduction
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architecture until the time that historical events began to
impinge, establishing cities, capitals and borders, and
fostering specific cultural identities and destinies. In
Muscat and Dhofar architecture amalgamated into urban
townhouse styles bearing a relationship to those of Aden
and Ha&mut respectively. In the late nineteenth centu-
ry, a modified vernacular type developed in Muscat in
parallel to the colonial style, typified by the British
Embassy which stood until 1995 near the Diwan of the
Royal Court. Though differences between the vernacular
Muscat house and, for example, the mansions of a1
Manzafah in lower Ibra' may be immediately obvious,
their shared architectural language is more specific than
that of the urban enclaves of any neighbouring area. The
types of vernacular architecture are sustained through-
out the Sultanate.
A spirit of minimalism and austerity, associated with
the nature of the 'Iba& sect,' dominates the vernacular
architectural styles and forms of the Sultanate. In turn,
this ethos disciplines and refines the extent and form
of urban growth, and is embodied in the understated
style of the modem buildings of Muscat. Legislation,
unprecedented in the Gulf region, restricts the scale of
buildings, both in the number of storeys and in the limi-
tation of high-rises to commercial areas. Elsewhere in
2
achieving development which would be equitable
throughout the country. The plan provided for the
expanding population to be accommodated in modern
towns, and encompassed the creation of new urban cen-
tres and roads, the institution of modem health care,
education and social reforms, and encouraged enterprise
and investment in the Sultanate's new administrative and
economic structure.'
Architecturally, until 1970 Muscat and other towns
in the Sultanate consisted of clusters related in form and
organisation to the vernacular urban settlements of
Arabia and North Africa. Walls surrounded cities and
some towns; the architectural fabric consisted of local
materials; the height of buildings was resmcted to three
storeys (four in the case of distinguished town palaces
and mansions); and socio-economic life was centred
around aibal communities engaged in a combination of
fishing, trade, agriculture and grazing, according to the
location and historic links of each settlement.
Sadly, I was unable to fulfil my immense desire to
experience the towns of the various regions in the
Sultanate while they were still mhabited. The need to
interact with the architecture and to observe the socio-
economic environment specific to each walled town
or quarter - how each piece of the urban fabric was
T HE A RCHI T E CT URE OF O M A N
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heritage of Oman proved unsatisfactory.
This bookdoes
not attempt to be a definitive recordof Omani architecture. Rather, it is the result of research
into and documentation of the prominent architecture of
selected towns and quarters in the Sultanate visited by
the author over a relatively brief period, 1993-97. The
book is intended to establish a reference point and pro-
vide a formal framework that may assist, and hopefully
inspire, architects, urban policy-makers, academics and
artists. Further, more specific research into this rich but
relatively neglected field is required to redefine and
recognise the cultural heritage that accompanies the
architectural tradition. Unfortunately many of the archi-
tectural surveys originally planned for this book proved
impossible to conduct
I have chosen to arrange the book according to
the modem regional administrative divisions of the
Sultanate, as they are well suited to the task of defining
architectural enclaves and styles. These are Muscat (the
capital), al Biilnah (the coast), Musandam (a northern
peninsula separated from the rest of the Sultanate by a
part of the United Arab Emirates), al Dakhiliyyah ('the
interior'), al Zahiiah (also a region of the interior), al
Sharqiyyah (the eastern region) and Dhofar in the south.
INTRODUCTION
architectural design with the vernacular architecture
of the prominent cities in the Sultanate.At
the sugges-tion of Hasan Fathy, a team from the Architectural
Association School of Architecture -its members were
Omar el Farouk, Allan Cain, Farokh Afshar and John
Norton - carried out field research in 1973. Th e study
took place barely three years after Sultan Qaboos had
come to power, at a time when very little change had
occurred in the living patterns of most Omanis. Thevast
majority of Oman's towns and villages, and their build-
ing methods, had remained unaltered for centuries. The
material which they gathered provides an invaluable
reference point, as it contains information on much
architecture that has subsequently disappeared. An
abridged version of their unpublished monograph
appears in Chapter 1of this book.
Because of their detailed knowledge of the impor-
tant forts and palaces which they restored, I also invited
Dr Enrico d'Errico and Olivier Sednaoui to contribute
to the book.
3
Salma Samar Damluji
LondmL,October 1997
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C H A P T E R I I
Traditional Architecture and
Settlement Patterns
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TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 7
Regional Styles and Building Traditions
)rbove:Close-upof thewalls of nl Fiqayn E a t nearMnnah
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the H a b tyle of neighbowingYemen and firrally the
buildings of EastAfrica, is also discernibleinmany of the
regional variations. Whereas some of these intluences
are expressed with direct references (most obviously, the
Pormguese fortifications at Muscat and the &hami
influencein Dhofar), others are more vague.An exami-
nation of the architecture oftowns uch as Na m, Misfst
a1 'Abriyyin and alMubyrib demonstrates the impor-
tance of establishing references for each style, though
the styles themselves are ultimately specific to Oman.
Other towns, such as alMinzafah, illustrate an estab-
lished and formal domestic architectural style within a
developed urban town centre, with possible influences
that may have been brought in by wealthy merchants
from Zanzibaror East Africa. To define fullythe over-
lapping influences requires further research into the
culturalinflux that occurred during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries (including research into the social
fabric that was attached to the architecture), which is
beyond the scope and speciality of this book.
Above
Theshrine of Muhammlld bm 'A7i n Mirbaf cemetery, which has n typtcd
Hndrami drsrgn. ir a c l o r s ~xmple of Ulemf/uences behuemDhofor ond
southern Yemm. Cross-refeencer are rare on m e r orch,femnol iweis,
~spedaliynmqms and reIzpw buildings
Below leftand right
Detnih from the town o fM i r a t a7 ' A w n n oiH~wd'proM'nce
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10 T HE A RCHI TE CT URE O F OMAN
F a r left
Detnil of a c m d wiwdw meen r rmT a h o w n M&8F
Evenwhen obviousinfluencesdo occur, the detail-
ing of the buildings- uchas the carvedwindowscreens,
the doors, the carvedmud, limeplaster andstuccowork,
and the painted ceilings and calligraphicinscriptions -expresses important stylistic variations owing to the
differing interpretations of local master builders and
craftsmen. Local types became establishedin the archi-
tecture of the different regions, which employed local
building materials, technology, design and town plan-
ning forms thatvary remarkablybetween the coast and
the interior, andbetweenthe easternandsouthernparts
of the country.Yet despitethe regionaldifferences,the
Left
Detail ofan enolhoncedwr to orre of TEqah'r old hours
Bdor ilnd botmm
Thermvatu l mosque of&arat rrl i'irni', Adm
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opp*
&hi1 of the intnnnl fW& of he he - s t o r e y hovres in tke
town of @IMudaybi
T% deserted t m f H y n d HmyBhrm inA&. Sinsle- and dwble-stow
residentid buildinn were conrtrudcd in the c o n e - s W bm d .~~ la r r e seilztul tsaunditionczi - t p pmm Gtain throughout the
imegralsburturc of the town
R i l M
Remnants of a stone wall shmving the raw- niche,Mirbdt
the absenceof documentation,where the populationhas
relocated to themodem urban environmentof thenewly
T R A D I T I O N A L ARCHITECTURE A N D SET T L EMEN T PAT T ERN S 13
but of the urban centresof the Sultanatein general, and
forms the basis of the followingdescriptionof buildingtechniques.
According to ShaykhM h n d , he masterbuilder
was traditionally responsible for designing the houses
of ordinary people. The houses belonging to the 6lite
were designed to a large extent by the owners them-
selves.Examplesofhouses builtforshaykbss t i l l s d v e n 'many towns.
Once the plan of the buildingwas determined and
marked out on site, the foundation trencheswere dug.
These varied in depth from 60 centimetresto 1metre.
For the foundationsthemselves, courses of stoneset in
sftt-zzjimemortarAwere used if the owners could afford
it;ifnot, the stonecourseswould bearrangedin anashlar
setting (closely packed stonewith no mortar) known in
Muscat asa17afi.Foundationswerebetween20 centirne-
tres and 1metre deep, dependingon theowner's means.
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LADlTlONAL ARCHITECTURE A N D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 27
TheBuraymiOasis
Buraymi Oasis, which gives its name to the surrounding
area, is on the frontier with Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia
and is the largest of several oases.It is not far from the
western end of a1 Jabal a1Akhdar. Located in the hot con-
ditions of the desert, the oasis environment modifies this
climate;it is cooler than its surroundings due to the pres-
ence of trees and irrigation, but humidity is higher. In
1973,each oasis settlement obtained its water from afalaj
system, supplied by a nearby mountain.Al Buraym was
undeveloped, although its neighbouring settlement of al
'Ayn in the United Arab Emirates had developed into a
substantial and wealthy town with oil revenues. Poor road
linkswith the rest of Oman, however, conmbuted to the
discrepancies between al Burayrm and a1'Ayn.
Once again, water was the main factor that influ-
enced the original settlement pattern of al Buraymi, and
houses were generally built on land not suitable for culti-vation and above the level atwhichfa@ carried water into
the settlement. Themain owns and villages wereal l situ-
ated around the date gardens, including themq and the
forts. Th e streets were quite wide, providing little shade,
and even secondary streets were not narrow enough to
provide protection from the sun. Buildings were either
one- or two-storey structures. Bnraymirtiq wasa com-
TheMuscat,M UM ndRuwlCapitalRegion
This region covers the capital area from As Sib, at the
southernend oftheBatinah coast, to the mountainswhich
ru n into the sea at the southeast, cuttingoff the area from
the coast further west. There are four natural bays, two
accommodatingMuscat, the capital of Oman, and two
Mu & , whichin 1973was the new and expandingport.
The region is close to the B a k a h coast and hence
has a similar general climate, though this ismodified by
the surrounding bare rocky mountains. This is best
exemplified in Muscat, where the town's protected har-
bour openson to the sea,while the rest of the settlement
is surrounded on three sides by steep rock faces. The
light-coloured stone mountains around Muscat act as
reflectors for solar radiation, focusing heat on to the
town even after nightfall because of the heat storage
capacityof the rocks.Muscatissaid to have temperatures
5°C higher than those of the surroundingcountryandtherefore dependson localdailyland and sea breezes.
In 1973,Muscat and Muuab were the only two
major established townsin the north of Oman, the latter
with more room for expansion than Muscat, which was,
however,the traditional seatof governmentIn both, the
ideal settlement climaticallywas one of narrow shaded
streets that also allowed for air movement between the
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advantage. However where the car had begun to pene- Tpicalwindowsin theindigenoushouses ofMuscat
trate, the result was congestion.The houses in M u dand Mu& had multi-level openings;
an
example iswere closelygrouped, both physicallyand socially, into shown here from Najwm House on the beachfront of
communalclusters.The most identifiablegroupingwas Mu@&.Thishousehad thicklimestone wallswhich, due
that of the Lawstip Quarter, theresidential clusterbuilt
28
by the earlyIndianmerchant community in the post-
Portuguese era. There are two access gates to this area,
leading to narrow alleys. The houses are two or three
storeyshigh and form a protectivewall around the area,
with no openings at street level. At the time of thestudy,many of these buildings were in poor condition.
In both Muscat and Muwah, the high population
and the scarcity of available land for building had
resulted in a relatively dense settlement pattern, albeit
exhibiting the differences mentioned above.Thismeant
that natural ventilation through the settlement was
THE ARCHITECTURE O F OMAN
restricted,and other means had been found to encourage
airmovement and cooling. The courtyard housewasone
example, trapping cooler night-time air in the base of the
courtyard. Another was window openings designed to
facilitate air movement and to help keep interiors cool.
A b v ePrivmC housewitn Onretewhdms , Mac@
Bettarn left
sem'muhnwinsclim#tic r e s p m , typid t m ow , Mwmt
Bettam rylt
Theharv of@%? 'AU NapBnl; g m d mdWtpwrplanr
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T R A D I T I O N A L A R C H I TE C T U R E A N D S E T T LE M E N T P A TT E R N S 29
the sea, to blow into the dwelling,but it was necessaryto
exclude solar radiation which would otherwise raise
indoor temperatures. Two shadingdevices were used,
one of which was a wooden awning-type consauction
and the other a gypsum-plaster lattice window. The
latticewindows of Muscat and Mutrah were generally
elaborate, finely-detailedgypsumpanelsset into thewall.
Their purposewas to allow daylight to enter and air to
circulate, and to afford aview while excluding glare and
solar radiation, aswell as maintainingvisual privacy. Inthe housesof the Muscatmu@& area, latticeopenings
were usually found in the upper portionsof the window,
or ashigh window and ventilationopenings. Because of
the air's high moisture content, the sky reflects a great
deal of light and skies are much brighter than in dryer
climates. The lattice-work screens(similarin functionto
the 'arish screens on the Ba!inah coast) protect the eye
fromits harsh glare. Openingshigh up in roomsarealso
necessary to allow for the escape of warm air which col-
lens in the upper reaches ofa room due to convection.
Another elaboratewindow design was found in the
windows of Bayt al Zawawi (also known as Mughabb) in
Muscat, which had incorporatedan evaporative cooling
system. The coolingunit used a porous, unglazed water
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TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE A N D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
Architecture in the Landscape
James Parry
Musondmn is one of he few places inOman where raznfall lewlr me adequnhto czllmv searanal
cultivation.T m m s me conslmcted to secure maximum bolqit from the mndff
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38 THE A R C H I TE C T U R E O F O M A N
I
LocationofWater
Thegeography of northern Oman is characterized by
the C O ~ M U O U ~ hain of mountains that runs south from
the Straits of Hormuz parallel to the coast, until finally
dwindling just inland from $iir, on the edge of Ja'lan.
Although there are no major breaks in t h i s chain, it is
scored by a series of geological weaknesses which act as
drainage linesandalsoprovideavaluableopportunityfor,?*.
communicationroutes.These two aspects areabsolutely- .
central to the development of settlementandagriculturein Oman and, until the 1970s, it was in this region,
,-
- immediatelyeither side of the mountain range, that the
country's greatestpopulation densitywasm befound.
The drainage lines take the form of gravel-based
... . wadis, which fan out intowider alluvialbasins once they
- leave the resmctivetopography of themountainsproper.-
.
.
.' On the western side of the mountains the wadis flow
, ? - inland to the desert, whereas on the eastern side they
. flow towards the sea, creating Oman's most productiveR
Y ; . agricultural region, al B s ~ a h . owever, nowhere do.= ,.- " these wadis run constantly at surfacelevel and most are
. e-. . , dryfor at leastpart ofthe year. Alternative,more reliable,. ,--
. sources of water are therefore required and must be. ',,, - -. -~ - - , . found bytappingunderground aquifers.
Oman's wells are of little importance architecturally,
their structures being of quite rudimentary canstruction.
Of much greater interest is the country's most renowned
means of water management: the famous system ofwater
channels, referred to collectivelyasa$@?.
TheABjIn such an arid country, the location, catchment, storage
and distribution of water is of the utmost importance,requiring ingenuity and skilful management. Over the
centuries, large-scale hydraulic systems have been dev-
eloped in much of interior Oman in order to exploit
precious water resources." These systems rely on conduits,
which are constructed both below and above ground
level. In Oman, the word apr f l is used as a genericterm for
all water conduits, whatever their provenance and design.
Costa identifies three different types of&:hose chan-
n e b g surface flow and run-off, those tapping springs,
and those draining water-soaked suhsoil."The last two
are essentially subterranean and, strictly-speaking,
termed qamzt.An open channel is usually calledghayl."
Some of Oman's@-j run or more than 30 kilome-
tres, but most are between 3 and 10 kilometres long.An
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Opposite
F d a j ntManal, showing (on right) themdGd, the sporl heap reuitinrfrom
excavmons to bring theground lwcl down to that of the f W
Bdow ee
Fdaj el 'AWt - the demon's falay-near Mq i d a1 KafF, o typical streetside falnl
TR A D I T I O N A L A R C HI TEC TUR E A N D SETTLEMEN T PA TTER N S 41
The dismbution of the water transported by a ah j
must be designed sequentially to cater for the range of
different uses and to avoid pollution from one use to
another.Alinearutilization patxem is therefore employed;
&e prerequisite is that drinkingwater is taken from the
fahj as soon as it is collected from below ground, so that
it is as cleanas possible.
Oman's are its lifeblood. The filaj channels
bring the possibilities of life itself to an otherwise
desolate and forbidding landscape. They dictate when,where and how the human inhabitants can make prod-
uctive use of difficult terrain; they determine the extent
and character of settlement patterns; and they involve
the design and construction of particular featnres requir-
ing formidable engineering and architectural skills.
Although primarily functional, many of these features
are of architectma1value, upon which forethought and a
degree of aesthetic concern have been lavished.
A& are of great symbolic value and oken enjoy
an almostvenerated statuswithin the local community.
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42 THE ARCHITECTURE O F O M A N
Fah z j waterdislribufion
ILis is particularly so in the case of the u r n , or mother
channel, a source initially located by a water diviner andfrom which a network of smaller distributaries will
usually stem. Celebrated a j@ such as Falaj D ~r is t
Nazwa are part of local folklore and have assumed
iconographic significancefar beyond their dady function
as providers of water.'* Collectively,Oman's a j@ com-
prise the single most imporrant u d p g actor in the
large-scale deve10pment of both land and water resources
was the hallmark of their imperial conquests. Anextensive construction programme, based on the precepts
and design of the irrigation system in their homeland,
would have been the obvious approach in a country of
similar terrain and climate. Furthermore, we knowfrom
contemporary chronicles that the Persians deliberately
sabotaged many aj7q in the face of the advancingarmies
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extended by the Achaemenids, but its roots are almost
certainly earlier."
Following the expulsion of the Persians and the
advent of Islam, Oman's aflej suffered mixed fortunes.
There is no evidence to suggest that any extension of the
network took place, nor indeed that anydung other than
basic maintenance was carried out, until the period of the
Ya'xribah imamate (1035-1157/1625-1744). On the
contrary,it seems that the extent and quality of the coun-
my's ajhii went into a steep decline, with frequent
disruption and even total destruction during periods of
civil strife. By the time of the Ya'aribah imams, theneed
for a comprehensive rehabilitation of the country's irri-
gation resource and agricultural base was paramount
Culturally, the Ya'aribah dynasty is an interesting
period, arguably the 6rstGoldenAge of the Omani state
and a time when the arts and agriculture alike flourished.
There were developments of great architectural sign-
ificance, such as the comprehensive redesigning and
expansion of towns such as Nazwa, al&m~%'nd Birkat
al Mawz, and the construction of many of Oman's cele-
brated form. The majority of Oman's most significant
historic buildings date from this period. The basis for
such cultural and material prosperity was the relative
TRADI TION AL ARCHITECTURE AN D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
SettlementPatterns
Considerable studyhas been conducted into the origin
and development of traditional settlements in Oman.'*
These can be summarized as being of two basic types;
coastal and interior.As far as the latter is concerned, the
mostfrequentpattern is for anoasissetdementto develop
at a point where water and cultivable land coincide.
Fertile soil is almost as rare, if not rarer, in Oman than
fresh water and a location blessedwith the presence of
both isanenviablespotindeed. Itwas thereforenecessary
to defend such sites from covetous neighbours and so
settlementswere generally located on the nearest high
ground (usually a rocky outcrop), with the cultivated
fields spread out aroundandbelow. The elevatedposition
of the houses allowed psychologicaland physical domi-
nation of the site, aswell assomedegreeofprotection in
the eventof flash floods. The vastmajority of the interi-
or settlementsofOmanmirror thispattern.
43
Derelict hama rnT d f i hmvingbd&q mom h i l f o w he f&l
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At locations where water and dt ivable soil did notcoincide, then it was often possible to bring the water to
the fields by means of afilaj. Even when the two core
commodities were naturally present in the same place,
there was often the need to fashion and develop them m
suit the needs of the local population. The aF.3 system
played a key role in thisprocess also.
In
44
avoided problemsin transportingwater m the home and
allowed a degree of domestic comfort. For example, theseventeenth-centuryrehabilitation ofthe a&3 and town
of a1 Ha- involved the consuuction of some of the
granderhouseswith their frontage actuallyover thefihzj,
to allowfor rooms in whicb bathing couldbe carriedout
pri~ately.'~imilar houses (now ruinous) can be seen at
Tantxf.Equally, the forts ofJabrin and Bayt a1Rudaydah
in Birkat al Mawz were each sewed by afalaj running
straight through the centre of the building. That at
Jabrin isnow dry, but thef&j f Bitkat alMawz remains
in good condition.
The centralityof water in Oman, and the key role
played by the a f i 3 in its procurement and distribution,
has resulted in the latter often serving as a broker and
vehicle forpeace in times ofdispute. Intemibal rivalries
and feudinghad to be periodicallysetasidedueto mutu-al dependence on a shared watersupply.Nowhere isthis
more evident than in Izki, a classic oasis settlement
served by oneof the greatesta f i 3 ofall, alMalki.
Comprised of two historically distinct and tradi-
tionally antagonisticsettlements- lN b nd alYarnan
- Izkidepended on a unified irrigationsystem. Despite
THE ARCH ITECTURE OF O M A N
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M U S C AT : T R A D I T I O N A L C I T Y A N D G R E AT ER C A P I T A L 57
- safraatviewamasMuscat bay S-8 QIA h a l m
ospowc & vinv of ffie dd dn/ of Mucatwith IalciiiFort in he wrgmund
Util 1970, Muxat and the rest of Oman were vir-
tually separate entities; Muscat (Masqat) and
M u ~ a b ,wo miles to the west, were geographically and
country, he embarked on an extensive programme of
infrastmctural renewalandurbandevelopmentofwhich
Muscat, the capital, was naturally a focus.During the
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50 THE ARCHITECTURE OF OMAN
m
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urban and culturalvalues ofIslamiccities, whicharenot
segregatedinto public andprivate districts, andwas gov-
erned by hisdesire to integratethe oldtown's fabricinto
MUS CAT : T RA DIT ION AL ClT V AN D GRE AT ER CAP IT AL
anymodemisingscheme.A two-volume research docu-
ment entitled 'Muscat City Planning' included astudyof
Muscat's architectural character, examining in depth its
architectural details, historic monuments and public
buildings includingmosques,thestip, citywalls and gates:
The report byJohn R. HarrisArchitectsremained
open to a number of different development options.
They considered the possibility ofMuscatcontinuingas
the seat of government, and perhaps 'coupled with its
role as capital pecoming] a cultural centre . . . [with]
commercialdevelopment. . everelyrestricted'. In tbis
scenario, the oldcity ofMuscatwouldbe devoted large-
lyto publicbuilLZlngsandresidences forthe elite. On the
otherhand, a new capitalmightbe established elsewhere,
in which case they proposed that old Muscat and theneighbonring area of Si&b, on the bay, be developed as
a touristcentre, retaining as manyofthe attractive older
buildings as is possible' andnecessitating 'considerable
and sympatheticrenovation' - though he also suggested
that 'the larger ones could be incorporated into hotels'.'
Social and culturalissues formed the basis of both
I 9
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60 TH E A R C HITECTU R E O F O M A N
Hams went one step further, proposing that
Mugah be extended south andwest into thevalley hom
Ruwi to Darsayt Thisproposed developmentsite,whichI e called 'GreaterM u d , would become the commer-
cial centre of the entire area,with anew town centre of
publicand community buildings locatedat Bayta1Falaj,
an old fortified palace at the northern end of the Ruwi
plain. Harris's proposalsfornew buildingwereprimarily
designed according to the demands of modem urban
development.Thoughhe acknowledgedthe importanceof traditional spatial organisation in his proposals for
three schemesof dwellingunits- courtyard core hous-
ing, low-cost housingandhousing overshops- he plans
did not fullyconsiderthe nuancesembedded in the over-
all structure of the old city fabric. Th e expression was
linear in form and the repetition of the units somewhat
predictable.Nonetheless, within theparametersofmod-
ern construction and design Harris succeeded in
interpretingthe socialvaluesandtraditionalelements of
Arab architecture in a new yet sympatheticform.
Both proposals envisagedthe creation ofanetwork
ofroadsto senrice the new areasandseparate them from
the old walled towns ofMuscat and M u ~ a h . owever,
while Hams did not object to the ribbon development
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guidelinesfor property layouts so as to incorporatethe
traditionalcomtyard element intoprivate housing andto
allow fm adequate space between buildings. Neither
Harris's nor Makiya's proposals were carried out to the
letter, but they undoubtedly influenced the direction
taken bythe Diwan of the Royal C o w and themunici-
palities' planningdepartments.
In addition, both practiceswereresponsiblefor the
constmctian or renovation of a number of important
buildings, landmarksin the developmentofMuscat and
its environs.JohnHarrishad experimentedwithmodem
materials before any planning resmctions existed in
Oman. Among the first buildings he designed was the
OttomanBank(later known as Grindlay'sBank), the 6rst
reinforced concrete snucnue in Oman, completed in
1968.Thefirmhad to arrangeforOinan's fi tst shipment
of sulphate-resisting cement and reinforcing steel, an
occasion recorded byk E.Jones, Harris's residentpart-ner in Oman for twelveyears: T h e arrivalof the shipin
M u d arbour caused mch a s t i ~hat senior govern-
MUSCAT TRADIT IONAL CITY A ND GREATER CAPITAL 61
ment officials actually attendedon the quayside."The
bank buildingwaswell received because it acknowledged
traditional Omani design, incorporatingsuch architec-
tural features as the intricatewooden screenedbalcony
(derivedfromthe traditionalArabmmbsab@yab)and the
pointed arch,yetithad a uniquelymodemidentitysym-
bolic of Oman's new functionas a centre of commerce.
In theJohn Harris brochure it is cited as 'an example of
a well-mannered building which respects its distin-
guished neighbours'. Built just outside the main gate
which leadsinto the centreofoldMuscat, the bank isan
interesting example of a carefully designed modern
building in an area of traditional buildings of greater
architecturalimpomce.
Hatrisdescribesthe principal design consideration
of the OttomanBank as climatic: heat, light andthermal
movementwere signijicantfacto~~.n 'upside-down' 0s
roof, combinedwith asun shadeaboveafreelyventilatedair space,provided i d a t i o n firomthe outsideheat. As
seasonal rainfall is frequent but heavy, floodwater
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gargoyleswere incorporatedandused to punctuate the for theMinistryofSocialAffairs and Labour, completed
fagade.Th e external rendering issimple, since stability in 1991 on a prominent site atA1Khuwayr adjacent to
was of prime importance in view of the high levels of the diplomaticquarter and the avenueofminisma, washumidityandsalinityin theMuscat air. the winning design in an architectural competition. Its
Among Hams's other buildings are the &st girls' s t r u c d einforcedconcreteframe,which projects two
schoolin Muscat, alNahda hospital, low-cost bachelor metres &omthe faceofthe building, is described as 'pro-
flats, the Omani Tribal School, a clinic at Hayma, the viding additional solar shielding to the main glazed
English School, twostorey housing at alQunn and a areas': Th epointed archesthat takeup the height of the
number ofcommercialbuildings. In 1972 heundertook fagade reflect the more elaboratestylethat the practice- .--the renovation of one of the vernacular buildings in adopted in its lateryears, characteristic ofa new wave of
M u d , a house locallyknown as Bayt Barandi or Bayt modemisingIslamicarchitecturalforms.
Nasib. Other publicbuildingsconstructed bytheHarris MohamedMakiya's important projects in Muscat
practice include the main post office and government includethe renovation ofBayt a1Jrayzah (1976),Bayt al
administrativeoffices, a terminalatAl SibInternational Khajiyyah(1977)and BabWaljat(1974),oneofh e ty
Airport and the national headquarters for the gates ofoldMuscat. He also designed the new Minishy
DevelopmentCouncilof Oman. Hams's newbuilding of Finance, Bayt a1 M&+, completed in 1977."
64 THE ARCHITECTURE O F OMAN
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Abore
Md i y o As~~i(~te'pr .$ps~Ior stredFcape below the a t em elmm.On of
MUSCAT TRAD ITION AL CITY AN D GREATER CAPITAL 65
Standing just outside Bsb Waljat, Ba y a1Mtlliyyah is
constructed out of stone, both in keeping with the
architecture of the old city and appropriate forthis arge-
scale, impressive building. Makiya felt that i t was better
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66
their ownrestorations.' His idea is to teach localcrafts-
men 'to build in the original vernacular style, and to
supply them with facilitiesand reasonablypricedmate-
rialsso that they can reconstructtheir ownvillages':
Makiya gave three conferencesand set up an exhi-
bition in Muscat to explainhis approach. 'I suggested
that the municipality should provide workshops that
would producewindows, doors, toilet facilities,etc., to
blueprint designs at a non-profit price.Local craftsmen
couldthen incorporatethesepre-cast units and this stan-dard of design in newbuilding.' Makrya'sphilosophyis
that 'building comesout of the people and the environ-
ment, rather than out of the often unsympathetic,
academicapproachthat architectstend to employ.Thatis
why I spent so much time researching the traditional
architectureof the area andbuildingupmyownknowl-
edgeof local techniques,materialsanddesigns.'
Thoughhe did recommendplanningregulationsto
resmctbuildingheight andensure the useofvernacular
styles,Makiya consideredhismethodologyof conserva-
tion quiteunusual in that he sought to disseminatehis
ideas rather than provide a 'set text' of instructions or
regulations. Hard and fastruleswould, he felt, onlybe
restrictiveand stiflethe diversityofOmanicities,where
THE ARCHITECTURE OF OMAN
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Modem Development
The 1980s saw an increase in construction so rapid that
the preservation of Oman's architectural heritage was
threatened. Consequently, the Ministry of Land Affairs
(subsequently he Minisay of Housing) issued instruc-
tions requiring new building to comply with prescribed
'Islamic' forms. Ink E. Jones's opinion the regulations
were too extreme, consisting of 'fairly arbitrary require-
ments for castellations on building parapets, gotbic and
curved arches over windows and a general referral to a
type of building which never red y ead~ted'.~
The Development Council and Daimler-Benz ser-
vice buildings, which were built according to the
stringent new regulations, show little synergy between
the old style and the new materials; the use of castella-
tion, in particular, is redundant at best.Also in the spirit
of the new regulations, a proposal was made for the
'beautification' of the National Bank of Oman, whichhad been built by a German h u s i n g an imported pre-
fabricated profiled cladding system. This was never
carried out due to the expense it would involve.k E.
Jones reports that 'a direct consequence of thiswas a res-
olution that no further "modem" buildings would
receive Municipahty approval, and tbis effectively meant
specified the form and style of boundary walls and gates,
main enay doors(givingoptions for arched or flat lin-
tels), railings and motifs in solid wood and perforated
w d panels, roof parapets using screens and perforated
panels in concrete rendering and wood, screens and
enclosures to create privacy and conceal modem instal-
lations such as air-conditioningunits, and balconies with
instructions for screening where they faced neighbours
or were used for drying clothes.A sheet on the appropri-
ate method of constructing arches included ten types of
pointed, segmental and one semicircular arch. A section
on window detailing (which employs aluminium-framed
glass windows) suggests ornamental relief panels emu-
lating stucco-workin decorative woodenmasbrabiyyabor
'arabesque' patterns, and louvres; only an Indian point-
ed arch and a semicircular arch are shown. Finally,
elevations of four different villas are used to illustrateexterior w d reatments, indicating the types of mason-
ry to be used: concrete block-work or Omani calcium
silicate bricks, with only 'very limited use' of stone, gran-
ite and marble. The type of paint is specified, and more
importantly the colours to be used for exterior walls:
white, light buff and silvergrey.
M U SC A T T R A D I T I O N A L C I T Y A N D G RE A TE R C A P I TA L 67
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