THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

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THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4 JOHN N. KING MS. EGERTON 2974, fois. 67-8, preserves in fragmentary form accounts from the day-book of a London stationer who was active during the brief interval between the death on 6 July 1553 of Edward VI, whose regents allowed unprecedented liberty to Protestant authors, printers, publishers, and booksellers, and the reimposition of statutory restraints on publication by the government of Queen Mary. The entries for dates, titles, quantities, paper, and prices make it clear that the leaves come from a bookseller's ledger book. Their record of the articles sold each day at the stationer's shop provides a unique view of the London book trade at an unusually turbulent point in the history of English publishing. Before they came into the holdings of the British Museum, the two paper leaves (fig. i) were removed from a copy of William Alley's The poore mans librarie (1565) that belonged to Thomas Sharpe of Coventry. They are described as having been pasted at the end ofthe volume *as a fly leaf, and after their removal, William Hamper enclosed them as a gift in a letter of 17 March 1810 to the Revd Thomas Frognall Dibdin (MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 62, 64). The leaves are unevenly trimmed, but each measures approximately 376 x 145 mm overall. Because of their format they are now bound separately, but they formed part of a group of letters to Dibdin purchased loose and later bound in the Museum, so they belong together with MS. Egerton 2974 as a collection. William Hamper indicated the provenance of the original leaves on the transcription that he attached to his letter to Dibdin; his headnote to this transcript suggested further that the leaves were from one of the 'old day books' of John Day, who printed The poore mans librarie. Hamper's transcript (MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 64-6) is sometimes helpful in deciphering a very difficult Tudor business hand. An unknown number of leaves from the original account book are missing, creating a break in the surviving ledger entries. Because all of the entries on fol. 67 date from August-September 1554, whereas those on fol. 68 date from October 1553, it seems likely that the two leaves were one of the outer bifolia of a gathering of the account book, and so would originally have been folded the other way round. This order is restored in the transcription printed below. We may assume that at least four pages separated the entries on the two leaves, thus creating the gap in date between them. 33

Transcript of THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

Page 1: THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIANBOOKSELLER, 1553-4

JOHN N. KING

MS. E G E R T O N 2974, fois. 67-8, preserves in fragmentary form accounts from theday-book of a London stationer who was active during the brief interval between thedeath on 6 July 1553 of Edward VI, whose regents allowed unprecedented liberty toProtestant authors, printers, publishers, and booksellers, and the reimposition ofstatutory restraints on publication by the government of Queen Mary. The entries fordates, titles, quantities, paper, and prices make it clear that the leaves come from abookseller's ledger book. Their record of the articles sold each day at the stationer'sshop provides a unique view of the London book trade at an unusually turbulent pointin the history of English publishing.

Before they came into the holdings of the British Museum, the two paper leaves(fig. i) were removed from a copy of William Alley's The poore mans librarie (1565)that belonged to Thomas Sharpe of Coventry. They are described as having been pastedat the end ofthe volume *as a fly leaf, and after their removal, William Hamper enclosedthem as a gift in a letter of 17 March 1810 to the Revd Thomas Frognall Dibdin (MS.Egerton 2974, fois. 62, 64). The leaves are unevenly trimmed, but each measuresapproximately 376 x 145 mm overall. Because of their format they are now boundseparately, but they formed part of a group of letters to Dibdin purchased loose andlater bound in the Museum, so they belong together with MS. Egerton 2974 as acollection. William Hamper indicated the provenance of the original leaves on thetranscription that he attached to his letter to Dibdin; his headnote to this transcriptsuggested further that the leaves were from one of the 'old day books' of John Day,who printed The poore mans librarie. Hamper's transcript (MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 64-6)is sometimes helpful in deciphering a very difficult Tudor business hand.

An unknown number of leaves from the original account book are missing, creatinga break in the surviving ledger entries. Because all of the entries on fol. 67 date fromAugust-September 1554, whereas those on fol. 68 date from October 1553, it seemslikely that the two leaves were one of the outer bifolia of a gathering of the accountbook, and so would originally have been folded the other way round. This order isrestored in the transcription printed below. We may assume that at least four pagesseparated the entries on the two leaves, thus creating the gap in date between them.

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Fig. I a, b. MS. Egerton 2974, f. 68^ 68^. The first ofthe two leaves, showing the layout oftheentries, and the way the edges ofthe pages have been trimmed. The leaves are shown here and

in fig. ic, dm their presumed original order

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:,_.v^U-V 1 r-rv-

^. If, d. MS. Egerton 2974, f 67^,

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Ruled lines divide each page into four columns that record respectively the number ofitems sold, book titles and other pertinent information, and shillings and pence received.Trimming ofthe page edges sometimes results in the loss of numerals in the first columnand in the money columns, especially that for pence.

During the period of these ledger entries, the only formal control mechanisms werethose set in place by Queen Mary's proclamation of i8 August 1553 concerning religiouscontroversy, unlicensed plays, and printing, and by her injunctions of 4 March 1554.The 1553 order forbade the

. . . playing of interludes and printing of false fond books, ballads, rhymes, and other lewdtreatises in the English tongue concerning doctrine in matters now in question and controversytouching the high points and mysteries of Christian religion; which books, ballads, rhymes, andtreatises are chiefly by the printers and stationers set out to sale to her grace's subjects of anevil zeal for lucre and covetousness of vile gain.^

Proclamations played a relatively unimportant role in managing the press, however,because the most effective controls were provided through ecclesiastical measures andlegislation.^ The proclamation of 18 August 1553, for example, ignores altogether thesale of books printed during the previous reign—a major activity of the stationer inquestion—and the overseas origin of many Protestant books. The 1554 injunctionsordered the bishops *to travail for the condemning and repressing of corrupt and naughty[wicked] opinions, unlawful books, ballads, and other pernicious and hurtful devices,engendering hatred among the people, and discord among the same'.^ Mary's thirdParliament (November 1554-January 1555) eventuafly revived the medieval statuteagainst heresy.''•

Persecution of Protestant reformers followed swiftly with the burnings of John Rogersand John Hooper on 4 and 9 February 1555. Writings by both of these authors appearin these ledger accounts, as well as texts by the most celebrated ofthe Protestant martyrs,Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer (see nos. 40 and 130). All but Rogers are mentionedby name in the proclamation issued on 13 June 1555 banning the writing, sale, andpossession of seditious and heretical texts. Other authors named there and listed in MS.Egerton 2974, fois. 67-8, include Peter Martyr, William Tyndale, William Turner,Thomas Becon, John Frith, and Edward Halle. Although this proclamation functionsas an index of prohibited books, the Marian persecutions were not so much a responseto illicit publication as to religious dissent in general.^

The inclusion of books by these eminent reformers may have supported the conjecturethat these leaves were taken from the ledgers of John Day, the printer of The pooremans librarie^ when they were no longer useful as business records.^Beginning his careerwith Edward VFs accession as a reformist monarch. Day established himself early asa dominant figure in London publishing circles. The Marian government attempted tomuzzle the publisher for the printing of 'noythy [naughty, i.e. wicked] bokes' byimprisoning him in the Tower of London on 16 October 1554," the date of the finalentries on MS. Egerton 2974, fol. 67^. Upon his release he went underground in England

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or on the Continent. It seems likely that Day remained active during Mary's reign bysurreptitiously printing banned Protestant texts under the notorious imprint of'MichaelWood', whose *Roane' (Rouen) press may have been located in London itself.^ Goingon to become the man who arguably became the most successful master printer of thefirst half of Queen Elizabeth's reign, he was also a zealous Protestant who consistentlypublished reformist authors throughout his career.

The stationing activities recorded on MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 67-8, seem incompatiblewith the trajectory of Day's Marian career. Because of his lifelong devotion to theProtestant cause, it appears improbable that Day would have sold the Roman Catholicdevotional works and government-sponsored propaganda listed in these accounts.(Nevertheless he was a shrewd and successful business man who did, after all, print atleast one Catholic publication during Mary's reign.)^ These accounts list none of theseditious 'Michael Wood' imprints.

Perhaps the most notable feature of this unknown stationer's book stock is its mixedcharacter, for he trades both in the books of Protestant radicals hostile to the governmentand in the authorized writings of the main defenders of the legitimacy of the Marianregime: James Brooks, Stephen Gardiner, John Gwynneth, Thomas Watson, and JohnWhite. Although this seller openly trades in books likely to incur governmental reprisal,he also vigorously disseminates propaganda favouring the new regime. His sales lackthe ideological commitment central to the careers of the Protestant master printers whothrived during the preceding reign of Edward VI, notably John Day, the King's PrinterRichard Grafton, and his one-time partner Edward Whitchurch.^^

Beeause Robert Toy is the only publisher named in any imprint (as distinct fromWhitchurch, Richard Jugge, and Nicholas Hill, who were aU printers as well), the listmay perhaps be Toy's or that of someone who received his current supply of booksfrom him.^^

These ledger entries confirm the view that Protestantism maintained its swayunimpeded in London early in Mary's reign. ^ The heady spirit of this time resembledthat of Edward VFs reign, when Parliament repealed all heresy and treason statutesenacted since the reign of Edward III, including the notorious Act of Six Articles (1536)prohibiting the expression of religious opinion without royal approval. With the blessingof Protector Somerset, Edward's first regent, the Protestant faction had effectivelyenjoyed freedom of the Press. Somerset was an able successor to Henry VIIFs chiefminister Thomas Cromwell as a manipulator of public opinion through the medium ofprint. The flood of religious treatises and polemics that Somerset patronized orencouraged led to a doubling in the volume of publication that was normal during themid-Tudor period. ^

The book sales recorded in MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 67-8, typify the Marian regime'sgeneral inability to control publication and to comprehend how the growth of printingand literacy had elevated the role ofthe laity in the religious life ofthe nation. '' Advocacyof lay reading by Luther, Tyndale, Cranmer, and other reformers may account for theoverwhelming sympathy of printers for the Reformation in Germany and England.^^

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Compared with the eighty printers and publishers who were active under Edward, onlyforty-one flourished under Mary. Even when they were forced into exile under theCatholic queen, Protestant publicists published many more English texts than theirRoman Catholic opponents. ^ It does not follow, however, that Mary's governmentmisunderstood the role that printing could play in an effective propaganda counter-attack. Because the Marian church believed in clerical education of communicants ratherthan lay self-instruction, it relied on the Press to produce catechetical works. Primerswere published in greater numbers than had been the case under the Edwardian regime;their importance is to some extent reflected in the sales recorded in MS. Egerton 2974.The new regime also mounted a strenuous effort to direct propaganda printed in foreignlanguages to a continental audience, so that its relative neglect of the domestic readingpublic appears to have been deliberate. ^

MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 67-8, portrays the London book world not long before theincorporation ofthe Stationers' Company on 4 May 1557. The granting of its charterby Philip and Mary expressed the inability ofthe Crown to control heretical and seditiouspublication effectively, for they vested in the freemen of the company the power ofpolicing their own members in return for a monopoly on printing. The stationers'powers included the right of search and seizure for printing contrary to regulation.Only the universities at Oxford and Cambridge were exempt from company control,but neither possessed a printing press at this time. The charter concentrated printingin London and its immediate environs, in contrast to the Edwardian policy ofencouraging printing and publication in outlying locations like Ipswich, Canterbury,Worcester, and Shrewsbury. ^

Scriptural translations and controversial Protestant books from the preceding reignmake up a large part of the stock of this Marian stationer. Many texts come from thepresses of the Edwardian master printers. Day, Whitchurch, and Grafton, notablyelementary primers, catechisms, and other devotional texts that advanced the Reforma-tion by including large amounts of scripture in English translation for the education ofboth children and adults. ^ Day in particular contributed many innovative editions ofthe English Bible and scriptural tracts, which were proscribed by Mary's 18 August1553 proclamation against 'false fond books' and later legislation against heresy andsedition. ^ Whitchurch printed many of the vastly influential ballad versions of theScriptures that were inspired by the vogue for the metrical Psalms that ThomasSternhold sang at court to his patron, Henry VIII, years before they were publishedunder Edward in popular editions.^^ Protector Somerset was the patron of three authorson the list, Thomas Becon, William Turner, and Robert Crowley, all of whom fled tothe Continent rather than die under Queen Mary. Crowley is of particular interest notonly because he had operated a bookshop and published controversial books directlyor indirectly under Somerset's patronage, but because MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 67-8,records the sale of two copies of his own extremely rare satire, Philargyrie of GreateBritayne, in separate bound volumes containing a second Crowley satire. The threeextant copies of Philargyrie include one in the British Library (C.58.a.24.).22 By turning

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the complete Psalms into fourteener couplets (no. 59), Crowley anticipated Sternhold'smetaphrases.

It should come as no surprise that John Cawood and Robert Caly, the two printerswho produced most propaganda favouring the Marian regime, are less well represented.Perhaps because it lacked the Protestant commitment to lay literacy and popular Biblereading, the Roman Catholic side produced relatively little polemic literature in thevernacular; much of what did appear is addressed in Latin to a learned audience orwritten in a manner lacking the racy coUoquiality and popular style of Protestant authorslike Robert Crowley, Hugh Latimer, and John Bale.^^ After Mary appointed him inGrafton's place as Royal Printer, Cawood published several editions of John Gwynneth'svindication of the new queen and Thomas Watson's defence of transubstantiation andthe Roman rite mass.^ Caly acted on behalf of the government when he issued theLatin attack on the Protestant communion service by John White, Bishop of Lincoln,a work altogether lacking in popular appeal (no. 105). The printed version of a Paul'sCross sermon by James Brooks, Hooper's replacement as Bishop of Gloucester, is arelatively rare example of vernacular sermon publication by a Catholic prelate (no. 140),a polemical form that the Edwardian reformers had made their own (cf. no. 40). Calyalso printed Thomas Martin's counter-attack against clerical marriage (no. no) , whicharticulates the position of the Marian injunctions and of Mary's first statute repealingEdwardian reforms in religion. ^

The backward-looking nature of the literature on this list accords with the generaldrying up of literary creativity during Mary's reign as the book trade reverted to thenon-controversial publication typical of Henry VIIFs reign. Few new works ofbelles-lettres appeared. If the entry for 'morse workis in forill' (no. 19) refers to vernacularwritings by Thomas More, the item anticipates William Rastell's retrospective collectionof The vporkes of Sir T. More . . . wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge (1557). No. 102may record a reissue ofa devotional work by More's fellow martyr Bishop John Fisher.The poetry and play by the Catholic John Heywood (nos. 43, 48, and 137), who marriedMore's niece and was the friend of Rastell's father John, lacked the polemical edge ofEdwardian satire and looked back to the blander court taste of Henry VIIFs reign.Old-fashioned works came back into print, such as Thomas Berthelet's reprint ofCaxton's version of John Gower's Confessio Amantis (no. i n ) . Marian publishers avoidedthe medieval favourites of the Protestant reformers, Chaucer and Langland, whoseworks had appeared in editions by Robert Crowley and others. The sale of StephenHawes's Example of Virtue (no. 9) epitomizes the old-fashioned literary taste of Mary'sreign, when a startling vogue for The Pastime of Pleasure looked back to courtly tasteof Henry VIFs time.

Sales of imported books include not the writings of recent Protestant exiles like JohnBale, Thomas Becon, John Knox, and Miles Coverdale, but Catholic educational ordevotional works (see nos. 16, 27, 28, 71, and 107). It may have been too early for asignificant number of imigri publications to have been smuggled into England, orperhaps the Marian regime controlled foreign trade more effectively than domestic book

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sales. A Latin treatise (no. 85) by Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, recalls hisrole as the most skilful Catholic advocate during the reigns of three Tudor monarchs,until he died in service to Mary as Lord Chancellor. In this work and in Englishpublications like A detection of the deuils sophistrie (no. 35), he mounted the mostvigorous response to Cranmer and other Protestant authors on this list who were burntunder Mary. Although sales of the nettling 'Rouen' imprints of 'Michael Wood' areabsent, Latin service books of the use of Sarum were published in that city by RobertValentin, including texts printed by Richard Hamillon and others (nos. 81, 94, 99, 106,and 120). The partnership of John Kingston and Henry Sutton was the major domesticsupplier of Sarum rite books (see no. 82). The classical text of Terence's Comoediaewas used in schools, and Catonis disticha moralia was a steady seller throughout thecentury as an elementary reader.

Specific titles are rarely supplied for ephemeral publications, which receive genericdesignations such as 'ephemer<e>dis' and 'abc' (no. 83) or 'Allmanacke' (no. 118). Themost frequent of these entries is for one or more broadside ballads or 'balethis' (singular'balete' or 'baleth').^^ The scribe characteristically applies the word 'nova' (or 'nowe')to these items, although it is also used for sermons (nos. 39 and 44), an accidence (no.46), a chronicle (no. 63), and a picture of Queen Mary (no. 109). The correspondingreference to '2 balethis antiq^uo)' (no. 54) suggests that 'nova' simply refers to recentlypublished items.

These leaves furnish significant information about prices for printed books, paperbound for manuscript use, different kinds of bindings, gold tooling, and some stationingpractices. They are particularly valuable because so few records of this kind survivefrom the first century of English printing. Except for the 1520 day-book ofthe Oxfordstationer John Dorne,^^ the fragmentary records that are extant were recovered fromother endpapers: the other major account ofthe mid-Tudor book trade was bound intothe Houghton Library copy of a 1585 Latin translation of Baldassare Castiglione's //Cortigiano (STC 4784). Although those 1545 entries may be from Edward Whitchurch'saccount book, for the most part they record wholesale transactions that lack theideological component of MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 67-8.^^

That this Marian stationer was engaged almost entirely in retail book sales ratherthan printing or publication is suggested by nos. 78 and 86, which record profits frombooks sold. No. 84 enters a payment of 25. on account from a customer named MasterLascelles. No. 136 records the order of a bookbinding by a Master Pitt. No. 5 mayrecord a purchase of new or used books from a gentleman. Because very few entriesspecificaUy document bookbinding to order as a subsidiary activity (see no. 135), thebookseller may have farmed such work out to a professional binder. Although it wasevidently his practice to keep stitched and ready-bound books in stock, purchasers couldalso buy books in sheets and have them bound singly or together with others in a singlevolume (see nos. 104 and 130). The list includes five books with gold tooling. If is.represents a standard price for an octavo primer (see no. 134), the tooling for twoprimers printed in Rouen cost no more than iid. Because shipping added to the cost

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of imports from France, gilding may have cost 3^. or 4^. per octavo volume.^^ It isimportant to remember, however, that continental books were generally much cheaperand eventually provided unwelcome competition to the Stationers' Company.

Most ready-bound books listed in MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 67-8 are bound in forel(vellum made from unsplit sheepskin), the sixteenth-century equivalent ofa publisher'strade binding. No. 136 suggests that 2d. may have been a standard price for bindingan octavo book in forel. * Parchment bindings are mentioned in nos. 38, 61, and 103.After forel, boards made out of pasted paper are the most commonly used bindingmaterials; they may have been covered with calfskin.^^ Their use in a book made outof ruled paper (no. 21) suggests that 4^. may have been the charge for using pasteboardto cover a quarto volume, because the paper should have cost approximately 8^. No.130 suggests that M. may have been a standard charge for adding pasteboard coversto a folio, for the purchase price of the books cited would fiave been far more than thepayment mentioned. The references to 'bordis' and 'borodis' in nos. 94, 99, 135, and144 evidently refer to wooden boards that were probably covered with calfskin or hide.Eight pence may have been their standard cost because a stitched copy or one in sheetscost IS. 4^. (assuming that nos. 94 and 151 record sales of the same book); the balanceof the 2s. payment for no. 94 would have paid for the boards.

The sale of paper represents this stationer's only activity outside the retail book trade.The bound paper books that he sold were evidently used for ledgers. If the contentsof books with blank leaves were usually measured in quires and cut as quartos (seenos. 17 and ioi), no. 21 may have contained twenty-four sheets of paper at a cost ofapproximately i^. (cf nos. 17, ioi , 146, and 147). If the pasteboard covers cost 4^/.,three sheets of paper cost id. This is in line with the standard retail price ofa halfpennyper printed sheet; in England the cost of paper exceeded that of printing. ^ Sales ofloose sheets (see no. 146) include paper with a pot watermark (no. 143) and in theimperial size (no. 50). A quire of small paper must have been relatively inexpensive,because 5^. could purchase it in addition to The boke of husbandrye (no. 49).

It should be remembered that the price of a blank-paper book includes no printingcosts. In terms ofthe cost ofa printed sheet, probably quarto and octavo were cheapest.In addition to other potential variables, it is likely that some items were second hand,as may be the case with no. 37.

Whoever wrote the account was a very poor speller and never got very far in hisLatin school texts. His quasi-phonetic spellings suggest that he may have been one ofthe many immigrant Dutchmen who were active in the London book trade at this time.The accountant's very cursive mid-Tudor hand is characterized by large, bold, heavilyshaded strokes with thick, swashing descenders slanting to the right. It has a reversede in which the loop often appears to be separate from the body. The t has a curvedshaft and tends to hook to the right.

The literatim transcript that follows indicates conjectural reconstruction of lost orillegible text with canted brackets. Because of the irregularity and unreliability ofsuspensions and contractions, both editorial inclusions and expansions of contractions,

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whether editorial or dubiously indicated in the text, are enclosed by square brackets.Columns, horizontal lines, and bracketing together of lines to indicate a single paymentare indicated; filler lines are omitted. Because the entries are transcribed in chronologicalorder, those on fol. 68 precede those on fol. 67.

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[23][24][25][26][27]

[28]

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Cato erassme in p[ar] i (Pr)ymare for a chylldeabc in latane in papir i of y 7 wyse ma[sters]of Rome i esopis fabell in forrilleansure to docter gardenare in pastesume of de venite w[i]t[h] prycell of Rileg( . . > bryff[olio] opus arte cleor[um] [in] ynglis w[i]t[h] othe[r]

boke tothe sume of I3sh8d to a gentell man[n]edede venis a postelis tradesseoni[s] i[n] forr[el]Ho[o]per ofthe 10 coma[n]deme[n]dsboke of goodmanarse in forrilexampell of vartu in 4to

gramare i[n] paste i dealoge sacri i[n] pa[ste]harmone in evangele in i6[mo]problem[m]ata et sentensea arristo[t]ull)simelea erassme in forrill Jpsallterse in i6[mo] englis gyllteprymare in latane in i6[nio] par[t]isprymarse in 8to for chyllederene

homelea hofmestere in par[t]isboke of papir i quire in forrillbybill in foleo helle for toyemorse workis in forrillr

sarmo[n]is of M qynenethe for the qu[ene]boke of paper Rulede in pastesarmo[n] of gy[w]ineth i proclemace[on] for narocco[n]prymare in 8to graftone pystill and g[ospels]arathemeteca Recorde[s] in pastebrygme[nt] of poledore in forr[e]ll in englisDeclaraceone ofthe masse w[i]t[h] a <?thelell>sartorius gramare bouthe partis

loce co[m]munis hofmester in i6[mo]asse of brede and all i confabulae i tabula <vice?>dequanteta selabarum in forrilleaccedense nova i sarmone of gy[w]in[eth]statute anno 5 et 6 i statu[te] i tymo[n]

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[fol. 68^]

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[54]

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[63][64][6S][66]

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[69]

[70]

de <ab>saluceo Regps] impeorum i[n] pasteloste sarcere i op[era] 12 sentenci <?opurlis>

pirense sarmo[n] i[n] forrell i detecceoneaccedense 2 nowe balethistabula legis <e>vangelecayeabc ktane i[n] parch[ment] i now balethsarmone nova i course of the ma[n]latimarse sarmones bo[u]nde i[n] pastebokes of Norter in englisbybell dayis prynte w[i]th notisboke of sarvis in 8to i boke of sarvis inlatane in forrell i playe of love

w[i]th a sarmo[n] novaCastelle of love in forrelle /frythe of y sacrame[n]te in pasteaccedense nova 4[to] stanpure and me[n]nserprymare in 8to latane and englis toye

Mondaye the 16 daye of October 1553boke of sarvis in 8to i hawoddis workisboke of husbandre i quire off sma[ll] pap[er]shetes of papir inperealle iodpsall[ters] in i6[mo] i in latane i in engli[sh] i8d

Ihohanis devego i arball turnar &cBybill in foleo hill for toy i boke of 1sarvis in 4[t]o gyllte i gram[mar?] ceporiane Jsegarse psallmis w[i]th note i quere ofsmall papir 2 balethis antiq<(uo)Marcuis aureleus in 8to gylltecleonardis gramare iti forrillebalethis nova i arball in 8to i catechis[m]psall[ter] in 8to hellvirgell texte i psall[ter] in meterprayares take[n] outhe of the psallterabc in parchem[en]te in lataneprymare for a chyllde in 8toHalles croneckolle nova englisnotame of the hande i starnoUde psallmishawoddis dealogis in 8to englisgardene of wysdome in forrelleboke of the apocrefa a parte of y bybl[e]smythe of y sacrame[n]te m pasteallfansis contera herestis in 8tocontera varse pige in 8topythe sayengis of scruptur i fryth of y sacr[ament]

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[fol.

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vives ad sapenseame i Regapovre and ecclesletter of m more i sar[m]one of m moretabell of the byb[e]ll i abc i[n] latane ^g^<encheHd[ion]>prymare in 32[mo] Englis wichur[ch]Cato latane & engl[ish] i cato i[n] latanesarmone of docter watsone i[n] for[e]ll mmMmmt

<t[rou]b[e]lls> WtMganes for y exorta[tion] to be ware of 8[t]oStarnoUde psallmis in 8toCatech[ism] for A chill[d] 3 balethisprymare i[n] latane i[n] i6[mo] parva

pressconall sarr 3 pry[mers] lata[ne]ephemer<e>dis in 4<to> i abc i[n] par[va]Rec[eived] mor[e] of m lassellisWintone contra bucerumegani<s> ofthe compla[n] of grasseperense 3 sarmonis i[n] forrellalbarte de secretis gem[m]a platonis i6[mo] 1problem[m]eta Arristotuliis i[n] i6[mo] Jbryfe croneckill i of y 7 wyse m[aste]r[s]Cronica nocclere i consilia generalia epitome 1omnibus augustene in foleo Jprymare englis for A chillde i[n] 8totestamen[t] i[n] i6[mo] Jugge r gova[rnance] of var[tue]

w[it]h othe[rs]

meserse of bloyengei[n] bordis

prymare latane & englis / Roue[n]virtute vistor i enche ecke i lo[o]se hofm[eister]testame[nt] in frenshe in i6[mo]catechesmus frenshe & englismesarse of bloyengemisall sarr i[n] 4to manvell 1prosescinall sarr i[n] bordis j

gramatica cleonarde i balete novapaper boke i[n] 4to 24 shetisWenseday the [29] daye of augustesperituall consell[in]g in i6[mo]cata erassme i[n] parcheme[nt]bibill in latane i[n] querisdiacosea marteriane i[n] forr[i]llprymarse in 8to gillte Roue[n]

I

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44

Page 13: THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

if-

; . 2. MS. Egerton 2974, f. 67 . Detail: nos. 93-113

Page 14: THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

[fol. 67^]

[107][108][109]

[no][ I I I ][112]

[113][114]

[115][116]

[117][118]

[119]

[120][121][122]

[123][124]

[125][126][127][128]

[129]

[130]

[131][132][133][134][135]

[136][137][138][139][140]

2

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enchirid[i]o[n] sarr i[n] queris i[n] 8tohorra sarr in i6[mo] in querispicture of the quene nova

marte aganste the marig of pry[sts]goor in folio conspere of catelinecourthis lyffe i[n] pasteRatis of the costome housemarte aganste pryste marrig i[n] forr[el]

balethis nova of sortis<h)ora Romanorr in 8to< . >erse a provense in 4to unparfetbalethis nova i AUmanackethurse daye the 31 [sic] day of auguste 1554<t>alis & quik ansuis ovide met[am]orfos[is] cu[m]

com[mentarium]<p>rymare i[n] latane i[n] i6[mo] setoute<a)bc i[n] latane in querto w[i]th gryfe<a)brygemente of y statutis i[n] 8to

sentensea pu[e]relis in q<u>eris'(o)pera laurense Justeniani i[n] fol[i]obucoloca mantuan i elucidis poeticusepistola Ingnase in 4tophilargere i waye to wellthevoyese of the laste trompe i philargere

prymare in 32[mo] Englis wichurchbovte be twine y bybiU of day <w[ith]> py[mer]and y bisshope of canter[bury's] boke i[n] folioprymare i[n] latane And englis ip[istles] & go[spels]prymare in englis for A chelldprymare i[n] latane for A chelldeprymare in 8to in engles grafto[n]terense texte in borodis

25

p

m[u]nday y 3 day of September [1554]r

for byndenge of i boke i[n] forrill M p[i]ttCoppe of a letter of y marriagspanneshe And englistestame[nt] i[n] lata[n] Jerome grossewatson sarmo[n] i brokis sarmo[n]ne

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Page 15: THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

-^tp^x*^ cj^

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g . J. MS. Egerton 2974, f. 67^. Detail: nos. 136-53

Page 16: THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

[142]

[143][i44]

[146][147][148][149]

[ISO][151][152][153]

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late[n] i6[mo]

prymare i[n] i6[mo] i[n] latane set outeprymare i[n] latane & eng[l]ishprymare englis[h] in 8tosarmone of doc[tor] watson i brokis sarm[on]

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8

The following identifications for items in this account book assume that there may have beenearlier editions which are no longer extant. Identification of both texts and particular editionsis difficult and sometimes impossible in this occasionally intractable list. Only in the case ofCrowley's books (nos. 127-8) and a few others can one be virtually certain about editions aswell as text. The most plausible identifications are offered in the notes. Conjectures are notedwith a question mark at the head of an entry. The Short-Title Catalogue^ 14/^-^^40 is afundamental source of bibliographical information. Abbreviations include the following:

Adams Herbert M. Adams, Catalogue of Books Printed on the Continent of Europe^ 1^01-1600in Cambridge Libraries^ 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1967).

B Edward J. Baskerville, A Chronological Bibliography of Propaganda and Polemic Publishedin English between i^S3 ^^d 1558. Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society,vol. cxxxvi (Philadelphia, 1979).

F Forbidden by injunction, proclamation, or legislation.Prot. Protestant.Prop. Propaganda.RC Roman Catholic.STC A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England^ Scotland^ (^ Ireland and of English

Books Printed Abroad 1475-1^40, compiled by A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, 2ndedn., revised and enlarged by W. A. Jackson and F. S. Ferguson, completed byKatharine F. Pantzer, 2 vols. (1976-86). Vol. 3 is forthcoming.

1. Erasmus's edition of Catonis disticha moralia.2. A Latin A.B.C., The Seven Wise Masters of Rome (presumably a lost edition or STC 21299),

and Aesop's Fables in a forel cover (many editions). A purchase of books for children.3. John Hooper, An answer vnto my lord of wynchesters booke, Zurich, A. Fries, 1547, 4°

{STC 13741). Prot., Prop., F. Possibly STC 11593 or the last item in no. 130. A reply to

Page 17: THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4

Gardiner (see nos. 35 and 85). Bracketing indicates that it was purchased along withThe sum of diuinite dramen out of the holy scripture, Grafton? for John Day and WilliamSeres, 5 October 1548, 8° (STC 23004-23004.5). R. Hutton's translation of JohannSpangenberg's Margarita theologica, continens praecipuos locos doctrina christiam^. Prot.*pryceU of Rileg <. .> bryf might refer to Perussellus, Summa Christiana religionis, 1551,80 {STC 19783).

4. Nicolaus Clenardus, Tabula in grammaticen Hebrceam, Paris, Christianus Wechelus, manyeditions pubUshed from 1533 onward (Adams, no. C2161 ff.). Sold or bound with a newpamphlet.

5. Payment to a customer or supplier.6. Very ungainly Latin for a forel-bound edition of De divinis apostolis traditionis ('On the

traditions of the holy apostles'). Text unknown.7. John Hooper, A declaration of the ten holy commaundementeSy Zurich or London, many

printers, f.1549-50 {STC 13746-13750.5). By the recently deprived evangelical Bishop ofGloucester and Worcester. Prot., Prop., F.

8. Jacques Legrand, The book of good maners^ translated by William Caxton. Many editions inmany formats, 1487-1534 {STC 15394-15399-5). A lost edition?

9. Stephen Hawes, The Example of Virtue, 3 editions, Wynkyn de Worde, r. 1504-30 {STC12945-12947). Possibly a lost edition from Mary's reign, when Hawes's Pastime of Pleasure(1509) was reissued three times.

10. Possibly an early edition of Sebastian Castalio, Dialogorum sacrorum libri quatuor (see STC4770), with copies of a grammar. In pasteboard covers.

11. } Possibly Andreas Osiander, Harmoniae Euangelicae libri IIII, Paris, 1545, 12° (Adams, no.O358). Misidentified as 16°, or a lost edition? Prot., F. There must have been many harmonieson the Gospels.

12. Aristotle, Problemata and Sententiae. Many continental editions. Bracketing indicates that itwas purchased together with Erasmus, Parabolarum^ sive Similium Liber^ Strasbourg, in aed.Schurerianis, 1514. Many continental editions.

13. The prose Psalms (see STC 2370 ff.); 'Psalms' usuaUy denotes metrical versions.16. Johann Hoffmeister, Homiliae in Evangelia quae in Dominicis et aliisfestis diebus leguntur per

totum annum, Antwerp, 1549, 8° (see also Adams, no. H659). Hoffineister (d. 1547) was theGeneral of the Augustinian friars in Germany and an opponent of Luther. RC.

17. A book containing one quire of paper, in forel covers.18. The English Bible ('Matthew' version), N. Hill for R. Toy, 6 May 1551, fol. {STC 2083).

Prot., F. Thomas Matthew was the alias of John Rogers, the first reformer burned during theMarian persecutions.

19. UncoUected works by Thomas More. RC, Prop. William Rastell's edition of The workes ofSir T. More . . . wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge, Cawood, Waly, and Tottel, April 1557,fol. {STC 18076) was a landmark publication of Mary's reign. Contains RC, Prop. Thisentry is too expensive to be Roderyck Mors (pseud, for Henry Brinkelow), The Complaintfor the redresse of certeyn wycked lawes and The lamentacyon of a christen agaynst the cytyeof London, many editions, 1542-C.1550 {STC 3760-3766).

20. John Gwynneth, A briefe declaration ofthe victory of quene Marye, Cawood, 8 , late July orAugust 1553 {STC 12556.7; B 1553/5)- RC, Prop.

21. A book of ruled paper in paste covers.22. See no. 20. If'narocco[n]' refers to 'narration', this item may refer to STC 7849.

49

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23. ? STC 16049.5.24. Robert Record, The ground ofartes teachyng the worke and practise of arithmetike, 1543-52

{STC 20797.5-20799.3). Many editions.25. Polydore Vergil, An abridgement ofthe notable worke of Polidore Vergile, 1546-51 {STC

24654-24657).26. Antoine Marcort, A declaration of the masse, translated from French, 1547-8 {STC

17314-17316). Printed in London by John Day with a satirical attribution to the Hans Luftpress in Wittenberg, or in Ipswich by John Oswen. Prot., Prop., F.

27. A manuscript copy or earlier printed text that is no longer extant of Joannes Sartorius,Grammatica, ed. H. Junius, Antwerp, 12°, 1569.

28. Johann Hoffmeister, Loci communes rerum theologicarum, Antwerp, in aed. Joan. Steelsij, 16°,1552 (Adams, no. H665). RC.

29. The assyse of breadde and ale, and other thynges, Berthelet, 8° and 4°, fr. 1550-3 {STC868-868.2); a Latin tale or dialogue; and possibly an earlier edition now lost of HoratiusMorus, Tabulae universam chirurgiam miro complectentes, Venice, 1572.

30. An edition of R. Whittinton, De syllabarum quantitate, many editions.31. Probably John Stanbridge, Accidentia, many editions after c.1505. With a sermon by John

Gwynneth (see nos. 20 and 22).32. Anno quinto et sexto Edvardi sexti, Grafton, fol., 1552 {STC 9433-9437.7); and Anno septimo

Edvvardi sexti, Grafton, fol., 1553 {STC 9439-9440). Statutes of England, 5 & 6 Edward VI(23 January-15 April 1552) and 7 Edward VI (1-31 March 1553).

33. Joannes Bekinsau, De supremo et absoluto regis imperio, in aed. T. Bertheleti, 1546, 8° {STC1801).

34. Twelve copies of Catonis disticha moralia in Latin and a Latin-English text {STC4841.7-4844, 4853.5-4854, or one of many continental editions), or possibly no. 123, with aLatin work. 'Sarcere' may be a work by Erasmus Sarcerius (see STC 21752.5).

35. ? William Peryn, Thre godlye and notable sermons, ofthe sacrament ofthe aulter, John Hertfordor Nicholas HiU for Robert Toy, 8°, 1546 {STC 19785.5-19786). RC. With StephenGardiner, A detection ofthe deuils sophistrie, wherwith he robbeth the vnlearned people, ofthetrue byleef in the sacrament ofthe aulter, Hertford for Toy, 8°, 1546 {STC 11591-11591.3).RC, Prop. See nos. 3 and 85.

36. No. 31, with two new ballads.37. Probably a table to common law, possibly a worn and battered copy of Sir Anthony

Fitzherbert, Tabula prime partis magni abbreuiamenti librorum legum anglorum, John Rastell,fol., 10 February 1517/18 {STC 10955).

38. Two A.B.C.s (see STC 17.7 ff-), with a new ballad.40. A bound copy of Hugh Latimer's 1549 Lenten sermons at the royal court. Day and Seres,

8°, 1549 {STC 15270.5-15274.7), in pasteboard covers. Prot., F.41. Hugh Rhodes, The boke of nurture for men, seruantes and chyldren, with Stans puer ad mensam,

newly corrected, T. Petyt, 40, 1545? {STC 20953).42. One of Edmund Becke's revisions ofthe English Bible, Day, 17 August 1549 or 23 May 1551,

fol. {STC 2077 or 2088). 'With notis' generally means 'with music' (see no. 54), but here itevidently refers to Becke's annotations. Prot., F.

43. 'Book of service' must refer specifically to the Book of Common Prayer in English (see STC16279 ff.) and Latin (see STC 16423). With John Heywood's A play of hue, WiUiam Rastell,fol., 1534 ('S'rCi33O3)-

50

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44. Diego de San Pedro, The castell of love, translated by John Bourchier, ^.1548-52 {STC21739.5-21740). The interlinear notation for 'a sarmo[n] nova' concludes this entry.

45. John Frith, A myrroure or lokynge glasse wherin you may beholde the sacramente of baptisme

described. Day, 8°, 1533 [i.e. 1548?] {STC 11391)- Pro^^ P^^P- ^•

46. See no. 31. The Stans puer ad mensam is probably Lydgate's (see STC 17030.9), but see alsoSulpitius {STC 23429.5) and no. 41.

47. STC 16021 or 16027.48. John Heywood, A dialogue conteinyng the nomber in effect of all the prouerbes in the englishe

tongue, Berthelet, 8 and 40, 1546-50 {STC 13291-13292).49. John Fitzherbert, The boke of husbandry e, probably f.1548-50 {STC 10999-10999.7).50. Sheets of paper in the imperial size.51. No. 13. With Latin psalter in 16° (Adams, no. B1431?; see STC 16264).52. A work by Joannis de Vigo. With WiUiam Turner's herbal (presumably STC 24365).53. No. 18. With a 4° Book of Common Prayer printed by Hill, possibly the prayer-book

forming part of The byble in Englishe, HiU for A. Veale, 40, 1552 {STC 2089). With agrammar?

54. Francis Seager, Certayne psalmes select out ofthe psalter of Dauid, and drawen into Englyshemetre, wyth notes to euery psalme in iiij parts to synge. Seres, 8°, 1553 {STC 2728). Containsmusic. Prot., F. With a quire of paper and two old ballads.

55. Probably Antonio de Guevara, The golden boke of Marcus Aurelius, 8°, 1546 or 1553 {STC12440-12441).

56. No. 4.57. 'ArbaU in 8to' probably refers to A boke ofthe propertyes of herbes, the which is called an herbal

{STC 13175 4)-58. Possibly related to The psalter, or boke of the psalmes by Miles Coverdale {STC 2379 f.) with

the parts sold separately. STC 2379.5 (^1549) is printed in Nicholas HiU's types. Cross-referenced with other editions in STC 20200.3.

59. An edition of Virgil. With The psalter ofDauid newely translated into Englysh metre, by RobertCrowley, Grafton and Mierdman for Crowley, 4°, 20 September 1549 {STC 2725). Prot., F.With music.

60. ? No. 58, which contains the subheading: 'Here folowe certayne prayers of holy men & women,taken oute ofthe bible.' See also Psalmes or prayers taken out of holy e scripture ['The King'sPsalms'], Berthelet, many small format editions, i544-'^i553 (^^3001.7-3006). PossiblySTC 2999-3000.

6ia. Possibly hornbook.63. Edward Halle, The vnion of the two noble and illustrious families of York and Lancaster.

Presumably 'nova' refers to the most recent edition, Grafton, fol., (7.1550 {STC 12723-12723a). Prot., F.

64. A lost work entitled The anatomy ofthe hand in the manner ofa dyalL See E. Gordon Duff,A Century of the English Book Trade (1905), p. 46 under 'FoUingham (WiUiam)'. WithSternhold's Psalms (no. 79).

65. No. 48, Berthelet, 8°, 1550 {STC 13292).66. Richard Taverner, The garden ofwysdom wherin ye may e get her moste pleasaunt flowres, wytty

sayenges of princes, many editions, i539-'^i55O {STC 237iia-237i5.5). Based on Erasmus,Apophthegmata. See also STC 10437 and 10446 ff.

67. The volume ofthe bokes called Apocripha, Day and Seres, 8°, 1549 {STC 2087.5). Prot., F.

51

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68. Richard Smith, A defence ofthe blessed masse, and the sacrifice therof three editions, 1546-7{STC 22820-22821). RC, Prop. Or possibly STC 22819.

69. The first work may be Alphonsus a Castro, Lib. 14 versus haeresias. 'Contera varse' may mean'controversae'.

70. Thomas Paynell, The piththy [sic] and moost notable sayinges of al Scripture, three editions,8°, 1550 {STC 19494-19494.7). With no. 45. Appointed a royal chaplain by Henry VIII,this one-time Austin friar and canon of Merton College remained in favour with all of theking's Tudor successors.

71. Juan Luis Vives, Introductio ad sapientiam. Satellitium siue Symbola Epistolae duae de rationestudii puerilis, Bruges, Hubert de Crooc, many editions after 1526 (Adams, no. V974ff.).

72. ? Thomas More, A letter ofsyr Tho. More knyght impugnynge the erronyouse wrytyng ofj. Frith,WUliam Rastell, 8°, 1533 {STC 18090). RC, Prop. With a sermon.

73. Walter Lynne, A briefe and compendiouse table, in a maner ofa concordaunce, ofthe whole Bible.Mierdman for Lynne, 8* , 1550 {STC 17117). Collected by Heinrich BuUinger et al. See alsono. 38. Prot., Prop., F. With a Latin A.B.C.

74. ? Erasmus, Enchiridion militis Christiani, many editions in England and on the Continent (seeSTC 10479-10486.5). Possibly another breviary or a Latin hours as in no. 107. Thisfragmentary entry may be a continuation of no. 73 in recording the purchase of 'i latane<(encher[idion])'. Because ofthe loss of pages in the account book, a gap of more than tenmonths separates this entry from the following.

75. Lost edition by Edward Whitchurch. Prot. See the 32^ eds. by R. Grafton {STC 16047) ^"d T.Gaultier {STC 16051).

76. See no. 34.77. ? Thomas Watson, Twoo notable sermons, made before the quenes highnes, concernynge the reall

presence, John Cawood, 10 May 1554, 8" {STC 25115-25115.5; B 1554/13-15). RC, Prop.78. ? Profits for sales of Giles Coucheman, An Exhortatyon or warnynge, to beware of greater plagues

^ troubles, then are yet come vppon thys realme,for the synnes and wyckednes commytted there in,Thomas Raynald, 1551, 8° {STC 5870.5). Superscript belongs to this item.

79. Thomas Sternhold's metaphrase ofthe Psalms into ballad measure. Many 8° editions, mostprinted by Whitchurch {STC 2419 ff.). Prot., F.

80. A child's catechism, possibly John Day's A short catechisme, or play ne instruction, conteyningethe summe of Christian learninge, sett fourth for all scholemaisters to teache, 1553, 8° {STC 4812)or Edmond Allen's Shorte catechisme. A briefe and godly bringinge vp of youth, Zurich, 1550,16° in 8's {STC 361). Prot. Sold with three ballads.

81. Latin primer, Robert Valentin, Rouen, 1551, 16° {STC 16056). RC.82. Two Latin rite processionals ofthe Sarum use, possibly the 1554 8* edition of John Kingston

and Henry Sutton {STC 16244), with primers. RC.83. Ephmerides or tables giving the positions ofthe heavenly bodies at specific times, usually for

navigation, with a small A, B, C.84. An additional payment of two shillings from Master Lascelles.85. Ad Martinum Bucerum, De impudenti eiusdem pseudologia conquesio by Stephen Gardiner,

Bishop of Winchester {episcopus Wintonensis), Louvain, 1544 or 1546. An attack on the Swisstheologian (Adams, nos. G23i~2). RC, Prop.

86. Profits from the sale of a lost edition of John Redman's A compendious treatise called thecomplaint of grace, 1556? {STC 20826). This item may simply be misdated in STC.

87. See no. 35.

52

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88. Albertus Magnus (pseud.), The boke of secretes (see STC 258 ff.). An apocryphal collectionof fantastic marvels enjoyed by Tudor readers as entertaining fiction. Bracketmg mdicatesthat it was purchased along with a continental edition of Aristotle, Problemata.

89 Very likely an edition of ^ breuiat cronicle contaynynge all the hinges from brute to this daye,John MycheU, Canterbury, 1552-3 (STC 9968 997o). With The Seven Wise Masters of Rome(see no. 2).

90. An unknown chronicle and a continental edition of an epitome ofthe Latin Councils oftheChurch. Bracketing indicates that they were purchased together with a folio edition of StAugustine's works in Latin.

91. Possibly one of the primers at STC 20373 ff.92. New Testament, translated by William Tyndale, Jugge, 1548 or 1552, 16° (STC 2852 or

2868), with Thomas Becon, Thegouernaunce ofvertue, 1549, 16° (STC 1725) and other texts.Prot, F.

93. A separate edition of this text is no longer known, but 'Measures of blowing' is added at theend ofthe Boke ofhawkynge huntynge, andfysshynge in STC 3310.5, W. Powell, 4°, [£-.1550],and the following Copland editions.

94. The primer in Latin and English, with the epistles and gospels, printed in Rouen. Superscript

is part of this entry.95. ? An enchiridion by Coke or Cooke with no. 16 or no. 28. It is unlikely that 'lo[o]se' refers

to unbound signatures because the accountant elsewhere uses 'in quires'.96. Very likely a continental edition, because no 16° editions are known to have been printed in

England. See STC 2957.6-2957.9.97. See the French catechisms in larger works at STC 16430 and 16573. Possibly a bilingual

extract.98. No. 93.99. A Sarum use missal, Rouen, sold by Richard Hamillon in the buUding of Robert Valentin,

1554-5, 4° {STC 16215-16216). With a 40 manual (see no. 144 = STC 16138 fF., especially16151 ff.). Bracketing indicates that these books were purchased together with a Sarum riteprocessional bound in boards, possibly the edition referred to in no. 82.

100. No. 4. With a new baUad.102. ? A spirituall counsayle, very necessarye for euery persone to haue, c.1540 {STC 5871.9).

Possibly a lost edition of Cardinal John Fisher, A spirituall consolation, written . . . to hys sisterElizabeth, 1578?, 8° {STC 10899). A reissue now lost (see STC 10896; B 1554/40)? RC, Prop.

103. Presumably an issue by Nicholas HiU ('ex edibus N. Montani') of Erasmus's edition ofCatonis disticha moralia (see no. i). From the price, probably a plain Latin Cato ratherthan Richard Taverner's commentary, 1553, 8" {STC 4844).

104. An unbound Latin Bible in quires.105. John White, Diacosiomartyrion, id est ducentorum virorum testimonium, de verite corporis, et

sanguinis Christi, in eucharistia, aduersus Petrum Martyrem, Robert Caly, December 1553,40 in 8's {STC 25388). RC, Prop. Some copies of this treatise by the Marian Bishopof Lincoln contain an inserted leaf dated 15 March 1554, indicating the approval ofQueen Mary. A reply to Pietro Martire Vermigli (Peter Martyr), Tractatio de sacramentoeucharistice, 1549, 4° {STC 24673), a publication of Reginald Wolfe, Latin printer to EdwardVI; Martyr dedicated the text to Edward's Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer.The writings of Martyr and Cranmer were forbidden by the Marian proclamation againstheretical books.

53

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106. Two Sarum use primers, Rouen, R. Valentin, 8° {STC 16055 or 16058), with goldtooling.

107. 'Sarr' means 'of Sarum use'. For earlier editions ofthe Sarum use enchiridion or book ofhours, see STC 15957 and 15965.

108. Two books of hours ofthe Sarum use, 16^ {STC 16056?).109. A lost picture of Queen Mary. See Arthur M. Hind, Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and

Seventeenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1952-64), vol. i, pi. ^ob-c, for woodcuts by Frans Huysthat were published in Antwerp by Hieronymous Cock in 1555.

n o . Thomas Martin, A traictise declaryng and plainly prouyng, that the pretensed marriage ofpriestes, is no mariag, Caly, 4°, May 1554 {STC 1751-]; B 1554/23), probably in a forel or limpparchment binding. RC, Prop. Attributed to Stephen Gardiner. Answered by John Ponet(STC 20175).

111. A folio edition of John Gower's Confessio Amantis, presumably that published by ThomasBerthelet, 12 March 1554 (STC 12144). With Thomas Paynell's translation of ConstantiusFelicius, The conspiracie of Lucius Catiline, Berthelet, 1541, 4° (STC 10751).

112. ? The historie of Quintus Curcius, contayning the actes ofthe greate Alexander, translated byJohn Brende, Richard Tottel, 11 May 1553, 4° {STC 6141.5). Or possibly Antonio deGuevara, A dispraise ofthe life ofa courtier, translated by Sir Francis Bryan, Grafton, August1548, 8o(5rCi243i ) .

113. Custom House tariff rates. Though no Marian edition is known, there must have been one(see STC 7687-7688.4).

114. No. n o , in forel covers. A line appears to be cut away at the top of this page.116. A continental edition ofthe Roman rite book of hours. RC.119. Tales, and quicke answeres, very mery, and pleasant to rede, Berthelet, 4", c.1532 {STC 23665)

or a lost edition, and a continental edition of Ovid's Metamorphoses, with a commentary.120. Latin primer, Rouen, R. Valentine, 1551, 16°. RC.121. A.B.C. in Latin and Greek.122. The newe greate Abregement, presumably one ofthe updated 8° editions of William Rastell's

Grete abbregement of the statutys that were published in 1551 {STC 9525-9526).123. Almost certainly an early edition, no longer extant, of Leonhard Culmann, Sententiae Pueriles

(see STC 6106.3).124. Justianus Laurentius, Patriarch of Venice, Opera, Brescia, Angelicus Britannicus, 1506

(Adams, no. J703), or later edition.125. Baptista Spagnuoli (Mantuanus), Bucolica seu Adolescentia. Many editions (Adams, no.

M391 ff.). With an unknown work in Latin.126. St Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, Epistolae undecim. Jacobus Faber, 1520 or later edition

(Adams, no. 128 ff.).127. Robert Crowley, Philargyrie of greate Britayne, Richard Grafton for Crowley, 1551, 8° {STC

6089.5). With the same author's The way to wealth, wherein is taught a remedy for sedicion,Stephen Mierdman for Crowley, 1550, 8° {STC 6096). Prot., F.

128. Crowley's The voyce ofthe laste trumpet blowen bi the seventh angel wherein are contayned xiilessons to twelue seueralestates ofmenne, Grafton for Crowley, 1549-50, 8* {STC 6094-6095).With another copy of Philargyrie of greate Britayne. Prot., F.

129. No. 75.130. Possibly refers to a lost (or unidentified) work entitled A Bout Between [. . . ]; or this entry

may record an order for binding one of John Day's editions of Edmund Becke's Bible

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revisions (see no. 42) and Cranmer's An answer vnto a crafty cauillation by S. Gardiner,Wolfe, 1551, fol. {STC 5991). Prot., F.

131. No. 94. See STC 2978, and also the 16072/2978.5 combination.134. ? First Edwardian revision ofthe English primer, Grafton, 1551 {STC 16053).135. Terence, Comoediae, in boards. Many continental editions (Adams, no. T303 ff.).136. Charge for providing forel book covers for a client named Master Pitt.137. Too early for STC ISS^- Possibly John Heywood, A balade specifienge partly the maner, partly

the matter, in the most excellent meetyng and lyke mariage betwene our soueraigne lord, and oursoueraigne lady the kynges andqueenes highnes. WiUiam Riddell, August 1554 (^TC 13290.3; B1554/31)- RC, Prop.

138. The boke of Englysshe, and Spanysshe, Richard Wyer, 1554?, 8° {STC 23010.5). A bilingualvocabulary appropriate to the period following Mary's marriage to Philip of Spain.

139. A large format edition ofthe Vulgate New Testament. Printed on the Continent?140. ? No. 77. Possibly bound with A sermon very notable, fruictefull, and godlie, made at Paules

cro jf by James Brooks, the Marian Bishop of Gloucester, Caly, 1553-4, 8^ (6TC 3838-3839;B 1553/16). RC, Prop.

141. See no. 109. Bracketing indicates that the pictures of Mary and Philip were purchased alongwith Catonis disticha moralia, which was available in many English and continental editions(see nos. 1 and 76). Possibly it was the Taverner edition (see no. 103). With three newbroadside ballads.

142. No. 79. Prot., F.143. Two sheets of paper with a pot watermark.144. Sarum manual in boards. See no. 107.145. Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, In artem breuem Raymundi Lullij, Cologne, Joannes Sater,

August 1553, 8° (Adams, no. A394). A commentary on Raymond Lull's Ars brevis.147. A book in quarto made up of twenty sheets.148. No. 77. RC, Prop.149. Two English primers in 16°, a Sarum [primer?] in 12°, and two Latin primers in 16°. The

'english' primer would be a Grafton-type (Henrician or Edwardian), the 'sarr' probablyEnglish and Latin. The price compares fairly well with no. 82.

153. See no. 140.

A fellowship extended by the Newberry LibraryCenter for Renaissance Studies supported the com-pletion of this essay. Peter Blayney and Katharine F.Pantzer have offered very considerable assistance indeciphering a difficult manuscript hand and identify-ing early English books on this list. Arthur Searlehas given valuable advice concerning transcription,dating, and the description of provenance. I shouldalso like to acknowledge the help of Sheila Linden-baum, David Paisey, the late Anthony Petti, andthe late William A. Ringler, Jr. London is the placeof publication unless otherwise noted.

I Tudor Royal Proclamations, ed. Paul L. Hughes

and James F. Larkin, 3 vols. (New Haven,1964-9), no. 390.

2 Frederic A. Youngs, Jr., The Proclamations of theTudor Queens (Cambridge, 1976), p. 198.

3 Henry Gee and William J. Hardy, DocumentsIllustrative of English Church History (1896),from Bishop Bonner's Register, fol. 342b.

4 I & 2 Philip and Mary, c. 6, in Record Commis-sion, The Statutes ofthe Realm, 12 vols., ed. A.Luders et al. (1810-28), vol. iv, p. 244.

5 Tudor Royal Proclamations, no. 422. See Youngs,Proclamations, pp. 199-201, and MS. Egerton2974, fois. 67-8, nos. 45, 52, and 92. Despite itspraise for the Tudor dynasty, Halle's chronicle

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(no. 63) was banned as a Protestant interpretationof English history.

6 MS. Egerton 2974, fol. 64; British Museum,Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts igi6-^0 (1933)1 P- 308. See also LesUe Mahin Oliver,'A Bookseller's Account Book, 1545', HarvardLibrary Bulletin, xvi (1968), p. 140.

7 J. G. Nichols (ed.), The Diary of Henry Machin,Camden Society, vol. xlii (1848), p. 72.

8 See Leslie P. Fairfield, 'The Mysterious Pressof "Michael Wood" (1553-54)', The Library, 5thser. xxvii (1972), pp. 220-32.

9 The epistles and gospels, of euery Sonday and holydaye, throughoute the whole yeare, after the vse ofthy [sic] catholike church (1556?) {STC 2980.2).

10 On the careers of Day, Grafton, and Wbitcburchas committed reformist printers, see John N.King, English Reformation Literature: The TudorOrigins of the Protestant Tradition (Princeton,1982), pp. 53, 94-6 ff.

11 I am indebted to Katharine F. Pantzer for thissuggestion. See nos. 18, 47, and 53.

12 John E. Neale, Queen Elizabeth (1934), p. 38.13 King, op. cit. pp. 88-9, 106-9. On the Crom-

wellian propaganda campaign in favour of theroyal divorce and break with the Church ofRome, see G. R. Elton, Policy and Police: TheEnforcement of the Reformation in the Age ofThomas Cromwell (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 171-210. In 'The Marian Establishment and thePrinting Press', English Historical Review, ci(1986), p. 136, Jennifer Loach issues the caveatthat disregarding the peak years of 1548 and 1550leaves an undistinguished rate of publication 'forthe other years of Edward's reign'. She concludesthat the disparity in publication rates is bestexplained not by reference to the differencebetween periods of Protestant and Catholic rulebut to the 'contrast between a period of pros-perity and one of contraction and, finally, crisis'.

14 Joseph Martin, 'The Marian Regime's Failure toUnderstand the Importance of Printing', Hunt-ington Library Quarterly, xliv(i98i), pp. 231-47.

15 See H. G. Haile, 'Luther and Literacy', Proceed-ings of the Modern Language Association, xci(1976), p. 817.

16 Edward J. Baskerville, A Chronological Biblio-graphy of Propaganda and Polemic Published inEnglish between 1553 and 1558, Memoirs of theAmerican Philosophical Society, vol. cxxxvi(Philadelphia, 1979)7 PP- 6-8.

17 Loach, 'The Marian Establishment and the

Printing Press', pp. 135-48; see also her 'Pam-phlets and Politics, 1553-8', Bulletin of theInstitute of Historical Research, xlviii (1975), pp.31-44-

18 W. W. Greg, Some Aspects and Problemsof London Publishing between 1550 and i6$o(Oxford, 1956), pp. 1-5; and Cyprian Blagden,The Stationers'* Company: A History, i4O3~igs9(i960), pp. 19, 21, 30, 33. See also Paul Morgan,English Provincial Printing (Birmingham, 1958),pp. 4-5. The Appendix of E. Gordon Duff'sEnglish Provincial Printers, Stationers and Book-binders to ISS7 (Cambridge, 1912) lists booksprinted by or for provincial printers andstationers.

19 See nos. 75, 80, and 134. On the importance ofthe primers in the period leading up to Edward'sreign, see Charles C. Butterworth, The EnglishPrimers {i$2g-i$4s): Their Publication and Con-nection with the English Bible and the Reformationin England (Philadelphia, 1953). He notes thatunder Queen Mary the primer was 'one of thefew books allowed to circulate in England con-taining portions of the Scriptures in the Englishtongue' (p. 2).

20 Nos. 42, 67, and 130. See Tudor Proclamations,no. 390.

21 Nos. 54, 64, 79, and 142.22 Nos. 127-8. See King (ed.), ''Philargyrie of Greate

Britayne by Robert Crowley', English LiteraryRenaissance, x (1980), pp. 46-75.

23 Baskerville, Chronological Bibliography, p. 7. Fora discussion ofthe only Catholic publicist to rivalthe Protestants as a religious popularizer, seeJoseph Martin's 'Miles Hogarde: Artisan andAspiring Author in Sixteenth-Century England',Renaissance Quarterly, xxxiv (1981), pp. 359-81;Hogarde's works are absent from MS. Egerton2974, ff. 67-8. Perhaps because they sensed thathe was one of their few effective opponents,Protestant polemicists like Crowley singledHogarde out for scornful abuse. See also n. 14above.

24 Nos. 20 and 77.25 I Mary, Stat. 2, c. 2, in Statutes ofthe Realm, vol.

iv, p. 202.26 Nos. 36, 38, 54, 57, 80, 100, and 118.27 F. Madan, 'Day-Book of John Dome, Bookseller

in Oxford, A.D. 1520', Collectanea, ser. i (1885),pp. 71-177 and ser. 2 (1890), pp. 453-78, OxfordHistorical Society Publications, vols. v, xvi.

28 Oliver, 'Bookseller's Account Book', pp. 139-55-

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29 On gilt books, see nos. 13, 55, and 106. For is^gBookof Common ?r^yeT,m An Introductioncomparable prices, see Mirjam M. Foot, 'Some to Bibliography for Literary Students (Oxford,Bookbinders'Price Lists of the Seventeenth and 1927), P- 122. The cost of a folio binding mEighteenth Centuries', in P. M. G. Aubel (ed.), parchment was limited to is. 2d., while a leatherDe libris compactis miscellanea (Brussels, 1984). cover over wooden boards or pasteboard could

30 See nos. 2, 6, 8, 12, 19, 25, 30, 35, 43, 44, 56, 66, not exceed i^. io i . See Foot, op. cit., pp. 309 f.77, 105, and 114. Ronald B. McKerrow quotes 31 Nos. 3, 10, 21, 24, 33, 40, 45, and 112.the govemment order establishing %d. as the 32 Philip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Biblio-maximum price for a folio binding in forel for the graphy (Oxford, 1972), pp. 177-8.

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