Temple Desecration And Indo Muslim States

62 FRONTLINE, DECEMBER 22, 2000

IN recent years, especially in the wake of the destruction of theBabri Mosque in 1992, much public discussion has arisen over

the political status of South Asian temples and mosques, and inparticular the issue of temples desecrated or replacedby mosques in the pre-British period. While Hindunationalists like Sita Ram Goel have endeavoured todocument a pattern of wholesale temple destruction by Muslimsin this period,1 few professional historians have engaged the issue,even though it is a properly historical one.

This essay aims to examine the available evidence with a viewto asking, ★ What temples were in fact desecrated in India’s pre-modernhistory? ★ When, and by whom? ★ How, and for what purpose? ★ And above all, what might any of this say about the relation-ship between religion and politics in pre-modern India? This isa timely topic, since many in India today are looking to the pastto justify or condemn public policy with respect to religious mon-uments.

FRAMING THE ISSUE Much of the contemporary evidence on temple desecration

cited by Hindu nationalists is found in Persian materials trans-lated and published during the British occupation of India.Especially influential has been the eight-volume History of Indiaas Told by its Own Historians, first published in 1849 and edit-ed by Sir Henry M. Elliot, who oversaw the bulk of the transla-tions, with the help of John Dowson. But Elliot, keen to contrast

what he understood as the justice and efficiency ofBritish rule with the cruelty and despotism of theMuslim rulers who had preceded that rule, was any-

thing but sympathetic to the “Muhammadan” period of Indianhistory. As he wrote in the book’s original preface:

The common people must have been plunged into the lowestdepths of wretchedness and despondency. The few glimpseswe have, even among the short Extracts in this single volume,of Hindus slain for disputing with Muhammadans, of gener-al prohibitions against processions, worship, and ablutions,and of other intolerant measures, of idols mutilated, of tem-ples razed, of forcible conversions and marriages, of proscrip-tions and confiscations, of murders and massacres, and of thesensuality and drunkenness of the tyrants who enjoined them,show us that this picture is not overcharged....2

With the advent of British power, on the other hand, “a morestirring and eventful era of India’s History commences ... whenthe full light of European truth and discernment begins to shedits beams upon the obscurity of the past.”3 Noting the far greaterbenefits that Englishmen had brought to Indians in a mere half

Temple desecrationin pre-modern India

When, where, and why were Hindu temples desecrated in pre-modern history, and how was thisconnected with the rise of Indo-Muslim states?

H I S T O R I C A L A N A L Y S I S

RICHARD M. EATON

1 See Sita Ram Goel, Hindu Temples: What Happened to Them, vol. 1: A Preliminary Survey (New Delhi: Voice of India, 1990); vol. 2, The Islamic Evidence (NewDelhi: Voice of India, 1991). 2 H.M. Elliot and John Dowson, trans. and eds., The History of India as Told by its Own Historians, 8 vols. (Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, n.d.), 1:xxi.3 Ibid., 1:xvi.

The historical experience of temple desecration in pre-modern India – and, at a more general level, contested his-tory revolving round Indo-Muslim rulers and states – has become a sensitive mass political issue in contemporaryIndia. The demolition of the Babri Masjid, on December 6, 1992, by storm-troopers of the Sangh Parivar, and thetrain of communal violence and ‘ill-fare’ this vandalism brought to different regions of the country, propelled theissue to national centre-stage. The ideologues of the Hindu Right have, through a manipulation of pre-modern his-tory and a tendentious use of source material and historical data, built up a dangerously plausible picture of fanati-cism, vandalism and villainy on the part of the Indo-Muslim conquerors and rulers. Part of the ideological andpolitical argument of the Hindu Right is the assertion that for about five centuries from the thirteenth, Indo-Muslimstates were driven by a ‘theology of iconoclasm’ – not to mention fanaticism, lust for plunder, and uncompromis-ing hatred of Hindu religion and places of worship. In this illuminating and nuanced essay on temple desecrationand Indo-Muslim states, which Frontline offers its readers in two parts, the historian Richard M. Eaton presentsimportant new insights and meticulously substantiated conclusions on what happened or is likely to have happenedin pre-modern India.

– Editor, Frontline

PART I

63FRONTLINE, DECEMBER 22, 2000

century than Muslims had brought in five centuries, Elliotexpressed the hope that his published translations “will make ournative subjects more sensible of the immense advantages accru-ing to them under the mildness and the equity of our rule.”4

Elliot’s motives for delegitimising the Indo-Muslim rulerswho had preceded English rule are thus quite clear. Writing in1931 on the pernicious influence that the colonial understand-ing of pre-modern Indian history had on subsequent generations,Mohammad Habib remarked: “The peaceful Indian Mussalman,descended beyond doubt from Hindu ancestors, was dressed upin the garb of a foreign barbarian, as a breaker of temples, andan eater of beef, and declared to be a military colonist in the landwhere he had lived for about thirty or forty centuries.... The resultof it is seen in the communalistic atmosphere of India today.”5

Although penned many years ago, these words are relevantin the context of current controversies over the history of tem-ple desecration in India. For it has been through selective trans-lations of pre-modern Persian chronicles, together with a selectiveuse of epigraphic data, that Hindu nationalists have sought tofind the sort of irrefutable evidence that would demonstrate apersistent pattern of villainy and fanaticism on the part of pre-modern Indo-Muslim conquerors and rulers. One of Goel’schapters is even entitled “From the Horse’s Mouth.” In reality,however, every scrap of evidence in this controversial matterrequires careful scrutiny.

TEMPLE DESECRATION BEFORE INDO-MUSLIM STATESIt is well known that, during the two centuries before 1192,

which was when an indigenous Indo-Muslim state and com-munity first appeared in north India, Persianised Turks system-atically raided and looted major urban centres of South Asia,sacking temples and hauling immense loads of movable proper-ty to power bases in eastern Afghanistan. The pattern com-menced in 986, when the Ghaznavid Sultan Sabuktigin (reign977-997) attacked and defeated the Hindu Shahiraja who controlled the region between Kabul andnorthwest Punjab. According to Abu Nasr Ùtbi,the personal secretary to the sultan’s son,Sabuktigin “marched out towards Lamghan (locat-ed to the immediate east of Kabul), which is a citycelebrated for its great strength and abounding inwealth. He conquered it and set fire to the placesin its vicinity which were inhabited by infidels, anddemolishing the idol-temples, he established Islamin them”.6

Linking religious conversion with conquest –with conquest serving to facilitate conversion, andconversion serving to legitimise conquest – ̀ Utbi’sbrief notice established a rhetorical trope that manysubsequent Indo-Muslim chroniclers wouldrepeat.

Notwithstanding such rhetoric, however, inva-sions of India by Sabuktigin and his more famousson Mahmud of Ghazni (r. 998-1030) appear to

have been undertaken for material reasons. Based in Afghanistanand never seeking permanent dominion in India, the earlierGhaznavid rulers raided and looted Indian cities, including theirrichly endowed temples loaded with movable wealth, with a viewto financing their larger political objectives far to the west, inKhurasan.7 The predatory nature of these raids was also structurallyintegral to the Ghaznavid political economy: their army was a per-manent, professional one built around an elite corps of mountedarchers who, as slaves, were purchased, equipped, and paid withcash derived from regular infusions of war booty taken alike fromHindu cities in India and Muslim cities in Iran. For example,Mahmud’s plunder of the Iranian city of Ray, in 1029, broughthim 500,000 dinars’ worth of jewels, 260,000 dinars in coinedmoney, and over 30,000 dinars’ worth of gold and silver vessels.India, however, possessed far more wealth than the more sparselypopulated Iranian plateau. Mahmud’s 1026 raid on Somnathalone brought in twenty million dinars’ worth of spoil.8

The dynamics of north Indian politics changed dramatical-ly, however, when the Ghurids, a dynasty of Tajik (easternIranian) origins, arrived from central Afghanistan toward the endof the twelfth century. Sweeping aside the Ghaznavids, Ghuridconquerors and their Turkish slave generals ushered in a new sortof state quite unlike that of the foreign-based Ghaznavids (seeFigure 1). Aspiring to imperial dominion over the whole of northIndia from a base in the middle of the Indo-Gangetic plain, thenew Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526) signalled the first attempt tobuild an indigenous Muslim state and society in north India.With respect to religious policy, we can identify two principalcomponents to this project: (a) state patronage of an India-basedSufi order, the Chishtis, and (b) a policy of selective temple des-ecration that aimed not, as earlier, to finance distant militaryoperations on the Iranian Plateau, but to delegitimise and extir-pate defeated Indian ruling houses.

The first of these policies was based on a conception of reli-gion and politics well summarised by the Deccanicourt-poet ̀ Abd al-Malik ̀ Isami. Writing in 1350,Ìsami observed that

the existence of the world is bound up closelywith that of the men of faith. In every country,there is a man of piety who keeps it going andwell. Although there might be a monarch inevery country, yet it is actually under the pro-tection of a fakir (Sufi shaikh).9

Sufis, in other words, were understood as the“real” sovereigns of Indo-Muslim states. Amongall South Asian Sufi orders, moreover, theChishtis were the most closely identified with thepolitical fortunes of Indo-Muslim states, andespecially with the planting of such states in partsof South Asia never previously touched byIslamic rule. The pattern began in the first halfof the fourteenth century, when that order’s riseto prominence among Delhi’s urban populacecoincided with the political expansion of the

Figure 1: Silver coin ofAli Mardan (ca. 1208-1213), commemoratingthe conquest of Bengalby the newly-establishedDelhi Sultanate, in May1204. Courtesy of G.S.Farid, Asiatic Society,Calcutta.

4 Ibid., 1:xxii, xxvii.5 K.A. Nizami, ed., Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period: Collected Works of Professor Mohammad Habib (New Delhi: People’s Publishing House,1974), 1:12.6 Ùtbi, Tarikh-i Yamini, in Elliot and Dowson, History of India, 2:22. 7 C.E. Bosworth, The Later Ghaznavids, Splendour and Decay: The Dynasty in Afghanistan and Northern India, 1040-1186 (1977; repr. New Delhi: MunshiramManoharlal, 1992), 32, 68.8 C.E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran, 994-1040 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963), 78.9 Àbd al-Malik Ìsami, Futuhus-salatin by Isami, ed. A.S. Usha (Madras: University of Madras, 1948), 455; Agha Mahdi Husain, ed. and trans., Futuhu’s-salatin,or Shah Namah-i Hind of Ìsami (London: Asia Publishing House, 1967), 3:687.

imperial Tughluqs.10 By effectively injecting a legitimising“substance” into a new body politic at the moment of its birth,the patronage of Chishti shaikhs by governors in Tughluqprovinces, or by independent rulers succeeding to power inthose provinces, contributed positively to the process of Indo-Muslim state-building.

Equally important to this process was its negative counter-part: the sweeping away of all prior political authority in newlyconquered and annexed territories. When such authority wasvested in a ruler whose own legitimacy was associated with a royaltemple – typically one that housed an image of a ruling dynasty’sstate-deity, or rastra-devata (usually Vishnu or Siva) – that tem-ple was normally looted, redefined, or destroyed, any of which

would have had the effect of detaching a defeated raja from themost prominent manifestation of his former legitimacy. Templesthat were not so identified, or temples formerly so identified butabandoned by their royal patrons and thereby rendered politi-cally irrelevant, were normally left unharmed. Such was the case,for example, with the famous temples at Khajuraho south of theMiddle Gangetic Plain, which appear to have been abandonedby their Candella royal patrons before Turkish armies reachedthe area in the early thirteenth century.

It would be wrong to explain this phenomenon by appeal-ing to an essentialised “theology of iconoclasm” felt to be intrin-sic to the Islamic religion. It is true that contemporary Persiansources routinely condemned idolatry (but-parasti) on religiousgrounds. But it is also true that attacks on images patronised byenemy kings had been, from about the sixth century A.D. on,thoroughly integrated into Indian political behaviour. With theirlushly sculpted imagery vividly displaying the mutual interde-pendence of kings and gods and the commingling of divine andhuman kingship, royal temple complexes of the early medievalperiod were thoroughly and pre-eminently political institutions.It was here that, after the sixth century, human kingship wasestablished, contested, and revitalised. Above all, the central iconhoused in a royal temple’s “womb-chamber,” and inhabited bythe state-deity of the temple’s royal patron, expressed the sharedsovereignty of king and deity (see Figures 2 and 3).

Moreover, notwithstanding that temple priests endowed aroyal temple’s deity with attributes of transcendent and uni-versal power, that same deity was also understood as having avery special relationship, indeed a sovereign relationship, withthe particular geographical site in which its temple complexwas located. As revealed in temple narratives, even the physi-cal removal of an image from its original site could not break


10 See Simon Digby, “The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Mediaeval India,” in Marc Gaborieau, ed., Islam and Society in South Asia, in Purusartha 9 (Paris:Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1986), 69-70.

Figure 3: Vijayanagara, A.D. 1430. Devarajapuram copperplate inscription showing the signature of Vijayanagara’sstate-deity Virupaksha, certifying a grant of land to Brahminsmade by King Devaraya II (1425-1446). Virupaksha’ssignature, at the bottom, is in Kannada script, while the restappears in Sanskrit. Collection of the R.S.R. ArchaeologicalMuseum, Rajahmundry, A.P. Photo by Phillip B. Wagoner.

Figure 2: Stone sculpture of Narasimha I (1238-64), raja ofthe Eastern Ganga dynasty, standing with a sword in his belt(right). The king is leaning over a priest and worshipping thedynastic state-deity, Lord Jagannath, flanked on the right bya Siva linga and on the left by an image of Durga. Originallyin the Surya temple at Konarak, Orissa, ca. 1250; presentlyin the National Museum, New Delhi. Courtesy of John C.Huntington.


the link between deity and geography.11 “A divine power,”writes David Shulman, “is felt to be present naturally on thespot.”12 The bonding between king, god, temple, and land inearly medieval India is well illustrated in a passage from theBrhatsamhita, a sixth century text: “If a Siva linga, image, ortemple breaks apart, moves, sweats, cries, speaks, or otherwiseacts with no apparent cause, this warns of the destruction ofthe king and his territory.”13 In short, from about the sixth cen-tury on, images and temples associated with dynastic authori-ty were considered politically vulnerable.

Given these perceived connections between temples, images,and their royal patrons, it is hardly surprising that, as RichardH. Davis has recently shown,14 early medieval Indian historyabounds in instances of temple desecration that occurred amidst

inter-dynastic conflicts. In 642 A.D., according to local tradi-tion, the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I looted the image ofGanesha from the Chalukyan capital of Vatapi. Fifty years laterarmies of those same Chalukyas invaded north India and broughtback to the Deccan what appear to be images of Ganga andYamuna, looted from defeated powers there. In the eighth cen-tury Bengali troops sought revenge on king Lalitaditya bydestroying what they thought was the image of VishnuVaikuntha, the state-deity of Lalitaditya’s kingdom in Kashmir.

In the early ninth century, the Rashtrakuta king Govinda IIIinvaded and occupied Kanchipuram, which so intimidated theking of Sri Lanka that he sent Govinda several (probably Buddhist)images that had represented the Sinhala state, and which theRashtrakuta king then installed in a Saiva temple in his capital.

11 Richard H. Davis, Lives of Indian Images (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1999), 122, 137-38.12 David D. Shulman, Tamil Temple Myths: Sacrifice and Divine Marriage in the South Indian Saiva Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 48.Emphasis mine.13 Cited in Davis, Lives, 53.14 Davis, Lives, 51-83, passim.

Figure 4: Image of Durga seized from the Chalukyas byRajendra I, Chola king (1012-1044), and taken to his capital.Photo: American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi. Courtesyof Richard H. Davis. (Right) Figure 5: The Tamil inscription atthe base of this sculpture, seized by the imperial Cholas in1045 from their Chalukya enemies, reads: “This is the doorguardian brought by Lord Vijayarajendradeva after burning(the Chalukya capital) Kalyanapuram.” Institut Francaised’Indologie, Pondicherry. Courtesy of Richard H. Davis.


About the same time, the Pandyan king Srimara Srivallabha alsoinvaded Sri Lanka and took back to his capital a golden Buddhaimage that had been installed in the kingdom’s Jewel Palace. Inthe early tenth century, the Pratihara king Herambapala seized asolid gold image of Vishnu Vaikuntha when he defeated the Sahiking of Kangra. By the mid-tenth century, the same image wasseized from the Pratiharas by the Candella king Yasovarman andinstalled in the Lakshmana temple of Khajuraho.

In the early eleventh century, the Chola king Rajendra I fur-nished his capital with images he had seized from several promi-nent neighbouring kings: Durga and Ganesha images from theChalukyas; Bhairava, Bhairavi, and Kali images from theKalingas of Orissa; a Nandi image from the Eastern Chalukyas;and a bronze Siva image from the Palas of Bengal (see Figure4). In the mid-eleventh century, the Chola king Rajadhirajadefeated the Chalukyas and plundered Kalyani, taking a largeblack stone door guardian to his capital in Thanjavur, where itwas displayed to his subjects as a trophy of war (see Figure 5).In the late eleventh century, the Kashmiri king Harsha evenraised the plundering of temples to an institutionalised activi-ty; and in the late twelfth and early thirteenth century, whileTurkish rulers were establishing themselves in north India, kingsof the Paramara dynasty attacked and plundered Jain templesin Gujarat.15

This pattern continued after the Turkish conquest of India.In the 1460s, Kapilendra, the founder of the SuryavamshiGajapati dynasty in Orissa, sacked both Saiva and Vaishnavatemples in the Cauvery delta in the course of wars of conquestin the Tamil country.16 Somewhat later, in 1514,Krishnadevaraya looted an image of Balakrishna from Udayagiri,which he had defeated and annexed to his growing Vijayanagarastate. Six years later he acquired control over Pandharpur, wherehe seems to have looted the Vittala image and carried it back toVijayanagara, with the apparent purpose of ritually incorporat-ing this area into his kingdom.17

Although the dominant pattern here was one of looting royaltemples and carrying off images of state-deities, we also hear ofHindu kings engaging in the destruction of the royal temples oftheir political adversaries. In the early tenth cen-tury, the Rashtrakuta monarch Indra III not onlydestroyed the temple of Kalapriya (at Kalpa nearthe Yamuna River), patronised by theRashtrakutas’ deadly enemies, the Pratiharas, butalso took special delight in recording the fact.18

IMPERIALISM OF THE DELHI SULTANATE,1192-1394

In short, it is clear that temples had been thenatural sites for the contestation of kingly author-ity well before the coming of Muslim Turks toIndia. Not surprisingly, Turkish invaders, whenattempting to plant their own rule in earlymedieval India, followed and continued estab-lished patterns. The table and the corresponding

maps in this essay by no means give the complete picture of tem-ple desecration after the establishment of Turkish power inUpper India. Undoubtedly some temples were desecrated butthe facts in the matter were never recorded, or the facts wererecorded but the records themselves no longer survive.Conversely, later Indo-Muslim chroniclers, seeking to glorify thereligious zeal of earlier Muslim rulers, sometimes attributed actsof temple desecration to such rulers even when no contempo-rary evidence supports the claims. As a result, we shall never knowthe precise number of temples desecrated in Indian history.

Nonetheless, by relying strictly on evidence found in con-temporary or near-contemporary epigraphic and literary sourcesspanning a period of more than five centuries (1192-1729), onemay identify eighty instances of temple desecration whose his-toricity appears reasonably certain. Although this figure falls wellshort of the 60,000 claimed by some Hindu nationalists,19 areview of these data suggests several broad patterns.

First, acts of temple desecration were nearly invariably car-ried out by military officers or ruling authorities; that is, suchacts that we know about were undertaken by the state. Second,the chronology and geography of the data indicate that acts oftemple desecration typically occurred on the cutting edge of amoving military frontier. From Ajmer in Rajasthan, the formercapital of the defeated Cahamana Rajputs – also, significantly,the wellspring of Chishti piety – the post-1192 pattern of tem-ple desecration moved swiftly down the Gangetic Plain asTurkish military forces sought to extirpate local ruling houses inthe late twelfth and early thirteenth century (see Table and Map1: nos. 1-9). In Bihar, this included the targeting of Buddhistmonastic establishments at Odantapuri, Vikramasila, andNalanda. Detached from a Buddhist laity, these establishmentshad by this time become dependent on the patronage of localroyal authorities, with whom they were identified. In the 1230s,Iltutmish carried the Delhi Sultanate’s authority into Malwa(nos. 10-11), and by the onset of the fourteenth century theKhalji sultans had opened up a corridor through easternRajasthan into Gujarat (nos. 12-14, 16-17).

Delhi’s initial raids on peninsular India, on which Khalji rulersembarked between 1295 and the early decades ofthe fourteenth century (nos. 15, 18-19), appear tohave been driven not by a goal of annexation butby the Sultanate’s need for wealth with which todefend north India from Mongol attacks. In 1247,Balban, the future sultan of Delhi, had recom-mended raiding Indian states for precisely this pur-pose.20 For a short time, then, peninsular Indiastood in the same relation to the North – namely,as a source of plunder for financing distant militaryoperations – as north India had stood in relation toAfghanistan three centuries earlier, in the days ofSabuktigin and Mahmud of Ghazni. After 1320,however, a new north Indian dynasty, theTughluqs, sought permanent dominion in theDeccan, which the future Sultan Muhammad binTughluq established by uprooting royally patron-

Figure 6: Silver coin ofSultan Iltutmish(1210-1235). Courtesyof G.S. Farid, AsiaticSociety, Calcutta.

15 See Romila Thapar, Harbans Mukhia, and Bipan Chandra, Communalism and the Writing of Indian History (Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1969), 14, 31.16 See Phillip B. Wagoner, Tidings of the King: A Translation and Ethnohistorical Analysis of the Rayavacakamu (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993), 146.17 Davis, Lives, 65, 67.18 Michael Willis, “Religion and Royal Patronage in north India,” in Vishakha N. Desai and Darielle Mason, eds., Gods, Guardians, and Lovers: Temple Sculpturesfrom North India, AD 700-1200 (New York: Asia Society Galleries, 1993), 59.19 Entry for the date 1688 in “Hindu Timeline,” Hinduism Today (December, 1994), cited in Cynthia Talbot, “Inscribing the Other, Inscribing the Self: Hindu-Muslim Identities in Pre-Colonial India,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no.4 (Oct., 1995), 692.20 See Minhaj Siraj Juzjani, Tabakat-i-Nasiri, trans. H.G. Raverty (1881; repr. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1970), 2:816.


ised temples in western Andhra, most prominently theSvayambhusiva complex in the centre of the Kakatiyas’ capital cityof Warangal (nos. 20-22. See Figure 7). Somewhat later SultanFiruz Tughluq did the same in Orissa (no. 23).

THE GROWTH OF REGIONAL SULTANATES, 1394-1600

From the late fourteenth century, after the tide of Tughluqimperialism had receded from Gujarat and the Deccan, newlyemerging successor states sought to expand their own political fron-tiers in those areas. This, too, is reflected in instances of templedesecration, as the ex-Tughluq governor of Gujarat and his suc-cessors consolidated their authority there (see Map 2: nos. 25-26,31-32, 34-35, 38-39, 42), or as the Delhi empire’s successors inthe South, the Bahmani sultans, challenged Vijayanagara’s claimsto dominate the Raichur doab and the Tamil coast (nos. 33, 41).The pattern was repeated in Kashmir by Sultan Sikandar (nos. 27-30), and in the mid-fifteenth century when the independent sul-tanate of Malwa contested renewed Rajput power in easternRajasthan after Delhi’s authority there had waned (nos. 36-37).

In the early sixteenth century, when the Lodi dynasty ofAfghans sought to reassert Delhi’s sovereignty over neighbouringRajput houses, we again find instances of temple desecration (nos.43-45). So do we in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth cen-turies, when the Bahmani Kingdom’s principal successor states,Bijapur and Golconda, challenged the territorial sovereignty ofOrissan kings (nos. 55, 59; Maps 2 and 3), of Vijayanagara (no.47), and of the latter’s successor states – especially in the southernAndhra country (nos. 50-51, 53-54, 60-61; Maps 2 and 3).

Unlike the Deccan, where Indo-Muslim states had beenexpanding at the expense of non-Muslim states, in north Indiathe Mughals under Babur, Humayun, and Akbar – that is,between 1526 and 1605 – grew mainly at the expense of defeat-ed Afghans. As non-Hindus, the latter had never shared sover-eignty with deities patronised in royal temples, which probably

explains the absence of firm evidence of temple desecration byany of the early Mughals, in Ayodhya or elsewhere. The notionthat Babur’s officer Mir Baqi destroyed a temple dedicated toRama’s birthplace at Ayodhya and then got the emperor’s sanc-tion to build a mosque on the site – the Babri Masjid – was elab-orated in 1936 by S.K. Banerji. However, the author offered noevidence that there had ever been a temple at this site, much lessthat it had been destroyed by Mir Baqi. The mosque’s inscrip-tion records only that Babur had ordered the construction of themosque, which was built by Mir Baqi and was described as “theplace of descent of celestial beings” (mahbit-i qudsiyan). Thiscommonplace rhetorical flourish can hardly be construed as refer-ring to Rama, especially since it is the mosque itself that is sodescribed, and not the site or any earlier structure on the site.21

However, whenever Mughal armies pushed beyond the fron-tiers of territories formerly ruled by the Delhi sultans and soughtto annex the domains of Hindu rulers, we again find instances oftemple desecration. In 1661 the governor of Bengal, Mir Jumla,sacked the temples of the neighbouring raja of Cooch Bihar, whohad been harassing the northern frontiers of Mughal territory (no.64; Map 3). The next year, with a view to annexing Assam to theimperial domain, the governor pushed far up the Brahmaputravalley and desecrated temples of the Ahom rajas, replacing theprincipal one at Garhgaon with a mosque (nos. 65-66).

All of these instances of temple desecration occurred in thecontext of military conflicts when Indo-Muslim states expandedinto the domains of non-Muslim rulers. Contemporary chroni-clers and inscriptions left by the victors leave no doubt that fieldcommanders, governors, or sultans viewed the desecration of royaltemples as a normal means of decoupling a former Hindu king’slegitimate authority from his former kingdom, and more specifi-cally, of decoupling that former king from the image of the state-deity that was publicly understood as protecting the king and hiskingdom. This was accomplished in one of several ways. Most typ-ically, temples considered essential to the constitution of enemy

21 See S.K. Banerji, “Babur and the Hindus,” Journal of the United Provinces Historical Society 9 (1936), 76-83.

Figure 7: Site of the Svayambhusiva temple at Warangal, demolished in 1323 by the Tughluq prince Ulugh Khan.Photo: John Henry Rice.

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60



authority were destroyed. Occasionally, temples were convertedinto mosques, which more visibly conflated the disestablishmentof former sovereignty with the establishment of a new one.

The form of desecration that showed the greatest continuitywith pre-Turkish practice was the seizure of the image of a defeat-ed king’s state-deity and its abduction to the victor’s capital as atrophy of war. In February 1299, for example, Ulugh Khan sackedGujarat’s famous temple of Somnath and sent its largest image toSultan ̀ Ala al-Din Khalji’s court in Delhi (no. 16; Map 1). WhenFiruz Tughluq invaded Orissa in 1359 and learned that theregion’s most important temple was that of Jagannath locatedinside the raja’s fortress in Puri, he carried off the stone image ofthe god and installed it in Delhi “in an ignominious position”(no. 23). In 1518, when the court in Delhi came to suspect theloyalty of a tributary Rajput chieftain in Gwalior, Sultan IbrahimLodi marched to the famous fortress, stormed it, and seized a brassimage of Nandi evidently situated adjacent to the chieftain’s Sivatemple. The sultan brought it back to Delhi and installed it inthe city’s Baghdad Gate (no. 46; Map 2).

Similarly, in 1579, when Golconda’s army led by MurahariRao was campaigning south of the Krishna River, Rao annexedthe entire region to Qutb Shahi domains and sacked the popularAhobilam temple, whose ruby-studded image he brought back toGolconda and presented to his sultan as a war trophy (no. 51).Although the Ahobilam temple had only local appeal, it had closeassociations with prior sovereign authority since it had beenpatronised and even visited by the powerful and most famous kingof Vijayanagara, Krishnadevaraya. The temple’s political signifi-cance, and hence the necessity of desecrating it, would have beenwell understood by Murahari Rao, himself a Marathi Brahmin.22

In each of these instances, the deity’s image, taken as war tro-phy to the capital city of the victorious sultan, became radicallydetached from its former context and in the process was trans-formed from a living to a dead image. However, sacked imageswere not invariably abducted to the victor’s capital. In 1556, theGajapati raja of Orissa had entered into a pact with the Mughalemperor Akbar, the distant adversary of the sultan of Bengal,

Sulaiman Karrani. The raja had also given refuge to Sulaiman’smore proximate adversary, Ibrahim Sur, and offered to assist thelatter in his ambitions to conquer Bengal and overthrow theKarrani dynasty. As Sulaiman could hardly have tolerated suchthreats to his stability, he sent an army into Orissa which wentstraight to the Gajapati kingdom’s state temple of Jagannath andlooted its images. But here the goal was not annexation but onlypunishment, which might explain why the Gajapati state imageswere not carried back to the Bengali capital as trophies of war.23

Whatever form they took, acts of temple desecration were neverdirected at the people, but at the enemy king and the image thatincarnated and displayed his state-deity. A contemporary accountof a 1661 Mughal campaign in Cooch Bihar, which resulted in theannexation of the region, states that the chief judge of MughalBengal was ordered to confiscate the treasure of the defeated raja,Bhim Narayan, and to destroy the image of the state-deity. But thejudge himself issued orders against harming the general population,warning that if any soldiers were caught touching the property ofthe common people, their hands, ears, or noses would be removed.24

In short, in newly annexed areas formerly ruled by non-Muslims,as in the case of Cooch Bihar, Mughal officers took appropriatemeasures to secure the support of the common people, who afterall created the material wealth upon which the entire imperial edi-fice rested.

If the idea of conquest became manifest in the desecrationof temples and images associated with former enemies – itself anestablished tradition in pre-Turkish Indian practice – what hap-pened once the land and the subjects of those same enemies wereintegrated into an Indo-Muslim state? This question, togetherwith the pattern of temple desecration under the imperialMughals, will be taken up in the second of this two-part essay. ■

Richard M. Eaton teaches South Asian history at the University of Arizona,U.S., and is the author of several books on pre-modern India, includingThe Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760 (New Delhi: OxfordUniversity Press, 1997) and Essays on Islam and Indian History (New Delhi:Oxford University Press, 2000).

SOURCES1. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica2. Epigraphia Indica, Arabic & Persian Supplement 3. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy4. Indian Antiquary 5. Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. A. Rogers, (Delhi, 1968), v. 1 6. Firishta, Tarikh-i Firishta tr. J. Briggs, History of the Rise of the Mahomedan

Power in India (Calcutta, 1971), 4 vols.7. Kanbo, Àmal-i Salih (text: Lahore, 1967), v. 2 8. A. Butterworth and V.V. Chetty. A Collection of the Inscriptions on Copper-

Plates & Stones in the Nellore District (Madras, 1905), v. 3 9. Khafi Khan, Khafi Khan’s History of Àlamgir, tr. S.M. Haq (Karachi, 1975) 10. A. Cunningham, Four Reports Made during 1862-65 (Varanasi, 1972) 11. S.N. Sinha, Subah of Allahabad under the Great Mughals (New Delhi, 1974) 12. Saqi Mustàd Khan, Maasir-i Àlamgiri, tr. J. Sarkar (Calcutta, 1947) 13. Saqi Mustàd Khan, Maasir-i Àlamgiri (text: Calcutta, 1871) 14. Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i Akbari, tr. B. De (Calcutta, 1973), 3 vols.15. Ishwardas Nagar, Futuhat-i Àlamgiri, tr. T. Ahmad (Delhi, 1978) 16. Surendranath Sen, ed. & tr., Siva Chhatrapati (Calcutta, 1920), v.1 17. P. Sreenivasachar, ed., Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana Districts of

H.E.M. the Nizam’s Dominions, pt. 2 (Hyderabad, 1940) 18. Shah Nawaz Khan, Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge (Patna, 1979), v. 1 19. Z.A. Desai, Published Muslim Inscriptions of Rajasthan (Jaipur, 1971)

20. G. Roerich, tr., Biography of Dharmaswamin (Patna, 1959) 21. Minhaj-i Siraj, Tabakat-i Nasiri, tr. H. Raverty (New Delhi, 1970), v. 1 22. Chattopadhyaya, D., ed., Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India (Calcutta,

1980) 23. Hasan Nizami, Taj al-maàthir, in Elliot & Dowson, History, v. 2 24. Amir Khusrau, Miftah al-futuh, in Elliot & Dowson, History, v. 3 25. Amir Khusrau, Khaza’in al-futuh, in Elliot & Dowson, History, v. 3 26. Shams-i Siraj, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, in Elliot & Dowson, History, v. 3 27. Zia al-Din Barani, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, Elliot & Dowson, History, v. 3 28. Khwajah Ni`mat Allah, Tarikh-i Khan-Jahani wa makhzan-i-Afghani (text:

Dacca, 1960), v. 1 29. Sikandar bin Muhammad, Mirat-i Sikandari, in E.C. Bayley, Local

Muhammadan Dynasties: Gujarat, ed. N Singh (repr. New Delhi, 1970) 30. Azad al-Husaini, Nau-Bahar-i Murshid Quli Khani, tr., Jadu Nath Sarkar,

Bengal Nawabs (1952, repr. Calcutta, 1985)31. Abd al-Hamid Lahori, Badshah-nama, in Elliot & Dowson, History, v. 7 32. South Indian Inscriptions (New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India) 33. George Michell, “City as Cosmogram,” South Asian Studies 8 (1992) 34. Jonaraja, Rajatarangini, ed. S.L. Sadhu, trans. J.C. Dutt (repr. New Delhi,

1993) 35. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, tr., Waqiàt-e-Mushtaqui of Shaikh Rizq Ullah

Mushtaqui (New Delhi, 1993) 36. Jagadish Narayan Sarkar, Life of Mir Jumla (Calcutta, 1952)

22 Muhammad Qasim Firishta, Tarikh-i Firishta, trans. John Briggs, The Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India (1829; repr. 4 vols., Calcutta: Editions Indian,1966), 3:267. 23 Khwajah Ni`mat Allah, Tarikh-i Khan Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, ed. S.M. Imam al-Din (Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1960), 1:413-15; Abu’l-fazl,Akbar-nama, trans. Henry Beveridge (repr. New Delhi: Ess Ess Publications, 1979), 2:381-2, 480. 24 S. Moinul Haq, trans., Khafi Khan’s History of Àlamgir (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1975), 142-43.

FRONTLINE, JANUARY 5, 2001

IN the first part of this essay (published in the previous issue)it was argued that from 1192 on, the annexation of territory

by Indo-Muslim states was often accompanied by the desecra-tion of temples and/or images associated with defeated mon-archs, a tradition well-established in Indian political practicefrom at least the sixth century. This being so, one might legiti-mately ask: what happened once the land and the subjects of for-mer enemies were integrated into an Indo-Muslim state?

TEMPLE PROTECTION AND STATE MAINTENANCE

On this point, the data are quite clear: pragmatism as well astime-honoured traditions of both Islamic and Indian statecraftdictated that temples lying within such states be leftunmolested. We learn from a Sanskrit inscription,for example, that in 1326, thirteen years after heannexed the northern Deccan to the Tughluqempire, Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq appointed Muslimofficials to repair a Siva temple in Kalyana (in Bidar district),thereby facilitating the resumption of normal worship that hadbeen disrupted by local disturbances.1 According to that sultan’sinterpretation of Islamic law, anybody who paid the poll-tax(jizya) could build temples in territories ruled by Muslims.2

Such views continued to hold sway until modern times.Within several decades of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s death,Sultan Shihab al-Din (1355-73) of Kashmir rebuked hisBrahmin minister for having suggested melting down Hindu andBuddhist images in his kingdom as a means of obtaining quickcash. In elaborating his ideas on royal patronage of religion, thesultan referred to the deeds of figures drawn from classical Hindumythology. “Some (kings),” he said, have obtained renown by setting up images of gods, others byworshipping them, some by duly maintaining them. Andsome, by demolishing them! How great is the enormity of sucha deed! Sagara became famous by creating the sea and therivers.... Bhagiratha obtained fame by bringing down the

Ganga. Jealous of Indra’s fame, Dushyanata acquired renownby conquering the world; and Rama by killing Ravana whenthe latter had purloined Sita. King Shahvadina [Shihab al-Din], it will be said, plundered the image of a god; and thisfact, dreadful as Yama [death], will make the men in futuretremble.3

About a century later, Muslim jurists advised the future SikandarLodi of Delhi (reign: 1489-1517) that “it is not lawful to laywaste ancient idol temples, and it does not rest with you to pro-hibit ablution in a reservoir which has been customary fromancient times.”4

The pattern of post-conquest temple protection, and evenpatronage, is especially clear when we come to the imperialMughals, whose views on the subject are captured in official pro-nouncements on Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, one of the most

controversial figures in Indian history. It is wellknown that in the early eleventh century, before theestablishment of Indo-Muslim rule in north India,the Ghaznavid sultan had made numerous, and very

destructive, attacks on the region. Starting with the writings ofhis own contemporary and court poet, Firdausi (death 1020),Mahmud’s career soon became legend, as generations of Persianpoets lionised Mahmud as a paragon of Islamic kingly virtue, cel-ebrating his infamous attacks on Indian temples as models forwhat other pious sultans should do.5

But the Ghaznavid sultan never undertook the responsibili-ty of actually governing any part of the subcontinent whose tem-ples he wantonly plundered. Herein lies the principal differencebetween the careers of Mahmud and Abu’l-fazl, Akbar’s chiefminister and the principal architect of Mughal imperial ideolo-gy. Reflecting the sober values that normally accompany the prac-tice of governing large, multi-ethnic states, Abu’l-fazl attributedMahmud’s excesses to fanatical bigots who, having incorrectlyrepresented India as “a country of unbelievers at war with Islam,”incited the sultan’s unsuspecting nature, which led to “the wreckof honour and the shedding of blood and the plunder of the vir-tuous.”6

Indeed, from Akbar’s time (reign: 1556-1605) forward,

Temple desecration andIndo-Muslim states

Why, after the rise of pre-modern Indo-Muslim states, were some Hindu temples desecrated,some protected, and others constructed anew?

H I S T O R I C A L A N A L Y S I S

R IC H A R D M . EA T ON

1 P.B. Desai, “Kalyana Inscription of Sultan Muhammad, Saka 1248,” Epigraphia Indica 32 (1957-58), 165-68. 2 Ibn Battuta, Travels in Asia and Africa, 1324-1354, trans. H.A.R. Gibb (1929; repr. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1986), 214.3 S.L. Sadhu, ed., Medieval Kashmir, Being a Reprint of the Rajataranginis of Jonaraja, Shrivara and Shuka, trans. J.C. Dutt (1898; repr. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers& Distributors, 1993), 44-45. 4 Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i-Akbari, trans. B. De, 3 vols. (Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1927-39), 1:386.5 A useful discussion of Mahmud, his legend, and the question of iconoclasm prior to the establishment of Islamic states in India is found in Richard Davis, Livesof Indian Images (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1999), chs. 3 and 6.6 Abu’l-fazl `Allami, A’in-i Akbari, vol. 3, trans. H.S. Jarrett, ed. Jadunath Sarkar (2nd edn. Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1927; repr. New Delhi: OrientalBooks Reprint Corp., 1977- 78), 377.

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Mughal rulers treated temples lying within their sovereigndomain as state property; accordingly, they undertook to pro-tect both the physical structures and their Brahmin functionar-ies. At the same time, by appropriating Hindu religiousinstitutions to serve imperial ends – a process involving complexoverlappings of political and religious codes of power – theMughals became deeply implicated in institutionalised Indianreligions, in dramatic contrast to their British successors, whoprofessed a hands-off policy in this respect. Thus we find Akbarallowing high-ranking Rajput officers in his service to build theirown monumental temples in the provinces to which they wereposted, as in the case of the Govind Deva Temple in Brindavan,patronised by Raja Man Singh.7 (See Figures 8 and 9.)

Akbar’s successors went further. Between 1590 and 1735,Mughal officials repeatedly oversaw, and on occasion even ini-tiated, the renewal of Orissa’s regional cult, that of Jagannath inPuri. By sitting on a canopied chariot while accompanying thecult’s annual car festival, Shah Jahan’s officials ritually demon-strated that it was the Mughal emperor, operating through hisappointed officers (mansabdar), who was the temple’s – andhence the god’s – ultimate lord and protector.8 Such actions ineffect projected a hierarchy of hybridised political and religiouspower that descended downward from the Mughal emperor tohis mansabdar, from the mansabdar to the god Jagannath and histemple, from Jagannath to the sub-imperial king who patron-ised the god, and from the king to his subjects. For the Mughals,politics within their sovereign domains never meant annihilat-

ing prior authority, but appropriating it within a hierarchy ofpower that flowed from the Peacock Throne to the mass of com-moners below.

Such ideas continued in force into the reign of Aurangzeb(1658-1707), whose orders to local officials in Banaras in 1659clearly indicate that Brahmin temple functionaries there, togeth-er with the temples at which they officiated, merited state pro-tection. “In these days,” he wrote in February of that year,

information has reached our court that several people have,out of spite and rancour, harassed the Hindu residents ofBanaras and nearby places, including a group of Brahmins whoare in charge of ancient temples there. These people want toremove those Brahmins from their charge of temple-keeping,which has caused them considerable distress. Therefore, uponreceiving this order, you must see that nobody unlawfully dis-turbs the Brahmins or other Hindus of that region, so thatthey might remain in their traditional place and pray for thecontinuance of the Empire.9

By way of justifying this order, the emperor noted:“According to the Holy Law (shari`at) and the exalted creed, ithas been established that ancient temples should not be torndown.” On this point, Aurangzeb aligned himself with the the-ory and the practice of Indo-Muslim ruling precedent. But thenhe added, “nor should new temples be built” – a view that brokedecisively from Akbar’s policy of permitting his Rajput officersto build their own temple complexes in Mughal territory.Although this order appears to have applied only to Banaras –

7 Catherine B. Asher, “The Architecture of Raja Man Singh: a Study of Sub-Imperial Patronage,” in Barbara Stoler Miller, ed., The Powers of Art: Patronage inIndian Culture (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992), 183-201.8 P. Acharya, “Bruton’s Account of Cuttack and Puri,” Orissa Historical Research Journal 10, no. 3 (1961), 46.9 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1911), 689-90. Order to Abu’l-Hasan in Banaras, dated 28 Feb., 1659. My translation. The “continuance of the empire”was always forefront on the minds of the Mughals, regardless of what religious functionary was praying to which deity.

Figure 8: Govind Deva Temple at Brindavan, built by Raja Man Singh, 1590. Courtesy of Catherine B. Asher.

Instances of Temple Desecration

No. Date Site District State Agent Source

1 1193 Ajmer Ajmer Rajasthan Md. Ghuri (s) 23:215 2 1193 Samana Patiala Punjab Aibek 23:216-17 3 1193 Kuhram Karnal Haryana Aibek (g) 23:216-17 4 1193 Delhi U.P. Md. Ghuri (s) 1(1911):13

23:217,222 5 1194 Kol Aligarh U.P. Ghurid army 23:224 6 1194 Banaras Banaras U.P. Ghurid army 23:223 7 c.1202 Nalanda Patna Bihar Bakhtiyar Khalaji (c) 20:90

No. Date Site District State Agent Source39 1473 Dwarka Jamnagar Gujarat Mahmud Begdha (s) 14-3:259-61 40 1478 Kondapalle Krishna A.P. Md. II Bahmani (s) 6-2:306 41 c.1478 Kanchi Chingleput Tamil Nadu Md. II Bahmani 6-2:308 42 1505 Amod Broach Gujarat Khalil Shah (g) 1(1933):36 43 1489-1517 Nagarkot Kangra Him. P. Khawwas Khan (g) 35:81 44 1507 Utgir Sawai Madh. Rajasthan Sikandar Lodi (s) 14-1:375 45 1507 Narwar Shivpuri M.P. Sikandar Lodi 14-1:378 46 1518 Gwalior Gwalior M.P Ibrahim Lodi (s) 14-1:402 47 1530-31 Devarkonda Nalgonda A.P. Quli Qutb Shah (s) 6-3:212 48 1552 Narwar Shivpuri M.P. Dilawar Kh. (g) 4(Jun 1927):101-4

For nos. 1-24, see Map 1: Imperialism of the Delhi Sultanate, 1192-1394

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y j ( )8 c.1202 Odantapuri Patna Bihar Bakhtiyar Khalaji 22:319

21:551-2 9 c.1202 Vikramasila Saharsa Bihar Bakhtiyar Khalaji 22:31910 1234 Bhilsa Vidisha M.P. Iltutmish (s) 21:621-22 11 1234 Ujjain Ujjain M.P. Iltutmish 21:622-23 12 1290 Jhain Sawai Madh. Rajasthan Jalal al-Din Khalaji (s) 27:146 13 1292 Bhilsa Vidisha M.P. ‘Ala al-Din Khalaji (g) 27:14814 1298-1310 Vijapur Mehsana Gujarat Khalaji invaders 2(1974):10-12 15 1295 Devagiri Aurangabad Maharashtra ‘Ala al-Din Khalaji (g) 24:543 16 1299 Somnath Junagadh Gujarat Ulugh Khan (c) 25:75 17 1301 Jhain Sawai Madh. Rajasthan ‘Ala al-Din Khalaji (s) 25:75-76 18 1311 Chidambaram South Arcot Tamil Nadu Malik Kafur (c) 25:90-91 19 1311 Madurai Madurai Tamil Nadu Malik Kafur 25:91 20 c.1323 Warangal Warangal A.P. Ulugh Khan (p) 33:1-2 21 c.1323 Bodhan Nizamabad A.P. Ulugh Khan 1(1919-20):16 22 c.1323 Pillalamarri Nalgonda A.P. Ulugh Khan 17:114 23 1359 Puri Puri Orissa Firuz Tughluq (s) 26:314 24 1392-93 Sainthali Gurgaon Haryana Bahadur K. Nahar (c) 3(1963-64):146

25 1394 Idar Sabar-K. Gujarat Muzaffar Khan (g) 14-3:17726 1395 Somnath Junagadh Gujarat Muzaffar Khan 6-4:327 c.1400 Paraspur Srinagar Kashmir Sikandar (s) 14-3:64828 c.1400 Bijbehara Srinagar Kashmir Sikandar 34:5429 c.1400 Tripuresvara Srinagar Kashmir Sikandar 34:5430 c.1400 Martand Anantnag Kashmir Sikandar 34:5431 1400-01 Idar Sabar-K. Gujarat Muzaffar Shah (s) 14-3:18132 1400-01 Diu Amreli Gujarat Muzaffar Shah 6-4:533 1406 Manvi Raichur Karnataka Firuz Bahmani (s) 2(1962):57-58 34 1415 Sidhpur Mehsana Gujarat Ahmad Shah (s) 29:98-9935 1433 Delwara Sabar-K. Gujarat Ahmad Shah 14-3:220-21 36 1442 Kumbhalmir Udaipur Rajasthan Mahmud Khalaji (s) 14-3:51337 1457 Mandalgarh Bhilwara Rajasthan Mahmud Khalaji 6-4:135 38 1462 Malan Banaskantha Gujarat ‘Ala al-Din Suhrab (c) 2(1963):28-29

(g) ( )49 1556 Puri Puri Orissa Sulaiman Karrani (s) 28:413-15 50 1575-76 Bankapur Dharwar Karnataka ‘Ali ‘Adil Shah (s) 6-3:82-84 51 1579 Ahobilam Kurnool A.P. Murahari Rao (c) 6-3:267 52 1586 Ghoda Poona Maharashtra Mir Md. Zaman (?) 1(1933-34):2453 1593 Cuddapah Cuddapah A.P. Murtaza Khan (c) 6-3:274 54 1593 Kalihasti Chittoor A.P. I‘tibar Khan (c) 6-3:277 55 1599 Srikurman Visakhapatnam A.P. Qutb Shahi general 32-5:1312

56 1613 Pushkar Ajmer Rajasthan Jahangir (e) 5:254 57 1632 Banaras Banaras U.P. Shah Jahan (e) 31:36 58 1635 Orchha Tikamgarh M.P. Shah Jahan 7:102-3 59 1641 Srikakulam Srikakulam A.P. Sher Md. Kh. (c) 3(1953-54):68-9 60 1642 Udayagiri Nellore A.P. Ghazi ‘Ali (c) 8:1385-86 61 1653 Poonamallee Chingleput Tamil Nadu Rustam b. Zulfiqar (c) 1(1937-38):53n262 1655 Bodhan Nizamabad A.P. Aurangzeb (p,g) 1(1919-20):16 63 1659 Tuljapur Osmanabad Maharashtra Afzal Khan (g) 16:9-10 64 1661 Cooch Bihar Cooch Bihar West Bengal Mir Jumla (g) 9:142-43 65 1662 Devalgaon Sibsagar Assam Mir Jumla 9:154,156-57 66 1662 Garhgaon Sibsagar Assam Mir Jumla 36:249 67 1664 Gwalior Gwalior M.P. Mu‘tamad Khan (g) 10:335 68 1667 Akot Akola Maharashtra Md. Ashraf (c) 2(1963):53-54 69 1669 Banaras Banaras U.P. Aurangzeb (e) 11:65-68;13:88 70 1670 Mathura Mathura U.P. Aurangzeb 12:57-61 71 1679 Khandela Sikar Rajasthan Darab Khan (g) 12:107;18:449 72 1679 Jodhpur Jodhpur Rajasthan Khan Jahan (c) 18:786;12:108 73 1680 Udaipur Udaipur Rajasthan Ruhullah Khan (c) 15:129-30;

12:114-1574 1680 Chitor Chitorgarh Rajasthan Aurangzeb 12:117 75 1692 Cuddapah Cuddapah A.P. Aurangzeb 1(1937-38):55 76 1697-98 Sambhar Jaipur Rajasthan Shah Sabz ‘Ali (?) 19:157 77 1698 Bijapur Bijapur Karnataka Hamid al-Din Khan (c) 12:241 78 1718 Surat Surat Gujarat Haidar Quli Khan (g) 1 (1933):42 79 1729 Cumbum Ongole A.P. Muhammad Salih (g) 2(1959-60):65 80 1729 Udaipur West Tripura Murshid Quli Khan 30:7

(e) = emperor (s) = sultan (g) = governor (c) = commander (p) = crown prince

For nos. 25-55, see Map 2: Growth of Regional Sultanates, 1394-1600

For nos. 56-80, see Map 3: Expansion and Reassertions of Mughal Authority, 1600-1760

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For the sources to this table, the reader may consult the sources listed at the end of the first part of this article (Frontline, December 22, 2000)

many new temples were built elsewhere in Mughal India duringAurangzeb’s reign10 – one might wonder what prompted theemperor’s anxiety in this matter.

TEMPLE DESECRATION AND STATE MAINTENANCE

It seems certain that rulers were well aware of the highlycharged political and religious relationship between a royalHindu patron and his client-temple. Hence, even when formerrulers or their descendants had been comfortably assimilated intoan Indo-Muslim state’s ruling class, there always remained thepossibility, and hence the occasional suspicion, that a temple’slatent political significance might be activated and serve as apower-base to further its patron’s political aspirations. Such con-siderations might explain why it was that when a subordinatenon-Muslim officer in an Indo-Muslim state showed signs ofdisloyalty – and especially if he engaged in open rebellion – thestate often desecrated the temple(s) most clearly identified withthat officer. After all, if temples lying within its domain wereunderstood as state property, and if a government officer whowas also a temple’s patron demonstrated disloyalty to the state,from a juridical standpoint ruling authorities felt justified intreating that temple as an extension of the officer, and henceliable for punishment.

Thus in 1478, when a Bahmani garrison in eastern Andhramutinied, murdered its governor, and entrusted the fort toBhimraj Oriyya, who until that point had been a loyal Bahmaniclient, the sultan personally marched to the site and, after a six-month siege, stormed the fort, destroyed its temple, and built amosque on the site (no. 40; Map 2). A similar thing occurred in1659, when Shivaji Bhonsle, the son of a loyal and distinguishedofficer serving the Àdil Shahi sultans of Bijapur, seized a gov-ernment port on the northern Konkan coast, thereby disruptingthe flow of external trade to and from the capital. Respondingto what it considered an act of treason, the government deput-ed a high-ranking officer, Afzal Khan, to punish the Maratharebel. Before marching to confront Shivaji himself, however, theBijapur general first proceeded to Tuljapur and desecrated a tem-ple dedicated to the goddess Bhavani, to which Shivaji and hisfamily had been personally devoted (no. 63; Map 3).

We find the same pattern with the Mughals. In 1613 whileat Pushkar, near Ajmer, Jahangir ordered the desecration of animage of Varaha that had been housed in a temple belonging toan uncle of Rana Amar of Mewar, the emperor’s arch enemy (SeeTable and Map 3: no. 56). In 1635 his son and successor, ShahJahan, destroyed the great temple at Orchha, which had beenpatronised by the father of Raja Jajhar Singh, a high-rankingMughal officer who was at that time in open rebellion againstthe emperor (no. 58). In 1669, there arose a rebellion in Banarasamong landholders, some of whom were suspected of havinghelped Shivaji, who was Aurangzeb’s bitter enemy, escape fromimperial detention. It was also believed that Shivaji’s escape hadbeen initially facilitated by Jai Singh, the great grandson of Raja

Man Singh, who almost certainly built Banaras’ great Vishvanathtemple. It was against this background that the emperor orderedthe destruction of that temple in September, 1669 (no. 69).11

About the same time, serious Jat rebellions broke out in thearea around Mathura, in which the patron of that city’s congre-gational mosque had been killed. So in early 1670, soon after thering-leader of these rebellions had been captured near Mathura,Aurangzeb ordered the destruction of the city’s Keshava Devatemple and built an Islamic structure (ìdgah) on its site (no.70).12 Nine years later, the emperor ordered the destruction ofseveral prominent temples in Rajasthan that had become associ-ated with imperial enemies. These included temples in Khandelapatronised by refractory chieftains there; temples in Jodhpurpatronised by a former supporter of Dara Shikoh, the emperor’sbrother and arch rival for the Mughal throne; and the royal tem-ples in Udaipur and Chitor patronised by Rana Raj Singh afterit was learned that that Rajput chieftain had withdrawn his loy-alty to the Mughal state (nos. 71-74).

Considerable misunderstanding has arisen from a passage inthe Ma’athir-i Àlamgiri concerning an order on the status ofHindu temples that Aurangzeb issued in April 1669, just monthsbefore his destruction of the Banaras and Mathura temples. Thepassage has been construed to mean that the emperor orderedthe destruction not only of the Vishvanath temple at Banarasand the Keshava Deva temple at Mathura, but of all temples inthe empire.13 The passage reads as follows:

Orders respecting Islamic affairs were issued to the governorsof all the provinces that the schools and places of worship ofthe irreligious be subject to demolition and that with theutmost urgency the manner of teaching and the public prac-tices of the sects of these misbelievers be suppressed.14

The order did not state that schools or places of worship bedemolished, but rather that they be subject to demolition, imply-ing that local authorities were required to make investigationsbefore taking action.

More importantly, the sentence immediately preceding thispassage provides the context in which we may find the order’soverall intent. On April 8, 1669, Aurangzeb’s court receivedreports that in Thatta, Multan, and especially in Banaras,Brahmins in “established schools” had been engaged in teaching“false books” and that both Hindu and Muslim “admirers andstudents” had been travelling over great distances to study the“ominous sciences” taught by this “deviant group.”15 We do notknow what sort of teaching or “false books” were involved here,or why both Muslims and Hindus were attracted to them, thoughthese are intriguing questions. What is clear is that the court wasprimarily concerned, indeed exclusively concerned, with curb-ing the influence of a certain “mode” or “manner” of teachingwithin the imperial domain. Far from being, then, a general orderfor the destruction of all temples in the empire, the order was inresponse to specific reports of an educational nature and was tar-geted at investigating those institutions where a certain kind of

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10 See Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760 (New Delhi: Oxford Universtiy Press, 1997), 184- 85, 263.11 Surendra Nath Sinha, Subah of Allahabad under the Great Mughals (New Delhi: Jamia Millia Islamia, 1974), 65-68; Catherine B. Asher, Architecture of MughalIndia, vol. I:4 of The New Cambridge History of India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 254, 278; Saqi Mustàd Khan, Ma’athir-i ̀ Alamgiri (Calcutta:Bibliotheca Indica, 1871), 88.12 Saqi Mustàd Khan, Maasir-i Àlamgiri, tr. J. Sarkar (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1947), 57-61; Asher, Architecture, 254.13 See Sita Ram Goel, Hindu Temples: What Happened to Them, vol. 2: The Islamic Evidence (New Delhi: Voice of India, 1991), 78-79, 83; Sri Ram Sharma, TheReligious Policy of the Mughal Emperors (2nd edn.: London: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 132-33; Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb (Bombay: AsiaPublishing House, 1966), 98n.14 Saqi Mustàd Khan, Ma’athir-i Àlamgiri, text, 81. My translation. Cf. Saqi Mustàd Khan, Maasir-i-Àlamgiri: a History of the Emperor Aurangzeb-Àlamgir,trans. Jadunath Sarkar (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 1981), 51-52.15 Ma’athir-i Àlamgiri, text, 81. Cf. Jadunath Sarkar, trans., Maasir-i-Àlamgiri (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 1981), 51.


teaching had been taking place. In sum, apart from his prohibition on building new temples

in Banaras, Aurangzeb’s policies respecting temples within impe-rial domains generally followed those of his predecessors.Viewing temples within their domains as state property,Aurangzeb and Indo- Muslim rulers in general punished disloy-al Hindu officers in their service by desecrating temples withwhich they were associated.

How, one might then ask, did they punish disloyal Muslimofficers? Since officers in all Indo-Muslim states belonged to hier-archically ranked service cadres, infractions short of rebellionnormally resulted in demotions in rank, while serious crimes liketreason were generally punished by execution, regardless of theperpetrator’s religious affiliation. No evidence, however, suggeststhat ruling authorities attacked public monuments like mosquesor Sufi shrines that had been patronised by disloyal or rebelliousofficers. Nor were such monuments desecrated when one Indo-Muslim kingdom conquered another and annexed its territories.

On the contrary, new rulers were quick to honour and sup-port the shrines of those Chishti shaikhs that had been patron-ised by defeated enemies. For example, Babur, upon seizing Delhifrom the last of the city’s ruling sultans in 1526, lost no time inpatronising the city’s principal Chishti tomb-shrines.16 The pat-tern was repeated as the Mughals expanded into provinces for-

merly governed by Indo-Muslim rulers. Upon conqueringBengal in 1574, Mughal administrators showered their most lav-ish patronage on the two Chishti shrines in Pandua – those ofShaikh ̀ Ala al-Haq (d. 1398) and Shaikh Nur Qutb-i ̀ Alam (d.1459) – that had been the principal objects of state patronage bythe previous dynasty of Bengal sultans.17 And when he extend-ed Mughal dominion over the defeated Muslim states of theDeccan, the dour Aurangzeb, notwithstanding his reputation foreschewing the culture of saint-cults, made sizable contributionsto those Chishti shrines in Khuldabad and Gulbarga that hadhelped legitimise earlier Muslim dynasties there.18

TEMPLES AND MOSQUES CONTRASTED

Evidence presented in the foregoing discussion suggests thatmosques or shrines carried very different political meanings thandid royal temples in independent Hindu states, or temples patro-nised by Hindu officers serving in Indo-Muslim states. For Indo-Muslim rulers, building mosques was considered an act of royalpiety, even a duty. But all the actors, rulers and the ruled alike,seem to have recognised that the deity worshipped in mosquesor shrines had no personal connection with a Muslim monarch.Nor were such monuments thought of as underpinning theauthority of an Indo-Muslim king, or as projecting a claim ofsovereign authority over the particular territory in which theywere situated. One can hardly imagine the central focus of amosque’s ritual activity, the prayer niche (mihrab), being takenout of the structure and paraded around a Muslim capital by wayof displaying Allah’s co-sovereignty over an Indo-Muslim ruler’skingdom, in the manner that the ritual focus of a royal temple,the image of the state-deity, was paraded around pre-modernHindu capitals in elaborate “car” festivals.

This point is well illustrated in a reported dispute betweenthe Emperor Aurangzeb and a Sufi named Shaikh Muhammadi(d. 1696). As a consequence of this dispute, in which the shaikhrefused to renounce views that the emperor considered theolog-ically deviant, Shaikh Muhammadi was ordered to leave theimperial domain. When the Sufi instead took refuge in a localmosque, Aurangzeb claimed that this would not do, since themosque was also within imperial territory. But the shaikh onlyremarked on the emperor’s arrogance, noting that a mosque wasthe house of God and therefore only His property. The stand-off ended with the shaikh’s imprisonment in the Aurangabadfort – property that was unambiguously imperial.19

This incident suggests that mosques in Mughal India, thoughreligiously potent, were considered detached from both sovereignterrain and dynastic authority, and hence politically inactive. Assuch, their desecration would have had no relevance to the busi-ness of disestablishing a regime that had patronised them. Notsurprisingly, then, when Hindu rulers established their authori-ty over the territories of defeated Muslim rulers, they did not asa rule desecrate mosques or shrines, as, for example, when Shivajiestablished a Maratha kingdom on the ashes of Bijapur’s formerdominions in Maharashtra, or when Vijayanagara annexed theformer territories of the Bahmanis or their successors.20 In fact,

16 Wheeler M. Thackston, tr., The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 327. 17 Eaton, Rise of Islam, 176-77.18 Asher, Architecture of Mughal India, 260.19 Muzaffar Alam, “Assimilation from a Distance: Confrontation and Sufi Accommodation in Awadh Society,” in R. Champakalakshmi and S. Gopal, eds.,Tradition, Dissent, and Ideology: Essays in Honour of Romila Thapar (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 177n.20 Examples of mosque desecrations are strikingly few in number. There is evidence that in 1680, during Aurangzeb’s invasion of Rajasthan, the Rajput chief BhimSingh, seeking to avenge the emperor’s recent destruction of temples in Udaipur and elsewhere, raided Gujarat and plundered Vadnagar, Vishalnagar, and Ahmedabad,in the latter place destroying thirty smaller mosques and one large one. See Raja-sumudra-prasasti, XXII, v. 29, an inscription composed ca. 1683, which appears inKaviraj Shyamaldas, Vir Vinod (Udaipur: Rajayantralaya, 1886); cited in R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Mughal Empire (Bombay, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1974), 351.

Figure 9: Interior of the Govind Deva Temple at Brindavan,built under Mughal patronage by Raja Man Singh, 1590.Courtesy of Catherine B. Asher.

the rajas of Vijayanagara, as is well known, built their ownmosques, evidently to accommodate the sizable number ofMuslims employed in their armed forces.

By contrast, monumental royal temple complexes of the earlymedieval period were considered politically active, inasmuch asthe state-deities they housed were understood as expressing theshared sovereignty of king and deity over a particular dynasticrealm. Therefore, when Indo-Muslim commanders or rulerslooted the consecrated images of defeated opponents and carriedthem off to their own capitals as war trophies, they were in asense conforming to customary rules of Indian politics. Similarly,when they destroyed a royal temple or converted it into a mosque,the ruling authorities were building on a political logic that, theyknew, placed supreme political significance on such temples.That same significance, in turn, rendered temples just as deserv-ing of peace-time protection as it rendered them vulnerable intimes of conflict.

TEMPLE DESECRATION AND THE RHETORIC OF STATE BUILDING

Much misunderstanding over the place of temple desecra-tion in Indian history results from a failure to distinguish therhetoric from the practice of Indo-Muslim state-formation.Whereas the former tends to be normative, conservative, andrigidly ideological, the latter tends to be pragmatic, eclectic, andnon-ideological. Rhetorically, we know, temple desecration fig-ured in Indo-Muslim chronicles as a necessary and even merito-rious constituent of state-formation. In 1350, for example, thepoet-chronicler Ìsami gave the following advice to his royalpatron, Àla al-Din Hasan Bahman Shah, the founder of theBahmani kingdom in the Deccan: If you and I, O man of intellect, have a holding in this coun-try and are in a position to replace the idol-houses by mosquesand sometimes forcibly to break the Brahminic thread andenslave woman and children – all this is due to the glory ofMahmud [of Ghazni].... The achievements that you make to-day will also become a story tomorrow.21

But the new sultan appears to have been more concerned withpolitical stability than with the glorious legacy his court-poetwished him to pursue. There is no evidence that Bahman Shahviolated any temples. After all, by carving out territory from landsformerly lying within the Delhi Sultanate, the founder of theBahmani state had inherited a domain void of independentHindu kings and hence void, too, of royal temples that mighthave posed a political threat to his fledgling kingdom.

Unlike temple desecration or the patronage of Chishtishaikhs, both of which figured in the contemporary rhetoric onIndo-Muslim state-building, a third activity, the use of explicit-ly Indian political rituals, found no place whatsoever in thatrhetoric. Here we may consider the way Indo-Muslim rulers usedthe rich political symbolism of the Ganga River, whose mythicassociations with imperial kingship had been well establishedsince Mauryan times (321-181 B.C.). Each in its own way, the

mightiest imperial formations of the early medieval peninsula –the Chalukyas, the Rashtrakutas, and the Cholas – claimed tohave “brought” the Ganga River down to their southern capi-tals, seeking thereby to legitimise their claims to imperial sover-eignty. Although the Chalukyas and the Rashtrakutas did thissymbolically, probably through their insignia, the Cholas liter-ally transported pots of Ganga water to their southern capital.22

And, we are told, so did Muhammad bin Tughluq in theyears after 1327, when that sultan established Daulatabad, inMaharashtra, as the new co-capital of the Delhi Sultanate’s vast,all-India empire.23 In having Ganga water carried a distance offorty days’ journey from North India “for his own personal use,”the sultan was conforming to an authentically Indian imperialritual. Several centuries later, the Muslim sultans of Bengal, onthe occasion of their own coronation ceremonies, would washthemselves with holy water that had been brought to their cap-ital from the ancient holy site of Ganga Sagar, located where theGanga River emptied into the Bay of Bengal.24

No Indo-Muslim chronicle or contemporary inscriptionassociates the use of Ganga water with the establishment or main-tenance of Indo-Muslim states. We hear this only from foreignvisitors: an Arab traveller in the case of Muhammad bin Tughluq,a Portuguese friar in the case of the sultans of Bengal. Similarly,the image of a Mughal official seated in a canopied chariot andpresiding over the Jagannath car festival comes to us not fromMughal chronicles but from an English traveller who happenedto be in Puri in 1633.25

Such disjunctures between the rhetoric and the practice ofroyal sovereignty also appear, of course, with respect to the found-ing of non-Muslim states. We know, for example, that Brahminideologues, writing in chaste Sanskrit, spun elaborate tales of howwarriors and sages founded the Vijayanagara state by combiningforces for a common defence of dharma from assaults by barbaric(mleccha) Turkic outsiders. This is the Vijayanagara of rhetoric,a familiar story. But the Vijayanagara of practical politics restedon very different foundations, which included the adoption ofthe titles, the dress, the military organisation, the ruling ideolo-gy, the architecture, the urban design, and the political econo-my of the contemporary Islamicate world.26 As withIndo-Muslim states, we hear of such practices mainly from out-siders – merchants, diplomats, travellers – and not from Brahminchroniclers and ideologues.

CONCLUSION

One often hears that between the thirteenth and eighteenthcenturies, Indo-Muslim states, driven by a Judeo-Islamic “the-ology of iconoclasm,” by fanaticism, or by sheer lust for plun-der, wantonly and indiscriminately indulged in the desecrationof Hindu temples. Such a picture cannot, however, be sustainedby evidence from original sources for the period after 1192. Hadinstances of temple desecration been driven by a “theology oficonoclasm,” as some have claimed,27 such a theology would have

76 FRONTLINE, JANUARY 5, 2001

21 Agha Mahdi Husain, ed. and trans. Futuhu’s-salatin, or Shah Namah-i Hind of Ìsami (London: Asia Publishing House, 1967), 1:66- 67.22 Davis, Lives, 71-76.23 Mahdi Husain, trans., The Rehla of Ibn Battuta (India, Maldive Islands and Ceylon) (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1953), 4.24 Sebastiao Manrique, Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique, 1629-1643, trans. E. Luard and H. Hosten (Oxford: Hakluyt Society, 1927), 1:77.25 P. Acharya, “Bruton’s Account of Cuttack and Puri,” in Orissa Historical Research Journal 10, no. 3 (1961), 46. 26 See Phillip B. Wagoner, “‘Sultan among Hindu Kings’: Dress, Titles, and the Islamicisation of Hindu Culture at Vijayanagara,” Journal of Asian Studies 55,no. 4 (Nov. 1996), 851-80; idem., “Harihara, Bukka, and the Sultan: the Delhi Sultanate in the Political Imagination of Vijayanagara,” in David Gilmartin andBruce Lawrence, eds., Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000).27 See Andre Wink, al-Hind: the Making of the Indo-Islamic World, vol. 2: The Slave Kings and the Islamic Conquest, 11th-13th Centuries (Leiden: Brill, 1997),294-333.


committed Muslims in India to destroying all temples every-where, including ordinary village temples, as opposed to the high-ly selective operation that seems actually to have taken place.

Rather, contemporary evidence associates instances of tem-ple desecration with the annexation of newly conquered territo-ries held by enemy kings whose domains lay on the path of movingmilitary frontiers. Temple desecrations also occurred when Hindupatrons of prominent temples committed acts of treason or dis-loyalty to the Indo-Muslim states they served. Otherwise, tem-ples lying within Indo-Muslim sovereign domains, viewednormally as protected state property, were left unmolested.

Finally, it is important to identify the different meanings thatIndians invested in religious monuments, and the different waysthese monuments were understood to relate to political author-ity. In the reign of Aurangzeb, Shaikh Muhammadi took refugein a mosque believing that that structure – being fundamental-ly apolitical, indeed above politics – lay beyond the Mughalemperor’s reach. Contemporary royal temples, on the otherhand, were understood as highly charged political monuments,a circumstance that rendered them fatally vulnerable to outsideattack by Hindu or Muslim invaders. Therefore, by targeting fordesecration those temples that were associated with defeatedkings, conquering Turks, when they made their own bid for sov-ereign domain in India, were subscribing to, even while they wereexploiting, indigenous notions of royal legitimacy.

The fundamentally non-religious nature of these actions isreflected in the fact that contemporary inscriptions in Sanskritor in regional languages never identified Indo-Muslim invadersin terms of their religion, as Muslims, but generally in terms oftheir linguistic affiliation (most typically as Turk, “turushka”).That is, they were construed as but one ethnic community inIndia amidst many others.28 B.D. Chattopadhyaya finds in earlymedieval Brahminical discourse an essential urge to legitimise

any ruler so long as he was both effective and responsible – mean-ing, in particular, that he protected Brahmin property and tem-ples. This urge was manifested, for example, in the perceptionof the Tughluqs as legitimate successors to the Tomaras andCahamanas; of a Muslim ruler of Kashmir as having a lunar,Pandava lineage; or of the Mughal emperors as supporters ofRamarajya (the “kingship of Lord Rama”).29 Indo-Muslim poli-cies of protecting temples within their sovereign domains cer-tainly contributed to such perceptions.

In sum, by placing known instances of temple desecrationin the larger contexts of Indo-Muslim state-building and state-maintenance, one can find patterns suggesting a rational basisfor something commonly dismissed as irrational, or worse.These patterns also suggest points of continuity with Indianpractices that had become customary well before the thirteenthcentury. Such points of continuity in turn call into serious ques-tion the sort of civilisational divide between India’s “Hindu”and “Muslim” periods first postulated in British colonial histo-riography and later reproduced in both Pakistani and Hindunationalist schools. Finally, this essay has sought to identify thedifferent meanings that contemporary actors invested in thepublic monuments they patronised or desecrated, and to recon-struct those meanings on the basis of the practice, and not justthe rhetoric, of those actors. Hopefully, the approaches andhypotheses suggested here might facilitate the kind of respon-sible and constructive discussion that this controversial topic sobadly needs. ■

Richard M. Eaton teaches South Asian history at the University of Arizona,U.S., and is the author of several books on pre-modern India, includingThe Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760 (New Delhi: OxfordUniversity Press, 1997) and Essays on Islam and Indian History (New Delhi:Oxford University Press, 2000).

28 See Cynthia Talbot, “Inscribing the Other, Inscribing the Self: Hindu-Muslim Identities in Pre-Colonial India,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 37,no. 4 (Oct., 1995), 701.29 Brajadulal Chattopadhyaya, Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the Muslims (8th-14th century) (New Delhi: Manohar, 1998), 49-50, 53, 60, 84.

Figure 10: The Babri Masjid in Ayodhya: as it stood prior to its demolition on December 6, 1992. Photo: Subir Roy.

Temple Desecration And Indo Muslim States

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