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I
SYRIA AND EGYPT
FROM THE TELL EL AMARNA LETTERS
SYRIA AND EGYPT
FROM THE TELL EL AMARNA
LETTERS
BY
W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE
D.C.L., LL.DM Ph.D., Hon. F.S.A. (Scot.)
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
153-157 FIFTH AVENUE
1898
/
THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC LIBRARY
9rASTOR, LENOX AND
TILOEN FOUNDATIONS.
1898.
CONTENTS
VI CONTENTS
Chapter III.
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
17. Troubles in Amki with the Khatti
18. Trouble about Damascus
19. Namyawaza in trouble.
20. Galilee rebelling
2i, Aziru in peace
22. Abdashirta statinghis fidelity
23. Ribaddi attacked
24. Ribaddi in Simyra
25. Ribaddi in Gubla
,26.Simyra lost
27. Abimilki of Tyre in trouble
28. Ribaddi in Beyrut
29. Ribaddi in Gubla
30. Ribaddi in Beyrut
31. Beyrutlost,Ribaddi in Gubla
Chapter IV.
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
32. Abdkhiba in trouble
33. Milkili and alliesdoubtful
34 Abdkhiba attacked
35. Fightinground Gezer.
36. Fightinground Megiddo
37. Shuwardata in trouble.
38. Abdkhiba foiling
39. Loss of South Palestine.
226,227
228-331
232-235
236-241
242-247
248-253
254-256
257-267
117
119
121
123
125
127
129
131
CONTENTS
4a Movements of the Hittites and Amorites
41. Varieties of Government in Syria"
42. Biographicalnotices of the principalpersons
43. Index of persons
44. Index of places
45. Identificationof places.
Vll
PAGS
135
137
140
149
154
159
*
SYRIA AND EGYPT
FROM THE
TELL EL AMARNA LETTERS
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION
i. During the age of the decline of
Egyptian power in Syria, when the great
conquests of Tahutmes I. were all gradually
lost,a splendidstore of information was laid
by for us in the cuneiform correspondence at
Tell el Amarna. The clay tablets,mostlyfrom Syria, but with a few duplicates of
letters from Egypt, were deposited in " The
place of the records of the palace of the
king,"as it is called upon the stamped bricks
which I found still remaining there. A few
years ago the natives,while plunderingabout
the ruins and carryingoff Akhenaten's bricks
for their modern houses, litupon this record
chamber containing many hundreds of tab-lets.
These were shown to dealers; theyb
2 INTRODUCTION
sent some to Dr. Oppert,at Paris,who pro-nounced
them to be forgeries; others were
sent to M. Grebaiit,then head of the Depart-mentof Antiquities,and were treated by him
with customary silence. At last,when theywere supposed to be almost worthless,a
quantitywere carried in sacks to Luqsor to
hawk about among the dealers there,and
these were largelyground to pieceson the
way. What has been preserved,therefore,is but a wreck of what mighthave been, had
any person equalto the occasion placedhis
hand upon them in time. The tablets thus
reachingthe dealers' hands became known,
and were bought up mainly for the British
Museum and the Berlin Museum. Some
drifted to St. Petersburg,Paris, and the
Cairo Museums ; and some into the privatecollections of Murch, Rostowicz, and others.
A similar miserable fate attends all dis-coveries
in Egypt,unless made by a skilled
observer, as witness the palaceof Ramessu
III. at Tell el Yehudiyeh,the Deir el Bahri
treasure, the cemetery of Ekhmim, the
palace of Amenhotep III. at Thebes, as
well as unnumbered cemeteries and towns
throughoutthe land.
The tablets thus dispersedwere published
INTRODUCTION 3
in many different ways and places; and the
firstsynopsisof the whole was given in the
second volume of my History of Egypt.But since then a much largernumber have
been published,with a more critical and
definitive text of the whole by HugoWinckler, in The Tell el Amarna Letters.
All the summaries of the letters which
I made before have been now revised with
Winckler's translations,and summaries of
allthe new ones have been made from those
translations. I have retained the originalreferences to the older translations,because
Winckler's edition is so extremelybald and
deficient in generalinformation,so purelya linguisticexercise and not an effective
edition,that the older publicationsare still
of value for details of place,state, dockets,
"c. But in every case Winckler's number,
W. n., is placedagainsteach summary.
2. With regardto transliteration I have
departedfrom the system used by Winckler,
not without good reason. The rage for
employingout-of-the-wayand little-known
symbolsin placeof effectiveletterswhich are
understood,threatens to placehistoricaland
linguisticworks as much outside of the
ordinaryreader's pronunciationas a set of
i.
4 INTRODUCTION
chemical symbols or differential equations.When almost everythingrequiredcan be
expressedin commonly known terms, there
is a pedantry about adopting what only
specialistscan read. Double letters,if in
common use, are no real objection,as in
the few cases where sh, th, kh, ts, "c, are
reallytwo separate letters,it is easy to put
a hyphen between them to separate them.
No mistake can thus arise; everyone can
read and understand the names, and onlythetheoretic beauty of one letter,one sign,is
interfered with. I accordinglyuse kh for
kheth, th for teth, y for yod, s for samekh,
ts for tsade, q for qoph, and sh for shin.
When we may come to see Greek names
written as Tales, Ahilles,Pilippos,"c, it
will be time enough to suppose that double
letters are not wanted. In no possiblecasein any system should the sign j be used
instead of y, as for the greater part of man-kind
it means a soft g, and the y signcannot
be misunderstood.
The summaries of each letter that are
given here include every name of person or
of placethat occurs in the letter,every fact
mentioned which can be of value for judgingof the positionsof persons or the conditions
INTRODUCTION 5
of affairs,and any presents or objectsnamedIn short nothingis omitted but verbiageand
phraseswhich are of no value for the historyor the understandingof the position.The
summaries are all that need to be comparedand considered for their connections ; yet in
all importantcases the fulltranslations have
been referred to here,when workingout the
historyand geography,in order to make
certain that no minute details were over-looked.
3. The order of the lettershas been deter-mined
by dividingthem into three main
classes : (1)Royal letters and others duringthe peacefultimes of Amenhotep III.,and
early in Amenhotep IV, 5 (2) the North
Syrian war; (3) the South Syrian or
Palestine war.
In the firstclass the letters of different
placeshave no chronologicalinterlocking,and therefore each kingdom and person is
taken separately.In the second class the main backbone
of the sequence is in the historyof Ribaddi ;
and in the third series the historyof Abd-
khiba (orEbed-tob as formerlyrendered)isthe main sequence.
The firststep was to placethe letters of
6 INTRODUCTION
each of these personalhistories in the order
of time, judgingfrom the waning power of
these alliesof Egypt. The towns which theysuccessivelylost,and the difficultiesin which
they were, serve to fit the letters very
closelytogetherone after the other. The
frequentchanges of residence of Ribaddi
have particularlyto be noticed,as otherwise
all the letters from one residence of his
might be supposedto be earlier or later than
those from another residence. No change of
residence has been assumed here, exceptwhat is clearlyrequiredby the sequence of
events that are named. In particularwe
may note the phrase," May Baalat of Gubla
give power to my lord the king." Such an
invocation of the local deity might be
supposedto show that the letterwas written
from Gubla. After settlingthe order and
the localityof each letter of Ribaddi,as far
as is shown by the evidence of events, then
the invocations of the goddess of Gubla
were tabulated. In most cases such letters
appeared to have been written from Gubla.
The results appear thus,the letters naming" Baalat of Gubla" or "Gubla your hand-maid
"
are thirty-twoin all; of these,from
the events, I classed :"
INTRODUCTION 7
22 written in Gubla.
3 " "Berut.
7 earlyuncertain ones.
32 naming Gubla,
Of letters not naming Gubla in a gratui-tous
manner, there are twenty-fivein all; of
these,from the events, I classed :"
11 written in Gubla.
10" "
Berut.
2" "
Tsumura.
2 earlyuncertain ones.
25 not naming Gubla.
Here, then, the test of the gratuitous
naming of Gubla is almost restricted to
letters written from Gubla, and it mightseem, therefore,that in three cases I had
made a mistake, in attributingthree of this
class to Berut ; but in one of these three we
have the positiveproof that an invocation
of Baalat of Gebal might be written else-where,
as Ribaddi says (No. 211, Winckler
62), "And behold at this time I am in
Berut" Hence I see no reason to changeto Gubla the venue of the other two letters.
8 INTRODUCTION
The above test, therefore,is not conclu-sive;
but it is interestingas showing that
of the letters naming Gubla my arrange-ment
only gives one in eight to other
places;while of those not naming Gubla
my arrangement gives more than half to
other places.This is a perfectlyunbiassed
test, as it was not visible in the summaries
which I arranged,and was never looked at
in the letters until all the present arrange-ment
was done.
4. Another matter to be noted is the
change of allegianceof persons and places.Such change is always shown in the
indices of persons and of placesby a star ;
the references before the star (ifany)beingfriendlyto Egypt, the references after the
star (ifany) being hostile to Egypt In
many cases, however, there is a dubious
periodin which there are conflictingstate-ments
from different parties;in such cases
the references that are dubious are placedbetween two stars. Such dubious references
arise from several causes. Sometimes a
man was misrepresentedby his enemies in
order to prejudicehim in the opinionof the
Egyptians. Sometimes an enemy of the
Egyptianscontinued to claim to be on their
io INTRODUCTION
Syria into a state of internal discord un-
repressed. The immediate effect of this
was that various parties,without caring
particularlyabout being for or againstthe
Egyptians,began to fightwith one another.
Each tried to draw the power of Egypt to
his own side by representingthat he was
loyallyactingin the interest of his suzerain ;
and the weaker party was sure to placehis
trust most fullyupon Egypt. It was onlywhen a man had playedhis own hand for
a long time, had strengthenedhimself by
absorbingmuch of his neighbour'sgoodsand lands, and had safelyneglectedtheorders of the Egyptians on several occa-sions
"it was only then that he cared to
throw off the mask and act openly in his
own interest,and allow himself to be classed
as an enemy. Hence we often find very
different views of people,and might put
them as beingon the Egyptianside accord-ing
to their own account long after theywere on the enemies' side accordingto other
accounts.
5. A very importantconsideration which
has not been worked out hitherto lies in
the few chronologicaldetails which can be
gathered. It is obvious that exceptinga
INTRODUCTION u
small proportionof peacefulletters under
Amenhotep III.,allthe rest of these record
the downfall of Egyptian power under
Akhenaten. It is possibleto glean some
indications,however, of a more exact dating,and to allot the main outlines to their
approximateyears.In the Mitanni letters up to No. 8 they
are to Amenhotep III., No. 9 is to the
IVth.
In the Kardunyash letters up to No. 17
they are to Amenhotep III.,No. 18 is to
the IVth.
In the letter from an unknown king to
the kingsof Kinakhi (No. 40) condolences
on the death of a king,evidentlyAmen-hotep
III.,are named. In letter 123 is
a reference to the 3rd year, which cannot
be any but the year of Amenhotep IVth,
and must have been written later,as his
father did not die tillthe 5th year of his
son's reckoning. At this time caravans
seem to have been freelypassing.Two important letters (m, 112), of
Akizzi of Qatna, near Damascus, addressed
to Amenhotep III., show that serious
troubles were in progress before his death,
probablyin the last year or two, the 4th
12 INTRODUCTION
and 5th year of Amenhotep IVth's joint
reign. The politicalprospect then was that
Nukhashi, Ni, Zinzar, and Kinanat (orthe
Upper Orontes) were still faithful,but
in danger. The Damascus plain was
seriouslythreatened. The Lower Orontes,
or Amurra, was already in revolt under
Azira,and the Khatti were hostile.
From this point we may approximatelystart the reckoning of Azira's wars and
attacks on Ribaddi, say in the 5th year of
Amenhotep IV., the epoch of letter 140,
when Ribaddi firstasks for troops to defend
himself from Abdashirta and the Khabiri.
In letter 174 we read that Ribaddi had
foughtfor five years, bringingthis pointtoabout the 10th year of Akhenaten.
Then in letter 186 Ribaddi's son had been
sent from Berut to see the king,but had not
succeeded in doing so for three months.
About a year must be allowed to this point,or the nth year.
In letter 204 Ribaddi complains that
Gubla has been besieged for three years,
causingfamine,owing to the cuttingoff of
the arable land. As the complaintsof the
trouble of Gubla begin in letter 187, this
three years will date from about then,so
INTRODUCTION 13
that letter 204 will be at least as late as the
14th year.
In the tomb of Huya, No. 1, at Tell el
Amarna, there are prisonersof the Kharu ;
and this tomb shows only two figuresof
princesseswhich are, therefore,about the
7th-8th year, and contains a date of the
1 2th year. The carvings occupied some
time therefore,and the prisonersmay well
referto some successes which Ribaddi seems
to have had about the 12th year, when in
letter 192 he anticipatesbeing able to drive
out Azira. We therefore have approximatedates of
B.C. about
Letter 1 1 1, 1 12" 4th,5thyear Akhenaten
(end of Amenhotep III.) * * 1379
" 123, referringto 3rd year, but after
4th year . 1379
" 140, 5th year (?)of Akhenaten. 1378
" 174, 10th year (?), 1373
"186, nth year (?). . . . 1372
" 193, 12th year (?). . . . 1371
" 204, 14th year (?).... 1369
" 225, 17th year (??) end of Ri-baddi
1366
6. The questionsof the positionsof
various placesnamed in these letters req
to be Systematicallytreated and not d
the
s placesnamed in these letters require
Systematicallytreated and not dealt
y
14 INTRODUCTION
with by a hap-hazard system of verbal
coincidence.
That such has been far too much the
case can be seen in one well-known in-stance.
The king of Megiddo had three
country palaces,or storehouses,which were
plundered by the Egyptians immediatelyafter the fall of Megiddo, in the 23rd year
of Tahutmes III. {Historyii. no); they
were named Yenuamu, Anaugasa, and
Harnekaru, From the historyit is plainthat they were within the kingdom ruled
from Megiddo, and not far away therefore,
and that they were not on the Egyptian side
of Megiddo. Yet, in face of this, the
astounding identification of the kingdomof Nukhashi, far in the north,for the store
cityof Anaugasa,and the cityof Rhinocolura,
far to the south, for the store city of
Harnekaru, have been gravelyupheld in
defiance of all geography. When we look,
on the reasonable grounds of apparent posi-tion,
to the regiona littlenorth of Megiddo,
we there see Yanuh, or Yenu of the Amu
up one valley,and Nakura (withRas en
Nakura, the hill or Har-nakura by it)upanother valley,and possiblyeven the third
name Anaugasasurvivingin an intermediate
INTRODUCTION 15
valleywhere a ruin is called Medinet en
Nehas.
Though the positionsmust thus be the first
consideration in fixingplaces,yet we must
not go to the oppositeextreme and say that
names cannot be trusted,and that nothingcan be certain. When we see the names of
Akka, Askaluna, Biruta, Danuna, Gazri,
Lakish, Qideshu,Timasgi,Tsiduna, Tsurri,
Tsumura, Tunip, Urushalim, Yapu, and
Zinzar,alllastingwith no change" or onlya
small variation invowels " down to the present
day,when nearlyallthe most importantplacesmightbe named in cuneiform to the modern
peasant, it needs no further proof that
ancient names may be safelysought for in
the modern map. Altogether,out of about
150 names of placesin these letters,about 100
can be fixed with more or less certainty,and
many of the others mightprobablybe found
if there were indications of the district in
which to seek them.
The practicalmethod followed in prepar-ing
the listsof places,and the map, has been
to extract from the letters every mention of
a place,with all other placeswhich are
mentioned with it,then by means of the
other names to delimit what may be the
16 INTRODUCTION
possibleground for the unknown name.
Next,consideringthe usual mutations between
the transcriptionof cuneiform and the modern
Arabic forms,to frame the shape in which
it would be most likelyto occur; and then
to search the maps by readingover every
name within the possiblelimits.In dealingwith names there are several
sources of divergencebetween the cuneiform
transcriptionand modern Arabic. The
name may have been variable in form
anciently,as some names now are ; it may
have been changedin beingtranscribed info
cuneiform ; itmay have changedduringoverthree thousand years and many conquests;
or it may have been changed on beingtranscribed into Arabia Thus there are
so many possibilitiesof change, which
actuallyoccur in many cases, that we may
wonder at the principalplaceshaving pre-served
their names so closelyas they have
done. In identifyingnames another con-
sideration is in the descriptivenature of
many of them. In the present listwe meet
with 'Amq, the valleyor deep place; Ginti,
the gardens; Kirmil, the vineyard; Gubla
or Gebal, the rock or mountain ; Kharabu,
the ruin; Magdali,a tower; Rubuta, a
18 INTRODUCTION
Dynasty had a fightingfrontieras near home
as in Sinai ; the Vth Dynasty carried the war
further east among the Sati,and besiegedand took fortifiedcities of theirs,as shown
at Deshasheh. The Xllth Dynasty foughtthe Sati,as named by Amenemhat I.,and
figuredon the pectoralsof Usertesen III.
and Amenemhat III. The independenceof
allSouthern Syriais evident from the historyof Sanehat, where it does not appear that
the Egyptianshad an occupationbeyond the
Isthmus of Suez.
It was not until the rollingback of the
tide of the conqueringSyrians,in the expul-sionof the Hyksos, that the Egyptianstook
any permanent hold outside of their own
land. Aahmes, in the firstrush of conquest,reached as far as Zahi, or the middle of the
Syriancoast. Amenhotep I. seems to have
done nothingin Syria,occupiedprobablyinthe consolidation and prosperityof Egypt.Tahutmes I. conqueredthe whole lengthof
Syriaas far as the Euphrates,havingset up
his tabletof victoryat Naharaina or northern
Mesopotamia. Tahutmes III. did as much,but no more. Amenhotep 11, seems to have
lost ground,as he found in his young daysan enemy to repulseat Harosheth, on the
INTRODUCTION 19
Kishon, just beyond Carmel. Tahutmes
IV. foughtthe Khita, who must at that time
have been far in the north,up to Cilicia,and
hence he seems to have occupiedthe whole
of Syria,Of Amenhotep III." the firstking of this
correspondence" there are, unfortunately,
very few records of his conquests or power.
For the names of the subjectpeoplesof
Syria we are dependent on the decorative
figuresof captivesaround the columns of the
temple at Soleb in Ethiopia. There are
three series of them, each series double ; part
facingone way and part the other. The
most probableorder to read them is from
the pair face to face, readingfirst those
which face to rightand then those which
face to left. The series then appear thus
(seeLeps.Denk. iii.88):
First Series.
Sengar . Singara,W. of Nineveh.
Naharain. Upper Euphrates,both sides.
Khita.
N. end of Syria,Comagene.
Kedesh. By Lake Homs ?
Tanepu . Tunip,Tennib.
(lost) .?
(lost) .?
20 INTRODUCTION
Akarita. Ugarit,mouth of Orontes.
Kefa.
N. Phoenicia.
Second Series.
Karkamish Karkhamish.
Asur. Assyria,
Apththena Aphadana, 35* 30',E. of Chaboras.
or Aphphadana, 340 35',E. of Euphrates.
Makuuatsh Maguda, 35"40',E. of Euphrates.
Mehpeni, or ?
Shedpeni ?
Third Series.
Kedina.
Katanii,E. of Palmyra.
Aaro, or
Atiro ?. Atera,45'S, 20' W., of Palmyra.
Pah. . .
?
Punt.
Punda, about 310,W. of Euphrates.Sha
.u
.Shasu ? Bedawin.
Thyta .?
Arerpaka . Arrapakhitis,N.E. of Nineveh.
In the first series there is the extreme
north of Syria,and then the north-central
and round to northern coast For the placeof Ugaritsee the discussion farther on. In
the second series we begin on the Upper
Euphratesand go down the valley. In the
third series there is the Palmyra desert,
INTRODUCTION 21
and then the Lower Euphrates and up to
Nineveh. The name Aaro is unlikely,and
probablyone of the a birds is reallyH% as
these are often confounded: it would then
read Atiro,and so may well be Atera near
Palmyra. The name Punt occurringhere
with a strongly-markedSyrian figure,and
next to the Shasu, was a stumbling-block,until the possibilitywas noticed of its beingreallyeastern, in accord with the figureand
position,and representingPunda on the
Lower Euphrates. This name of Ptolemyisvariable,readingalso Gunda and Spunda.The Shasu are well known as Bedawin in
general Thyta is the next name, not
identified with any place;it seems barelypossiblethat it was the land of Queen Thy,named after her by the Egyptians,and that
it would read " Thys land." Lastly,Arer-
paka is Arapkha of the Assyrians,Arra-
pakhitisof the Greeks, a districtjustnorthof Nineveh.
These lists show that Amenhotep III.,either by conquest or by treaty,had extended
even the empirewhich had been acquiredbyTahutmes I. and III. The whdle Euphra-tes
appears to be subjectto him, down to
310N., the Tigrisup to Assyriaand Arra-
/
22 INTRODUCTION
pakhitis,and the Palmyradesert between
Syriaand Mesopotamia, This shows ap-parently
the greatestextent of the Egyptianpower ever known ; in classicalterms it
comprisedthe whole of Syria,Mesopotamia,Chaldea,and Assyria,stoppingonlyat the
frontiersof Susiana,Media,and Armenia.
It is now the breakingup of all this
power that we have detailed*before us in the
lettersfrom Tell el Amarna. Much had
been alreadylost in the later years of
Amenhotep III.; in letters in, 112 the
governor of Qatna near Damascus states
that Azira,the centre of North Syrianin-dependence,
was in revolt,the Khatti were
at war, and placesround Damascus were
rebelling.Yet up to the close of the reignof the thirdAmenhotepand beginningof the
fourth,the letterspassedregularlyto and from
Babyloniaand northern Mesopotamia,sothat no serious break of communications had
taken place.The serious overthrow belongsto the reignof Akhenaten, when, havingopenlybroken with all the traditionsof his
Amenhotep youth,he threw allhis energiesinto domestic reform,and abandoned foreignpoliticswith disastrous results. It was not
tilla generationlater,under Horemheb, that
INTRODUCTION 23
the Egyptiansagain obtained a hold on
Syria. Even the boasted conquests of
Sety I. and Ramessu II. did not more than
half recover the lengthof Syria; while theydid not attempt alliances with Mesopotamiaand Babylonia,but were content to meeklymake treaties on equalterms with the Khita,
who had absorbed the greater part of
Syria,and who had laid out that kingdomwhich was so familiar to the Israelites.
In later times the warlike Merenptah,Ramessu III. and Sheshenq I., claimed
authorityagain over Palestine,but they did
not venture to go beyond the Ramesside
territory.In the XXVI th Dynasty Nekau
(Necho) struck boldlythrough Syria to the
Euphrates,only to be defeated at Car-
chemish ; and the Ptolemies, thoughholdingCyprus and much of Phoenicia,yet did not
succeed in ^acquiringthe Seleucid kingdomof Antioch. At no period,therefore,can we
placethe power of Egypt higherthan it was
under Amenhotep III.,lord of the two great
cradles of civilization,the narrow valleyof
Nile, and the plains and highlands of
Mesopotamia.
H INTRODUCTION
9. Positions of PrincipalPersonagesnamed.
Abdashirta of Amurra "c. (Orontesvalley).Abdkhiba of Jerusalem.Abimilki of Tyre.Addumikhir of Gaza.
Akizzi of Qatana.Amanappa,commissioner.
Amunira of Beyrut.
Artamaniya of Bashan.
{Arzauniof Rukhizi.
Arzawiya of Mikhizi.
Assur-nadinakhi ) , . r A
Assur-uballidh )kmgs of Assyna.
Aziri of Amurra, "c.
Bikhura,commissioner in Kamid.
Biridyaof Megiddo.
Burnaburyashof Babylonia.Dushratta of Mitani.
Itakama of Kinza and Qedesh.Kallimasin of Babylonia.Khaib, commissioner of Simyra.Khatib,commissioner.
Lapaya in S. Palestine.
Milkili in S. Palestine.
Namiawiza of Kamid.
Ninur of Seffin.
Pakhura (seeBikhura).Puaddi of Yerza.
Raman-nirari of Nukhashi.
ssrH^fc
CHAPTER II.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE
10. Kings of the Khatti.
An early letter to Amenhotep III. cannot
be regularlytranslated, as it is in an unknown
language, but a few names can be trans-literated
and may lead to some results.
From the personal name it would seem that
the sender was a Hittite king, the word
Tarkhun being well known in the name
of the king Tarqu-dimme of the silver
boss, the same name as the king Tarkon-
demos of Greek times. From the letter
can be gleaned the following :"
(i) TARKHUNDARAUSH to NIMUTRIYA.
(Amenhotep III.) T. sends Irshappa for
a daughter of N. ; and sends a shuka of
gold, and will send a chariot, "c. Prince
of the Khatti on the mountains of Igaid
sends a shuka weighing 20 manehs, 3 kak
of ivory, 3 kak of pirkar% 3 kak of khuzzi%
8 kak of kusittiu, 100 kak of lead, 5
kukupu stones, 10 thrones of usu wood,
2 usu trees. (S.B.A. xi. 336.)
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 27
The throne name of Amenhotep III.,which we render as Neb-maat-ra, was
variouslyvocalized by the cuneiform scribes
as Nimmuria, Nammuria, Nimutriya, or
Mimmuria ; these variations show how little
exactness can be expected in cuneiform
versions of names.
The reference to the mountain of Igaidis a clue,as that is apparentlythe Ygatiyof the Travels of the Mohar of Ramesside
times; and from the positionof the name
there it seems to have been about the
Lebanon, perhaps connected with Ain
Yakut on the old pass over the Lebanon,
between Damascus and Beyrut So this
princeof the Khatti ruled on the Lebanon
in the time of Amenhotep III.,showinghow the Hittites had alreadybegun to
occupy Syria, The Hittite writer of the
letter seems to have been enteringon the
familyalliances with the Egyptians,which
were carried on tillRamessu II. Another
letter appears to be also from the Hittites,
showing that they were tributaries,or, at
least,on good terms.
(2) ZIDA...
to king of Egypt When mes-sengers
went to the Khatti, Z. alone sent
28 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
presents; and now he sends 16 boys,and
asks for gold in return,
(Winckler36; S.B.A. xiii.132.)
Another letter has been supposedto be
from a king of the Khatti, but Winckler
does not accept this from the fragmentof
the name, .../*.
(3) King of (KHA)TTI to KHURI (shortfor
Nipkhuriya,Amenhotep IV.). Asks for
an alliance,as between their fathers. Sends
a bibru of silver,5 minas, another 3 minas,
2 gaggaru of silver,10 minas, and 2 greatnikibtu. (W. 35 ; S.B.A. xiii.549.)
ii. Dushratta of Mitani.
The principalseries of letterswhich show
familyrelationshipsbetween the Egyptiankingsand those of Syria are those sent byDushratta, king of Mitani, to AmenhotepIII. and IV. The earliest of these refers
to the accession of Dushratta,and to his
troubles from the invasion of the Khatti.
The land of Mitani, in the north of Meso-potamia,
borderingon the Euphrates,wasclose to the Hittite country, and would be
naturallyin the way of their attacks.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 29
(4) DUSHRATTA to NIPMUARIA (Amen-
hotep III.).D. greets Gilukhipahis sister.
Soon after his accession Pirkhi attacked his
land and his people; but D. repulsedhim,and slew the murderers of D.'s brother
Artash-shumara, whom P. supported. D.
notifies N. of this,as N. was a friend of
D.'s father,who gave him D.'s sister. The
Khatti came into D.'s land,but D.'s god,
Tishub,gave them into his hand. D. sends
a chariot,2 horses,a lad,and a girl,of the
booty of the Khatti. Also 5 chariots and
pairs of horses. Also to D/s sister Gilu-khipa
a pairof breast ornaments of gold,a
pairof earringsof gold,a mash-hu of gold,and a jarof oil. D. sends Gilia a messenger
and Tunip-ipri.Let N. return them soon.
(W. 16; S.B.A.xv. 120.)
(5) DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. N. sent
Mani to ask for daughter of D. to be
mistress of Egypt Giliya,D.'s messenger,
reportedwords of N. which rejoicedD.
And D. asks much gold,as N. sent to his
father Shutarna a dish,cup, and brick of
solid gold. D. sends Giliya,and a present
of a goldgobletset with lazuli ; a necklace
of 20 lazuli beads and 19 of gold,in middle
lazuli cased in gold; a necklace of 42
khulalu stones, and 40 gold beads ; and an
amulet of khulalu stone in gold,10 pairsof
horses,10 chariots of wood, and 30 women.
(W. 17; R.P. xv. 84.)
/
30 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
Here Dushratta issendinggrandpresents,besides beingwillingto giveup a daughterto Egypt. This pointsto his being a
tributary,and not entirelyindependent.Amenhotep III. sends an envoy to nego-tiate
for a princessto be the "mistress of
Egypt,"and this was not for himself,but
for his son, as the later lettersshow. To
Dushratta's letterabove,Amenhotep repliedby acceptingthe present,and sendingagainto fetch the princess. His request is
acknowledgedin the next letter,while the
princesswas preparingfor the journey.
(6)DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. Mani,A.'s messenger, has come to fetch a wife
from D. to be the mistress of Egypt Land
of Khani-galbat,and land of Egypt will
live in peace , , ,After 6 months Giliya
and Mani were now sent with the queen.Kharamashi sent by D. with letter. D.
asks for much gold; has sent an ushu
stone, an isizzu of Aleppo stone, and a
khulal stone set in gold.(W. 18; R.P. xv. 74.)
In the next letterDushratta callshimself
father-in-law to Amenhotep III.,referringto some previousmarriage,and not to the
one just negotiated,as this last was of
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 31
Amenhotep IV., as shown by letters9, 10,
II. Two other letters to Amenhotep IV.
refer to the familyrelationships.
(7) DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. D. is
father-in-law to N. May Istar bless N.
Mani the messenger, and Khani, dragomanof N., have brought presents; D. sends
lazuli and some gold.(W. 19; R.P. xv. 73.)
(8) DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. D. greets
Tadukhipa his daughter and Nimmuriyahis son-in-law. Sends statue of Istar of
Nina to be honoured by N. and returned.
(W. 20; S.B.A, xv. 124.)
On the back of this is an hieratic docket,
apparentlyin the 36th year of AmenhotepIII.,month of Pharmuthi. This is the
very latest date in the reign,and would be
two or three weeks later than the papyrusof Kahun dated under Amenhotep IV.
Possiblyin the last illness of AmenhotepIII. the datingunder his co-regent son came
into use irregularly,and in any case official
correspondenceof the palacewould receive
the date of the king to whom it was ad-dressed.
By its date this must be the last
letter of this reign.After the death of Amenhotep III.,
s
32 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
Amenhotep IV. was but a youth of about
1 8 years old ; and hence Dushratta hesitated
at addressingconfidential diplomacyto him,and wrote in the firstplaceto Queen Tyi.As we alreadyknow, from a quarry inscrip-tion
at Tell d Amarna, this queen was for
a short time apparentlysole regent Tyi
appears from the followingletter to have
acted as regent independentlyof her son,
and to have taken the positionof sendingout the diplomaticmessengers to keep up
the relation with foreignstates.
(9) DUSHRATTA to TEIE. D. greets Teie
her son, and Tadukhipa his bride. Appealsto friendshipwith Mimmuria (Amenhotep
III.),and Teie knows all the negotiationsbetter than the messengers Gilia and Mani.
Asks that certain goldstatues be sent,alongwith presents to Yuni, D.'s wife.
(W. 22 ; S.B.A. xv. 127.)
Gilia was the messenger of Dushratta,and
was sent back with the news of the death of
Amenhotep III.,and a request for continu-ance
of friendship.Hence he must have
arrived justabout the time of the king'sdeath,and was therefore the bearer of letter
8, which came justat that time. This letter
9 is Dushratta s next after No. 8.
34 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
phrase,therefore,of "wives and sons" is
merely a conventional presumption.The next letteris the longestof the whole
series,about 190 lines in all,fillingover eight
octavo pages even in its defective condition.
It beginswith the same relationshipsas the
previousletter,therefore omitted here.
(11) DUSHRATTA to NAPKHURIA. From
D/s youth Nimmuria wrote to him, and
Teie knows all that passed. When Nim-
muria's father (Tahutmes IV.) sent to
Artatama, D/s grandfather,for his daughter,she was onlygrantedat the 7th application.Nimmuria sent to Shutarna,D.'s father,for
D/s sister,who was only grantedat the 6th
application.Nimmuria sent to D. for D/s
daughter,and D. sent her,with an exchangeof presents, by Khamashi (Kha-em-uas),N/s messenger. And Nimmuria rejoicedin Tadukhipa. Gilia was D/s agent in
exchanges, and Nizag was N/s agentNimmuria promised D. to make gold of
Egypt plentifulin Khanigalbat; so D. asks
for golden images. D. describes his griefat Nimmuria's death. Mani was Nim-
muria's messenger. D. sent Perizzi and
Bubri to condole. D/s present messenger
is Mazipalali,uncle of Gilia. D. has
imprisonedArtishub and Asali who attacked
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 35
Egyptian territory.D. sends presentsfor
Teie and for Tadukhipa.
(W. 21 5 R.P. xv. 79.)
This letter is very importantas showingthe long-standingrelationshipsbetween the
Mitanian kings and the Egyptian: it givesalso the names of Dushratta's father,
Shutarna, and grandfather,Artatama. The
difference should be noted, that these two
earlierkingsonlyyieldeda daughterto the
Egyptian king after many applications,whereas Dushratta says that he yieldedat
one bargain. This agrees well to Amen-
hotep III. having much extended the
frontiers of Egypt; in earlier reigns the
Euphrates was the boundary,and frontier
neighbours,such as Mitani, were indepen-dent,but after Amenhotep III. had absorbed
all Mesopotamia and Assyria,the king of
Mitani was his vassal and had to agree with
all decent dignityto his proposals.The last letter of this series touches on
much the same lines,so that we must regardall these three lettersas havingbeen written
within a short time. Thus this correspon-dence
with Mitani must have been cut off byAziru's attacks which began in the north
36 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
within the firstyear or two of the reignof
Amenhotep IV.
(12)DUSHRATTA to NAPKHURI. Mani,N/s messenger, has come. N. desired that
as D. had been friends with his father,
Mimmuria, so D. should be with N.,
D.
will be ten times more so. M. sent Mani to
D. with the pricefor a wife. M. promisedgolden images,lazuli,and instruments and
much gold, but N. has not sent them.
Khamashi took message from N. Names
Gilia and Perizzi. (W. 23 ; S.B.A. xiii.556.)
Both Mani and Khamassi were employedby Amenhotep III. as messengers. It is
clear that these letters were written with a
fullappreciationof business. The marriagesare always connected with largegifts; pre-sents
are always sent, or expected,throughthe messengers, and the kings of Mitani
were quitefamiliar with allthe oriental ways
of politelyscrewinga present or a promiseout of their friends. We can hardlydoubt
that the Egyptian letters were of the same
kind, but we have only one copy of a
letter to royalty,and a few letters to in-feriors.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 37
12. Kallimasin of Babylonia.
Beside the alliance with Mitani, the north-western
end of Mesopotamia nearest to Asia
Minor, there was a similar alliance with
Southern Mesopotamia or Babylonia,thenknown as Karduniyash. The successive
kingsof this regionwere Karaindash, Kalli-masin,
Kurigalzu,and Burnaburyash,who is
the best known.
(13) NIBMUARIA to KALLIMA-SIN, king of
Karduniyash. N. (Amenhotep III.)hadasked for a princessfrom K. But K. com-plained
that his sister,who had been givento N. by K.'s father,had not been seen
again. N. complainsthat K. never sent a
messenger who could recognizehis sister.
Riqa, the messenger of Zaqara, was sent
K. complained that his messengers could
not tell if the queen shown to them was
a daughter of a beggar, or of Gagaia, or
Khanigalbat,or Ugarit But if K. doubts
in this way, does he demand likewise tokens
from all the other kings to whom his
daughters are married? And N. is angry
that K.'s messengers complain about not
receiving gifts,when they always have
presents given to them. N. asks that the
messengers be not believed, as they plottreachery. K. said that N. had put his
38 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
chariots among those of the vassals,so that
K.'s agent could not find them. But both
agent and chariots belongto K., and N. has
no horses to spare. K. employs Riqa to
write, (W. I ; S.B.A. xv. 26.)
The last sentence seems to mean that N.
had no need of K/s chariots,and his agent
might as well take possessionof them;and if K. was so particularN. had no
horses to give in exchange. It is evident
that the distance made communication
troublesome, and both partiesbecame too
particularabout beingsatisfied,so that there
was a good deal of ill-feeling.But the
representationsand assurances of Amen-
hotep III. seem to have satisfiedKallimasin,
for he promisedto send a daughter.
(14)KALLIMASIN to NIMMUWARIA. K/s
daughter,whom N. asked for,is grown up
and will be sent N/s father used to return
a messenger quickly,but N. has kept the
messenger for six years, and then only sent
30 minas of gold like silver,tested before
Kasi, N.'s messenger. K. sends 35 male
slaves and 15 female as a present
(W.2; S.B.A. xiii.130.)
The largepresent of slaves sent, after such
a small return from Egypt, seems as if
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 39
Babyloniawas practicallytributaryto Amen-
hotepIII.,and so agrees to his representing
placesin that regionas his subjects.Yet
the kingcould ask plainlyfor return presents,
as in the next letter,which is apparentlyfrom
him, thoughthe names are lost
(15) x to y. x refers to a former request and
refusal of a daughterof the Egyptian kingfor any foreignprince, x then said he would
take any beautiful Egyptian,and who should
say, "She is not a king'sdaughter"? x
asks for gold,either in Tammuz or Ab, and
he will send his daughterto^; he wants the
gold to finish work then,and if not sent bythat time he will not accept even 3000
talents of gold. (W. 3 ; S.B.A. xiii.128.)
Another letter refers to a sendingof an
Egyptian princess,and the presents sent to
Egypt in return.
(16) KALLIMASIN to NIBMUARIA. K. sends
necessaries for N.'s house to return by the
messenger Shuti who bringsN.'s daughter,even a couch of ushu wood, ivory,and gold,three couches and six thrones of ushu and
gold,an objectof 7 minas of silver,and 9
shekels of gold,and other furniture.
(W. 5; B.O.D.4.)
40 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
And a fragment of a letter has some
references to marriagesand presents.
(17)KALIMMASIN to NIMUWARIA. Greet-ings,
and mentions "
my daughters,"and a
few words relatingto presents. (W. 4.)
13. Bumaburyash of Babylonia.
The death of Kallimasin seems to have
occurred very closelyat the same time as that
of Amenhotep III.,as none of his letters
are addressed to the IVth ; and none of
the lettersof Burraburiash,his successor, are
addressed to the Illrd. One of the first
letters,apparently,is a short one mainly
desiringcontinued alliance.
(18) BURRABURIASH to NAPKHURURIA.
Let N. write and ask for what he wants and
B. will send it. (W. 6.)
Next we see an active interchangegoingon between the kings.
(19) BURRABURIASH to NAPKHURARIA.
From the times of Karaindash, since N.'s
father's messengers came to B/s father,theyhave been friendly.N.'s messengers have
thrice come without presents. When 20
minas of gold were sent it was short weightand when smelted did not amount to 5 minas.
42 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
sent : 3 minas of lazuli,5 pair of horses,and 5 wooden chariots.
(W. 7 ; S.B.A. xiii.540 ; R.P. xv. 63.)
In another letter the temple work againcomes in as a claim for gold,apparentlyless urgently,and therefore later.
(21) BURNABURIASH to NAPKHURURIA.
N/s father complained,and B. sent Khuaa,
and wrote promising another daughter;and N. has sent Khamashshi
....and
Mikhuni....
B. will send daughter with
5 chariots,but fears king will scoff,as his
father sent B.'s sisterwith 3000 men. Asks
for Tsalma as commissioner. Khay who
was sent had no chariot or peoplewith him.
Send many people,and Khay will bringB/s daughter. N.'s father sent much goldto Kurigalzu. B. sends lazuli ; and to
queen only 20 stones of lazuli,as she
neglected him. Asks for more gold to
finish his temple. (W. 9.)
Another letter from the same king seems
to be the latest duringthe peace, as there
has been an illness of the king. There is
no mention of the templeaffairs which he
took over from his predecessor,and the
caravans are beginningto be plundered.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 43
(22) BURRABURIASH to NAPKHURURIA.
B. unwell,and annoyed at N. not condoling.Messenger explainsdistance to account for
N.'s silence. Sends 4 minas blue stone and
5 pairof horses. Asks for much gold,last
was base, because N. did not see to it
himself,and much loss in melting.Caravanof Tsalmu B/s messenger twice plundered" 1. By Biriamaza; 2. By Pamakhu, in N.'s
land " so asks for compensationto Tsalmu.
(W. 10.)
The last letterof allfrom Karduniash will
be found later on, No. 124, as it belongstothe beginningof the northern wars, and
throws lighton the persons involved in those
troubles. This correspondencewas not
limited entirelyto officialbusiness,but the
princessestook advantageof the messengers
to exchangeaffectionate greetingswith their
families ; probablymany such went, though,as theywould not be likelyto be kept in
officialarchives,onlythree have come down
to us.
(23) " Daughter of the king,to my lord. . . may
the gods of Burraburiash go with you.
Go out in peace, and in peace return to
your house." Sent by Kidin-Ramman.
(W. 13.)
44 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
(24)To ... . my mistress.... khipa your
handmaid. At the feet of my mistress I
fall. Health to my mistress.. . .
(W. 292.)
(25) To... . my mistress,your daughter,your
handmaid. At the feet of my mistress
seven times and seven times I fall.. . .
(W. 293.)
14. King of Alashia.
A third series of royalletters are those
from Alashia,which by a docket in hieratic
upon one of them is identified with the
Egyptian Alasa. It has been usuallysup-posed
that this was in the north of Syria,but Winckler's identification of it with
Cyprus seems much more likely. Everyletterrefers to sendingquantitiesof copper
to Egypt, copper being commonly worked
in Cyprus,but not on the mainland; silver
is asked for in return, whereas silver was
common among North SyrianHittites; the
shipsof Alashia go to Egypt, whereas none
of the Syrianshipsare named there ; all of
these details point to Cyprus. And also
Alashia was on the route followed from
Gubla to Egypt, see letter 161.
(26) King of ALASHIA to king of Egypt
Congratulateshim on his accession,sends.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 45
200 talents of copper, desires messenger
back quickly,and a yearlyembassy each
way. (W. 3a)
(27)King of ALASHIA to king of Egypt E.
had enquired why a messenger had not
come. A. did not know that E. was
celebratinga sacrificial feast A. now
sends a messenger with 100 talents of
copper. Asks for a couch of ushu wood
gilded,a gilded chariot, two horses,42
garments, 50 . . . garments, 24 logs of
ushu wood, 17 boxes of good oil.. . .
Proposes a bond of alliance,and inter-change
of messengers. Sends a flask of
good oil to pour on E.'s head "now that
you have ascended the throne of your
kingdom." (W. 27 ; B.O.D. 6.)
" (28)x to y9 sends ivory,5 talents of copper, 3
talents of good copper, and ushu wood, and
desires that the customs officers shall not
interfere with the men sent in the ship.
(W.33; S.B.A. xi. 340.)
(29)King of ALASHIA to king of Egypt Asks
for return of messengers quickly,and says
they are his merchants, and desires that the
customs officershall not interferewith them
or their ship.
(W. 29 ; S.B.A. xi. 334 ; xiii.547.)
This bears a docket in hieratic " Letter
from Alasa." These lettersshow the marine
46 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
trade that was being carried on from
Alashia.
(30) King of ALASHIA to king of EgyptSends 5 talents of copper and 5 pair of
horses. Asks for silver. Desires messenger
back soon, and mentions Pashtummi, Kunia,
Itilluna,Ushbarra, and Bil-ram. (W. 26.)
(31) King of ALASHIA to king of EgyptProtests that the king of Egypt is mistaken
in supposing the Alashians to be allied
with die Lukki ; on the contrary the
Lukki yearlyplunderthe cityof Zikhra in
Alashia. If Alashians are proved to have
plunderedthey shall be punished.(W. 28; S.B.A. xv. 130.)
This letter is importantas showing that
the Lykian pirates,so well known in later
times, were alreadyat their trade in 1500
b.c, and this givesmore lighton the earlyMediterranean shipping,as certainlythe
rocky coast of Lycia is not the firstplaceto start shipping,and the naval battle,under
Ramessu III.,at Medinet Habu, is quitein keeping with such piratehabits. The
mention of the city of Zikhra may some
day be of great value for fixingAlashia;it is not to be found in maps of northern
Syria,and if found in Cyprus it would helpthe identificationof the island.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 47
(32) x to y a fragment naming copper, 30 talents,
procuringmuch copper for y9 the land of
Kinakhi (W.31.)
(33) King of ALASHIA to king of Egypt.Sends his messenger with 500 talents.of
copper, apologizesfor not sending more in
consequence of pestilence.Asks for silver,
an ox, oil,and one of the "Eagle Con-jurers."
People quarrelwith the king of
A. about his sending wood to Egypt An
Alashian has died in Egypt, leaving son
and wife at home. Asks for return of
deceased's property by the messenger.
Warns king of E. againstkings of Khatti
and of Shankhar, and whatever they send
A.,A. will send double to Egypt
(W. 25 ; S.B.A. xiii.544.)
(34) Vizier of ALASHIA to Vizier of Egypt;sends 5 talents of copper and 2 ivory.. . .
(W. 32.)
The above letter of the king seems to
come at the end, when outlyingpeoplewere
beginningto be disaffected to Egypt by the
quarrelabout supplyingEgypt with wood.
The reference to " eagleconjurers"is un-explained
; the words are so read bydifferent translators,and have been sup-posed
to refer to men who caught eaglesby art, or to men who divined by the
48 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
flightof birds,like the Etruscan haruspex.Another indication that trouble was brewingis seen in the ambiguous positionof the
kingsof the Khatti and of Shankhar. The
reference to the claim on the property of a
merchant who had died is evidence that
some principlesof international law were
recognized,and that the king interfered to
obtain justicefor privaterights.Lastlywe see the viziers of the two countries did
business togetherby the messengers ; send-ing
small presents, doubtless to receive a
return from EgyptThese letters from Alashia,though not
showing the pomp and wealth of Upper
Mesopotamia or Babylonia,yet prove the
establishment of an organizedgovernment,with regularforeignrelations,legalrightsdefined, and an active trade going on.
Such is a most interestingview of the
earlybronze age in Cyprus,and suggests
a growth of such institutions duringsome
considerable time before.
15. Kings of Assyria and Nukhashi.
Two isolated lettersshow that other king-domsalso kept up a friendlydiplomatic
correspondencewith Egypt. From
So LETTERS OF THE PEACE
So the grandfatherwas set up about 1440
or 1450 B.C. This throws him decidedlyto the time of Tahutmes III., 1481-1449,rather than Tahutmes IV., 1423-1414 b.c.
We must read, therefore,Men-kheper-ra,and not Men-kheperu-ra.
16. Petty Governors in Peace.
The remainder of the lettersof the peace
are from various governors and chiefs of
smaller states and towns. Some of them
recur again in the troublous times which
followed. But these short letters as a whole
give such a pictureof the affairs of the
Egyptian dominions that they should be
read together.
(37) SHUTARNA of Mushikhuna to the king.Desires some attention,and for a garrisonto occupy the cities. (W. 232.)
The name of this placedoes not occur
again,but it was probablyin the north,asthe ruler,Shutarna,is named after the kingof Mitani in the precedinggeneration.
(38) SHUTARNA of Mushikhuna to king:remainder lost (W. 233.)
(39)x to the king : names the Akhlamu (between
Babylon and Nineveh) and the king of
Karduniash (Babylonia)^ (W. 291.)
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 51
(40) x to y. A king writes to the kingsof Kinakhi
(Galileeand the Hauran),saying that he is
going to send Akia to condole with the
king of Egypt He desires that A. go in
safetyto the cityof Zukhli in Egypt
(W. 14; B.O.D. 58.)
This condolence must have been on the
death of Amenhotep III. ; and the issue
of this sort of passport pointsto the country
being somewhat disturbed. The city of
Zukhli, in Egypt, where the king resided,
must be one of the capitalsof the country ;
and remembering the Egyptian union of /
and r, this can hardly be other than the
cityof Sokari, or now Saqqarah,the main
capitalMemphis.
(41) MUTZU'. . .
to king. King wrote byKhaia about caravans to Khani-galbat,which M. escorted,as (La)paiahis father
did the caravans to Khani-galbat and
Karduniash. Let the king send other
caravans and M. will escort them.
(W. 256.)
The restoration of Lapaia is only a guess ;
and it does not seem very likely,as Lapaia
was in Judaea,whereas this writer seems
rather to have been in the north. Possiblythis
. . paia is Yakhzibaia of two other
52 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
letters (104, 105),of whom no details are
known ; or it may be a fresh name.
(42) SHIPTURI. . ,
to the king. Acknowledgesletter,guards the city,and provides for
caravans. (W. 242.)
(43)x to the king. Names caravans to Buzruria.
(Bozrah.) (W. 145.)
(44) x princeof Qanu to king. Ready to join
troops. (W. 251.)
(45) RUSMANIA prince of Taruna to king.Obeisance. (W. 260.)
Taruna may be Toran near Tiberias.
(46) ZISHAMINI to king. Obeisance.
(W. 261.)
(47) DASHRU to king. Obeisance. (W. 245.)
(48) DASHRU to king. Obeisance. (W. 244)
(49) GESDINNA to king. Report.(S.B.A.x. 496.)
(50) SURASHAR princeof . , ..tiashna to king.
Obeisance. (W. 257.)
(51) SHABA....
to king. Sends presents.
(W. 222.)
(52)YAB to SHUMUKHA Y. is in
disgrace. (W. 223.)
(53)AMAYASHI to king. A. will jointroops.(W.253.)
(54) YIKTASU to king. Y. guardscity.
(W. 254.)
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 53
(55)BADUZA to king. Obedient,and has been
maligned. (W. 255.)
(56)SHIPTIADDI to king of Egypt Acknow-ledges
letter. Yankhamu is faithful.
(W. 241 ; B.O.D. 65.)
(57) SHIPTI. . * .
to king. Guards city.(W. 243.)
(58)ZITRIYARA to king. Obeisance.
(W. 247.)
(59)ZITRIYARA to king. Acknowledges letter
and performsorders. (W. 248 ; B.O.D. 76)
(60)ZITRIYARA to king. Report(W.246; S.B.A. x. 499.)
(61)x of Dubu or Gubbu to king, who sent
soldiers to king'sarmy.(W.250; B.O.D.78.)
(62)Fragment naming Ugarit(?)
(W.287; S.B.A. x. 517.)
(63) SHUBANDI to king. Obeisance.
(W. 229.)
(64) SHUBANDI to king. Khanya has come to
S.,and S. sends 300 oxen and 30 girls.(W. 228 ; S.B.A. xl 331.)
(65) SHUBANDI to king. S. was disabled byillness. (W. 226; B.O.D. 40.)
(66)SHUBANDI to king,acknowledges letter
and defends his city.(W. 224 ; B.O.D. 38.)
(67)SHUBANDI to king,same.
(W. 225 ; B.O.D. 39.)
54 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
(68) SHATIYA to king,guards city of Inishat-
si(ri?),and has sent his daughter to the
palacefor the king. (W. 249 ; B.O.D. 77.)
(69)ARTAMANYA of Ziri-bashani (plain of
Bashan) to the king,is ready to go with his
troops wherever ordered.
(W. 161 ; R.P. xvii.99.)
(70) ABDTIRSHI of Khazura to the king. A.
guardsKhazura, (Hazor,near Tyre).
(W. 203.)
(71)x of Khazuri to the king. Will guard the
cityuntil the king comes.
(W. 202 ; B.O.D. 47.)This cityof Khasuri is Hazor, 1 1 S.E. of
Tyre,as shown by letter 183.
(72) PUADDI of Wurza (Yerzeh near Shechem)to king. P. guardshis land under Rianapa.
(W. 236; B.O.D. 56.)
(73) PUADDI to king; P. defends his placeand
is ready to escort caravans. Names
Shakhshikhashikha. (W. 235 ; B.O.D. 55.)
(74) PUADDI princeof Wurza to king. Defends
city. (W. 234; S.B.A. xl 329.)
(75) ARZAWAYA princeof Mikhiza to king.A. will jointhe troops and send supplies.
(W. 17s.)This Mikhiza appears in another letteras
Rukhizi, and was probably on the
south side of Hermon, by other
references to Arzawaya.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 55
(76)ARZAWAYA to king; acknowledgesletter.
(W. 176.)The followingis from a different person,
as it refers to the south instead of the
north of Palestine.
(77)ARZ AY A to king; acknowledgesletter,and
mentions Gazri (Gezer). (W. 177.)
(78)ADDUMIKHIR to king. Obeisance.
(W. 187.)(79)ADDUMIKHIR to king. City is secure
and obedient (W. 188.)
(80)TAGI to king. Obeisance. (W. 190.)
(81)TAGI to king. Sends Takhmaini, and asks
for gold. (W. 265.)
(82) MILKILI to king. City is safe Kha-
mu. . .
sends to king 6 women, 5 boys,and
5 men. (W. 168.)ProbablyKhamu ...
is Khamuniri.
(83)MILKILI to king. Acknowledges letterand
asks for troops. (W. 172 ; B.O.D. 63.)
(84)MILKILI to king. M. will execute an order
sent to him. (W. 169 ; S.B.A. xi. 371.)
(85)ABDMILKI of Shaskhimi to king. Readyto jointroops. (W. 252.)
(86)SHUWARDATA to king. Carries out
orders. (W. 200; B.O.D. 69.)
(87)SHUWARDATA to king. Has sent a
present (W. 198 ; B.O.D. 67.)
(88)x prince of Nazima to king. States his
adhesion. (W. 263.)
56 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
(89)DIYATI to king. Guards cityand supplies
provision. (W. 264.)
(90)YITIA of Asqaluna (Ashkelon) to king.Guards the city. (W. 210.)
(91)YITIA to king. Y. sends food,drink,oxen,
"c, as tribute. (W. 207; B.O.D. 52.)
(92)YITIA to king. Y. supplied the troopswith all necessaries. (W. 209; B.O.D. 54.)
(93)YITIA to king. Y. guards cityand sends
tribute of Lupakku stones.
(W. 208 ; B.O.D. 53.)
(94)YITIA of Asqaluna to king. Guards the
city. (W. 211.)
(95)YITIA of Asqaluna to king. Guards the
city. (W. 212.)
(96)YITIA to king. Guards the city. The
present officer is incapable,and asks that
Rianapa be appointed. (W. 213.)
(97)YABNMLU princeof Lakisha (Lachish)to
king. Obeisance,and attends to message
sent by Maia. (W. 218.)
(98)ZIMRIDA prince of Lakisha to king.Has received orders and will execute them.
(W. 217; S.B.A. xiii.319.)
(99)KHIZIRI to king. Protects Maia accordingto orders,and providesfor troops (see97).
(W. 259.)
(100)BAIAYA to king. Attends to orders of
Maya, and will follow troops. (W. 231.)
58 LETTERS OF THE PEACE
lyingupon the highroad had to supplyfoodfor the passingtroops, and probablyYitia
took advantageof a soldier messenger to
send in a littlereport of his providingsupplies.
CHAPTER III.
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
1 7. Trouble in Amki with the Khatti.
The next series are the letters which show
the gradual breaking up of the state of
jpeace, and the loss of Northern Syria.
The troubles seem to have begun in Central
Syria, and to have been provoked there by
attempts of the Egyptian allies to secure
more territory, trusting in their backing
from Egypt to support them. In this they
were disappointed, and so the power of
Egypt first showed its waning by abandon-ing
its friends.
The first four letters refer to attacks on
Amki, which by its name (the " hollow "
or
"deep place") was a large valley, and by
its position must have been the upper part
of the Litany river, inland from Beyrut.
The chiefs about the lower Litdny, at the
bend of the river, thought that they could
capture the upper part of the valley.
59
60 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
(107)ILDAYA of Khazi to the king. Warred
againstcities in the land of Amki, but
Idagama of Kinza with the Khatti drove
him off. (W. 132.)
(108)BIRI[DASHYA?] of Khashabu to the
king. Warred againstcitiesin the land of
Amki, but Idagama of Kinza with the
Khatti drove him off. (W. 131.)
(109)x (Namiawaza ?) to the king. Warred
againstcities in the land of Amki, but
Idagama of Kinza with the Khatti drove
him off. (W. 133 ; B.O.D. 46.)
Here are three letters almost verballyidentical from three different chiefs,who
had evidentlyleagued togetherto attack
the upper Litfinyvalley.The positionof the
land of Amki is very probablyshown bythe place'Ammtk, nineteen miles south-east
of Beyrut. The restoration of the name
Biridashyais almost certain,as he was actingon Yinuama, and in leaguewith Buzruna
and Khalunni in No. 115; hence he must
have been about the regionof Khashabu,
the Arabic HSshaba. The result of this
affair appears in an extension of Hittite
power in the next
(no) ADDU...
IA...
and BATTI - ILU
to the king. Khatti and Lupakku have
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 61
taken cities of Amki, and cities belongingto A-addu. Zitana and 9 men have arrived
in Nukhashi, and writers go to see about
them and enquire of king if they really
come from him. Greeting to Ben-ili,
Abd-urash, Ben-ana, Ben-zidki,Amur-addi,and Anati. (W. 125 ; R.P. xvii. 99.)
Batti-ilu was a companion of Aziru's
brother,as we see in No. 191, and so he
probablybelongedto Amurri ; as Nukhashi
seems to have lain immediately east of
the Orontes valleyof Amurri this would be
very natural
1 8. Trouble about Damascus.
After this firstopeningof serious troubles,
resultingin the Hittites becoming established
in the Lit"ny valley,the next difficultyis
in Aziru coming down from the Orontes
valleyinto the plainof Damascus, and this
we learn took place even before the death
of Amenhotep III.
(in) AKIZZI to NAM-MUR-IA. A. is gover-nor
of Qatna (west of Damascus) ; he has
victualled troops, and asks for troops to
occupy the country, so as to secure Nuk-hashi.
If they delay in Martu (Amurri,
Orontes),Azira will succeed ; and if troops
do not march this year he will get the whole
62 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
country. The king of Khatti has burned a
cityand taken spoils. Azira has capturedmen of Qatna,and Akizzi asks for them to
be ransomed. King of Khatti has also
taken Shamash, the god of A/s father,and
A. asks for gold to ransom him.
(W. 138; B.O.D.36.)
(112) AKIZZI to NAM-MUR-IA. King of
Khatti tries to seduce A. Tiuwatti of
Lapana (Helbon),Arzauia of Rukhizi,and
Aidagama are leagued ; but kings of Nu-
khashi,Ni,Zinzar,and Kinanat are faithful.
Asks for troops soon, as if Arzauia and
Tiuwatti come to land of Ubi, and Dasha
is in land of Amma, then Ubi will be lost.
They dailycall on Aidagama to conquer
Ubi. As Timashgi (Damascus)in the land
of Ubi stretches out her hands so does
Qatna. (W. 139; B.O.D. 37.)
From this it seems that an alliance of the
Hittites in their new possessionof the upper
Lit"nywith the neighbouringchiefs,Itakama
of the Upper Orontes,and Tiuwatti of the
north of Damascus, had been formed to
attack the fertileplainof Damascus, which
included Qatna. But several chiefs around
this alliance remained faithful. Another
fragment of a letter of Akizzi is
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 63
(113)AKIZZI to the king. Complains of delay,and names Kinza the cityof Itakama.
(W. 140.)
19. Namyawaza in Trouble.
The other side of the matter appears in a
letter from Itakama, complainingof the
forward movement of the Egyptian party,which we noticed in letters 107-109. Very
possiblyletter 109, of which the writer's
name is lost,was from Namyawaza.
(114) ITAKAMA to the king. Namyawaza has
maligned him, and occupiedall the land of
I.'sfather in the land of Gidshi (Qedesh byLake Horns). I. appealed to Pukhari the
deputy. N. has delivered all the cities in
the land of Gidshi and in Ubi (UpperOrontes and Damascus plain)to the Kha-
biri. I.offers to drive out the Khabiri and
N. (W. 146.)
The politicsare complex,as there appears
to have been a triangularduel going on,
owing to everybody fightingfor their own
hand. Itakama was opposed to Namyawaza(see 114); Namyawaza was opposed to
Biridashyi(see 116, 117); and we can
hardly doubt that jBiri ...
is Biridashyiopposed to Idagama (see 108). Namya-waza
was certainlypn the Egyptian side,as
64 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
he was supportedby the Egyptianresident,who reckoned Biridashyaas an enemy (see122). The best way to understand this
seems to be that at first Namyawaza was
pro-Egyptian,and Itakama and Biridashyineutral. Then owing to the aggressionof
N. and B. upon I., I. was thrown into
oppositionand was successful (108,109).Finding I, successful,B. changed sides
and attacked N. with I. as we see in 11 6.
The Egyptianally,Namyawaza, sends his
own version in a very full historicalletter
(116),which we here prefaceby a note
(115),which shows how the Khabiri and
Sati were originallyalliesof the Egyptians.
(115) NAMYAWAZA to the king. Reports his
readiness for service with his soldiers,
chariots,brothers,his Khabiri,and his Suti.
(W. 144; R.P. xvii.96.)
This letter is importantas showing that
the SAGAS, who are generallytaken as the
same as the Khabiri, were at their earliest
appearance "while yet atliesof the Egyptian
party " employedin Central Syria,and were
thus beyond the limits jof the subsequent
occupationof Palestine by the Hebrews.
This should suffice to jshowhow futile is
\
66 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
The historyof this fightingis obvious,with the map in hand Itakama havingrepelled the Egyptian advance under
Namyawaza, Biridashyaturned and sided
with the winningside. He attacked the land
behind Tyre,at Yinuama (YanuA),and fear-ing
that Namyawaza would come down the
Lit"nyand fighthim at Khashabu (HSskaba),or Yinuama, he crossed over eastward and
drew the chiefs of Khalunni (Gaulonitis,Jaulan) and Butsruna (Bozrah)to attack
Namyawaza on the east, drivinghim to take
care of himself "hd take refuge,perhaps,inDamascus ; but, unhappily,some words are
missingat this part Then Arzawaya and
Itakama were at leisure,with Biridashya,to
ravage northern Galilee,takingor threaten-ing
Gizza (Gish),Shaddu (Shatiyeh),andAbitu {Abdeh). But Namyawaza succeeded
so far in holdingthe important post of
Kumidi (Kamid),in the Litinyvalleyon the
road from Damascus to Beyrut.
20. Galilee Rebelling.
The next lettershows the rebellion spread-ingjustsouth of this region,in southern
Galilee. From the names of places of
which news is sent, this letter must have
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 67
been written from some place near Akka;
and as it was a safe place,in communication
with Egyptians,it was probablyfrom Akka
itself,but we know nothing more of
Mutaddi.
(118) MUTADDI to YANKHAMU. Aiab has
fled,also the king of Bikhishi,before the
Egyptian officer, Bininima, Tadua, and
Yashuia are there, x was driven out of
Ashtarti. Cities of the land of Gar (Gur)rebel,Udumu (Adamah),Aduri (Et Tireh\Araru (ArareA),Mishtu [Mushtah),Magdali,
(Magdala),andKhinianabi(^4tf4tf?). Also,
Tsarqi, Khawini {KdaUti)^and Yabishi
(Yabesh) are taken. Y came to Bikhishi
and heard the Egyptianorders. (W. 237.)
This land of Gar is the Heb. Gur,and seems from the placesnamed to have
included all the southern half of Galilee.
Thus at this point we find that all Galilee
was lost to the Egyptians. Further news
comes from Akka.
(119) SURATA, of Akka, to the king.Obeisance.
(W. 157.)Sharatu was father of Shutatna, as we see
in letter 124,
(120) ZATATNA, of Akka, to the king.Obeisance. (W. 158.)
68 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
(121) ZITATNA, of Akka, to the king.Obeisance. (W. 160; B.O.D. 32.)
(122) ZATATNA, of Akka, to the king.
[Ziri]dayashda[? Biridashya] fled from
Namyawaza . . . . . Shuta,the (Egyptian)officer. Egyptian soldiers are in Makida
with a female. Shuta sent to Zatatna
ordering Z. to deliver Zirdayashda to
Namyawaza, but it was impossibleto do
so. Akka is like Magdali in Egypt, let
it not be taken by these men.
(W" 159; RJ\xvik95.)
This lastletterseems as if it mightwellrefer to Biridashya,who had suffered a
reverse from Namyawaza, and fled to the
Egyptians in Akka; we know nothingelse of Zirdayashda,and the resemblance to
the name Biridashyais near enough to be
thought of in connection with well-known
bunglesof the scribes and uncertainties of
modern reading.
(123)AKIZZI to the king. Refers to a cara-van
(?)in the third year ; names Bidinaza.
(W. 290.)
This letter must have been written after
the death of Amenhotep III,,as otherwise
the third year (ofAmenhotepIV.) would
not be named ; so it must be subsequentto
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 69
the other letters of Akizzi, in, 112. The
difficultyabout caravans seems to have been
felt now that Galilee was in rebellion,thus
cuttingthe road to northern Syria and
Mesopotamia, The last letter of Burna-
buryashrefers to this matter.
(124) BURNABURYASH to NAPKHURU-
RIA. B.'s merchants went with Akhi-
thabu,and stayedin Kinakhi (E.of Merom)on business ; Akhithabu went on, and then
in the city of Khinatuni (Kanawat) in
Kinakhi, Shumadda (of Merom, see 125),son of Balumi, and Shutatna, son of
Sharatu of Akkaiu, killed them and took
the caravan. As Kinakhi belongsto Egypt,so Napkhururia must subdue these robbers
and compensate the owners of the goods,otherwise trade will be cut off. Shumadda
has kept one of the Babylonians with his
feet cut off. Shutatna has taken another
as his slave. These must be returned.
Present sent 1 maneh of enamel (?).Desires messenger to be returned soon.
(W. 11; R.P. xv. 65.)
Who Shumadda was is shown by the
followingshort note, written probablyearlier,while he was allied to Egypt
(125) SHAMUADDU, princeof Shamkhuna, to
the king. Has received message.
(W. 220; S.B.A. xil 328.)
70 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
Another letter seems to belong to the
rebellious times,excusingnot givingtribute.
(126) SHUMADDU to the king. S. does not
send soon because his father,Kuzuna, did
not do so. (W. 221 ; B.O.D. 66.)
The positionof Shummada at Shamkhuna,
allied with Akka, and attackingKanawat, is
clearlyidentified with the name of Lake
Merom in Greek times,Semekhonitis. This
seems derived from some district named
Semkhon by the Lake, probablythe regionof the springof Setnakh, six miles to the
north-east of the lake. The historyof this
plunderingof the caravans is very clear,and
shows that Galilee was more rebellious than
the Hauran at that time. The names are
some of them familiar in the Jewishwritingsof a later time, as Ahitub (Akhi-thabu),Shema-yah (parallelto Shamu-Addu), and
Balumi (Balaam).
21. Aziru in Peace.
We now turn to the more northern partof Syriawhere the rebellion of Aziru,which
we saw beginning in Akizzi's letter (in),was steadilysuccessful until he became
paramount in all that region. We begin
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 71
a littlebefore that letter of Akizzi (111)inorder to show the earlier positionof Aziru,
the most energeticson of Abd-ashratu, lord
of Amurri, or the middle Orontes valley*
(127)ABDASHT[AR]TI to king. Obeisance.
(W.40; B.O.D. 34.)
(128) AZIRI to king. Sends two men as slaves
(?messengers)and asks for their return to
Amurri. (W. 42 ; S.B.A. xv. 21.)
(129) . . .KHIBIYA to resident Obeisance.
Guards city,but enmity is powerful A
message has come from Amurri. (W. 258.)
The above seem to show Aziru as an
obedient subject. But he soon falls under
suspicionand seeks to excuse himself.
(130) AZIRI to DUDU (Egyptianresident).A.
has done all that the king desired,and rules
the land of Amuri. Desires D. to vindicate
him from certain slanders.
(W. 44; S.B.A. xiii.217.)
(131)[ABDASHRATU ?]to DUDU. Asks for
the return of Aziru back quickly from
Egypt. The kingsof Nukhashi said to A.
that his father sent gold to the king of
Egypt but got nothing in return. Refers
to his Suti troops.(W. 52; S.B.A. xiii.216.)
72 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
From this it seems that Aziru was in
Egypt as a hostage or messenger, and his
father was pointingout his fidelityin order
to get his son back again. The great
opponent of Aziru's advance was Ribaddi,
the governor of northern Phoenicia,and
the series of his letters is the most im-portant
of all. We turn back a littlehere
to take up his earlier notes before the great
struggle.
(132)fAMANAPPA ?] to RIBADDU. R. had
reporteda plaguein Tsumuri among peopleand sheep. A. orders him to send sheep,which are the king's. (W. 89.)
(133)x to y. Mentions Ribaddi, Abdaddi, and
BenazL (W. 116.)
(134)RIBADDI to the king. Names the Kha-
biri and the officer Amanappa. . " "Let
Yapa-addi be blamed.. . .
Two of R/s
shipshave been seized by Yapa-addi (?).
(W. 106; S.B.A. xi. 361.)
Other chiefs were also findingdifficulties
overtakingthem about this time.
(135)YAMA to the king. Y. defends his cities
tillhelpshall come.
(W. 238; S.B.A. xL 392.)
(136)SHUBANDU to the king. The Khabiri
are strong. (W. 227.)
74 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
(143) ABDASHRAT to the king. A. declares
that his enemies are strong, and desires
protection;will obey all commands, and
sends ten women. (W. 39 ; B.O.D. 33.)
(144)The end of a letter apparentlyfrom ABDA-
SHIRTA to the king. Khaya is hostile to
the king. Let not the shipsof Ziduna and
Biruta come to Amurri to kill Abdashirta.
Let the king seize the ships of Arwada
which are in Egypt, and which were left
by Mani with A. A. asks for a governor
to be put in Ziduna and Biruta,who wilh
supplyhim with a ship,or else the Amurri
will kill him. (W. 124; B.O.D. 44.)
Here we see Abdashirta strivingto make
out that he was in danger owing to his
friendshipfor Egypt, and abusing Khayawho was the regularEgyptian agent or
officer. The request for a new governorin Zidon and Berut is evidentlyto super-sede
Ribaddi,who was sincerelyin Egyptianinterest,and againstAbdashirta. Or, pos-sibly,
Ribaddi was not yet in charge of
those cities,as we find a Zimrida governor
of Zidon.
(145)ZIMRIDI to king. Z. is princeof Ziduna,which is safe ; but all his other cities
have fallen to the Khabiri, and he asks
for troops and succour.
(W. 147 ; S.B.A. xiii.318.)
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 75
(146) ZIMRIDI to the king. Mentions Zumuri
being in Egyptian hands. (W. 148.)
All the subterfugesof Abdashirta would
not suffice to stiflethe complaintsagainsthim, and a longand severe letter was sent
to him from Egypt, of which fortunatelya
copy is preserved.
(147) The king to the Chief of Amurra. The
Chief of Gubla (Ribaddi?), living in
Zituna, asked the Chief of Amurra to
help him, but was not protected.Amurrahas allied with the Chief of Qidsha
(Itakama?),who is an enemy. The kingdoes not wish to threaten the land of
Kinakhi; and asks A. to send his son to
Egypt as a hostage,and allows this year
for him to do so ; next year will be too
late. A. had asked for Khanni in placeof the king,to deliver to him the enemies.
A. is asked to help in bringingin Sharru
and all his sons, Tuya, Liya and all his
sons, Yishiari and his sons, the son-in-law
of Malia and his sons and wives....
Dashirti, Paluma, and Nimmakhi the
Khapadu in Amurri.
(W. 50; S.B.A. xiil 224.)
Here we have the officialEgyptianrebuke
for the alliance of which we saw the effects
in letters107-109. And about this time we
76 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
have Aziri's letters excusinghis going into
Egypt as a hostage,in compliancewith the
Egyptiandemand. The firstrefers probablyto the bearer of the previousletter.
(148)AZIRI to DUDU. Khatib has come from
the king; the king of Khatti has come
into Nukhashi, and therefore Aziri and
Khatib must stay.
(W. 45 ; S.B.A. xiii.229.)
(149) AZIRI to KHAL A. and Khatib will soon
leave. King of Khatti is in Nukhashi, and
A. guards the land of Martu (= Amurra),and fears the fall of the cityof Dunip.
(W.46; S.B.A. xiii.231.)
(150) AZIRI to the king. A. and Paluia serve
the king. A. and Khatib will come soon,
but the king of Khatti is in Nukhashi;there are two roads to Tunip,and A. fears
its fall. (W. 47 ; S.B.A. xiii.232.)
The successes of the Khatti,pushingsouth
to the land of Hamath, in real agreementwith Aziri,as we see by letter in, are
skilfullyused as a reason for his remainingwhere he was, and not leavingfor EgyptThe fact of Tunip not* being yet in the
hands of the Khatti, while it seems to lie
on the highway to Nukhashi, may pointto
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 77
one of the followingconclusions: (1)Theadvance of the Khatti had been to the
Euphratesfirst,then down the stream and
strikingacross by the Sebkha to the
Orontes Valley,thus cuttingoff Tunip ; or
(2)Tunip may, have been in Aziru's hands,in real alliance with the Khatti,though he
professesto fear them ; or (3) Nukhashi
must be placedas far north as Tunip. Of
these the firstseems the probabletruth.
23, Ribaddi attacked
We next enter on the long series of
Ribaddi's letters.
(151) RIBADDI to king. Abd-ashrat holds R/s
cities,and was not ashamed at R/s com-plaint
King wrote to king of Biruna and
kingof Tsiduna., . . (W. 58.)
(152) RIBADDI to king. R, cannot send shipsto Zalukhi and Ugarit because of Aziru.
The Khatti are plunderingthe liegesofGubla. (W. 104.)
(153) RIBADDI to king. Names cityof Tisa
. . "in land of Tsumuri, and land of Martu
(Amurri). (P.A.35 No. 3.)
(154) RIBADDI to the king. Names Tsumuri
and Abdashirta. (t\A.35 No. 2.)
78 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
These letters belong to the beginningofthe troubles,and it cannot be settled exactlywhere they were written. The sendingof
shipsto Ugaritshows that it was on the
coast, and not far inland as has been proposed.As we have alreadynoticed,the mouth of
the Orontes appears to be the place; and
Ugarit or Akaritu seems to be the Okrad
or Akrad " Kurdland" of modern times.
Zalukhi must also be on the coast.
(155)RIBADDI to the king. R. is only friendlywith TsumurtL Sent two messengers to
the king, but not returned. Asks for
generalto come and take Abdashirta and
Aziru. Ullaza named. If troops not sent
land will fall to the Khabiri; or at least
write to Yankhamu or Bikhura to occupy
Amurru. R. strives with Yapa-addu and
Khatib. Asks for troops and people of
Milukha to save the city from fallingtothe Khabiri. (W, 75 ; R.P. xviii.52.)
(156)RIBADDI, governor of Gubla, to the king.Tsumur is not taken,but in great danger.Yapa-addi afflicts R. Abdashirta's sons
are tools of the kings of Mitani, Kash,and the Khatti. Let troops be sent with
Yankhamu....
Yarimuta.... deputy of
Kumidi (*".Bikhura)....
(W.87; R.P. xviii.59.)
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 79
This last letter was evidentlywritten from
Gubla ; and so, therefore,probablyalso was
the letterbefore it It appears that Ribaddi
was chief of Gubla, and in more or less
authorityover all northern Phoenicia,as he
stays to and fro in various cities duringhis
troubles. The next letterwas probablyalsowritten from Gubla.
(157)RIBADDI to king. Enquiriesabout R/s
messenger, who had been despoiled;Khabiri takes possessionof all lands. If
R. agrees with Abd-ashirta as Yapa-addiand Zimrida did he would be safe. If
Tsumur is lost, and Bit (Su?) arti is
given to Yankhamu, he ought to give
corn to R. Shuti people are againstR.
Tell Y. that R. is reallythe king's. R.
has written to Y. that if Y. will not help,R. must abandon city. Names Milkuru
and Mutshi (?). (W. 61.)
This shows that Zidon was now lost,as we
know that Zimrida was governor of that city
(145),and in alllater letterswe shall see that
Zidon belongsto the enemy.
80 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
24. Ribaddi in Simyra.
(158) RIBADDI to king. R. is distressed bysons of Abdashirta who occupy Amurri.
Only Tsumura and Irqataare left,and R.
is in Tsumura, for the deputy fled from
Gubla. . .
Zimrida. . .
and Yapaaddu . . .
againstR.,and would not attend to deputy.Ask for troops for Tsumura and Irqata,those of Tsumura having fled.
(W. 78 ; R.P. xv. 70.)
This last letter shows Ribaddi to have
moved from Gubla to Tsumura in order to
maintain its defence, the troops havingdeserted. The cityof Irqataappealedalso
directlyto Egypt ; and this and the letterof
the men of Tunip are interestingpiecesofevidence of a municipalgovernment then,
which could conduct publicaffairsin itsown
name, without being headed by an in*
dividual. It begins " Irqataand its elders
falldown at the feet of the king."
(159)IRQATA, city,to the king. Babikha was
sent by the king. People in land of
Shanku are enemies. Strong appeal for
help. (W. 122 ; B.O.D. 42.)
It may be this [Ba?]bikhais the same as
Abbikha of one of the lastletters,who was
then rebellious.
82 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
his way to Egypt R. asks for help to getfood from Yarimuta. Yapa-addi would not
let Amanma go to Alashia, and is joinedwith Aziri. (S.B.A.xv. 359.)
This is the firstmention of gettingfood
for Gubla from Yarimuta ; two earlierletters
name Yarimuta (142, 156),but its real
importance to Gubla comes out duringthe
siegeand famine. It was obviouslynear to
Gubla, and a prosperous cityin a fertile
country, as it exported provision.It was
probablyto the north of Gubla, as all the
places to the south are referred to byRibaddi as being in his charge,whereasYarimuta was beyond his scope. All this
agrees to the positionof the next important
place north of Gubla, now Latakia "
Laodicea " at the mouth of a largeriver,the Nahr el Kebir. Yarimuta is obviouslya Yerimoth, or Ramoth=a "high place";and the pre-Greek name of Laodicea was
Ramitha, which exactlyagrees to this. The
importanceof shippingon this coast should
be observed; there were sea-fights,whenvessels put out on the high seas to interceptand capture others. The reference to goingto Alashia on the way to Egypt is somewhat
puzzling,as Cyprus is off the line that we
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 83
should expect for shippingbetween Gubla
and Egypt Yet it is a valuable allusion in
two ways ; (1)it shows that Gubla could not
be at Byblos as is often supposed,as that
would be much farther from any possiblesite for Alashia; and (2) it almost shows
that Alashia cannot be on the Syriancoast
from the Orontes northward, as that would
be an impossiblepositionto take on the way
to Egypt It was possibleto go across to
Cyprus in order to get the largerand better
shippingwhich seems to have regularlytraded to Egypt with copper (see28, 29);but any positionfurther up the coast would
be impossiblein this view.
(162) RIBADDI to king. Bumabula (?)son of
Abdasherta holds Ullaza,Ardata,Yikhliya,Ambi, and Shigata; R. asks for help to
Tsumura, for A/s sons conquer the king'sland for the kings of Mitani and Kash, If
king waits tillthey take Tsumura, what
will become of R ? who cannot go to helpTsumura Ambi, Shigata,Ullaza,and Yada
revolt,and R. fears that Gubla will fall
into hands of Khabiri.
(W.86; R.P. xviii. 58.)
Here we find that the rebels had seized
most of the coast, and only the more im-
84 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
portant places were holding out againstthem. Ullaza (El Usy),Ardata (Artk"si),Shigata(Sukdt),and Tsumura (Sumra)fareali pretty certainlyknown ; and they helpus to gain some idea of the positionof
Yikhliya,which agrees well to Qleiat be-tween
Tsumura and Ardata; and Ambi,
which is often named with Shigata,and was
probablynear it,may well be Baldeh, an
ancient port lyingnext to Sukdt We have
seen before (letter156) that the kings of
Mitani and Kash were said to be behind all
this trouble,and pushingon Aziri to act for
them. Of the king of Mitani this may well
be believed so far as positiongoes. But
Kash is usuallysupposedto be Babylonia,
yet such an accusation againsta distant land
is unlikely.It is repeatedin 172. In 193
we see 600 men of Kashi asked for to
defend Gubla, and in 214 such a request is
repeated. In 234 Naharain and Kash are
linked togetheras being both within reach
of the Egyptianships,and in 254 the Kashi
are interferingin die south by Jerusalem.All these references show that Babylonianscannot be thoughtof in such connections;
and we must rather look to the regionof
Mitani and Naharain, borderingon Amurra,
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 85
and on or close to the sea. Possiblythe
name may remain in Mount Kasios, which
belongedto the land of the warlike Kurds,
the Akarit or Ugarit
(163)RIBADDI to the king. R. fears that
Tsumura will fallto the Khabiri. Pakham-
nata was in Tsumura and suppliedGubla
with food, and after that ordered it from
Yarimuta. (W. 88.)
(164)RIBADDI to the king. Abd-ashirta is
camping againstTsumura. Gubla as well
as Khikubta belongto the king. Send back
Abd-Ninib, whom R. sent with Bukhiya.
(W. 530
The mention of orderingfood from Yari-muta
to Gubla, after Tsumura could not
supplyit,shows that Yarimuta must have
been a very near port to Gubla, and agrees
with its being Ramitha. The placeKhi-kubta,
which is said to belongto the king,is
supposedto be Ha-ka-ptah,Memphis ; and
so the sense would be that Gubla is as much
the king'sas his own capital.This seems
very probable.
(165) RIBADDI to king. Tsumura is like a bird
in a snare, let the king look to it Sons of
Abdashirta on land and Arwada by sea. . .
sent...
to Yankhami....
If shipscome
86 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
from Eg.they will not fear Abdashirta. A.
has seized Ullaza. R. is not strong enoughto aid Tsumura, for Yapa-addu is contrary,
and has plundered R.,who complained to
Amanappa and Turbikhaza and YankhamL
No grainleft. (W. 84-)
(166) RIBADDI to king. Asks for men from
Misri and Milukha and horses. Has sold
everything to Yarimuta for food. Kingordered Khaya to be brought to Tsumur ;
R. gave 13 of silver and garments to the
Khabiri when he broughtletter to Tsumur.
Khaya is there,ask him. (W. 74.)
This request for troops shows that Mi-lukha
must be an allyof Egypt, and the
men of Milukha like the Shardani in the
Egyptianservice. As they are most likely
Syrians,we should find Milukha probably
on the Syrian coast; and it seems very
likelythat these men (alsoasked for in 155
and 175)were the mainlanders of Tyre,for
close south-east of Tyre is Khurbet el
Meluhiyeh. The Tynans would naturallyhave a body of trained troops to defend
Tyre, and such seem to have been taken
as organizedauxiliaries into the Egyptianservice. As, however, Milukha means
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 87
merely " saltness,"it might be appliedto
more than one place.
(167)RIBADDI to king. Let Buribita stay in
Tsumura, and let Khaib take message, and
appointhim over feudal princes.Aziru and
his brothers before Gubla. Thus Tsumura
cannot hold out No silver to buy horses,all spent for food. (W. 80.)
(168)[RIBADDI to the king.] Aziru attacks
Gubla (?). Tsumura is in danger.(W. 95.)
(169)RIBADDI to the king. Formerly Mitani
was hostile to the king'sfathers,but R. was
always faithful to his fathers. Names
Yankhamu. . .
and land of Subari;. . .
kings of Kinaakhni used to flee from the
Egyptians, but now Abdashirta's sons
resist R. cannot lead an officer into
Tsumura. All R.'s cities have fallen away.
If Khaib and Amanappa have Tsumura" . .
(W. 101.)
These letters deal with the danger of
Simyra,which seems to have lasted for some
time,as eightletters(162-169)are written in
nearlythe same terms about it The fallof
Tsumur was a main event in the historyof
the war ; but before we proceedto that we
should notice some other lettersthat seem to
88 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
come in during this rise of the power of
Aziru, resuming the history of Tsumur
at 172.
(170)Peopleof DUNIP to the king. Who would
formerly have plundered Dunip without
being plundered by Manakhbiria? The
gods of Egypt dwell in Dunip. But we
now belong no more to Egypt For 20
years (on times)we have sent messengers,
but they remain with the king; now we
desire the return of Yadi-addu, who had
been givenby the king and then ordered to
return to him. Azira has capturedpeoplein the land of Khatat A. will treat Dunipas he has treated Nii ; and if we mourn the
king will also have to mourn. And when
Azira enters Tsumuri he will do to us as he
pleases,and the king will have to lament
" And now Dunip your cityweeps, and her
tears are running,and there is no help for
us. For 20 years we have been sendingto
our lord,the king,the king of Egypt, but
there has not come to us a word from our
lord,not one." (W. 41 ; S.B.A. xv. 18.)I
This touchingend to the letteris probably
a pictureof much of the state of Syria at
this time, graduallyforced by hard necessityand neglectto giveup ah alliance which had
become a real bond of \loyaltyduringthe
90 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
26. Simyra lost.
Henceforward Tsumura belongs to the
enemy, and one great landmark in the
historyis passed
(172)RIBADDI to the king. Abdashirta is
strong againstR.,and sends to Mitana and
Kash. A. has collected the Khabiri against
Shigata and Ambi. "Tsumura, your
fortress is now in the power of the Khabiri"
(W. $6; R.P. xviii.$6.)
(173)AZIRI to the king. A. has carried out all
his orders. The kings of Nukhashi are
hostile,and therefore A. has not built up
the cityof Tsumuri, but will do so within
a year. (W. 48 ; S.B.A. xi. 410.)
Here Aziri is playingthe faithfulsubject,and excusinghis wastingthe cityof Simyra
by the pleathat he is so much occupiedin
resistingthe kings of Nukhashi. That
Tsumur was left waste after being taken,
is seen by the next letterof Ribaddi's.
(174)RIBADDI to king. Tsumura has fallen,but is not occupiedby enemy. War againstR. now for five years . . . Yapakhi-addi
....Zimrida (ofSidon) and princesare
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 91
againstR. and Tsumura. Asks to have
Yankhamu sent, and for 20 pairof horses.
(W.85.)
(175) RIBADDI to the king. The sons of
Abdashirta have taken horses and chariots
and have delivered men to the land of
Suri. When R. wrote to the king'sfetherhe listened and sent troops to resist A.
When R. sent latelytwo messengers to
Tsumura, the deputy preventeda message
going to the king. Messengers now have
to go to and fro by night because of the
"Dog" (Abdashirta).If R. is distrusted
let him retire,and let the King send and
drive the Khabiri out of Tsumura. R. asks
for 20 men of Milukha and 20 from Egyptto defend the city.
(W. 83 ; R.P. xviii. 50.)
This shows that Ribaddi was correspond-ingwith Amenhotep III.,and alreadyhad
trouble with Azira at that time, which is in
accord with the time of Azira's rise,in letter
in. A stray ruler,otherwise unknown, may
be noticed here.
(176) NURTUYA....
MA to the king.Defends his city,which is about to fall,
and his father is slain. (W. 262.)
92 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
27. Abimilki of Tyre in trouble.
Tyre next claims our notice,as it fell
shortlyafter Tsumura. The letters about
it are here grouped together,but probablythe firsteightshould be interspersedsome-what
between the defection of Zimrida after
letter 145, and, perhaps,the fallof Tsumura,
in letter 172. Certainlyletter 185 is after
letter 172.
(177)ABIMILKI to the king. A. addresses the
kingat great lengthand very effusively.A.
guardsthe cityof Tsurri until troops come
to give him water to drink and wood to
burn. Zimrida, of Ziduna, dailyhas news
about Egypt from the rebel Aziri,Abda-
sharta's son. (W. 149 ; S.B.A. xv. 518.)
(178) ABIMILKI to the king. A. cannot leave
his city to see the king because of Zimrida,
of Ziduna, who will attack him if he leaves.
Asks for 20 men to guard the cityin his
absence. Is hemmed in without water or
wood* Sent Ilu-milki with 5 talents of copper
and other gifts.King asked for news from
Kinakhna. The king of Danuna is dead ;
his brother rules in peace. Cityof Ugaritis half burnt The Khatti are quiet Itakama
took Qedesh,and Aziru has begun to fightNamyawaza. Zimrida has collected shipsfrom Aziri's cityagainstAbimilki.
(W. 151; S.B.A. xv. 507.)
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 93
The cityof Danuna named here isDanian%
the Hebrew Danyaan, at the Tyrian Steps,on the headland south of Tyre. The
references to Itakama and Aziru fightingNamyawaza, are later than the attack byNamyawaza upon Itakama, but show that
this letterprobablygoes in somewhere before
the present point The allusions to Zimrida,
however, put it after letter 145 ; and that
in its turn cannot be put earlier,as then the
Khabiri had alreadytaken all the regionof Sidon.
The request for twenty men is like
the modern idiom of Egypt in asking for
two piastres,as a modest way of applyingfor an indefinite amount The positionof
Tyre, on an island,has always made the
supplyof wood and of water a difficultyin wan
(179)ABIMILKI to the king. King gave orders
to supply grain and water, but it has not
been done A. is the servant of Shalma-
yati,and Tsurri is the cityof Shalmayati.Names Tsumuri. Prince of Ziduna (Zim-rida)
has come with two ships,and A. will
go with all his ships.
(W. 152; S.B.A. xv. 515.)
94 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
(180) ABIMILKI to the king. A. will defend
city,and come to see the king. Asks for
Usu for his life (*".,Hosah, to supplywater). (W. 153.)
(181) ABIMILKI to the king, x and Zimrida
fighthim. (W. 155.)
(182)ABIMILKI to the king. Since the troopsleft the princeof Zidon (Zimrida)stops his
gettingwood and water.
(W. 156; S.B.A. x. 498.)
All of these letters must be about the
same period. Shalmayatiseems to be the
god of Tyre.
(183)ABI MILKI to the king. A. asks for Uzu
to supply food and water. The princeof
Ziduna takes away his people,and therefore
he asks for Uzu. Princes of Ziduna and of
Khazura have joinedthe Khabiri. Let the
kingenquireof his officer in Kinakhi.
(W. 154; S.B.A. xiii.323.)
This Khazura was Hazor, 11 S.E. of
Tyre, which princehad earlier reportedhis
allegiance,in letters70, 71.
(184)ABIMILKI to the king. King set A. in
Tsurri. A. asks for 20 soldiers to defend
the city,so that he may come to Egypt.Names Aziru Abdashrat's son [A,?]khuni-
milki,Khabi,. . .
Tsumura lost to Azira.
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 95
Zimrida has seized Uzu, after the troopsabandoned it,and there is no water, and no
wood, nor burial ground. Zimrida of
Ziduna and Azira rebel,allied with peopleof Arwada, and collect ships,chariots,and
soldiers to seize Tsurri,and they have
taken Tsumura.
(W. 150; S.B.A. xv. 511.)
This ends the correspondenceof Abi-
milki,who seems to have found the force
of circumstances too strong for him, as
Ribaddi next reports his defection.
28. Ribaddi in BeyruL
(185) RIBADDI to the king. Tsurri is rebellingunder Ya milki (?). R.'s property was putinto Tsurri with R/s sister and her sons,
who have beea killed with the commander ;
the sister's daughterswere sent there to be
safe from Abdashirta. Tsurri is not like
the land of a feudal prince,but is as
Ugarita. (W. 70 ; R.P xviii.63.)
(186) RIBADDI to the king. Names city of
Yabu (?).R. was not in Biruna. Aziru
has taken Tsumuri. If abandoned by the
king, all will fall to Aziri. x came to
Biruna to negotiate with Khamunira.
Half the cityis attached to Abdashirta's
sons and half to the king. When R. came
96 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
to Biruna he sent his son to the king,butfor three months he has not seen the king.R. sent a man as far as Takhida, but hg was
seized. Names land of Yabu. A citywill
say Ribaddi remains in Biruna, no one
comes to the rescue, and they will joinAziri. Gublites write askingif troops will
be soon sent Asks for troops that sons of
Abdashirta may not take Biruna. (W. 91.)
The land of Yabu, or Yapu, isunknown, un-less
it be Yapu " Joppa" down in the south,
which seems unlikely. It seems that Ri-baddi
tried to attract help by sendinghis
son to personallyrepresent the case in
Egypt, but quite fruitlessly.Takhida is
unknown, and no such name exists on the
road to Egypt. After Ribaddu went to
Beyrut,his brother Rabimur ruled at Gubla
in his absence.
(187) RABIMUR to the king. R. prays the kingnot to neglectGubla. Aziru has killed
kingsof "Ammia, Ardata, and Ni,. . .
R.
begs for 30 or 50 men for Gubla. Messagesfrom Tsumuru and a governor now killed,
show that Aziru is a rebel.
(W. 120; B.O.D.45.)
(188) RABIMUR to the king. Aziru killed
Aduna king of Irqata,king of Ammia,
98 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
Next come more excuses from Aziru.
(191) AZIRI to the king. A. is slandered. Kingwrote about Khani the envoy. A. explainsthat he was stayingat Tunip,and knew not
of K/s coming. When he heard he started,
but did not overtake K. A.'s brother and
Bati-ilu waited upon K., and gave him full
suppliesand animals. When A. came to
see the king,K. received him kindly. And
now king accuses A. of neglectingK, A.
appealsto the kings,gods,and the sun that
he reallywas at Tunip. King ordered A.
to rebuild Tsumur; but A. says kings of
Nukhashi are hostile,and are taking A/s
cities by order of Khatib, so A. has not
rebuilt Tsumur, but will do so quickly.Khatib took away half the implementsandall the gold and silver sent by the king.King asks why A. refused his envoy and
welcomed that of the Khatti ; but A. will
giveeverythingto an envoy.
(W. 51; S.B.A. xv. 372.)
Another letter of excuse is from Abda-
shirta,the father.
(192)ABDASHRATU to the king. A. guardsthe whole land of Amurri for the king. A.
tells Pakhanati, his inspector,to bring a
guard to defend the kingfs land. . .
Amurru.. . .
Ask Pakhanati if A. does
not defend Tsumuri and Ullaza. A. is
under P. (W. 38 ; S.B.A. xv. 502.)
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 99
These lettersshow that the Amorite party
of Abdashirta and his son Aziri were posingstill as faithful subjects. This letter 192
gives the last mention of Ullaza. The
excuse of Aziri for not receivingthe king's
envoy might hold good; but we know too
well Aziri's reason for beingat Tunip,from
the previouswail of the people of Tunipabout their fear of Aziri, in letter 170,
EvidentlyAziri feltquitestrong enough to
do as he chose, and to tell the king that he
would rebuild Tsumura soon, without really
troublingabout it
While Ribaddi was absent in Beyrut the
peopleof Gubla wrote a municipalletter to
the king. This is the third such letter from
a community without any titular head, the
others being from Irqata(159)and Tunip
(170).
(193)Peopleof GUBLA to the king. Tsumuri is
captured and people of Gubla are slain.
Ask for 240 men, 30 chariots,and 600
peopleof Kashi to defend Gubla. Biwari,the " gate-keeper
" of the king, is killed.
Pakhamnata will not listen. There is no
food of grain for the troops " . "names
Yankhama. (W. 97 ; B.O.D. 24.)
97598
ioo THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
This letter,thoughclearlyaddressed from
the peopleof Gubla, yet lapsesinto personal
expressions, "they will kill me," "I am
anxious," and "Pakhamnata did not listen
to me/' showing probablythe habit of the
scribe in writing for Ribaddi and other
officers. But the sequence of the letters
pointsto Ribaddi being in Beyrut when this
was written, and so agrees to its being a
municipalletter as it is headed.
(194)[RIBADDI to the king.] Names Gubla-,desires if no troops come that shipsbe sent
to bring him alive to the king. Names
Biwari. (W. 105.)
It is not likelythat this Biwari is the same
as Bikhura or Pakhura of Kumidi, as that
person must rather be connected with the
Paura who afterwards foughtin the southern
campaign about Jerusalem,and who cannot
be the Biwari who was slain here.
Next we find lettersof Ribaddi to various
officialsin Syria.
(195)RIBADDI to AMANAPPA. Asks whyA, does not come with troops and take the
land of Amurri. Amurri have a fort and
no longerbelong to Abdashirta ; theyhope
day and nightfor troops that theymay fall
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 101
on Aziri. All the governors hate Abda-
shirta since he ordered peopleof Ammiya
to slay their master and join the Khabiri.
R. asks A. to .tellall this to the king. A.
knew R. and his fidelityin Tsumura.
(W. 57; S.B.A. xv. 355.)
(196) RIBADDI to KHAIAPA. Why delay in
tellingthe king to occupy Tsumura ? Abda-
shirta is a dog,and the king'sland goes to
him to save its life,being endangered bythe Khabiri. Send 50 yoke of horses and
200 men, and hold him in check at Shigatatilltroops come ; thus prevent him bringingKhabiri to take Shigataand Ambi.
(W. 54; R.P. xviil 56.)
From these letters we see that the peopleof Amurri were not satisfied with Abda-
shirtas advance, that there was a party
againsthim, and that Ribaddi hoped to use
that party for his overthrow. Aziri's con-quests
and promotion of treacheryhad put
all the other chiefs in fear,and a good bodyof opponents might be raised to attack him.
This gleam of Egyptian hopes would be
about the 12th year of Akhenaten; and it
may be some success at that time which is
signalizedby the captivesof Kharu in the
tomb of Huya, No. t at Tell el Amarna,
dated in the 1 2th year.
103 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
29. Ribaddi in Gufyla.
Next we find that Ribaddi went back from
Beyrut to Gubla in order to face Aziri in his
attack on Shigataand Gubla.
(197) RIBADDI to [KH AI APA ?] Now that K.
has entered Btt-tiri all is over. When K.
wrote to R. to go and occupy Tsumur, K.
should know that the enemy are too strongfor R. Ambi is hostile;and the deputyand city governors are in alliance with
Abdashirta's sons. R. cannot march.
(W. 82 ; B.O.D. 23.)
This Beit Tiri to which Khaiapa retreated
seems to be probablythe ruin of Et Tirek
on the foot of the hills behind Akka. It
seems as if,despairingof holdingout againstAziri,the Egyptian officer had retreated
southward, and taken up a positionoutsideAkka on the hills,where he could command
the approachesto that city.
(198) ARA...
of Kumidi to the king. Let the
king enquireof Khamashni about A., who
sent his son to Egypt to bringoil from the
king. (W. 141.)
This refers to some native ruler of Kumidi
apparently,where also was an Egyptianofficer,Bikhura, as we see in the next
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 103
(199)RIBADDI to the king. Abdashirta longafflicted R.,who wrote to king'sfather for
troops to rescue the land. Aziru has
assembled Khabiri against Gubla.. . .
Appeals to Yankhama as witness. Names
Paya "
. . . "they did not listen to the
words of Khaib, their father." Khaib has
delivered over Tsumura ; and let not the
kingoverlook the killingof the deputy. If
helpdoes not come Bikhura will be unable
to hold Kumidi.... (W. 94; B.O.D. 18.)
This letter shows that Ribaddi, as well as
Akizzi (letter1 1 1)had written to AmenhotepIII. about Aziru's hostility.In the next two
letters we see that Bikhura, not being able
to hold Kumidi, had yieldeditup and joinedthe enemy. He had been originallythe
Egyptiandeputyor officer,who was appealedto by Itakama for help(letter1 14).
(200)RIBAt)DI to the king. An unexampleddeed has been done againstGubla. Bik-hura
has sent Shuti men, who have slain
the Shirdanu. When the king writes
"Protect yourself,"with whom is R. to
protect himself? Send back the three
people whom Bikhura sent to Egypt,namely Abdirama, Natan - Addu, and
Abdmilki. (W. 77 ; B.O.D. 20,)
104 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
(201)RIBADDI to the king. If king commands
R. to defend the city,send provisionand
troops,for there are none. Pakhura has
committed a great sin againstR. by sendingShuti men and slayingthe Shirdani, and
sending three men to Egypt Since then
the cityhas rebelled againstR.
(W. 100; R.P. xviii.66.)
These lettersshow the use of auxiliaries
by the Egyptians,the garrisonof Gubla
beingof Shirdani,who, we know, are shown
so frequentlyon the Egyptianmonuments of
the Ramesside times,and who Were doubt-less
a Mediterranean people. Their greater
vigourabove the Egyptiansis shown in the
largecamp scene on the pylonof the Rames-
seum, where two of them are activelyprac-tising
combat in the camp. The Shuti,
whom the Egyptiandeputy sent to attack
them, were Sati or Bedawin, who were the
Syrianauxiliaries when not enemies of the
Egyptians. As we afterwards find this
deputy actingfaithfullyin the southern
campaign (letters241, 254, 255) it seems
that either he misunderstood Ribaddi or else
the Shuti were acting irresponsiblyand
without his authority.
106 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
These two letters were evidentlywritten
closelytogether,and just after the letters
200, 201, which were written in the first
excitement of the slaughterof the Shir-
dana. The difficultiesof famine, owing to
the close siege,were being felt,and the
neighbouringport of Yarimuta or Ramitha
(Laodicea)being yet open, all valuable
things" even the houses and the children "
were being sold there for food. Ribaddi/
was feelinghow hopelessit was to m^kehead againstAbdashirta, or even to get
outside the gate of the city. So liis
favourite simile,of beinglike a bird caughtin a net, is often used. The B6t Ninib
named here must have been near (J'ubla,
and so cannot be the same as fMe B6t
Ninib which was near Jerusalem (letter256). /
The next letter seems to show increased
destitution.
(204) RIBADDI to the king. R. has written
similarlyto the king,but was not attended
to. Three years have passed,for two years
grainwas grown, now there is none. Sons,
daughters,and [timber]or houses are no
more, sold to Yarimuta for food. Let king
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 107
send grain in ships,and 400 men and 30
yoke of horses to Zu...
to guard city.
Perhaps Yankhamu will be. againstgivingcorn. Yapa-Addu has taken money, x is
with king,ask him about it Corn formerly
given to Tsumura let them give to Gubla.
Asks for troops. Land is at disposalof
Yankhamu,...
he has taken money for
children...
to Yarimuta. King of Tana
(?or Tashu) has marched againstTsumura,and was coming againstGubla, but turned
back for lack of water. If any princewould join,R. would drive Abdashirta out
of Amurri. Since the king'sfather (Amen-
hotep III.)leftTsiduna lands have fallen to
the Khabiri. Names Mutshi (?)Milkuru (?)handmaid of Ba'alat of Gubla.
(W.69; R.P. xviii.67.)
The king of Tana probablycame from
the south of Tsumura, as he was going on
thence north to Gubla. Possiblywe may
see in this name the district of Denniyehinland from Tripolis.It seems that Ribaddi
stillkept up the hope of defeatingAbda-shirta
if only he could get some assistance.
Here is again a reference to the troubles
beginningat the retirement of AmenhotepIII. The next two letters also refer to the
famine.
io8 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
(205) RIBADDI to the king. R. is ordered to
defend his city,but with whom shall he
defend it? Formerly a garrisonwas there,
and corn was sent from Yarimuta. But
now Aziru has raided everything.Other
princeshold their towns, but R/s towns
all belong to Aziru. * What dogs the sons
of Abdashirta are ! And they act accordingto their heart's wish and cause the king'scities to go up in smoke."
(W.76; B.O.D. 19.)
(206) RIBADDI to AMANAPPA. Names
Amurri and Mitani: desires A. to speakto Yankhamu. For three years no grain,and all issold to Yarimuta.
(W. 66 and 90 ; B.O.D. 21.)
The difficultiesyet increased,and the
famine is even not noticed in the midst of
more urgent perils.
(207) RIBADDI to the king. Since Amanappacame all the Khabiri have been set againstR. by Abdashirta. R. asks for troops.Abdashirta has the city of Mar
. . .and
the foe is strivingto take Gubla and
Biruna, and all will fall to the Khabiri.
Two cities left to R. they strive for,and
R. is shut up in Gubla as a bird in a net
(W. 60.)
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 109
This lettershows, like some earlier ones,
that the wilder enemies of the Egyptians,Such as the Khabiri, Suti, "c" had been
their alliesin the times of peace*
Domestic treacherynow began to work,
and Rabimur, who was formerlyfaithful
(letters187, 188),now began to give up
hope of Egyptian help and to turn to
Aziru,
(208)RIBADDI to the king. R, sent messenger
to the court, but he returned empty with-out
any troops. R. went to Khamuniri
(Amunira), and his brother occupiedGubla in order to deliver it to Abdashirta's
sons. And if no garrisonis sent his brother
will be hostile,and drive R. out of the
city. R. cannot come to Egypt Old age
and disease press upon him. R. sent his
.son to the king and begs for troops for
Gubla, which he stillguards for the king,though his brother is incitingit to turn to
the sons of Abdashirta. Let the king not
neglecthis city,for there is much silverand
gold in it,and property in the temples.Let R. be allowed to live in Buruzilim.
R. will go to Khamuniri if Gubla is lost ;
and he fears A.'s sons will attack Buruzilim
if he goes to Khamuniri. R. now sends
his son. (W. 71 ; R.P. xviii.70.)
no THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
This Khamuniri or Amunira was, as we
see in letters 216-218, the Egyptian
governor of Beyrut,to whom Ribaddi was
soon obligedto flee for refuge.
(209) RIBADDI to AMANAPPA. Asks for
300 men to defend Gubla and to occupy
Biruna, so that people may abandon
Abdashirta. (W. 68.)
(210)RIBADDI to the king. Aziru has taken
all but Gubla. (W. 103.)
This taking of all the cities evidentlydoes not include Beyrut,because that did
not belong to Ribaddi, but was under its
Egyptian governor, Amunira; but all of
Ribaddi's cities were lost except Gubla.
At last he fled to Beyrutfor shelter,thoughhe finallymanaged to get back to Gubla,
and there he disappearedfrom sight
30. Ribaddi in Beyrut.
We read from Beyrut:"
(211) RIBADDI to the king. Abdashirta has
taken all but two cities. In Gubla he was
like a bird caught in a net,and he is now
in Biruna. (W. 62.)
(212) RIBADDI to the king. Only Biruna is
left Names the Khatti. Namiawaza fears
die king. Names princeof Kumidi.
(w.63.)
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR in
Hence we see that in Beyruthe had some
news throughfrom the inland district. The
letter is too much mutilated to follow the
sense; but it seems as if the faithful
Namiawaza was stillat large,and Beyrut
was not closelypressed. Another letter
much mutilated belongsperhaps to some
earlierperiod,
(213)x to the king. Tashu...
is hostile. . .
servants of my lord of#Rukhizi. A mes-senger
of the king has said, "In Mitani
. . "and three or four kings treat as
hostile (?)... king of Khatti.". . .
(W. 136.)
Rukhizi was the cityof Arzawaya or
Arzauia (letter112),and is named with
Dasha, who is probablythe same as Tashu
of this letter. Rukhizi is otherwise called
Mikhiza in letter 75. This letter may
perhapsbest come in with the other late
mention of that districtin letter 212.
(214)x [RIBADDI ?]to the king.^[Rabimur (?),see 208] has taken Gubla. Let Yankhamu
be asked. Abdashirta has come againstx.Asks for 100 men and people from Kash
and 30 chariots to defend the cityuntil the
kingoccupiesAmurri. (W. 137.)
H2 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
(215) x to [AMANAPPA ?} [RIBADDU (?)
complainingof Rabimur (?)] Names Tsu-
muri. y has made treaty with princeofKubli
. " *"to all the Zukhluti people of
your lord.". . * (W. 121.)
These fragmentsseem to belongto about
this period,as Gubla had been lost to the
oppositeparty when they were written.
Of the Zukhluti we know no more; they
may have been a class of auxiliaries.
We get more detail of Ribaddi's flightto Beyrut in the next three letters,which
supplementthe brevityof letters an, 212.
(216)RIBADDI to the king. The men of Gubla
and R/s house and wife say," Attach your-self
to Abdashirta's son so that we may all
have peace." But R. did not consent, but
often asked for more troops. No message
was returned, so R. went to treat with
Ammunira, and establish friendship;butwhen he returned they had closed his
house againsthim. R. is stillsteadfast,but if the king will not help he is a dead
man. Two boys and two women of his
have been givento the rebel
(W.96; S.B.A. xv. 362.)
Two earlier letters may be quoted here
to show the positionof Amunira. It should
ligitiiedt
H4 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
seems, however, that Beyrut was even in
more danger than Gubla, for the next news
that we have is of Beyrutbeingtaken, andthe return flightof Ribaddi to Gubla, which
he seems to have been able to re-enter
safely,thoughhe could hold it for but little
longer.
31. Ribaddi in Gubla.
(221) RIBADDI to the king. Names Amma
("Ammia). Abdashirta is a dog, and
attacked R., and has now taken Biruna,and will come againstR. Shuarbi is the
gate of Gubla. If the king will march
A. will leave the gate,but R. cannot now
get out of the door. If the king does not
send troops Gubla will fall into A/s hands,and all the king'slands as far as Mitsri
(Egypt) will fall into the hands of the
Khabiri. Behold, Gubla is not like other
towns, Gubla is the faithfulcity.
(W. 65 ; B.O.D. 17.)
These statements of Beyrutbeinglost,ofthe close siegeof Gubla, of its fallentailingthe loss of all the coast down to Egypt,and
of Gubla being the faithful city,all show
that this is one of the last letters from
North Syria.
THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR 115
(222)x [RIBADDI] to the king. Hostilitystrong,no provisions,and people will desert to
Abdashirta's sons, and Ziduna and Biruta
are hostile. Let the king occupy them
that x may not have to yield his city.When the peoplewithdraw the Khabiri will
occupy it. . .
Yankhami. . . (W. 92.)
(223)[RIBADDI] to the king. Names Tsumura.
y has taken Gubla, . . "(for)1000 of silver
and 100 of gold he will depart from me,
and he has taken all my cities,Gubla alone
is left to me, and they are seeking to
capture it,for I hear that he has united all
the Khabiri ".. , . (W. 102.)
(224) RIBADDI to the king. Gubla alone is
left. , .
Behold Biruna. . ,
Behold my
citiesare lost" . "
Mitani. . .
Khabiri" . .
Abdashirta. (W, 93.)
(225)RIBADDI to AMANABBI. Why has A.
told R. to send messenger to receive men
and chariots from Egypt ? R. did so, but
messenger returned alone. And Biruna
has fallen to y and the Khabiri,although
troops were there. And the enemy do not
departfrom the gate of Gubla. " .
(W. 67.)
These four letters end the historyofnorthern Syria. Ribaddi flyingfrom one
city to another to animate the Egyptianresistance was at last reduced to Gubla
n6 THE NORTH SYRIAN WAR
alone, and then he disappearsaltogether.Whether he succeeded in fleeingdown to
Egypt, or capitulatedto his foe Aziru, or
was killed by treacheryor capture, we have
no light.His resistance was faithful and
hardy; and the Egyptianyoke cannot have
been very oppressiveto Syriawhen a native
would be thus faithful in the face of the
greatest discouragement and opposition.The Egyptian power had finallydepartedfrom northern Syriaafterseveral generationsof dominion, and there is onlyleftthe south
Syrian war, where we shall see several of
the former actors again continuingtheir
support of the waning power of Egypt
CHAPTER IV.
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
32. Abdkhiba in Trouble.
One of the earliest letters of the troubles in
Palestine is that from Baiya, who was son of
Gulati, and whom we afterwards find seizing
Gezer and Rabbath (letter260), and taking
prisoners (letter261). In the peaceful times
he had sent reports of fidelityto the king
(letter100).
(226) BAIYA to the king. If Yankhamu does
not come this year the Khabiri will seize
the country. (W. 230 ; B.O.D. 60.)
But the main series of letters from
Palestine is that from Abdkhiba king of
Jerusalem. These show that Jerusalem
was not merely a Jebusite village made into
a capital by David and Solomon, but was
the capital of south Palestine from early
times. From the accounts of the state of
Palestine at the Israelite invasion it appears
127
n8 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
that the Amorites held most of the country,
but this was apparentlynot the case in the
XVIIIth Dynasty. On the contrary, theyare never mentioned in the south at all.
But the Israelites found Amorites in
possessionof Jerusalem,Hebron, Yarmuth,
Lachish, and Eglon (Josh.x. 5). This
southern extension of the Amorite power is
probably the direct consequence of the rise
of Aziru, the chief of the Amorites, who
carried their rule from the land of Amurri,
or the Lower Orontes, down to Gish in
Galilee early in the present war (letter116); and then seems to have spread on
southward, until by the time of the Israelite
invasion the Amorites were paramount in
the whole of Palestine. This also accords
with the prominence of the Amar in the
triumphs of Ramessu III. on the walls of
Medinet Habu, though he does not seem
to have at all touched northern Syria.
Apparentlythe earliest letter of Abdkhiba
refers to trouble alreadyarising.
(227) ABDKHIBA to the king. A. has been
slandered,and accused of revolt He was
not an hereditarychief,but was set up bythe king. He is slandered because he
reproachedthe king'sofficer with favouring
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 119
the Khabiri. Yankhamu has taken away a
garrison. Cities of the king under Ili-milki
have fallen away. A. continuallytells the
officers that all the dependent princeswillbe lost Let troops be sent, for the kinghas no longer any territory,the Khabiri
have wasted all. "To the scribe of my
lord the king"Abdkhiba your Servant
Bring aloud before my lord the king the
words, * The whole territoryof my lord,the
king,is going to ruin.'"
(W. 179; R.P. xvii.66.)
This last injunctionto the scribe, to
impressthe facts on the king,is curious ; it
bears such a stamp of sinceritythat it seems
alive in its earnestness even now.
33. Milkili and allies doubtful.
This Ili-milki or Milk-ili wrote also to
Egypt to clear his character.
(228) MILKILI to the king. HostilityagainstM. is powerful,and againstShuwardata.Let the king rescue the land from the
Khabiri, or send chariots to remove the
loyal. Names Yankhama.
(W. 170 ; R.P. xvii. 80.)
(229) MILKILI to the king. Yankhamu has
taken 3(?)ooo talents from M., and de-manded
his wife and sons that Y. might
120 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
kill them. M. asks for chariots to bringhim and familyto the court
(W. 171 ; B.O.D. 62.)
Here we see much what appearedin the
north,several parties,Abdkhiba, Yankhamu,
and Milkili,allactingin professedsubjectionto Egypt, but all quarrellingfor their own
success. The amount of 3000 talents seized
by Yankhamu seems prodigious,and is most
likelyan error or exaggeration.Shuwardata, mentioned above as an ally
of Milkili,also wrote to Egypt complainingof troubles.
(230)SHUWARDATA to the king. S. was
invited to court, but cannot come. Yan-khamu
knows his troubles. Let the kingrescue him. Thirtytowns are hostile,and
his enemies are powerful. (W. 166.)
Of another allyof Milkili,his son-in-law
Tagi,an earlyletterbelongsto the beginningof the troubles,when a brother was wounded.
Letters,duringthe peace, were received from
Tagi (80,81).
(231) TAGI to the king. T/s brother has been
wounded, so T. does not wait to send his
letter with his brother's. T. is now tryingto send caravans to Egypt
(W. 189; B.O.D.70.)
122 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
(234) ABDKHIBA to the king. A. has been
slandered,but protests his fidelity.When
Shuta, the officer,came, A. sent 21 women
and 20 men as a present to the king. Land
of Shiri,as far as Ginti-kirmil,its princesare wholly lost,and fightagainstA. So
long as ships were on the sea the king
occupied land of Nakhrima and land of
Kash. Now the Khabiri occupy the cities.
Not one prince remains, all are ruined.
Turbatsu was slain at the gate of Zilu.
Servants conspire against Zimrida, of
Lakisi. Yapti-Addi was slain at the gateof Zilu. Asks for troops to Urusalim, or
all will be lost If not, desires to be fetched
away with his brothers,to the king. " To
the scribe of my lord the king," Abdkhiba,
your servant At your feet I fall Bringthese words plainlybefore my lord,the
king; *I am your faithful servant* "
(W. 181 ; R.P. xvii. 68.)
This letter shows that not only the west,
but the north of Jerusalemwas lost The
land of Shiri, as far as Ginti-kirmil,is
Shaaraim (Heb.),Khurbet es Sairah, which
is four miles nearer Jerusalem than En
Gannim (Heb.),Khurbet Umm Jina, and
these "gardens" would naturallybe vine-yards
" kirmil " as it is in the Vale of
Sorek, "the choice vine." Then Zilu,
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 123
where two chiefs,Turbatsu and Yapti-Addi, were slain,is Zelah (Heb.) north of
Jerusalem.
(235) ABI....
to the general. Shipti-Addiand Zimrida demand the city; and
Shipti-Addi spoke to Zimrida about
Abishiarami. (W. 219.)
This is the celebrated tablet found at Tell
Hesy; and from its localityit doubtless
refers to Zimrida, of Lachish, and not to
Zimrida of Sidon. The other mention of
Shipti-Addiis in letter 56, with Yankhamu;
but the latter appears in both northern and
southern letters,so that proves nothingas
to place.
35. Fightinground Gezer.
We next turn to the princeof Gezer, west
of Jerusalem,close to Ginti.
(236) YAPAKHI to the king. Y. is obedient,but has suffered from the Suti people.
(W.206; B.O.D. 51.)
(237) YAPAKHI of Gazri to the king. Y.'s
youngest brother rebels, and occupiedMu
. . khazi,allied with the Khabiri, who
are now hostile to Y. Asks for instructions.
(W. 205 ; B.O.D. 50.)
124 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
(238)YAPAKHI of Gazri to the king. Asks for
help,as the Khabiri are powerful,and let
the king rescue him from' the Khabiri.
(W. 204 ; B.O.D. 49.)
We have seen before some mention of
Lapaya, who in letter 232 seems to have
been faithful. He fell into trouble,how-ever,
as follows :"
(239)LAPAYA to the king. The citywas taken
by an attack of the enemy, although in
peace, and with an officer of the kingwith L. (W. 162 ; B.O.D. 61.)
The next, however, shows that he found it
expedientto join the enemy, and that his
next affairwas attackingYapakhi of Gezer.
(240)LAPAYA to the king. L. is a faithful
servant, and has been slandered. Is it an
offence that he has entered Gazri, and
levied the people? Let the king take all
that L. and Milkili have, and then decide
between him and M. King wrote askingif Dummuia had joined the Khabiri. L.
had handed him to Adda-Dan. If kingdemanded L.'s wife he would send her ; or
if he ordered L. to run a sword of bronze
into his heart he would do it
(W. 163 ; R.P. xvii. 78.)
Here we see that Lapaya was againstGezer, and also againstMilkili. This seems
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 125
to be another three-cornered fight,in which
no one quite knew who sided with EgyptAnother letterhas lostthe name, but belongsto this time.
(241)x to king. Y. has taken silver,people,sheep,and everythingfrom the cities the king
gave to x, who writes through Pakhura.
Names Tagi and Lapaya. (W. 191.)
' Pakhura was at firstin North Galilee,but he appears later on at Gaza. This shift
southward,like the shift of the activitiesof
Yankhamu from north to south, is im-portant
as showing that the southern war
was not simultaneous with the northern,and
probably,therefore,succeeded it.
36. Fightinground Megiddo.
After Lapaya rebelled in the south,at
Gezer, he seems to have gone up throughSamaria to Megiddo. First we have a letter
from the chief of Megiddo early in the
affair.
(242)BIRIDIYA of Makidda to the king. Sent
30 cattle,but is attacked by some one.
(W. 194.)
(243)BIRIDIYA to the king. Two sons of
Lapaya gave money to the Khabiri.
(W. 192.)
126 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
(244)BIRIDIYA to the king. Since the troops
left,Lapaya has attacked B.,who cannot go
out of Magidda. Let the king rescue his
city,that Lapaya may not take it.
(W. 195; RP. xvii. 81.)
(245)BIRIDIYA to the king. B. is defendingMakida, but powerfulis the enmity of the
KhabirL (W. 193 ; R.P. xvii. 82.)
The followingmay probablybe also from
Biridiya,but it is only a second tablet of
a letter,and the beginningcannot now be
identified.
(246)x to the king, x agreedwith his brothers to
capture Lapaya and bringhim to the king,and go with Yashdata to Egypt, for Y. is
loyal,and goes into battle with x. But
Zurata took Lapaya out of Magidda and
said to x that Z. would send him by shiptothe king. But Zurata sent him home from
Khinatuna and took the money for his
ransom. Zurata also let Addumikhir go.
(W. 196; B.O.D.72.)
(247)YARTA or YASHDATA to the king.People of Takh.
. . .have raided the cattle
of Y. who is with Biridiya.
(W. 197 ; B.O.D. 59.)
This shows that Zurata or Surata of
Akka (letter119)was interfering,professedlyin Egyptianinterests,but reallyfor his own
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 127
profit: Akka beinga port, he naturallypro-posed
to send Lapaya by sea. His takinghim over the Jordan to Kanawat to release
him, is in accord with Shutatna son of
Sharatu of Akkaiu seizingthe caravan from
Burnaburyashin Kanawat (letter124).The
princesof Akka seem to have ruled the
country across to Bashan. The writer of
246 may be read as Yashda. . .
and is
probablythe Yashdata of the previousletter.
The people of Takh. . . may be of
Takhida, where Ribaddis messenger was
stopped on the way from Beyrut to
Egypt If so it must be looked for near
Megiddo.
37. Shuwardata in Trouble.
We now turn to Shuwardata, who we
have seen was an Egyptianally(letter230),and was being attacked by the Khabiri
(letter228).
(248)SHUWARDATA to the king. S. asks for
troops to rescue him. (W/ 199.)
(249)SHUWARDATA to the king. S. in
trouble,wants troops. (W. 201.)
(250)SHUWARDATA to the king. The
country rebels and Qiltiis lost
(W. 167.)
128 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
(251)SHUWARDATA to the king. Kingordered S. to war against Qilti.He has
done so, and is successful. Why did
Abdkiba write to Qiltitessaying, "Take
money and join me" ? Let the king know
that Abdkhiba has taken the city of S.
Lapaya is dead who took cities of S.
Lapaya was allied with Abdkhiba, and
robbed cities of S.
(W. 165; S.B.A. xi. 348 ; R.P. xvil 77.)
This last letter must then be after letters
240-246, describingLapaya'swarfare.Of a chief in northern Palestine we obtain
a littlelight
(252) . . ..WARZANA princeof Khazi to the
king. Prince of Tushulti has attacked him.
Khabiri are taking cities,includingMakh-
zi. . .
ti,and burnt it Khabiri betake
themselves to AmankhatbL Khabiri have
occupied Sigi . . .and burnt it The
house of Bil-garib(?) is rescued ; . . . .
rescued from the cityof Mati. . .
Ushtiru
is taken by the Khabiri and burnt ; and
they will occupy Khazi. Amankhatbi
is an enemy. (W. 134; R.P. xvii. 85.)
(253)x to king,from cityof Tu. . .
Khabiri are
enemies. Names Amankhatbi, and cityofKhabi (W. 135.)
130 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
are deliveringland to the Khabiri. A. is
innocent about the Kashi (who seem to
have been plundering).Until the officer
Pauru went to Urusalim Adaya was in
revolt Caravans of the king were robbed
at Yaluna, so A. cannot forward them.
"To the scribe of my lord the king,"Abdkhiba your servant. At your feet I
fall. I am your servant Bring plainlybefore my lord,the king,these words,' I am
an officer of the king.' May you be
very well." And if A. has done evil to the
Kashi, let A. be killed.
(W. 180 ; R.P. xvii. 74.)
This letter has the curious littlepostscriptto the scribe,like most of his other letters;
and it seems as if the cuneiform scribe at
Tell el Amarna were a personalfriend of
Abdkhiba's, and was expected to speciallyinterfere on his behalf with the king.
(255)ABDKHIBA to the king. Milkili has
revolted to the sons of Lapaya, and the
sons of Arzawa. Milkili and Tagi have taken
Rubuta. Puuru is in Khazati. Let Yan-
khamu be sent "To the king'sscribe,"
Abdkhiba your servant Bring the
message plainlybefore the king. Mayit be very well indeed with you. I am
your servant" (W. 182 ; R.P. xvii. 71.)
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 131
(256) ABDKHIBA to the king. Milkili and
Shuwardata have taken soldiers of Gazri,
Gimti, Qilti,and occupied the region of
Rubuti. Men of Qilti have taken Bit-
Ninib belongingto Urusalim. If no troops
are sent the land will belong to the Khabiri.
(W. 183 ; R.P. xvii. 72.)
These last three letters of Abdkhiba close
his correspondence.We see how he was
hemmed in more and more. Gezer, Ash-
kelon, and Lachish lost; the caravans
plunderedat Ayalon; then Gimzu, joiningthe enemy in takingRabbath ; and a town
by Jerusalem taken. Arzawa named here
is probablyArzawaya, formerlyof Mikhizi
by Hermon. Puuru, who was the officer in
Gaza, is most likelyPakhura, or Bikhura,
who was the officer in northern Palestine
somewhat earlier. It seems likelythatAbdkhiba himself joined the Khabiri at
last,as most of these princesand chiefs
did when they saw that help could not be
had from Egypt
39. Loss of South Palestine.
The followingletter is from a man other-wise
unknown.
(257)ADDU-ASHARIDU to the king. Two
sons of Lapaya rebel,and desired A. to
132 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
joinagainstmen of Gina, who killed their
father,or else they would fighthim. Asks
that an officer be sent to Namyawaza to
order him to fightthe sons of Lapaya.They ask A. to fightthe king,as Lapayadid when he besieged Shuna
. .,and
Bur,and Kharabu, and Gitirimu
. . .
Messengersof Milkili also stir rebellion.
(W. 164; R.P. xvii. 83.)
The placesnamed here seem to belongto the Joppa region;Shuna . . . may be
Shunama; Kharabu, El Khurab; and
Gitirimu. . .
Gathrimmon. This shows
that Lapaya probably took Joppa, We
see here how Namyawaza has drifted down
into the southern seat of war, like so many
other of the northern fighters,Arzawaya,Pakhura, Maia, Rianappa,"c This shows
that the southern war succeeded the northern,and was, probably,a sort of runningfightfrom the Orontes down to the Egyptianfrontier.
Addu-daian was another personage about
this time,but his localityis unknown.
(258)[ADDU]DAIAN to the king. Defends his
city. (W. 275.)
(259)ADDU-DAIAN to the king. Names
YAb....
and Kaya . " . . ; asks for 30
men, and will come to Egypt. (W. 240.)
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 133
(260) ADDU-DAIAN to the king. Ordered to
defend his city and will do so. City of
Tumurka rebels, and A. has fortified
Mankhatishum ; but Maya has taken it
from him, and put officer in it Asks for
order to Rianap to return it to A. Biia,
son of Gulati, has taken Gazri and Rubuti.
Ransoms to x were 30 of silver,to Biia
100 of gold. (W. 239 ; M.A.F. vi. 279.)
(261)x to the king. Biia son of Gulati took
brothers of x, whom x had sent to serve in
Yapu. If x is ordered to give his city to
Biia he would do so, and go to serve the
king. (W. 178; B.O.D. 71.)
From these letters it seems that Addu-
daian was in the south of Judea. He names
Gezer and Rabbah. Tumurka is probablyTumrah, near Gaza; and Mankhatishum
seems from its lengthto be a compound
name, includingthat of the Wady Menakh,
near Gezer. Biia was formerlyan Egyptian
subject,as in letter 100, where he obeys
Maya, and letter 226.
(262)x to the king. Magdalim and Kuatsbat
are hostile; and Abbikha heads an in-surrection.
(W. 281 ; B.O.D. 73.)
This cityof Kuatsbat seems to be Cozeba
of the Hebrew, now Kueiziba, near Halhul.
134 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
This Magdalim must be a fortress,or tower,
in the Judean hills; but the name does not
seem to have survived like the Magdala in
the north.
(263) DAGANTAKALA to the king. Asks for
rescue from the Khabiri and the Shuti.
(W.216; B.O.D.47.)
(264) DAGANTAKALA to the king. Father
and grandfatherwere obedient,and D. will
listen and obey. (W. 215 ; S.B.A. xiii.327.)
This chief seems to have been in the
south Palestine land,as the name of the godDagon is used by him. Beth Dagon "
now Dajun" is six miles S.E. of Joppa,and Dagon was worshippedat Gaza and
Ashdod,
(265) NINUR to the king. Land has fallenaway
to the Khabiri, who have sent to Aialuna,and to Tsarkha
....two sons of Milkili
(W. 173.)
(266)[NINUR] to the king. Asks to be rescued
from the Khabiri. City of Tsapuna has
been captured. (W. 174.)
The latterletterisdoubtless from Ninur,as
in both she addresses the king as his hand-maid,
and writes in the same style.The district of this queen was evidently
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 135
in Judea,as she mames Milkili,and the attack
on Ayalon and Zorah, in the hills,half-wayfrom Jerusalem to the coast. The cityof
Tsapuna is therefore somewhere near there,
and Siffln,north of Ayalon, seems to corre-spond
to this. It is certain that these letters
must come late in the history,as the positionof the Khabiri correspondsto that of the
last of Abdkhiba's letters.
This last letter may belong to Galilee,but
cannot be safelyplaced.
(267)x to king. Brother of x has rebelled in
Tubikhi, and gone to besiegecities
lands of Amurri garrisonsall gone
towns belong to Khabiri. Asks
for helpto retake Tubikhi. (W. 127.)
40. In taking a generalview of these
letters,and the historythat they show, we
may notice some broad conclusions. The
graduallyshiftingof the peoplesdown Syriasouthward is regularand clear. In the early
part of these letters the Khita, Hittites,arein the far north,and only one or two princeshave established themselves southward. The
Hittite prince who went farthest south at
that time was that on the mountains of Igaid(letter1) in the Lebanon; having come
136 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
from the mountainous north it was natural
that he should not do like other Syriansandsettle in the fertilelctorplains,but rather on
the colder mountain range. Then later the
Khatti in generalcame south with Aziri,and
plunderedon the coast around Gubla (letter152). After this age, about 1375 b.c, the
Khatti advanced so that their chief citywas
Qedesh by Lake Horns, and Ramessu II.
onlyobtained a frontier justbeyond Beyrutby his fightingwith them.
The Amurri, Amar, or Amorites show a
similar and more complete shiftingsouth-ward.
Originallyfrom the references here
we glean that Amurri or Martu was the
main part of the Orontes valley. Then in
the time of Ramessu II. theyappear side byside with the Khita at Qedesh. Later,the
war of Ramessu III.,which was mainly in
southern Syria,found the Amar throughoutthat region. Lastly,when the Hebrews
came in they found the " five kings of the
Amorites" in Judea from Jerusalemdown
to Hebron and Eglon in the south. Here
there is a continuous advance, and this is of
value as bearingon the date of the Hebrew
invasion. Had it been anywhere before
Ramessu II. we ought not to find Amorites
138 THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR
established me over my father's territory."At firstsightthis would seem to be merely
a statement of his beingthe king'snominee.
But the writer of the Epistleto the Hebrews
had some document containinga similar
statement about another king of Jerusalem,Melkizedek, being "without father,without
mother, without genealogy."(Heb. vii. 3.)Such cannot be a coincidence when it con-cerns
two kings of the same city,and is a
phrase never known elsewhere. We must
recognizein it a formula familiar at Jerusa-lem,and so quotedby Abdkhiba in referring
his elevation to the king. It is the formula
of an elective rule distinctly,and shows that
the main cityof south Palestine for several
centuries was familiar with elected chiefs.
(5)Municipal government This occurs
in three cities. Irqataaddresses a letter
from "Irqataand its elders" (letter159).
Dunip also addresses the king as "The
inhabitants of Dunip" (letter1 70). And in
the absence of Ribaddi, Gubla managed its
own affairs and wrote from "The peoplewho are occupying(?)Gubla" (letter193).With these we may compare the deputationfrom "the elders and allthe inhabitants"
THE SOUTH SYRIAN WAR 139
of Gibeon. (Josh.ix. 11.) It is clear that
though government by chiefs was the more
usual,yet municipalitiesexisted under the
Egyptian rule,much as they did in Asia
Minor and other countries under Roman
rule.
42. BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINES OF
PRINCIPAL PERSONS
Abdashirta (B),Abdashirta's sons (S),and Aziri (Z),
all linked together.
Z attacked Qatna and threatened Nukhashi.
1 1 1
Z troops used by Arzawaya to take Shaddu.
116
B makes obeisance. . . 127
Z sends slaves as messengers . ,
.128
Z reports peace to Dudu. . .130
Z reports overtures to him from Nukhashi.
131
B attacks Ribaddi. . .
140, 142
B sends tribute..... 143
B dictates terms..... 144
B ordered by king. . ,
147
Z refuses to leave, as Khatti are in Nukhashi
148, 149, 150
B attacks Ribaddi.
151, 154, 186, 202, 216
152
155
162
" 157
.158
.
161
161, 165
.
162
.164
Z ties up Ribaddi's trade
Ribaddi desires to attack Z, S
S ally with Mitani, Kash, and Khita
B allies with Yapa-addi and Zimrida
S descend into Amurri.
Z takes Ribaddi's men and ships
Z allied with Yapa-addi.
Bumabula holds Ullaza to Shigata
B attacks Tsumura
m"
156,
BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINES 141
Ships needed to attack B
S allywith Arwada
Z attacks Gubla.
S resist EgyptiansZ took Ni and threatens TunipZ has nearlyall the coast
B allieswith Mitani,Kash, and Khabiri
B takes Shigata,Ambi, and Tsumura
Z has not rebuilt Tsumura
S delivered men to Suri"
Z leaguedwith Zimrida.
Z attacks Namiawaza.
Z and S attack Abimilki
Z leaguedwith Ammiya, Ardata, and Ni
Z smites Irqata,Tsumur, and Ullaza
Z excuses to kingZ attacked by Nukhashi and betrayed
Khatib.
B excuses to king,will yieldTsumurAmurri rebels againstB
B ordered insurrection in AmmiyaZ leaguedwith Khabiri
.
B took all but Gubla and Biruna
B writes to Bit Ninib
S burn the cities.
Z has raided all the land
S Gubla betrayedto,by Rabimur
Z obtains Gubla. .
B takes Biruta.
Abdkhiba accused of revolt.
(of attacked by Milkili
Urusalim) at Urusalim
. 165
. 165
167,168
. 169
. 170
171, 188
. 172
172, 188
. 173
" 175
177, 178
. 178
. 184*
.187
.188
. 191
by. 191
" 192
195, 209
195, 203
. 199
202,211
. 203
. 205
205, 210
.208
.220
221, 222
. 227
. 232
" 233
142 BIOGRAPHICAL QUTLINES
Abdkhiba sends 41 slaves... . 234
attacks Shuwardata. .251
caravans robbed. . -254
asks for Yankhamu. .255
lost all but Urusalim. . 256
Amanappa demands sheep from Ribaddi. 132
(commis- named by Ribaddi. 134, 207
sioner) asked to deliver Ribaddi. . 142
complainedto by Ribaddi 165,225in Tsumura
. . . 169
appealed to by Ribaddi 195,
203, 206, 209,(215),225ITAKAMA attacked Amki 107, 108, 109, 188
(of Kinza againstAkizzi . . .113
and Qedesh) appealsto king . . .114
takes Gizza. .
.116
(?)allied with Amurra. . 147
took Qedesh . . .178
named by Rabimur.
.188
Khai sent to Burnaburyash ..21
Khaya goes to Mutzu. .
"' 41
Khaya hostile to Abdashirta. . 144
Khai addressed by Aziru. . 149
Khaya ordered by king to Tsumur.
166
Khaib desired by Ribaddi to take
message . . 167,169
Khayapa addressed by Ribaddi. 196,197
Khaib yieldedup Tsumura. . 199
Khaya sends garrisonto Urusalim. 233
(The above are all variants of the name of one
commissioner.)
BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINES 143
Lapaya escorts caravans (?) . , 40
named. " 232
Abdkhiba desires to save L.. 233
attacked and complains . . 239
excuses attack on Gazri" . 240
named with Tagi . . . 241
sons joinKhabiri . . . 243
againstBiridiya . . . 244
taken out of Megiddo and letgo 246
dead. . . . 241
sons joinedMilkili as enemies. 254, 255
sons defiant with Milkili. . 257
Milkili sends tribute. 83
writes to king . .82,84
pervertsking'scities . . 227
and Shuwardata attacked.
228
strippedby Yankhamu. . 229
attacks Abdkhiba.. . 232
joinsTagi . . 248,233, 255
allies with Lapaya, 240, 254, 255, 257
joinsShuwardata . . . 256
sons named. . . 265
Namyawaza attacks land of Itakama,(i09?),114
(holding reports to king with Khabiri
Kumidi) and Suti. . .115
fled to Damascus from Biri-
dashyi . . ..116
asks that Biridashyibe punished 1 17
Zatatna ordered to deliver B.
to N.. . .
122
attacked by Itakama and Aziri 178
144 BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINES
Namyawaza named by Ribaddi .212
asked for by Adduasharidu. 257
PUKHARI appealedto by Itakama" .114
Bikhura king asked to send B. to
Amurri.. 155
"holds Kumidi
. . (156)199200
"
Pakhura
Pauru
Puru
of Kumidi attacks Ribaddi
same. . . .
201
named. . . 241
saves Urusalim. . .254
went to Khazati. . .255
(The above all act as Egyptian commissioner,
and seem to be probablyall variants of one name.)
Ribaddi
(notin Tsu-
mura)
(inGubla)
ordered to supplysheep . . 132
named. . .133, 147-8
shipsseized by Yapa-addi "1 34
will defend city . . . 139
defends againstAbdashirta . 140
surrounded by Khabiri. . 141
ordered to send shipsto Yari-
muta. . . 142
(?)asked Abdashirta to helphim
. . . 147attacked by Abdashirta
. .151
stoppedby Aziru. .152
names Tsumuri and Martu. 153
names Tsumuri and Abdashirta 1 54
desires king to occupy Amurri 155
Tsumura in danger .156fears for Tsumura
" 157
146 BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINES
Khaib yieldedup Tsumura. 199
attacked by Bikhura.
206, 201
only has Gubla and Biruna }girlsand timber sold to Yari- V 202
muta. .
*
peoplesold to Yarimuta*
)
only Gubla and two cities leftJ 3
in 3rd year no corn, asks \ 204
for suppliesgiven before V to
to Tsumura.
/ 206
Gubla and Biruta onlyleft. 207
Rabimur tried to drive R. from
Gubla. .
208
asks for troops to Gubla and
Biruta. . . 209
all but Gubla lost..
.210
(inBiruta) trapped in Gubla R. flees to
Biruta. . . .
211
onlyBiruta left. .
.212
Rabimur (?)has taken Gubla. 214
familyrebel in Gubla.
.216
reportedby governor of Biruta 220
(inGubla) Biruta taken and Gubla will fall 221
Zidon and Biruta enemies.
222
Gubla onlyleft. . 223-4
enemy at gate of Gubla. . 225
YANKHAMU took Yabitiri to Egypt . .101
(commissioner)with Shipti-addi . , 56
.
informed that S. Galilee is lost 118
asked by Ribaddi to occupy
Amurri,. . 155
BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINES 147
Yankhamu asked to bringtroops . .156
ought to give corn . .157
named by Ribaddi, 165, 169,
174, 190, 222
reproached for neglectingTsu
mura. "
named by Gublites
gone to Egypt
can order corn for Ribaddi
to be spoken to by Amanappato be asked of by the kingto come, or all will be lost in
South*
took away a garrisonto be asked of by the kingtook 3000 talents from Milkili
knows Shuwardata's troubles
asked for by Abdkhiba.
Yapa-ADDI blamed by Ribaddi
will explainRibaddi's affairs
fightsRibaddi
named
agrees with Abdashirta
" "Aziru.
took money
Zimrida N. gov. of Tsiduna.
in Tsumura(?)
gov. of Tsiduna.
gone over to Abdashirta, 168,
157, 158,174
gets news from Aziri. .177
171
193
199
204
206
214
226
227
228
229
230
255
134
139
155, 156,165
158
157
161
204
145
146
745
148 BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINES
Zimrida N. shuts up Abimilki in Tyre,178 (179)
fightsAbimilki . .181, 182
takes Uzu.. ,
.184
Zimrida S. obedient in Lachish. . 98
conspiredagainstin Lachish, 234
demands service of Abishia-
rami....
235?
43. INDEX OF PERSONS
The star shows a change of allegiancefrom Egypt to Syria.
Aaddu, no,*
Abanappa,*/. Amanappa
Abbikha, * 262
Abdaddi, 133,*
Abdashirta, p. Biog. out- Akhunimilki, * 184.
line
Abdirama, 200,*
Abdkhiba, v. Biog. out-line
Abdmilki, 85, 200,*
Abdna. . .
102,*
Abd Ninip, 164,*
Abdtirshi,70,*
Abdurash, no,*
Abi..., 235,*
Abimilki, 177 to 185
Abishiarami, 235
Adaia, * 254
Addadan, 240,*
Adduasharidu, 257,*
Addudayan, 258, 259,
260,
Addumikhir, 78, 79, 233,
"246
Addu.. . .ya, no,*
Aduna, 188, 189,*
Akia, 40, *
Akhithabu, 124,*
Akizzi, in, 112, 113,
123,
Amanappa, v. Biog. out-line
Amankhatbi, *252, 253
Amanma, 161,*
Amayashi, 53,*
Amunira, (?82),186, 208,
216, 217, 218, (219),
220,*
Amuraddi, no,*
Anati, 1 10,*
Ara" . . .,
198, *
Artamanya, 69, *
Artashumra, 4,*
Artatama, n,*
ArTishub, *n
Artsawiya (in N.), 75,
76,* 112, 116
149
GQOgle
ISO INDEX OF PERSONS
Arzaya (inS.\77, 160,*
255
Asali,*u
Ashur-nadin-akhi,35, *
Ashur-uballith,35,*Asshutimi (omitted by
W. ; B. 27)
Ayab^"u8Aziri,v. Biog.outline
Babikha, 159,*
Baduza, 55,
Baiaya, ioo" 226,* 260,
261
Balummi, *I24,*
Batti-ilu,1 10, 191,*
Bawanamash, * 1 17
Benana, no,*
Benazi, 133,*
Benili,no,*
Benzidki,no,*
Bidinaza, 123
Biia,v. Baiaya
Bikhura, 1 14, 199, *
Bilgarib,252,*Bilram
. . . ., 30,*
Bininima, 118,*Birl
. " . .,108,*
Biriamaza, *22
Biridashya,(108),*"6,
117,(122?)
Biridiya,242 to 247,*Bishitanu,160,*
Biwari, 193, 194,*
Bubri, 10, n,*
Bukhiya,164,*Bumabula, * 162
Buribita,167,*
Burnaburyash,18,19,20,
21,22,23, 124,*
Dagantakala,263,264,*Dasha, *U2
Dashirti,* 147
Dashru, 47, 48,*
Diyati,89,*Dudu, 130, 131, 148,*
Dummuya, * 240
Dushratta,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,*
Gesdinna,49,*
Gilukhipa,4, *
Gilya,4, 5. 6,9" "* 12,*
Gulati,*26o,261
Ildaya,107,*Ilkha....,138,*
Ilumilki,A, 178*; B,
227
Inbauta,103,*
Iribaiasha,141,*
INDEX OF PERSONS 151
Irshappa,1,*Itakama, v. Biog. out-line
Itilluna,30,*
Kallimasin,13, 14, (15?),16, 17,*
Karaindash, 19,*Kasi, 14,*
Kaya. "".,259,*Khabi, * 184
Khai, Khaiapa, Khay,Khaib, v. Biog. out-line
Khamashi, 11, 12,21/
Khamashni, 198,*Khamuniri, v. Amunira
Khani. 7,64,147, 191,*Kharamashi, 6,
Khatib, 148, 149, 150,*
iS5i 191
Khiziri,99,*KhuaA, 21,*
Kidinramman, 23,*
Kunia, 30,*
Kurigalzu,20, 21,*
Kuzuna, 126,*
.Lapaya, v. Biog. out-line
Liya,* 147
Lupakku, *iIO
Maia, 97, 99, 100, 160,*260
Malia, *
147
Mani, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11,
12, 144,#
Mazipalali,11,*Mikhuni, 2i,#
Milkili,v. Biog.outline
Milkuru, 157,204
Mutaddi, 118
Mutshi ? (/em.),157,204Mutzu
.... 41
Namyawaza v. Biog.outline
Natanaddu, 200,
Nimmakhi, *147
Ninur (fern.),265,266. *
Nizag, 11,*
Nurtuya .... ma, 176,*
Pakhamnata, 163,* 192,
193
Pakhura, v. Biog. out-line
Paluia,*I50,*
Paluma, *147
Pamakhu,*22
Pashtummi, 30,*
Pauru, v. Pakhura
Paya . . . ., 199
Perizzi,10, 11, 12,*
152 INDEX OF PERSONS
Pirkhi,*4
Puaddi,72,73,74,*Ramman-nirari, 36,*
Rabimur, 187, 188, *
(215),(220)
Rianapa,72, 96,260,#
Ribaddi, v. Biog. out-line
Riqa,i3,*Rusmania, 45, *
Shaba. . . ., 51, *
Shabi-ilu,160,*
Shakhshikhashikha,73Sharatu, v. Zurata
Sharru, #
147
Shatiya,68,*
Shindishugab,19,*Shiptiaddi,56, 57**235Shipturi,42, *
Shubandi, 63 to 67,
136,*
Shumadda, * 124,* 125,
126
Shumukha.. . ., 52,*
Shuta, 16, 122, 234,*Shutarna (king),5, 11,
*
Shutarna (governor),37,38,*
Shutatna, v. Zatatna
Shuwardata,86,87,228,
230, 248 to 251, #
256
Subayadi,137,*Surashar,50, *
Surata, v. Zurata
[Su]warzana,252, *
Tadua, 118,*
Tadukhipa,8,9, 10, n,#
Tagi,80, 81, 231,* 232,
233, 241, 255
Takhmaini, 81,*
Takua, 36
Tarkhumdaraush, 1,*Tashu ....,* 213
Tiuwati,*112
Tsalma, 21, 22,*
Tunip-ipri,4, *
Turbazu, 234,*
Turbikhaza, 165,*
Tuya, *147
Ushbarra,30, *
Yab....,52,259,*Yabaia, 160
Yabitiri,101,*
Yabni-ilu,97, *
Yadiaddu, 170,*Yakhzibaia,104, 105,
*
Yama, 135,*
44. INDEX OF PLACES
Abitu, 1 1 6,*
Aduri,* 118
Akhlamu, 39
Akka, 119 to 122,*
124,"
Alashya, 26 to 34, i6if*
Ambi,* 162, 171, 172,
196, 197
Amki,* 107, 108, 109,
no, 118
Amraia,* 112, 187, 188,
195,202,203,221
Amurra, in, 128, 129,
130, 142, 144,* 147,
149, 153, 155, I58"*
161, 192, 195, 204,
206, 214,326,267
Aram,* 118
Ardata,* 162, 187, 188,
189
Arsapi; (omitted by W.;
B. 10)
Arwada, 144,* 165, 184
Ashtarti,* 116, 118
Asqaluna, 90, 94, 95,"
254
Asshur, 35,*
Asshuraiu, 20,*
Ayaluna,* 254,265
Azzati, 101,*
Bikhish!,* 118
Biruna, Biruta, 144, 151,
161, 186, 202, 207, 209,
211,212,217,219,220,
*221, 222, 224, 225
Bit-arti, 157,*
Bit-Ninib N., 203 ;* S.,
256
Bit-tiri,*197
Bur(qa?),*257
Buruzilim, 208,*
Buzruna,43,* 116
Danuna, 178, *
Dimashqa, 112, 1 16, *
Dubu, 61, *
Gadashuna, 106, *
m
INDEX OF PLACES 155
Gagaya, 13,*
Gar,* 118
Gazri, 77, 237, 238,*
240, 254, 256,260
Gimti,* 256
Gina, 257, *
Ginti-kirmil,* 233, 234
Giti-rimuna,* 257
Gizza,* 116
Gubbu, 61,*
Gubla, 147, 152, 156,
158,161,163,164,167,l68,171, 186,187,188,
189,193,194,199,202,
203, 204, 207, 208,209,
210,211,214,215,216,
220, 221, 223, 224,*
225
Igaid,1, *
Ikhibni (omittedby W.;
B.27)
Inishatsi(ri),60, *
Irqata,158, 159, 160,*
188,189
Karduniyash, 13, 39,
Kashi, 156, 162, 172,
193,* 214, 234, 254
Khabi... 253,*
Khabiri. .
in north,1 14,
115," 116, 134, 136,
138,140,141,142,145,
155, I57"i63,166,172"
175,183,189,195,196,
199,202,203,204,207,
221, 222, 223, 224, 225,
226; in south,227, 228,
233,234,237,238,240,
243,245,252,253,254,
256,263,265,266,267Khalunni,* 116
Khanigalbat,6, II, 13,
35. 4i"
Kharabu,*257
Khashabu, 108,
Khasugari (omittedbyW.; B. 10)
Khatat,* 170
Khatti, 1, 2, 3," 4, 33,
36,107, 108, 109,110,
111,112,148,149,150,
152,156,178,188,191,
212, 213
Khawini,*u8
Khazati,233, 255, *
Khazi, 107, 137, 252,*
Khazura, 70, 71, * 183
Khikubta, 164,*
Khinatuna,* 124,* 246
Khinianabi,"n8
Kinakhaiu, 20,*
156 INDEX OF PLACES
Kinakhi, 32, 40, 124,
147,* 169,178,183Kinanat, 112,*
Kinza,* 107, 108, 109,
"3
Kuatsbat, * 262
Kumidi, 116, 156, 198,
199,*(200,201),212
Lakisha, 97, 234,* 254
Lapana,* 112
Lukki,* 30
Magdali,*118,262,
(Egypt),122
Magidda, 122, 242, 244,
245,246,*
Makhzi...ti,*252
Mankhatishum, 260, *
Martu, v. Amurri
Mar ..".,* 270
Mati.,.,* 252
Mikhiza, 75,*
Milukha, 155, 166, 175*
Mishtu,* 118
Mitani (see 4 to 12),*156,162,169,172, 189,
206,213,224
Mu(ru?)khazi,* 137
Mushikhuna, 37, 38,
Nakhrima,* 189,
234 same
Narima,* 188
Nazima, 88, *
Ni, 112,* 170, 187
Nina, 8, *
Nukhashi, 36, no, in,
112,131,148,149,150,
I73" I9i"*
Qanu,44,*Qatna, in, 112,*
Qideshu,114, *147, 17$
Qilti,233,* 250, 251,
256
Qutu,*i89
Rubuta,*255, 256,260
Rukhizi,* 112,213
Shaddu, 116,*
Shamkhuna,* 125
Shanira (omittedby W. ;
B.27)
Shankhar,*33Shanku,* 159Shaskhimi, 85,*Shaushbi (omitted by
W.; B" 27)
Shigata,*162, 171, 172,
196,203
INDEX OF PLACES 157
Shikhlali,*160
Shimigi(omittedby W,;
B.27)Shirdana,200, 201, 202 *
Shiri,*-"34Shuarbi)221,*Shuna
. . .,
*257
Shuti,3S,iiS,i3i,i38*
157,200,201,202,236,
263
Sigi....,*2S2
Suarti(?),157,*Subari, 169Sun, *
175
Takh. ...,* 247
Takhida,* 186
Tana (?Tashu)" 204
Taruna, 45, *
Tisa*..., 153
....tiashna,50, *
Tsapuna, 266, *
Tsarkha. . .,
* 265
Tsarqi,*118
Tsiduna, 144, 145, 147,
151,* 161, 177, 178,
179,183,184,204,222
Tsumura, 132, 146, 153,
154,155,156,157,1581
160,161,162,163,164,
165,166,167,168,169,
170, 171,* 172, 173,
174,175,179,184,186,
187,188,191,192,193,
195,196,197,204,215,
223
Tsurri,177, 179, 184,*
185
Tu....,253,*
Tubikhi,*267Tumurkha, * 260
Tunip, 149, 150, 170,*
191
Tushulti,*252
Ubi," H2, 114
Udumu,* 118
Ugarit,13, 63, 152, 171,
178,185,*
Ullaza, 155, *i62, 165,
188, 192
Urusalim, 233, 234, 254,
256,*
Ushtiru,*252Usu, 180, 183,*184
Wurza, 72, 74, *
Yabishi,*n8
Yabu, *86
Yada,* 162
Yaluna, v. Ayaluna
i58 INDEX OF PLACES
Yapu, 101, 261,*
Yarimuta, 142, 156,161,
163,166,189,202,203,
204, 205, 206, *
Yibuliya,*161
Yikhliya,*162
Yinuamma,* 116
Zalukhi, 152,*
Zikhra, 30,#
Zilu,234,*
Zinzar,112,*
Ziribashani,69,f
Zukhli,40, *
Zukhluti,215, *
45. IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
Italic names are modern Arabic forms.
JEi, often prefixed, is Khurbet, and shows an ancient
ruin to exist at the place.
Abitu occurs in a group of names which
must be considered together. The history
in the letter 116 is that Biridashya stirs up
Yanuh in the hinterland of Tyre, and then,
being afraid of Namyawaza coming down
from Kumidi by the Lit"ny, he boldly
struck across to the Hauran, brought up
forces of Bozrah, "c, and compelled N. to
retreat from Kumidi (on the Beyrut and
Damascus road) into Damascus, in order to
save that from the rebels. Then Aziru's
troops in Gish are brought up, either to the
bend of the Lit"ny, or on the Damascus
road, to Shaddu (not identified),to block
Namyawaza from reaching the Tyrian region.
Thus Gish was destroyed, and the territory
of Abitu will be taken. This points to
Abitu being S.W. of the line from Gish
"59
160 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
to Yanuh, and this agrees to Kh. Abdeh%
15 S. of Tyre,16 W. of Gish.
Aduri occurs in another group, 118.
The cities of the land of Gar are Udumu,
Aduri, Araru, Mishtu, Magdali,and Khini-
anabi. There is no generalindication of
known locality,but most of these names
are found west of the lake of Tiberias. The
land of Gar is named in "the going up to
Gur which is by Ibleam,"and which led to
Megiddo (2 Kings ix. 27); a phrasewhich
belongsto a whole region,like "the enteringin of Hamath." This "going up" must be
the valleyof Jezreel,and the land of Gar
therefore about Nazareth. Here are found
Udumu (Adamah Heb., Damieh, 5 S.W.
Tiberias),Aduri (Et Tireh, 14 W.S.W.
Tiberias),Araru (Ararah,8 S.W. Megiddo,the key to that cityin the Tahutmes war),Mishtu (Kh.Musktak, 14 W.N.W. Tiberias),Magdali(Magdala,Mejdel,3 N.W. Tiberias),and Khinianabi (or'Enanab, Winckler)maybe Hananieh (Ke/r 'Andn, 12 N.W.
Tiberias).After this it is said Tsarqi,Khawani, and Yabishi were captured. Ya-
bishi must be Yabesh Gilead (12 S.E.
Bethshean),Khawani agrees to Kh. Kdadn,
162 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
Nahr Sukat 3 miles S. of Gibleh. The
name of Ambi is not seen now, but by beinglinked with Shigatait is probablythe next
port, Baldeh, 4 miles S. There are but
a small number of ports along this coast,
and they leave, therefore,but little un-certainty
when an associated pointis alreadyknown. Yikhliya is probablyQletdt, 13
N.E. of Tripoli,and 5 N.E. of Ardata.
Amki has been connected with the 'Amk
plainby Antioch, but without any proof in
favour of this more than the many other
plainsor valleysgenericallycalled 'Amk
(ghamyq, deep, dark coloured),such as
'Ammlk (19 S.E. Beyrut),'Amtiqa (10 N.
Capernaum),'Amqa (8 N.E. Akka), Nahr
Ghamkeh (by Ruad), "c. The references
to Amki are mainly about an attempt byBiridashya(?)of Khashabu and IldayaofKhazi to seize cities there,and their repulseby Itakama, princeof Kinza, and the Khatti
(107-9,188); Akizzi of Qatna refers to
Itakama as hostile in the land of Ubi ;
Damascus is in Ubi, and appealsfor helpas
Qatna does. And Nukhashi, Ni, Zinzar,and Kinanat are faithful(112). The regionof Biridashyawas in north Galilee, as
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 163
noticed under Abitu, his activities lyingwest to Yinuama, and east to Ashtarti.
Here there is not a singlereference to any
coast town ; evidentlythe whole group is
in the Orontes- Jordanvalley. Damascus is
the fixed point; Ubi (Egn.Aup?) must be
the Damascus plain. In the region of
Biridashyawe must fix Khashabu as the
H6shaba valleyof Banias, the capitalbeing
probably Banias. The other allied capital,Khazi, must be near; and a key of the
country is Kh. 'Azziyeh(9W.N.W. Banias),between the bend of the LitAny and the
source of Jordan,one of the most important
strategicpoints. The onlygreat plainthat
these would command would be the Bukeiah
up the Li tiny, where 'Ammik stands (19S.E. Beyrut). Itakama held Kinza himself,
and Gidshi (a Qedesh) had belongedto his
father (cviii.).For him to repelthis north-ward
movement he must have been to the
north of \Ammtk; his Qedesh then must
be that of Lake Horns, and cannot be that
by Lake Huleh. His Kinza is probablylost to sightin one of the many Kneseh
(church)names in the Baalbek region.There are three placesthat might be Qatna,
Tell Kateineh (by Lake Horns),Qatana
164 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
(14W. Damascus),Kh. Kataneh (5 E.N.E.
Safed). The first would be in Itakama's
power, and too far from Damascus for
Akizzi; the last would have no relation to
Nukhashi, Ni, and Zinzar, with Itakama
cuttingcommunications at Qedesh. Hence
the Qatana by Damascus must be the seat
of Akizzi. Lapuna, which joined Itakama
in attackingQatna, is probablyHalbtin (13N.N.W. Damascus). This completesthis
group of associated names.
Ammia. This country cut off Ubi (112),and was therefore somewhere west of it
Aziru seized Ammia, Ardata, and Ni, also
Irqata and Tsumura (187-8, 195), and
the men of Ammiya were stirred to slaytheir lord (203). The regionthus indicated
would be the upper part of the Orontes
valley,and might thus be connected with
the land of Hamath, or Hamah.
Amurra is probablythe middle and lower
parts of the Orontes, on lookingto all the
connections ; but it certainlycovered a wide
region.
Araru, see Aduri.
Ardata, known as Orthosia, Artk"si
(9 N.E. Tripoli).
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 165
Arsapi, probablyReseph.
Arwada known as Arvad, Aradus (Gr.),Ruad.
Ashtarti joinedwith Bozrah and Golan ;
evidentlyAshteroth (29 E. Tiberias).
Asqaluna, known as Ashkelon.
Asshur, Assyria.
Ayaluna, known as Ajalon.
Azzati, or Khazati, is probablyGaza, as
it was with Yafa guarded by Yabitiri.
Possibly,however, Ashdod might be con-sidered.
Biduna is quiteunknown*
Bikhishi. Only in letter 118, which was
written from some place in touch with
Nazareth and Jordan region,but quitesafe,
probablyAkka. Bikhishi should be near
there and open to the Egyptians; possiblyEl Bahjeh, 2 N.E. of Akka, rememberingthe confusion of j and sh which exists.
Biruna, Biruta, is well known as Beyrut
now.
Bitarti, unknown, probably between
Tsumura and Gubla.
166 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
Bit Ninib. (i)Near Gubla (203),afterTsumura was lost; unknown. (2) Near
Qilti(Keilah),toward Jerusalem(256); un-known.
Bit-tiri. Occupiedby Khaiapa in retreat
from Tsumura (?); probablyKh. et Tireh on
foot of hills7 S.E. of Akka.
Bur[qa]. Perhaps Bene-beraq,5 E. of
Joppa, as the other names with it in 257
agree with this region.
Burzilim, near Gubla ; unknown.
Buzruna, certainlyBozrah by the con-nection.
Danuna, certainlyDanyaan Heb., Kh*
Ddnidn now, on the headland of Ras en
Nakurah at the Tyrian Steps. It is named
by Abimilki of Tyre, at a time when he was
besieged; it isvisible,as the headland to the
south,from Tyre.
Dimashqa, also written Timashgi, is
Tamesqu of the Egyptians,Ditnishq,Da-mascus.
Dubu, quiteunknown, may read Gubbu.
Gadashuna has been connected with
Kitsuna of the Upper Ruten list of Ta-
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 167
hutmes III. This latter is Tell Keisan,
6 S.E. of Akka, as fixed by connection
with other names,
Gagaya is connected to Khanigalbat(farN. Syria)and Ugarit(Orontesmouth).
Gar, see Aduri.
Gazri, Gezer, 20 S.E. of Joppa.
Gimti is probably distinct from Ginti-
kirmil; in 233 Ginti is destroyed,in 256Gimti is part of the enemies' forces ; Ginti,
moreover, is qualifiedby Kirmil when it
occurs. Gimti is joined with Gezer and
Keilah in attacks on the land of Jerusalem,and is probablyin the same regionas those
places.This answers well to Gimzo, Heb.
Jimzu, 16 S.E. of Joppa, nearlyhalf-wayto
Jerusalem.
Gina, in south Palestine,probablyJaniak,7 W. of Bethel.
Ginti-kirmil. As this name merelymeans
" the gardens of the vineyard,"likethe " gardens,"Nos. 44, 63, 70, and 93 in
Tahutmes III. list [Historyii.),it cannot
be certainlyidentified. From the geographyit cannot have anythingto do with Mount
Carmel, as has been absurdlysupposed. Its
168 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
placewas somewhere in the approachesto
Jerusalem,and west of a "land of Shiri"
(234). Some presumption may exist for
seeingin this Ginti,En Gannim Heb., "the
gardens/'now Kh. Umm Jina (16 W.
Jerusalem); the kirmil, " vineyard/'is cer-tainly
a pre- Hebrew form, as it appears as
a loan in Egyptian,Qiratna, a vineyard,and the form with terminal / appears in
S. Palestine as Carmel, Kurmul (7 S.
Hebron). That Gannim should have the
adjectivekirmil is most probable,as it is
in the vale of Sorek, " of the choice vine."
The connection with the land of Shiri,which
would lie on the Jerusalemside of it,pointsto Shaaraim, Kh. es Saireh, 4 E. of it
Letter 234 then would say from Jerusalemthat the hills of Shaaraim (12 W. of Jeru-salem)
were lost as far as En Gannim in
the valleyof the vine,4 miles further out.
Giti-rimuna occurs in .257 with placesnear Joppa, agreeingwith Gath-rimmon of
Jos.xix. 45.
Gizza was ravagedby Itakama, who came
down the Litanyvalley(seeAmki),and was
near Abdeh, 15 S. Tyre (seeAbitu); it was
a fortress occupiedby Aziru's troops. All
170 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
noted. Yerimoth, Heb., is impossible,as it
was inland But it isobvious that Yerimoth,
Arimathea, Ramoth, Ramah, are all the
same name, "the high place,"and we must
expect to find many such place-names.There is no name like this alongthe coast
near the southern Jebail;yet it is certain,from the continual sale of timber and slaves
from Gubla, that Yarimuta must have been
an important port near Gubla. But on
turningto the northern Jiblehwe see that
the next port to that is Laodicea, formerlyRamitha. Here then is a Ramoth or
Yerimoth exactlyin the requiredrelation
to Jibleh. Such a series of names on the
coast as Ramitha, Saukat, and El Usy, for
Yarimuta, Shigata,and Ullaza,all near the
northern Jiblehor Jebeleh,stamp that as
the true Gubla. There are constructions
and antiquities,and the harbour has several
piersof huge stones, some 1 1 feet in length(Baedecker),so the conditions for a former
cityand port are quitefulfilled.
Igaid is unknown. It occurs in the travels
of the Mohar in the order Kheta (Hittites),Aupa (Ubi,plainof Damascus),Khaduma
(-" a fortress"?),Ygatiy, Za. . . (Tyre?)
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 171
of king Sesisu (Sesostris- Ramessu II.),Khal
. ..or Khar
. . . ,Qedesh (by Lake
Merom),Tubakhi (Kh. et Tubukah, 14 E.
Nakura),the Shasu (orBedawin),Pamagar(Magoras,= Nahr Beyrut?). This pointsto its beingin the,north between Damascus
and Tyre of Ramessu II. The mountains
of Igaid are therefore Lebanon or Anti-
Lebanon ; and on the pass over the Lebanon
from Damascus to Beyrut is A in Yakut,
which may preserve the name.
Irqata,well known as Arkas (TellArqa),
14 E.N.E. Tripoli.
Karduniyash, the official name of the
Babyloniankingdom.
Kash is usuallysupposed to be the same
as the land of the Kassi or Babylonians.But in letters 162 and 172 it is linked with
Mitani as urgingon Aziri. In 193 and 214
men of Kashi are asked for to defend Gubla.
In 234 Naharain and Kash are both togetherwithin reach of Egyptian ships. In 254 the
Kashi fightnear Jerusalem. The Kashi
were then on the Mediterranean coast near
Mitani,and were auxiliarytroops of Egyp-tians.Babyloniais quiteimpossible,and we
are led to the Ugaritregionon Orontes as
172 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
most likely.There Mount Kasios looks
down on the Orontes mouth, and seems to
retain the name of Kash.
Khabiri. This name, which merelymeans44 confederates,"has been conjecturedto refer
to the Hebrews. But we find them first
invadingUbi (Damascus) and Ashteroth,
and in alliancewith Abdashirta. This pointsto their coming in about the middle of Syria,and not from the south, which seems to
have been the Hebrew way. It seems
quitepossiblethat Hebron was named after
them.
Khalunni is connected with Bozrah, in
the regionof Golan ; and though Khalunni
would normallyremain as Holan, yet as there
is some variation in what seem to be forms
of this name, Golan for the cityand region,and 'AllAn for the river traversingit,Khal-unni
may well represent the originalname,which has been modified to Golan and 'Allan
by laterpeoples.
Kharabu, named with placesnear Joppa,
may be El Khurab (u E. Joppa); but
perhaps it is only a generic name for a
ruin.
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 173
Khanigalbat is supposed to be the same
regionas Mitani, which is in Naharaina, or
northern Mesopotamia* It was certainlytheland of Dushratta's residence. (Seeletter11.)
Khashabu (seeAmki) isthe river Hdshaba,
the valleyof Banias, and very possiblyanearlier name of that town.
Khatat, a districtwhich seems to be not
far from Tsumura, yet itis named by peopleof Tunip. Possiblyitis the Lebanon region,connected with the districtEl Hadith near
the cedars.
Khatti are certainlythe Khita of the
Egyptians,or Hittites. They began to act
far in the north, and graduallypushedsouthwards.
Khawini is Kk. Kdddn, 6 S. Bethshean.
(SeeAduri.)
Khazati is Gaza.
Khazi is Kh. el 'Azziyeh(20 E. Tyre).(SeeAmki.)
Khazura occurs in 70, 71, but only has
any positionshown in 183, where news of
its defection is given from Tyre, with news
of Uzu (Hosah) and Zidon. It was thus
174 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
near Tyre,and doubtless Hazor, n S.E. of
Tyre.
Khikubta is named as beingobviouslythe
king's,and isprobablyHa-ka-ptah=Memphis.
Khinatuna was in the land of Kinakhi,
and messengers were on the way there from
Babyloniato Egypt,and were attacked from
Samkhuna (Merom) and Akka. It was
therefore east of the JordanoppositeMerom
(124).This agrees to Kenath, Heb., Kanatha,
now Kanawat.
Khinianabi, perhaps Hananieh, Kefr'An"n (12 N.W. Tiberias).(See Aduri.)
Kinanat isagreedto be the name Kanaan.
From Qatna by Damascus Akizzi reportsthat Nukhashi, Ni, Zinzar,and Kinanat are
faithful. The " lowland" indicated by this
Kinanat is probably,therefore,the head plainof the Orontes, which leads down to near
Shinsh"r% Zinzax.
Kinakhi included the Hauran, as Kanatha
was in it (124),and it sent to Mesopotamiato revolt (20). But it seems to have ex-tended
rightacross Syria,as Tyre refers
to an officer in Kinakhi (183),and answers
about Kinakhi by reportingabout Danuna
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 175
(178). It must, therefore,be a belt across
Galilee to the Hauran.
Kinza, probablyin the Baalbek regionnowlost in one of the Kneseh (church)names.(SeeAmki.) It certainlyis not Gizza, Gish
(ashas been stated),for the princeof Kinza
took Gish (116).
Kuatsbat was probablyin the south, and
seems to be Chozeba, Heb. Kh Kueiziba, 3
N.E. of Halhul.
Kumidi sent news of Bashan, Damascus,
and Galilee (116); but was hopelessafterthe fall of Tsumura (199). This pointsto
somewhere between Damascus and Tsumura,and agrees to Kamid el Lauz} 29 S.E.
Beyrut,31 W.N.W. Damascus, an excellent
positionto command the upper Litinybasin,and on the old Beyrut-Damascus road of
Tahutmes III.
Lakish was in the south,and is doubtless
Lachish.
Lapana was attackingQatna near Damas-cus;
probablyHelbon, 13 N.W. Damascus.
Lukki are a peoplewho professedalliance
with Cyprus, but attacked and plunderedthere,and were repudiatedby the Alashiyans.
176 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
This leaves no doubt that theyare the Luka
or Lykians who appear as sea-rovers in the
next two dynasties.
Magdali, in 118, is probablythe Migdol("tower ") of Magdala (3 N.W. Tiberias),(See Aduri.) In 262 it is a tower in the
south near Kuatsbat
Magidda is certainlyMegiddo; and bythe campaign of Tahutmes III. it is clear
that this is at Tell el Mutasellim, and not at
Kk. el Mujedda, though the latter was very
likelya colonyof Megiddo, as Umm Lakis
was a colonyof Lachish (Tellel Hesy).
Makhzi. . . ti, not identified; see
Ushtiru : perhapsthe same as Mikhiza.
Mankhatishum was in the south, not far
from Gezer (260). The Wady Menakh (7S. Gezer)seems to preserve the name.
Mikhiza was the cityof Arzawaya (75),evidentlyanother readingof Rukhizi (112).This is probably on the south side of
Hermon, as Arzawiya fought in UpperGalilee (116), attacked Namyawaza of
Kumidi when he went into Damascus (116),and was leaguedwith Itakama and Helbon
againstKatana.
178 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
up. Niy is linked with Senzaru, Zinzar of
these letters,Shinshar, 10 m. S. Horns {Hist.123). Elephantswere hunted in Niy (Hist.124); and this shows that there must have
been fertileplains.It is linked with Am-
miya and Ardata (letter187),and so mightbe possiblyNiha, 15 S.W. of Baalbek:
on the other hand it is referred to by the
men of Tunip (letter170),which pointsrather to Kefr Naya, 8 W.N.W. of Aleppo,and this would better fitthe week's march
of Amenhotep II. to Ugarit.
Nina, cityof Ishtar,is Nineveh.
Nukhashi. This is the name of an im-portant
country of N, Syria. It has been
strangelyconfused with Anaugasa of Tahut-
mes III. annals. (Hist,no, 117, 120.)
Anaugasa is connected with Zahi (Phoenicia),and in itsfirstmention is placedamong three
country palacesof the king of Megiddo,Yenuamu, Anaugasa, and Harnekaru.
These should be found near together,and
somewhere within the territoriesof Megiddo.Yenuamu appears to be Yanuh (7 E. Tyre),Yanu of the Amu or Syrians,for the latter
part of the name is spelledin some cases
exactlyas the Amu. Harnekaru seems
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 179
almost certainlythe Har or hill of Nekaru,
now JVakura, the great headland of the
Scala Tyriorum (12 m. S. Tyre), Nakura
and Yanuh and by streams, and Anaugasabetween them would probably be on the
intermediate stream of the Wady 'Ezziyeh.It is justpossiblethat Anaugasa has been
corruptedinto Medinet en Nahas (cityof
brass)on that stream. Anyhow this de-pendency,
or country palace,of the king of
Megiddo can have nothing to do with the
far northern kingdom of Nukhashi. Nuk-
hashi appears to have been between the
Orontes and Euphrates,from the various
mentions of it.
Qanu, from the princeof which a letter
remains (44),might be "the water of
Qina," by Megiddo of the Tahutmes cam-paign
{Hist ii. 107),or Qana, 8 S.E. of
Tyre, or Cana " Qanet el Jelil" 13 W.
Tiberias. There is nothing to prove the
position.
Qatna we have seen to be Qatana, 14
W.S.W. of Damascus. (SeeAmki.)
Qideshu was the patrimony of Itakama
(114),and probablyQedesh by Lake Horns.
i8o IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
Qidsha, of 147, seems to be probablythe
same Qedesh.
Qilti is usuallyrecognizedas Keilah, 8
N.W. of Hebron.
Qutu was near Ardata and Irqata,but is
now unknown.
Rubuta is a Rabbath or capital,and was
near Gezer (260)and not far from Gimzu
and Keilah (256).This pointsto Kk. Rubba
(4 N.N.W. Keilah),supposed to be Rabbah
of Josh.xv. 60.
Rukhizi, see Mikhiza.
Shaddu was near Gizza,Gish, and Abitu,
Abdeh; perhapsShatiyeh,6 S.E. of Tyre.
Shamkhuna was the cityof Shumaddu,
who leaguedwith Akku to attack Kanawat
in the Hauran. Between these two placesis Lake Merom, known as Semekhonitis in
Greek times, with the 'Ain es Semakk, 6
N.E. of the lake.
Shankhar was allied with the Khatti,in
relation to Alashiya.Probablythe EgyptianSenzar or Sangar. Whether it be the same
as Zinzar, Shinshar (11 S. Horns),or be
Sejar(13 N.W. Horns),is not clear.
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 181
Shanku, near Irqata; apparentlyShaqqaon the coast 10 S.W. of Tripoli.
Shaskhimi, cityof Abdimilki,notidentified
Shigata is Tell Saukat or Sukat, 3 m. S.
of Jebeleh,see Gubla.
Shikhlali would be found now most
likelyas Sihlali,and this might well be a
sahel or plainon the coast near Tsumura,with which it is mentioned.
Shirdana are named as Egyptian auxili-aries,
and are doubtless the Shardana, foreignauxiliaries so well known in the XlXth
Dynasty.
Shiri, Shaaraim, Heb. Kk. es Saireh (12W. Jerusalem),see Ginti Kirmil.
Shuarbi would be very important to
identify,as (216) it was "the gate to
Gubla," but it cannot be found on maps
either by Jebailor Jebeleh.
Shuna[ma ?],perhapsSelmek (3E. Joppa),as it was in that neighbourhood.
Suarti ? or Bitarti unidentified,probablybetween Tsumura and Gubla.
Subari, a land perhaps between Mitani
and the Hauran. Perhaps Seburra% 37 E.
Laodicea .(Baedecker).N 2
i82 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
Suri, a district not far from Tsumura;
possiblythe region Esh Skara, 15 E. of
Tsumura.
Suti, the Sati of the Egyptians,Bedawinof S.E. Syria.
Takh....
not far from Megiddo, very
possiblythe same as
Takhida, to which a messenger from Tsu-mura
to Egypt reached, but could not get
through; therefore on the Egyptian road.
The name is not now found.
Tana or Tashu not identified. PossiblyDenniyeh,district east of Tripolis.
Taruna has no localization. PossiblyToran, 10 W. Tiberias.
Timashgi, see Dimashqa, is undoubtedly
Tamesqu of Egyptians. Dimeshk, Dam-ascus.
Tsapuna was in the south, as Ayalon and
Zorah are mentioned by the ruler. The
name correspondsto Sifftn (9 E. of Ludd)of Baedecker, but the ExplorationSociety's
map givesthe name as Stiebtin.
Tsarkha, named with Ayalon from Tsa-puna,
isdoubtless Tsorah, Heb., now Tsur'ah,
6 S. Ayalon, 15 E. of Jerusalem,
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 183
Tsarkhi, probablya zerga or dark place,in the Jordanvalley,see Aduri.
Tsiduna is certainlyZidon.
Tsumur is certainlySimyra,now Sumra,
as all the indications agree. The refusal to
agree to this,because the Assyrianspelling,six centuries later,was Zimarra, is altogether
hypercritical,when we see the free variations
in renderingmany important names in both
cuneiform and Egyptian.
Tsurri is certainlyTsur, Tyre.
Tubikhi has no indication of locality,but
agrees in name with Debkhu of the list of
Tahutmes III. (No. 6 Upper Ruten) which
is either Et Tabghah on N.W. of Sea of
Galilee,or JebelTubakat, 7 N.W. of that.
Tumurkha was in the south,beingnamed
with Gezer and Rabbah and Mankhatishum
(Wady Menakh). It agrees thus well to
Tumrah (7 N.E. of Gaza); kh usually
softeningto h.
Tunip is generallyagreed with goodreason to be Tennib (18 N. of Aleppo). It
appears to have had the importance which
Aleppo has possessedin later times; this
may well be, as it was on the road from the
184 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
plainof Antioch to the rulingkingdom of
Mitani, while Aleppo was on the line to the
later centre of rule,Babylon,lower down the
Euphrates.
Tushulti attacked Khazi, Kh. eVAzziyeh
(20 E. Tyre). This makes it almost im-possible
to be Tasuret, of Tahutmes UpperRuten list No. 56, as that belongsto the
regionof Shechem, and is almost certainlyTeiasir, 11 N.E. of Shechem. No name
correspondswith this near el 'Azziyeh; but
there is a bare possibilitythat an inversion
might have occurred in the cuneiform, or in
subsequenthistory,and that Tallusek,5 S.W.
of el 'Azziyeh,might.bethe site.
Ubi, a district in which was Damascus,
evidentlythe plainof Damascus.
Udumu, Adameh, Heb. Damieht 5 S.W.
of Tiberias,see Aduri.
Ugarit, a district in the north of Syria,onthe coast (letter152 ; news obtained by sea,
letter 178),and far north, at the limits of
Egyptian claims (letter171). The onlyvaluable pieceof country on the coast north
of Gubla is the mouth of the Orontes, which
must have been of importance,and is not
186 IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
Yabishi is Yabesh Gilead, 12 S.E. Beth-
shean ; see Aduri.
Yada comes after Ambi, Shigata,and
Ullaza, but no modern name thereabouts
resembles it
Yapu is certainlyYafa or Joppa.
Yarimuta cannot be the Biblical Yeri-
moth, as that was inland; but Yerimoth,
Arimathea, Ramoth, and Ramah, are all
terms for a highplace,and may occur any-where.
The best indication,is that it was an
importantport of commerce, and close to
Gubla. The nearest port to Gabula is
Laodicea, and as this was a Ramoth, beingknown as Ramitha, it is pretty certainlyYarimuta ; see Gubla.
Yibuliya must be between Gubla, where
Ribadda was, and Tsumura, to which his man
was going when captured(letter161): no
such name is in the map.
Yikhliya is linked with Ullazd, Ardata,
Y.,Ambi, and Shigata;itis probablyQleiat,
5 N.E. of Ardata.
Yinuamma is the Egyptian Yenuamu, or
Yanoah, Heb. Yanuhy 7 E. Tyre, belongingto the Amu or Syrians.
IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES 187
Zalukhi was a coast land near Ugarit,notidentified.
Zikhra a cityof Alashiyaor Cyprus,ex-posed
to Lycianincursions.
Zilu was in the south,named next after
Ginti (En Gannim) ; it may well be Zelah,
Heb., N. of Jerusalem,but not identified.
Zinzar is named between Ni and Kinanat,
and can hardlybe other than Shinshar, 11
S. of Horns.
Ziribashani is the plainof Bashan.
Zukhli is named as a city of Egypt,where a messenger would find the king.This was probably a capitalcity,and in
lower Egypt. It can hardlybe other than
Memphis, the city of Ptah Sokar, now
Saqqara. The constant mutation of / and r
in Egyptian prevent any difficultyin this
identification.
PLYMOUTH :
WILLIAM BKBNDON AMD SON,
FBIXTUtS.