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SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION~ VOL. 17, NO. 1, 1998 101

Teaching awareness of cultural pluralism: the Israeli experience

AMITH BEN-DAVID

Abstract Multiple waves of ethnic immigration, which have led to an increasing viability of ethnic and racial groups, are generating a cultural reform in lsrael, a country that has largely tended to play down or deny ethnic and cultural differences. Social work education needs to address this phenomenon because of the need to prepare students for pluralism as the basis for practice in the coming decades. A model is presented which includes a developmental approach to training for culturally sensitive practice with new immigrants from different ethnic backgrounds. The model presents three develop- mental levels--initial, middle, and final--and deals with three focuses of training: the self of the worker, individual and family processes, and social~cultural issues. An examination of social work as a vehicle of cultural and ethnic sensitivity in lsrael is also presented.

Introduct ion

Social work educat ion in Israel is taking place in an environment that is becoming increas- ingly mult icul tural and multiracial. Social workers find themselves called upon to engage in cross-cultural encounters with clients whose backgrounds are different from their own, regardless of whether or not they are t rained to do so. However , despite years of experience in Israel with mass immigrat ion and cultural variability, many social workers are still 'culturally encapsula ted ' , and are trained to engage clients according to explanations for behavior and prescript ions for t rea tment that have been formula ted according to the major i ty ' Israeli ' culture, and are therefore often inappropr ia te for clients from other cultural back- grounds (Pinderhughes, 1979). There is no evidence that the course curricula in any of the Schools of Social Work in Israel contain a course on culturally sensitive social work practice (Greenwald, 1992). Israeli research shows strong ethnic stereotyping among social workers, which clearly affects diagnosis and intervention (Jaffe, 1990; Keadar , 1978). This becomes more crucial in view of the fact that social workers and students of social work alike deny the existence of cultural stereotypes. This approach often leads to condescending and patronizing interventions which may reinforce internalized feelings of negative self-concept and inferiority among the clients receiving the social services (de Anda, 1984; Jaffe, 1990).

This failure of Israeli social work educat ion is critical in that social workers all over the world have a t tempted to conceptualize and create models of culturally sensitive interventions for the last three decades in order to facilitate the integration of issues of culture, race, and ethnicity into educat ional curricula (Ahmad, 1990; Chau, 1990; Har low & Hearn, 1996; Iftll, 1989; Latt ing, 1990).

Correspondence to: Amith Ben-David, Center for Research and Study of the Family, School of Social Work, University of Haifa, Mount Carmel, Haifa 31905, Israel.

0261-5479/98/010101-09 © 1998 The Board of Social Work Education

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This article proposes integrating such issues into the social work educational curriculum by incorporating cultural pluralism in a conceptual framework. For this purpose, the major educational attempts found in the literature will be identified. Next, the complexities of a pluralistic view will be suggested, and the movement to the next stage of anti-racism. Finally, a model for teaching cultural diversity in a multicultural society will be proposed, including developmental issues in training as well as identification of interventions at different content levels.

Overv iew

The primary educational philosophies and the inclusion of cultural issues in the social work training curriculum have been developed according to clearly discernible lines, referring to inequities and discrimination along the dimensions of cultural differences, ethnicity, and minority status. In recent years, the social work literature has provided theoretical explana- tions and practice techniques and interventions with populations negatively affected by race, ethnicity, minority status and gender (see for example, CCETSW, 1991; Devore & Schlesinger, 1987; Ely & Denney, 1987; Phillipson. 1992).

Since the social work profession in the US has long recognized the importance of cultural factors in both educational and practice settings, the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) has emphasized a curriculum that enhances social workers' abilities, sensitivity, and effectiveness in communities that are changing ethnically and culturally (Austin, 1986; Latting, 1990; Nakanishi & Rittner, 1992). Likewise, in the UK, students are expected to demonstrate their ability to practise from an anti-oppressive standpoint in order to be considered as capable of achieving an acceptable standard of competency (CCETSW documents, paper 30). This document defines anti-oppressive social work practice (AOP) as one which "addresses social divisions and structural inequalities in the work that is done with people, whether they be user "clients" or workers and which aims to provide more appropri- ate and sensitive services which respond to people's needs regardless of their social status ... At the same time, AOP recognized the multi-layered nature of oppression and engages with it in non-hierarchical ways" (Preston-Shoot, 1995). Accordingly, competence includes the practice requirement of assisting people to improve the quality of their lives by challenging inequality, prejudice, racism and discrimination; respecting uniqueness; and building on strengths and diversity (Preston-Shoot, 1995).

Social work education in Israel, however, has been slow to recognize the effect of cultural, ethnic, and religious inequalities, and to introduce these issues into the curriculum. Social inequality in Israel has been overshadowed by a basic Jewish social cohesiveness due to the strong common historical and cultural heritage, including the Holocaust experience, and the physical danger from neighboring countries which is shared by all (Jaffe, 1995). Thus, social work education in Israel has until now avoided dealing with issues of oppression, discrimi- nation and racism.

Socia l s trat i f icat ion in Israel

A stratified pyramid of ethnic groups based on status, income, opportunity, and culture exists in Israel. The Ashkenazi veteran group sits on the top of the pyramid, usually holding political, economic and cultural control. Sepharadic Jews come next, being the Jews who arrived from Arab countries following the establishment of the State of Israel, and thus being disadvantaged in terms of education, culture, economic and political power. Social stratification in Israel opened in the 1970s, allowing a large sector of Sepharadic Jews to

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TEACHING AWARENESS OF CULTURAL PLURALISM 103

climb the ladder of education and social mobility, thus leaving only the disadvantaged in the lower strata. Israeli Arabs come next, and for them the opening of doors to opportunity has been late, due to political and cultural barriers.

During the last decade, two major waves of immigrants arrived in Israel, challenging the social stratification that existed until that time. One major wave came from the former Soviet Union. These immigrants came mostly with a high educational level and economic viability, and they will most likely blend into the Ashkenazi group at the top of the pyramid.

The second wave came from Ethiopia. These Jews are different in many more ways than the majority of other immigrants. The immigration of black Jews to Israel is a unique phenomenon of modern day black history for two reasons: first, Ethiopian Jews are the only group of black Africans who practice Judaism, and second, they are the only group of black Africans to have emigrated as a group to a predominantly white society during this century (Ojanuga, 1993). This last immigration challenged the culturally-sensitive practice of social work in Israel in a way that no prior migration has.

Cultural pluralism

The official approach to absorption in Israel is cultural pluralism. However, this concept is rarely understood and is extremely evasive. Pluralism has been conceptualized in a variety of fashions. Most authors address pluralism more as a way of thinking than as a way of behaving. Thus, Pinderhughes (1989) describes pluralism as "the ability to become comfort- able with culturally different others and to recognize the relativity of one's own values" (p. 5). Breulin et al. (1992) describe pluralism as "a state of equity, mutual respect and interdepen- dence among several populations that form a tight society" (p. 197). Evidently, the main concern is the tension between unity and diversity. Pluralism, therefore, should be an attitude which fosters containment of the tension between tendencies towards unity and tendencies towards diversity (Samuels, 1989).

What, then, is pluralism and is it possible to transform ideas and ideology into acts and curriculum? Pluralism in this paper is defined as an attitude which seeks to reconcile differences among cultural groups without imposing on them a false resolution, or without losing sight of the unique value of each position. Pluralism represents the attempt to hold unity and diversity in balance, to contain the tension between the one and the many. According to this conceptual framework, pluralism can become not only an ideal, but perhaps a measure with which to monitor our biases and help us make the necessary modifications. To hold to a pluralistic attitude means that the simple and seemingly reliable determination of right and wrong must be suspended without being completely discarded. The known and familiar, as opposed to the unknown and distant, have to be controlled. However, the pluralistic stance disregards the existence of power differentials, which may lead to discrimination and oppression.

The pluralistic attitude is reminiscent of the postmodern paradigm which suggests that what we know as reality is the result of interactions with others (Gergen, 1985). That is, there is no single universal reality; rather, there are many possible understandings of behaviors, interactions or events, as determined by the social and cultural contexts in which an individual is operating. Relevant social contexts could include, but are not limited to: the family (Gergen, 1991), life in the contemporary Western world (O'Hara & Anderson, 1991), or particular racial/ethnic groups (Gonzalez et aL, 1994). Social constructionism asserts that meanings and understandings are fluid and always changing. Further, as social interactions are constructed largely through dialogue and conversation, language is viewed as the

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primary vehicle for the transmission of meanings and understandings (Anderson & Goolishian, 1988; Berger & Luckman, 1966).

Pluralism thrives on differences and the equivalence of differences. The alternative is assimilation, the integration of different cultural identities into the main stream, and the loss of all that is distinctive and unique among both newly arrived or veteran immigrants. What is often referred to as integration is, in fact, the engulfment of the minority culture within and subordinate to the prevailing majority culture. Since pluralism is intended to be an anti-hierarchical attitude, no presumed hierarchies should have any influence. This stance may be helped by a non-discriminatory and anti-oppressive attitude. Thus, social workers should be able to calibrate each experience separately outside the context of a prejudged frame of reference of what constitutes a 'good, functioning family', an 'individuated child', an 'enmeshed relationship', or a 'quality marriage', according to their notion of the ideal family. The issue at hand, then, is how do we integrate a pluralistic view into the curriculum of social work education in countries which deal with ongoing immigration?

The m o d e l

Training social workers to achieve competence in such a complex approach as 'cultural pluralism' demands coordinated attention to two main domains: (1) the focus of training, and (2) the developmental stage of training. The combined approach is presented in Figure 1 and explained as follows.

Self of therapist Individual and Family Cultural Soeio-Cultural Focus Focus

Deve lopmen ta l

S tages

of

T ra in ing

Initial

Middle

Final

Knowledge of own culture Sensitization to own prejudices Knowing own values

Sensitization to feelings of others to feelings of oppression and racism

Developing an attitude to reconcile differences without imposing false resolutions Sensitization to negotiation of values

Knowledge of other cultural traditions Developing generalized cross- cultural skills

Knowledge of other specific cultures Developing cultural-specific therapies and skills for each ethnic minority

Developing a pluralistically sensitive therapy Attaining unity and diversity in balance

Assimilation

Separation

Pluralism

FIG. 1. A developmental framework for teaching pluralism.

F o c u s o f training

Three areas of training are necessary in preparing social workers to be culturally sensitive and to hold a pluralistic approach: (a) the self of the worker (Ben-David & Erickson, 1990; Nakanish & Rittner, 1992; Pinderhughes, 1979); (b) the individual and family cultural level (Landis & Brislin, 1983; Lum, 1986); and (c) the sociocultural level (De Hoyos et a l . , 1986; Preston-Shoot, 1995). (a) The first area refers to the well-known need for work on the self of the practitioner, with the attention here being on a w a r e n e s s . In the present model, this work is done in three distinct stages. During the first stage, the training focuses primarily on knowledge of one's own culture and sensitization to one's own prejudices. This corresponds to what Lum (1986)

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TEACHING AWARENESS OF CULTURAL PLURALISM 105

referred to as a process of cultural self-definition. According to Lum, cultural competence occurs with progressive levels of understanding, beginning with the concrete and expanding to the more theoretical and abstract. During this stage, the trainee also deals with their own values regarding gender, family, roles, and hierarchy.

Subsequently, the second stage of focus on the self of the practitioner involves sensitization to the cultures of others and to experiences of oppression and racism or power, according to the students' cultural identity. This process deals not only with acquiring knowledge about other cultures, but is also concerned with developing empathy (Pinderhughes, 1979). Students attempt to assume the 'other' position, thus allowing them to experience the other's feelings.

During the third stage of the focus on the self of the worker, the students pursue what will be called a 'pluralistic attitude'. This attitude aims to reconcile differences without imposing false resolutions. During this process, the trainee should become aware of the different ways in which individuals and families deal with the range of life cycle issues and problems, and of the ways in which she/he likewise deals with the same elements. It is expected that students will be able to accept that there is more than one way to handle life situations. For instance:

Miriam, a social worker in charge of the caravan site near Haffa visited Mrs Tagadia, a recent immigrant from Ethiopia. In the little room, she saw five-year old Avi, with his hands tied with a piece of cloth. Miriam, who had been trained to be careful about child abuse, immediately told Mrs Tagadia that this practice should stop and that she could be sued by the state and put in prison. Mrs Tagadia stopped using this common practice of child discipline in Ethiopia, and immediately asked the worker to find a placement for Avi in a boarding school.

Miriam, in this case, was practising from the vantage point of the majority culture and the common knowledge of students in Israel. Despite the fact that she herself is the daughter of an immigrant family that came from Morocco, and that her family had been treated insensitively by social workers for many years, she was unaware that she was taking the side of the majority culture, since she had been trained that this is the correct mode. Such an approach is common practice in Israel, and has produced a wealth of parents whose disciplining and educational techniques have been taken away from them without having any other alternative. As a consequence, their self-esteem and self-reliance as parents are dimin- ished, and children are suddenly left alone without any control, direction, or authority from their parents.

The pluralistic approach means that no false resolution is imposed and that the worker abstains from making the operational application that 'in these circumstances, these parents should be responsible for this child, in this specific way'. For instance, 'parents should be responsible for their children' is a general principle. However, the specific ways in which each culture applies this principle vary and may range from 'responsibility means feeding the child' to 'responsibility means feeding and educating the child' to 'responsibility means feeding, educating, and marrying the child'. (b) The second focus of training addresses the individual and family cultural level. This focus takes a systems approach and views individuals as part of their ecological systems, with the attention here being on knowledge. The students' main purpose is to acquire knowledge of cultural traditions, rituals, and families, and in general, to gain as intimate an understanding as possible of cultures other than their own. Since this work follows the acquisition of detailed knowledge of one's own culture and sensitization to prejudices, it is assumed that the student is already able to start developing some generalized cross-cultural skills promoting a more culturally sensitive way of working. At this beginning stage, the focus is on the general as

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opposed to the specific (Lure, 1986). For example, students at this stage are taught what it means to be an immigrant, the experience of being different, stages of migration, the effect on family and marital relations, and how children are affected by the migratory process in terms of structural changes in the family (Ben-David & Lavee, 1994; Sluzki, 1979; Turner, 1991). (c) The third area of training involves gaining familiarity with other specific cultures and developing culture-specific therapies for each ethnic group (Ben-David, 1993; Berg & Miller, 1992; Hines et al., 1992). Progressing from the general to the specific prompts the student to experience different aspects of being a member of a minority or a majority culture, from being a target or a perpetrator of prejudice and stereotyping in general, to exploring the feelings of specific cultures, including those that seem closer to or more distant from those of the student. It is my belief that choosing only one of these two approaches (either the more general or the more specific), leaves a vacuum that tends to be filled up with negative aspects of cultural dissociation, I f this potential vacuum is avoided by providing the relevant information and experience, then pluralism can begin to emerge, that is, the ability to sustain diverse outlooks without imposing a single constant perspective. In the example given above, if the worker had known about the specific disciplining techniques used in the Ethiopian culture and the effect that her words and actions would have on Mrs Tagadia's self-esteem, especially since there is so much deference to authority in the Ethiopian community, then the whole incident could have been handled in a different, more sensitive manner.

The final aspect of this focus of training entails developing the capacity for a pluralisti- cally-oriented practice in which unity and diversity are in balance, and anti-racism is more salient. It is by now assumed that the students have gained the ability to move from a unidimensional mode of thinking to a multidimensional one. Universal principles that previously guided their thinking and were typical of earlier stages, have been replaced by a myriad of interpretations of human behaviors. Until this point, students tended to think either in general or specific terms. This tendency should have been replaced by now with a growing capacity for inclusion and containment of different ideas, rituals, and ways of behaving, and with an understanding that no one idea takes precedence or induces imposition of a false unity, and a more realistic appraisal of the power differentials and oppression that may come as a consequence.

Mrs Takala was invited to the social worker after the school had complained that Rachel, her stepdaughter, was getting too thin, and seemed to be having an eating problem. The social worker, Esther, suggested that Rachel take her own meals and eat what she likes. After a few weeks, Mrs Takala came in and asked for Rachel to be taken away, either to boarding school or to a foster family.

It was only after Esther had taken a culturally-sensitive intensive course, that she became aware that in the Ethiopian family, the only one who is allowed to go into the kitchen is the mother. Therefore, because of the incongruence of the intervention, trying to apply individ- ualistic and independent ways of behavior would only serve to worsen the family situation. At this point, the worker was able to be more aware of the potential use of power in the situation, avoid an oppressive intervention, and invite the stepmother and daughter to suggest alterna- tive ways of dealing with the situation.

Developmental stages

The capacity to be a culturally sensitive practitioner needs to be acquired in stages. The

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notion of stages offers the possibility of a non-continuous linear growth. Each stage functions as a centripetal and consolidating level, such that each aspect of culture is tackled from as many angles as possible. The notion of time is basic. To be able to think pluralistically, training is important since each time the notion of difference arises, it is essential to practise maintaining different points of view and be sensitized to the human tendency to refute the 'wrong' idea.

During the initial stage, trainees go through all three focuses of training, thereby initiating them into the three levels of thought: (a) the knowledge of one's own culture and sensitiza- tion to one's own prejudices; (b) a generalized knowledge of other cultural traditions, and development of cross-cultural skills; (c) the notion of assimilation, the historical reasons for it, and its consequences.

During the middle stage, students move again through the three focuses of training: (a) a sensitization to cultures of others and to feelings of oppression, racism, and power; (b) intimate knowledge of specific cultures, and learning specific therapies for each ethnic group; and (c) the notion of separatism as a social-political constraint of some cultures.

The final stage of training comprises the bulk of the program, during which the issue of pluralism and anti-racism is refined based on the previous two units of teaching. As in earlier stages, this final stage covers the three focuses of training: (a) at the level of the self of the worker, an attitude is adopted toward reconciliation of differences, without imposing a false resolution, by developing an ability to negotiate personal values, and an awareness of the power and privilege inherent in the situation: 0o) at the individual and family cultural levels, a pluralistically sensitive therapy is developed; and (c) at the sociocultural level, a pluralistic society is envisioned and explored.

Training issues

This section is confined to the final stage of training, since there is a proliferation of writings about the initial and middle stages of training (Ben-David & Erickson, 1990; Chau, 1990; Latting, 1990; Nakanish & Ritmer, 1992; Pinderhughes, 1979, 1989; Devore & Schlesinger, 1987). Three training levels--the individual, the family, and healing methods for individual health and family functioning--will be discussed.

The individual level: in developing a pluralistic view about the individual, it is important to be able to de-emphasize the individualistic orientation of the Western world view and re-emphasize the collective orientation of many minority cultures. This will facilitate the ability to understand and contextualize the use of power and power differentials and ease a contextual definition of the self: self in relationship to others, and self in relation to the world.

The individual orientation of the majority culture has been responsible for the development of the main constructs which have dictated the practice of social work over the last decades: separation-individuation, independence, assertiveness, competition, locus of control, and mastery. These are just some of the concepts which have to be expanded and modified so that conflicting concepts can coexist, and not be used in an oppressive manner. For example, filial dependence and parental indulgence can be examined as developmental responses valued by some cultures (for example Ethiopian). Re-examining the role played by destiny, fate, and karma in some cultures, as opposed to the exclusive reliance on locus of control, self- sufficiency, and mastery is another example.

The family level: the main structural concepts of the family in terms of hierarchy,

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boundaries, and roles will have to be re-examined in order to accommodate a pluralistic view. For example, in the Ethiopian family, the spousal-parental system is seldom closed or solid, leading to what could be regarded as enmeshment in another culture. Thus, the concept of enmeshment must be redefined by incorporating the diversity of cultural experiences as a salient variable. In the same vein, other concepts, such as differentiation of self, triangulation, and the functions of kinship will have to be expanded to include a variety of sometimes conflicting views.

The level of individual health, family functioning, and healing methods: in a pluralistic practice, health and functioning will have a variety of meanings. For instance, at the individual level, delusions and hallucinations will not always bear the meaning of impending schizophrenia. In the Ethiopian culture there is a spirit called the "Zar" which takes possession of women, and the symptoms can be confused with some forms of schizophrenia. However, no pharmacolog- ical medication can alleviate the suffering of these women. Only with the help of an indigenous healer and certain well-developed rituals can these women return to their usual way of functioning. In the same vein, certain types of mourning rituals will not always mean reactive depression.

At the family level, apparent enmeshment and permeable boundaries will not always lead to the label 'chaotically enmeshed family'; and when a grandmother has the most powerful role in the family, it need not necessarily be termed a 'dysfunctional hierarchy' or 'chronic boundary problem'. Similarly, when an immigrant family enables the son to be family representative to the outside world and to help with the younger siblings to a greater degree than is usually observed in families, this child will not automatically be assumed to be a 'parentified child'.

Finally, a pluralistic approach will have to be adopted in which diverse models of explanation and healing will be used. Thus, alternative medicine and indigenous healing will come to play a role in the delivery of services, as social work borrows explanatory models from the ethnoculturaI indigenous models o f healing (Ben-David & Good, 1996).

C o n c l u s i o n

This paper has described a multimodal model for the teaching of a pluralistic perspective. This analysis, however, has moved beyond pluralism to anti-racism as an approach. There is much to be gained, however, by including the teaching and practice of pluralism, as a building block on the way to anti-racism, in cross-cultural social work education. It is important, on the one hand, to define pluralism in a way that enables teachers to include it in the curriculum as a practical element instead of just a theoretical view. On the other hand, the designation of stages of development of a pluralistic world view supports the acquisition of culturally-sensitive competence by working slowly, discontinuously, and from every poss- ible angle.

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