May 2002

A report based on researchby Dr. Ayala Fader andDr. Marl<Kligman

Written by Sara Moore LittWith an Afterwordby Rabbi Lawrence A. Hoffman

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Congregation B 'nai Jeshurunand Synagogue 2000 expressprofound gratitude to StevenSpielberg and the RighteousPersons Foundation for itsgenerous grant, without whichthis project would not havebeen possible. In particular,we would like to thankMarge Tabankin and RachelLevin who originally suggestedwe undertake this work.

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When Peck visited Marshall's congregation in Buenos Aires, she remembers being"blown away by the service, by the people's passion, and by what this man had accom­plished." Shortly thereafter, in 1985, Peck, with the help of JTS, persuaded Marshall tocome to BJ to revive the dying congregation. Marshall soon asked two of his formerstudents from Argentina to join him. In 1986,1. Rolando Matalon (Roly) became theassociate rabbi, followed by Ari Priven's becoming the HAZZAN in 1989..

Marshall (rabbis at BJ are typically called by their first names), an American, was acharismatic, controversial and noted rabbi and human rights activist in Argentina. Agraduate of the Jewish Theological Seminary (JTS) where he had been a disciple ofAbraham Joshua Heschel, Marshall and his family moved to Buenos Aires in 1959. Inhis 25 years in Argentina, Marshall founded a synagogue, Comunidad Bet EI, the SouthAmerican Camp Ramah, and the Seminario Rabinico Latinoamerico, the first and onlynon-Orthodox rabbinical seminary in Latin America.

It has not always been this way. BJ was originally founded in 1825, but, despite an illus­trious history, by 1985 it had become moribund. Fewer than 100members remained, andits 88th Street sanctuary was in danger of being sold at auction. Around that time,Judith Stern Peck, a prominent Jewish community leader who was active in theConservative movement, traveled to Buenos Aires and spent a weekend visiting RabbiMarshall T. Meyer

A number of members even report that they remain in their cramped New YorkCityapartments just so they do not have to move away from "their community."

BJjust changes your perception of what Judaism can be. It revitalizes and reenergizes it... it slike a living, breathing thing... it s not antiquated and in the books, it s about how does this thingrelate to my life today.

At a time when many Jews describe synagogues, if they even belong to one, as boring orirrelevant, an extraordinarily large number of BJ members report that BJ is central tohow they organize their lives and define their identities. In the words of one member:

Congregation B'nai Jeshurun (BJ), a synagogue on Manhattan's Upper West Side, isconsidered a phenomenon in the Jewish world, both because of its rapid and explosivegrowth and the level of regular involvement and intense commitment of so many of itsmembers. BJ's story has attracted serious attention in the Jewish community. It hasbeen the subject of numerous articles, book chapters and several documentaries in theJewish and secular media. Shabbat services at the synagogue have become an essentialstop on the global circuit of Jewish tourism.

Introduction

In the spring of 1999, BJ and Synagogue 2000, a transdenominational organization dedi­cated to synagogue renewal, began conversations about how they could work together togo beyond the more obvious and superficial explanations of BJ's success and begin toanswer some of these questions with depth and seriousness. They concluded that oneway to understand BJ was to examine its philosophies and everyday practices ethno­graphically, using a combination of participant observation and in-depth, informal inter­views. With the generous support of the Righteous Persons Foundation, BJ andSynagogue 2000 jointly engaged a cultural anthropologist, Dr. Ayala Fader, and an eth­nomusicologist, Dr. Mark Kligman, to conduct such a study. This report is based onnine months of collaborative fieldwork by Fader and Kligman undertaken betweenSeptember 2000 and May 2001.

Rabbis, cantors and lay leaders from synagogues and Jewish organizations all over theworld visit BJ to try to understand what is happening there and what they might learnthat could help revitalize their own communities. Whenever BJ's rabbis or lay leadersattend public Jewish events they inevitably are asked to explain the "BJ phenomenon," todescribe the elements that are its essence, and, increasingly, to help other synagoguesadapt the BJ approach to their own congregations.

Between Marshall's arrival in 1985 and 2001, BJ's membership grew from fewer than100 to close to 4,000 members. Its Friday evening services draw more than 2,000 wor­shippers. Between 700 and 1,200 people typically attend services on Shabbat morning,most of whom are "regulars." Membership is almost evenly divided between householdsof families and singles. Only slightly more than half of BJ's members live on the UpperWest Side. The rest come from all the neighborhoods of Manhattan, the other boroughsof New YorkCity, and even New Jersey and Connecticut.

Tragically, in 1993, at age 63, Marshall became ill and died. Roly served as sole rabbi ofthe congregation, with Ari as the HAZZAN, until 1995. That year, he, with the support ofthe board of trustees and the congregation, invited Marcelo Bronstein, another student ofMarshall's, and Roly's childhood friend and rabbinic colleague, to leave the congregationMarcelo had founded in Chile and join him at BJ as co-rabbi. In February 2001 FeliciaSol, a second year rabbinic fellow at BJ and its former youth director, was elected assis­tant rabbi, effective in July of that year. She would become the first woman to serve asa rabbi of BJ in its entire history. (Because this study was concluded before Feliciabegan her tenure, references to "BJ's rabbis" in this report are to Roly and Marcelo.)

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By transcending these barriers, BJ enables a wide spectrum of Jews from a variety ofbackgrounds to feel "at home," connected to the synagogue and each other by a searchfor a Judaism that is relevant to their lives. With this shared basis for community, socialdistinctions, while not erased, become less important, and the human infrastructure thatsupports community, deeply committed and hardworking members, emerges from peo­ple's desire to make BJ an increasing part of their lives.

These four core elements of BJ are especially powerful because they ignore distinctionsbetween categories in North American Jewish life that are very often perceived as mutu­ally exclusive, particularly: authenticity and innovation, responsibility and choice, tradi­tion and change, and democracy and authority.

• a rabbi-led institutional structure.

• an approach to Jewish practice in which existingmaterials are used and combined in a way that createssomething new and unexpected, and

• an expectation of an engaged, participatorymembership,

• the centrality of the experience of the divine,

In their research, Fader and Kligman identified fourcore elements that are essential to BJ's being this kindof synagogue for thousands of Jews. These core ele­ments are:

The rabbis' passionfor this visioninitially attractsmost congregantsto BJ, but a largepart of thecongregation hasadopted this visionas its own.

BJ is driven by a vision of Judaism that sees Jewish life as a continuous search for adeeper and closer connection to the divine through prayer, observance, study, acts of lov­ingkindness and social responsibility. This search, referred to as "going deeper" in BJparlance, is how Jews try to understand what is required of them as individuals, as acommunity, and as part of humanity. The rabbis' passion for this vision initially attractsmost congregants to BJ, but a large part of the congregation has adopted this vision asits own. They see themselves as partners in a search that the community undertakes, notonly with the rabbis but also with each other.

Overview

Hesche! says that it is afact that in certainplaces prayer is of consequence. The leaders, thecommunity, approachprayer as if it matters, not as a gimmick for Jewish continuity, notforsocial purposes, to bring kids within YlDDISHKAYT. Prayer as prayer matters. Ifprayer doesn'tmatter, then why are we doing this? Whyare we wasting our time if these words and theseprayers don't matter.

In the tradition of Heschel and their teacher, Marshall, BJ's rabbis passionately believein the significance of prayer. As Roly explained:

1 criedfor 1 don't know how many months. 1 kept going... therewas this sense of spirituality that 1felt - a sense of holes beingfilled up in my life. Even though 1 didn't know anyone sittingaround me...1 still felt like 1was part of something when I wasthere. It was an incrediblefeeling.

services: theywereprofoundlymoved, andthey cried.

Many members report a similar reaction to the first timesthey attended BJ services: they were profoundly moved,and they cried. One member's explanation is typical:

first times theyattended BJ

reaction to thereport a similarMany members

Prayer. Prayer has been the core of the BJ experience since Marshall revitalized thecongregation in 1985. In an early statement describing the "new BJ,"Marshall and Rolywrote: "B 'nai Jeshurun believes the central activity of a synagogue community is theliturgical expression of the congregation in prayer." This fundamental belief continues

to describe BJ. As Roly explained, "Prayer and celebrationare essential, they are what brings people into the commu­nity, a community that prays." For most members, Shabbatservices are significant, regular personal and communalevents, and in most cases, the prayer experience is whatmotivates members to become more fully involved in thelife of the congregation.

In Marcelo's words, "BJ is about the experience of the divine, not the idea of the divine."Because of this understanding, an approach to prayer and observance that focuses ontheir emotional and personal meaning is at the heart of the BJ experience. Study andsocial action are understood similarly. They are viewed as a crucial part of the searchfor God's presence in the world and God's demands upon congregants as individuals andas Jews.

I. The Centrality of the Experience of the Divine

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Such an atmosphere [of prayer} is not created by ceremonies, gimmicks or speeches, but by theexample of prayer, by a person whoprays. Youcreate the atmosphere not around you but withinyou. I am a congregant and I knowfrom personal experience how different the situation is whenthe rabbi is concerned with prayer instead of with how many people attend the service; the dif­ference in a service in which the rabbi comes prepared to respond to thirty centuries of Jewishexperience and one in which he comes to review the book of the month or the news of the day.

Instead of didactically instructing the congregation, the rabbis see themselves as "spiri­tual cables" who, through their own emotional involvement in prayer and their KAVANAH

(intention in prayer), model, inspire, and guide the prayer of the congregation. Rolyexplained the importance of rabbis genuinely praying with their congregations by refer­ring to a passage in Heschel's QUEST FORGOD:

a separate activityfrom prayer that is

literacy isimportant, but it is

Increasing Jewish This kind of transformative prayer is something BJ's rabbisbelieve must be first experienced emotionally and spiritual­ly, rather than understood intellectually and analytically.Consequently, even though many members have only limit­ed knowledge of Hebrew and many do not come fromobservant backgrounds, there is little instruction or step­by-step explanation of the liturgy at services. IncreasingJewish literacy is important, but it is a separate activityfrom prayer that is "of consequence." "Learning," Marcelo

"of consequence." explains, "is understood with your mind. Prayer is under-stood with your soul." Or, as Roly put it, "TEFILLAH is not

a class." Their goal is for congregants to be so moved by the experience of prayer thatthey will be inspired to study and take advantage of the panoply of educational opportu­nities offered by the synagogue.

Going deeper is more and more risky. Adventures, surprises, emotions, a desirefor transforma­tion - you don't know what it will unleash in you. Prayer is a transformative experience, so togo deeper intoprayer is to know that you allow yourself to be transformed, that your lifechanges. There is a growing awareness and consciousness of the divine in the world, what Godexpects of you .... In prayer, you gain that type of insight.

Prayer matters, in their view, because it opens up the possibility of a deeper connectionto God and, consequently, the possibility of personal transformation. Prayer enables oneto "go deeper" into one's self and one's search for God and the divine in the world. Thiskind of prayer is a profoundly emotional experience. Roly explained:

That BJ's rabbis are participating in a spiritual experience with the congregation and notskillfully orchestrating a performance sometimes surprises visitors who come to BJexpecting to observe techniques and learn tricks of the trade. After spending a Shabbatat BJ, one particularly curious guest met with Roly and Marcelo and asked them aboutBJ and their view of Jewish life. After their passionate exposition of their vision, thevisitor turned to Roly and Marcelo incredulously and said, "You really believe this stuff,don't you?"

You learnfirst, then you go deeper on your own, then you guide other people so they can comewith you. That s what we want to dofor people. Wewant to bring them along and help them godeeper until they can do it on their own.

really believe thisstuff, don't you? "

ly and said, "YouBJ:

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vision, the visitorexposition of theirAfter their passionate Less immediately evident, but even more critical, is the

rabbis' openness with the congregation about their ownongoing spiritual struggles and evolution. The experi­mentation and change that is a regular feature of BJservices is one way this is displayed. During the peri­od of this study alone, the seating arrangement of theFriday night services was changed several times, multi­

Marcelo incredulous- pie new melodies were added and taken away,a month­ly family service was added, and a monthly smallerFriday night service with no instrumentation was intro­duced. The rabbis made these changes in response totheir own need to prevent the prayer experience frombecoming a rote performance and to keep servicesfresh for themselves as well as the congregation. Byrefusing to settle on a successful formula for services,

Roly and Marcelo show the congregation that spirituality is something that must beworked at, even by rabbis. Roly used the metaphor of diving to describe how he andMarcelo understand their role:

The rabbis' own engagement in prayer is most obvious in the physical, at times ecstatic,worship that is part of most services. They are bodily and emotionally involved with theliturgy: the rabbis close their eyes often, they clap, they move to the music whilepounding out the beat on the BIMAH with their fists, and at times they lift their arms in aHasidic gesture of simultaneously raising the level of excitement and transporting thecongregation to a higher level. As Roly and Marcelo learned the significance and dramaof each moment of prayer from Marshall, their teacher, they now pass on his wisdom toyoung rabbis who train with them. Before one of BJ's rabbinic fellows was to lead hisfirst Kol Nidre service, Roly gave him some advice to ease his nervousness, "Just pray.If you pray, it doesn't matter what it sounds like."

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This tolerance for a range of HALAKHIC practices is part of what makes BJ so comfortablefor so many.While the rabbis encourage a greater adherence to what they term "tradi­tional practices," their refusal to judge others actually helps individual members increasetheir level of observance in a way that makes traditional practices become meaningful ineveryday life. Regardless of previous background, congregants have taken up the ideathat at BJ, despite different practices, almost everyone struggles with the meaning obser-

While the rabbis are respectful of the choices congregants make, what they demand ofthemselves and the congregation is a personalized and communal struggle with Jewishobservance as a way to connect with the divine and with the experience of the Jewishpeople across history and geography.They challenge the congregation by sharing theirown struggles, by providing knowledge and guidance, and, most importantly, by creatingan environment in which such engagement is expected.

Wedon't want to send the message that everybody has to observe Shabbat in exactly the sameway - checking each other out and judging one another. Wewishfor them tofreely explore andcreate a consensus. For example, when we do communal things we have a certain level ofKASHRUT ... at home, people will decidefor themselves. Wewant people to choose KASHRUT forthemselves, but we won't make themfeel like an outsiderfor choosing something different.

While the philosophy behind prayer and HALAKHA is similar, attitudes by both the rabbisand the congregation toward HALAKHA, when it involves the religious practice of individ­uals outside the synagogue, are more complex. What distinguishes the approach toHALAKHA at BJ is that, despite a serious commitment to struggling with Jewish traditionalpractice, there is an explicit tolerance of individual differences and choices. As BJ'srules regarding communal events in the synagogue show, the rabbis have clear HALAKHIC

standards. Marcelo noted, "Some people believe we think:everything is O.K.Everything isn't O.K." But, he went on to explain, there are two approaches to HALAKHA:

" ... one is oppressive, to control and dominate. The other way is to open an experiencethat challenges the soul and brings people closer to God and to each other. That's whatwe're trying to do." The rabbis require a certain level of observance for communalfunctions, and they encourage each congregant to find a higher and more meaningfullevel of individual observance. They are, however, explicitly non-judgmental regardingindividual observance outside the synagogue. Roly explained:

Halakha. Just as prayer is of consequence at BJ, so is HALAKHA, Jewish law and ritualpractice. As with prayer, the rabbis view HALAKHA as a way to bring oneself closer to thedivine and into a community. BJ's rabbis understand HALAKHA as a living, changing setof practices that require communal and individual consideration, experimentation anddecision-making.

The rabbis are modeling a way of being open to emotion and the environment; of looking intothe world and seeing religious meaning in everyday life. I've felt at certain points that every­thing in my life has some deeper meaning. I feel like they model that. They talk about mundanethings and give them spiritual importance - like looking into someone sface on the subway andthinking of that person as Gods creation.

The larger goal of observance, as articulated by the rabbis and taken to heart by thecongregation, is to go beyond the details of religious behaviorism and experience God indaily life. As one member commented:

soothe your mundaneworries and stress. Accepting that congregants have the liberty to choose

what works in their lives and what enhances theunderlying meaning of the tradition for them makes each step congregants take towardgreater observance feel like a positive step of enrichment. The idea that observancemust be, in the words of one member, "all or nothing in order to count or to be authen­tic" is explicitly rejected. Thus, one mother and father who were moving toward greaterobservance at home - for example, keeping kosher and choosing to have their childrensay a short prayer with them each morning - did not feel these practices were contra­dicted by the family not keeping kosher on a trip abroad.

vance.

put it, a 'jacuzzi" ora "bubble bath," the

community is not,as Roly and Marcelo

Prayer in a synagogue The diversity of HALAKHIC observance at BJ is oftenunified by conceptualizing HALAKHA using themetaphor of a ladder. The assumption among congre­gants is that everyone at BJ is slowly or quicklyascending the ladder. When asked about observancemost members interviewed were quite definitive thatthey had become more observant since they joinedBJ. Some, when probed about specific HALAKHIC

practices responded, "I don't do that yet," implyingpurpose of which is to the continuing and evolving nature of their obser-

Whenyou commit to becoming a member of BJ, you are saying you are in the same place asmost of these other people ... BJ says you can put a toe in the water, maybe an ankle. If youwant to go under,you can. But nobody is saying, 'Heyyou with the toe in the water,put yourwholefoot in.'

vance can have in their daily lives. Jewish observance among the many congregantsinterviewed was understood as a set of personal decisions made within the context of ashared experience. As one congregant remarked:

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The BJ experience is as much about looking outward as it is about looking inward.Teasing himself and Roly and the congregation, Marcelo joked at a new members meet­ing that BJ has "messianic ideas." When asked to elaborate, Roly, speaking tongue-in­cheek and seriously at the same time, explained:

The rabbis are saying this is about committing yourself todoing something. So the step to going and serving in BJ'ssoup kitchen and homeless shelter is not just about doing it.It is about transformingyourself.

well. As one congregant expressed it:looking outward asit is aboutlooking inward.

is as much aboutThe BJ experience

This framework collapses the boundaries between synagogue prayer and social action.Heschel's characterization of demonstrating in support of just causes as "praying withyour feet" is frequently cited by BJ's rabbis and congregants when organizing events

such as the AIDS Walk and protests against police bru­tality. Understanding social action as an inseparablepart of the search for the divine and for personal trans­formation extends to social welfare activities at BJ as

The rabbis explain that while they give a D'VAR TORAH during Shabbat morning services,they do not give a conventional sermon. Instead, they frequently remind the congrega­tion to read the KOL JESHURUN, BJ's weekly publication that outlines the extensive educa­tional, social, political and religious life of the community. Repeatedly, they explain tothe congregation that this conglomeration of opportunities to take action: to study,engage in social service and activism, assist members of the community in need andshare fellow members' celebrations and losses is "their sermon." It is what they want toteach about what people should do to live a Jewish life.

Social Responsibility and Study. It is not enough, BJ's rabbis tell the congregation, tocome and pray every Shabbat. Prayer in a synagogue community is not, as Roly andMarcelo put it, a "jacuzzi" or a "bubble bath," the purpose of which is to soothe yourmundane worries and stress. In their Shabbat morning teachings and in their choice ofguest speakers at the end of Shabbat services, the rabbis emphasize again and again thatfor prayer to be "of consequence" it must influence and transform one's life outside thesynagogue walls. While transformative prayer is at one level personal, it is about morethan the self. By opening oneself to prayer, the rabbis suggest that one becomes open toactually changing how one acts in the world. Personal fulfillment may be an outcome ofspiritual transformation, but it is not its objective.

Hebrew language instruction for children in BJ's congregational school is based on asimilar philosophy.The principal of the school, after discussion with the rabbis, decided

Even the more technical classes, like Hebrew language, have this focus. Many congre­gants after attending services for a while become motivated to learn Hebrew. The begin­ning and intermediate adult classes focus on making students feel comfortable with theHebrew words of the service, understanding its structure and beginning to understandthe meaning of the prayers. The purpose is to help students relate what they learn inHebrew class with the spiritual experiences they are having at services. One woman whohad studied Hebrew at BJ gave the example of learning to understand and read thephrase "KEHILLAH KEDOSHAH" (sacred community) in her Hebrew class. "Even as 1waslearning the words and the letters on an intellectual level," she said, "1was experiencingwhat they really meant by studying Hebrew in this way with a group of fellow BJ mem­bers."

Felicia gave the example of the Bat Torah program in which women who did not cele­brate their Bat Mitzvahs at twelve or thirteen prepare to read Torah in front of the con­gregation at Shabbat morning services. Some women, she said, begin their preparationthinking they will just be acquiring the Hebrew and chanting skills necessary for Torahreading. Soon they realize that their preparation is about that, but it is much more aboutwhat being a Jew means for their lives and what piece of Torah is inside them that theycan give back to the community.

Study at BJ also emanates from a search for the encounter with the divine and a desireto share in an experience of learning together that builds community. BJ offers numer­ous adult education classes, in addition to an impressive roster of visiting scholars whospend weekends teaching at BJ throughout the year. Courses range from introductoryclasses on synagogue skills and beginning Hebrew to classes discussing Shabbat, holi­days and life cycle events to more advanced courses in Talmud and Torah study. RabbiFelicia Sol, who was a rabbinic fellow at BJ at the time of this study and very involvedwith the adult learning program, explained that regardless of the level of the class or itssubject matter, all classes at BJ share a perspective that study in a synagogue setting isfundamentally different from study that occurs in a university or other institution of for­mal education. Synagogue study should not be purely an academic or abstract activity.

...we have a tall order, very big dreams that are very ambitious. Wewant to be a community thatgets deeper and deeper intoprayer; we want to engage as many people as possible in studyingTorahin a meaningful way. Wewant to save the world - from the inner city to the whales andeverything in between.... Weare not satisfied with being a little synagogue on the Upper WestSide that has a nice community of people who love being together, and that sit.

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KAVANAH as used at BJ also means that each person in the sanctuary has the responsibili­ty to make prayer meaningful and help create a sacred community. The rabbis modelKAVANAH in their own prayer, which helps create trust among the congregants that engag­ing in an openly emotional experience of prayer in this public setting is accepted andsafe. In the words of one member, "I feel comfortable praying with the rabbis. They arelike partners in prayer."

In Services. When the rabbis and the congregantscharacterize BJ services as "participatory," they arereferring to something more than people singing along.A phrase that those who regularly come to BJ quicklyabsorb is "praying with KAVANAH (intention)." The con­cept of KAVANAH conveys the necessity for personalengagement with prayer and the opportunity for trans­formation that the prayer service provides. As onemember explained, "I think of BJ style as KAVANAH. Itis a certain commitment, attention and presence ...."Another congregant suggested that nothing is done byrote. He said, "At BJ.. .ifwe're going to do it, we'regoing to make it real. We're going to feel it."

"participatory," theyare referring tosomething more thanpeople singing along.

services as

When the rabbisand the congregantscharacterize BJ

Being part of the BJ community is implicitly understood and explicitly described assomething in which members must actively participate with emotional engagement andpersonal commitment. This model of membership pervades services at BJ but extendsbeyond prayer to a more generalized sense of what it means to be a BJ member.

II. Expectation of an Engaged, Participatory Membership

The purpose of all study at BJ, Felicia explained, is that, like prayer and observance,study should "integrate the mind and the soul and challenge and touch both.""Knowledge alone," Felicia said, "is not what study at BJ is about. We have to translateour knowledge of laws and practice, text and history, into teachings about how we liveour lives."

not to focus the school's curriculum on conversational Hebrew. A supplementary schooleducation, they decided, should focus on teaching children how to participate comfort­ably in services and to create "an emotional connection to Hebrew as a beautiful lan­guage of prayer, different from any other language, KADOSH (holy)."

Another thing that actually helps people to sing and toparticipate ...is that we [he and the rab­bis] are three voices actually leading the service and we are alternating differentparts of theservice... Wealready have the beginning of a MlNYAN with the three of us and you just have tojoinus to make it complete. It would be much more difficult for one person to do it alone. The ener­gy would be much more difficult to create.

Having two or three service leaders also encourages participation. Typically, two rabbisfully participate with Ari in leading the parts of the service that are chanted or sung. Ariexplained:

not "present" orthe congregation is

sing." Occasionally,they even stop theservice if they feel

interrupt the servicewith the exhortationto, "Pray, don't

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Sometimes one ofthe rabbis will

The way services are conducted supports the kind ofengagement that the rabbis expect. Particularly impor­tant is the role of the HAZZAN.Ari sees his role as usinghis musical talents, technical expertise and intuitive feelfor prayer to help people pray and experience thesacred. To accomplish this, he does not stand in frontof the congregation and perform. Instead, he sits at thekeyboard, which is off to the side of the BIMAH,andplays while he sings, usually singing with both the con­gregation and the rabbis. Melodies are very rarely inthe traditional operatic, cantorial style. Rather,melodies are chosen which people can sing. Ari paysclose attention to the timing, tempo and texture of eachmelody and the transitions between them. For example,he may spontaneously change the tempo to increaseenergy or change the key to help people sing. "In gen­eral," he explains, "the choice of the key is crucial. For

emotionally involved. ex~ple, if I look around and see. pe~ple jumping anddancmg and I cannot hear them singing, that tells methe key is probably too low for most of them."

From the BIMAH,the rabbis explicitly encourage and even demand that congregants praywith KAVANAH.Sometimes one of the rabbis will interrupt the service with the exhorta­tion to, "Pray, don't sing." Occasionally, they even stop the service if they feel the con­gregation is not "present" or emotionally involved. For example, at the end of oneFriday night service Marcelo told the congregation, " ... we are pushing and pushingtonight but we don't feel the joy. We have to abandon ourselves to Shabbat." Marcelothen began a spirited NIGGUNto which the congregation began dancing spontaneously.He then danced among all the children who had been gathered on the BIMAHto make KID­

DUSH and the congregation soon joined the families dancing on the BIMAHwith renewedVIgor.

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At the meetings, members are told about the synagogue and encouraged to becomeinvolved in the congregation's extensive programs for study and social action.Committee members, staff and one of the rabbis or the HAZZAN repeatedly emphasize the

Once new members join, they are invited to a three-part orientation conceived of andrun by the membership committee, in conjunction with a staff membership director. Inthese meetings, new members are explicitly and implicitly taught what BJ membershipmeans. A small logistical detail of hosting the meetings symbolizes the message beinggiven. At the first two meetings dinner is provided, first at a member's home and then atthe synagogue. The final evening is potluck, with the new members each bringing adish. A veteran of the membership committee explained, "First we feed you, and then weall feed each other."

strain thisputs onthe congregation.

without joining,despite thefinancial

to come to servicesallowed but welcome

door policy wherepeople are not only

New members are integrated into the congregation in away that illustrates and reinforces BJ's concept of whatsynagogue membership means. BJ has a truly opendoor policy where people are not only allowed but wel­come to come to services without joining, despite thefinancial strain this puts on the congregation. Whileregular attendees are encouraged to become members,they are not made to feel uncomfortable. In addition toattending services regularly,many non-members takeclasses, volunteer in the homeless shelter and partici­pate in other synagogue activities while they are decid­ing whether to make the financial and emotional com­mitment to membership. Staff and lay leaders evenjoke that there should be a membership category called"non-member members." Because of this policy, BJ'snew members are, very often, familiar with the congre- .

gation, and their decision to become members represents a well thought out commit­ment. One woman who had been attending BJ for several years without joiningexplained that she finally became a member because she wanted "to give somethingback" to the community from which she had gained so much.

BJ has a truly open

Outside of Services. The ideal of synagogue membership that BJ's rabbis and lay lead­ers teach and model, formally and informally, is that membership at BJ outside of serv­ices should mirror the kind of engaged, passionate personal involvement of congregantsinside services. Of course, not every member embraces this philosophy - BJ has itsshare of members who only come on the High Holy Days or who join simply to enrolltheir children in Hebrew School - but an extraordinarily large percentage do.

I think what Marcelo said about benefit-thinking doesn't only apply to non-members, it appliesto members...we need to get them thinking even more about wanting to be part of a communitythat they care about and that reflects what their values are. It s a big teaching, and this wouldbe a great start.

The committee agreed, with one woman extendingMarcelo's point:

I have oneproblem - it s with this 'benefits of membership'idea. It sounds too much likeAmerican Express - what doI get? A person who would ask that question doesn't under­stand what BJ is about. The 'benefit' is the opportunity toserve, not be served.

committee members had was to include a section in anew brochure about the "benefits of membership."After reviewing draft language, Marcelo challenged thegroup to have the courage to re-affirm the non-con­sumer message of BJ, saying:

friends within BJ,as a kind of family­by-choice based onshared Jewishidentification andthe sense that theyare on a spiritualsearch together.

congregation in thisThis understanding of membership was not arrived at

way. They go beyond without deliberation. For example, the membershipcommittee recently polled people who chose not

participating in BJ S to renew their membership in BJ. The survey revealed. . . that some former congregants did not feel that they

numerous activities to received enough from the synagogue for their dues.adopting BJ. or at A debate ensued in the membership committee

, and between the membership committee and the rabbisleast their group of about how or if to address this issue. One idea some

It s a huge enterprise that goes on here, and we are blessedby the number of people who volunteer, who allow the com­munity to have this kind of life. Thepeople who work in theoffice do only a tiny bit of what is actually happening in thissynagogue. Mainly the work is done by people like you ....

Many BJ membersdo become intenselyinvolved in the

responsibility of each individual to make BJ work for him or herself. "BJ," the newmembers hear again and again throughout the three-session program, "is up to you. Getinvolved." As Ari explained at one orientation:

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This view of relationships lived by BJ's rabbis colors the way that congregants relate toone another. For example, many of those interviewed remarked that a striking feature oftheir early experiences at BJ was that they got very close to others without knowingwhat their new friends did for a living. They were struck by the substitution of the quin­tessential NewYorkquestion - "what do you do?" - for the typically BJ question­"how did you get involved?"

Even the issue of choosing an assistant rabbi came to be understood by the congregationas a decision by Roly and Marcelo about whom they could trust to be their spiritualpartner and who would enhance that partnership.

There are certain things that are at the core of BJ This issue of spiritual partnership withinthe rabbinate is one of those things.... I know I canput my life in Roly s hands, and his in mine,and in Ari s. Out there, the world isfull of the rest, of ego trips. Here, we have spiritualpartnerships.

As with many features of BJ life, BJ's rabbis serve as role models, exemplifying thisfamilial style of personal connection in their own relationship. It is clear to the congre­gation that Roly and Marcelo are more than colleagues. There is a deep relationshipbetween them and between their wives and children. They live and work closely witheach other non-competitively and without hierarchical distinction, serving as co-rabbiseven though Roly was at BJ for nine years before Marcelo joined him. At one congrega­tional meeting at which the addition of Felicia Sol to BJ's rabbinate was discussed andapproved, Roly and Marcelo described their relationship as a "spiritual partnership"based on love and trust. Marcelo explained:

For the core, thepeople who are herefor the long haul, they're saying, 'Iwant to be here. Iwant to see thesepeople weekly. Iwant to sit in a SHIVA MINYAN with thesepeople. Iwant them tobe therefor me. Iwant to cry on someone's shoulder when I'm emotional. Iwant to see BJ peo­ple I know at protests. Iwant to have Shabbat in their homes.'

Many BJ members do become intensely involved in the congregation in this way. Theygo beyond participating in BJ's numerous activities to adopting BJ, or at least theirgroup of friends within BJ, as a kind of family-by-choice based on shared Jewish identi­fication and the sense that they are on a spiritual search together. As one of BJ's rab­binic interns described:

There is such a thing as religious music, music that is more conducive to a spiritual experience.We are immediately attracted to anything we know has served to touch the spirit in other reli­gions. For example, Kol Haneshama, a synagogue in Jerusalem, uses a Hopi melody for LEKHA

DOD! each week and it is now the shul's trademark. It works because it is new and refreshing, butalso because it serves a religious function in some tradition. Another example is BJ's HALLELU.

Wegot the melody from Sheva, an Israeli group, who adapted it from a Sufi Pakistani Qawwalifrom Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan.

power to create aprayerful experience.

are chosenfor their BJ's music, for which it is so well known, reflects thisbricolage approach. The melodies used for prayer area rich mix of various styles incorporating musical tra­ditions from all over the globe including EasternEurope, the Sephardic world, the Middle East, Turkeyand SouthAsia and from many historical periods. Folk

music and the atmosphere of Jewish camp are largely avoided. Melodies are chosen fortheir power to create a prayerful experience. Roly elaborated on the rationale for theirselection of melodies:

Marcelo described this mixing of styles and pulling inof different elements of the tradition as integral to hisand Roly's goal for BJ, "We break the norm .... Youhave to expect the unexpected. There is always the sur­prise, there is innovation, there is freshness, there is achallenging of the boundaries."

Folk music and theatmosphere of Jewishcamp are largelyavoided. Melodies

In their search for a way to have a closer personal connection to God for themselves andfor the congregation, Roly and Marcelo combine a love and respect for tradition with theincorporation of many different historical and geographic strands of Jewish, and some­times even other, sacred traditions. This blending creates an atmosphere of openness todifferent ideas in which experimentation and change become part of the culture.

In anthropological terms, bricolage is the process by which existing materials are used tocreate something new and unexpected. BJ's rabbis are master bricoleurs. They mix tra­ditional practice with non-traditional practice. They pull in the full range of the dias­poric Jewish experience. As Marcelo often jokes when asked "what kind" of a syna­gogue BJ is, "We are a synagogue with an Askenazic history and rabbis from SouthAmerica that prays with a Conservative SIDDUR, uses a Reform CHUMASH and singsMiddle Eastern and Hasidic melodies. What kind of synagogue are we? The Jewishkind!"

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This combination of a full text Hebrew service with the freshness and innovation of BJ'smusic creates the sense in congregants that services are simultaneously liturgicallyauthentic and experientially innovative. Many members describe BJ services as an"adult experience," and all members interviewed concurred that the full text, rigorous

Thats the key where BJ is so differentprayer-wise. The rabbis are not embarrassed to say singout the Hebrew. Even if you don't know it, sing out in transliteration...It s more thanjust words,and rationally understanding the words. It s about connecting with your tradition. It s aboutsinging words that connect you with people ....

BJ's choice and combination of melodies is innovative,but this innovation takes place within a service that isrigorous and complete, with almost all prayers recitedor chanted in Hebrew and with very little Hebrew tex­tual innovation. Hebrew is used almost exclusively inprayer, even though much of the congregation is notfluent. Participating in the Hebrew liturgy is seen asconnecting Jews across time and space and as a way toexperience holiness. Many congregants who have littleHebrew literacy report that their lack of linguisticknowledge does not interfere with what they describeas an almost "mystical" experience because of theirparticipation in Hebrew. To them, Hebrew language isfelt to be "KADOSH" (holy), a way to connect to thesacred rather than a way to acquire literal meaning. Asone member explained:

BJ's music, the notes explain, mirrors the congrega­tion's understanding of itself more generally. Both BJ'smusic and BJ as a synagogue are meant to "transcendthe dogmatic and the narrow. [To] honor the past as itwrestles with the challenges of the future."

A striking featureof BJ services andthe BJ membershipis the comfort levelof male and femalecongregants ofdifferent religiousbackgrounds,ethnicities, sexualorientations andhouseholdconfigurations.

...weave together the diverse threads oj the Jewish experience...It challenges the belieJ that reli­gious authenticity requires one unchangingJorm... This is the music oj many traditionsfindingnew expression. It is the ancient speaking to the present.

BJ's release in 1999 of a CD, WITH EVERY BREATH: THE MUSIC OF SHABBAT AT BJ, requiredRoly, Marcelo and Ari to articulate the philosophy underlying BJ's music. The notesaccompanying the CD explain that BJ's music is meant to:

connection to the divine through prayer, observance,study, acts of lovingkindness and social responsibility. This rabbinic vision has beenadopted by much of the membership as its own, and it is what shapes and guides the lifeof the synagogue inside and outside of services.

ritual committee.There is no

BJ is a rabbi-led synagogue. Beginning with Marshall and continuing with Roly andMarcelo, the rabbis' passion, sometimes referred to as their "charisma," is what initially

attracts many to BJ. They passionately espouse, openlymodel on the BIMAH, and exemplify in their own livestheir vision that Jewish life means searching individu­ally and as part of a community for a deeper, closer

IV. Rabbi-Led Institutional Structure

What unites these disparate practices, whether they are liturgical or social, and weavesthem together in a way that feels almost seamless to participants is the commitment tokeeping the search for the experience of the sacred at the core of what BJ is about. Withthat as the indisputable and shared focus, much of the pressure for communal conformi­ty and the exclusiveness that it can breed is removed.

Juxtaposed to this commitment to a traditional liturgy is an equally strong commitmentto tolerance for social, cultural and class differences. A striking feature of BJ servicesand the BJ membership is the comfort level of male and female congregants of differentreligious backgrounds, ethnicities, sexual orientations and household configurations.This is immediately evident upon observing a Shabbat service. On any given Shabbatmorning a Hasidic NIGGUN may be followed by an ALIYAH for gays and lesbians. Awoman wearing a KIPPAH and wrapped in a large TAUT might be sitting next to a womanwith a lace head covering pinned to her hair. The Hebrew text is generally treated asinviolate, but all English translations of prayers and all references to God in the rabbis'DIVREI TORAH are completely gender neutral. The array of dress is endless: attire runsfrom jeans, shorts and tank tops to blue pin striped suits and designer dresses. Butnowhere is BJ's commitment to maintaining an inclusive atmosphere more dramaticallyseen than in its policy for High Holy Day seating: no seats are reserved and the wealthi­est donors to the synagogue have to arrive as early as the least well-to-do members ifthey want to get a seat in the crowded sanctuary.

Hebrew service helped them feel they were participating in an authentic experience andnot one that has been "dumbed down."

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Because the rabbis have so much freedom, authority and trust, they are able to experi­ment with what happens in the service and in the synagogue's programs and help themevolve as their vision and the congregation's grows and changes. They readily admit that

I got the very clear sense that instead of authorityfigures they werefellow searchers. They werefurther down the path, but they werefellow searchers. T* were doing this together. They werebearing their souls to me. They were sharing their philosophical and personal dilemmas up onthe BIMAH, but we were doing this together.

One long-time member shared his initial impressions about BJ:

I think that to live a spiritual life is very difficult and complicated. There are manyforcesagainst it. Am I satisfied? No, I'm not. I struggle mightily to keep a vision of where I want togo and where I want to lead this community. I am trying to stay ahead a little bit, a couple ofsteps ahead to envision where we should go and try to move there....

The rabbis' authority and their place as the leaders of the synagogue rest on the sensethat the relationship between them and the congregation is one of "spiritual partnership,"not hierarchical dominance. The congregation sees the rabbis as being truly searchersthemselves, always trying to "go deeper." Roly and Marcelo share with the congregationin a very open way their own yearning for a closer connection to God and their ownquestions about what life as a Jew demands of them. At a meeting for new members, forexample, Roly was asked, "Are you happy with the path you are on right now? As far asspiritually?" He answered very candidly, "No, I am not. I would like to go a lot deep­er."When asked to explain, he said:

In America, people are used to having a ritual committee, a group of members to decide... Canyou imagine a dentist who needs a dentist committee to decide which dental procedure to use?Only Jews could do that. Youhire a professional and then you tell him what to do.

To implement this vision and to make sure that it continues to grow and evolve, BJ'srabbis have the authority to autonomously make and implement decisions regardingservices and ritual. While Roly and Marcelo expect and get feedback from memberson all aspects of congregational life, decisions related to services and ritual practiceare solely theirs. There is no ritual committee. As Marshall used to state emphatically,"I am the ritual committee." BJ's first president after Marshall's arrival characterizedthe absence of a ritual committee as one of BJ's founding principles: "We never had aritual committee; the rabbi is the leader of the ritual. ..." As Marcelo explained morerecently at a meeting for new members:

B1's lay leadership is very conscious that the vision needs to drive the operation of thesynagogue and any organizational changes and of how difficult it is to keep the balancefrom shifting the other way. They understand their role, in the words of one board mem­ber as "building a structure, a glass to contain the nourishing water of BJ." So, for

The board of trustees, other lay leaders, and involvedmembers view of their role canbest be seen in choice of the title for B1's 1999 strategic plan: REALIZING OUR VISION.

Members who volunteer at Bl, whether on the board, on committees, or in other wayssee themselves as helping implement the vision of the rabbis, which has become theshared vision of the core of the congregation. As one former member of the board oftrustee's explained when asked why he had agreed to serve on B1's board, "My funda­mental role was to make the rabbis' dreams real. That's why I did it."

Some members complain about the rabbis' views, sometimes vehemently, but in keepingwith the Bl ethos, most understand that BJ is meant to be a place where their ideas arechallenged and they are forced to confront what they really believe. As one memberrecalled from his experience during Marshall's time, "I would come every week and lis­ten to Marshall, and again and again I would leave angry. His political opinions wereoften far more radical than mine. But I always came back the next week because hemade me think."

The rabbis' position as the leaders of the communityalso allows them to challenge the congregation's moraland political views and to present a message that maynot coincide with the political positions of many of themembers. It is widely acknowledged in the congrega­tion that the rabbis' political views are to the left ofmany of the members. But, for example, they are ableto take unpopular stands, even on such emotional sub­jects as criticizing the policies of Israel's governmentand to bring in numerous speakers and organize pro­grams whose positions and premises challenge the con­gregation's beliefs.

It is widelyacknowledged inthe congregationthat the rabbis'political views areto the left of manyof the members.

they sometimes make mistakes but, as one board member put it, "Youknow the old sawabout a camel being a horse created by a committee? Well, Roly and Marcelo are neverforced to introduce a camel when a horse is what is needed." This ability to experimentand change without the kind of delay, compromise and conservatism that many ritualcommittee systems promote assures that Bl retains the atmosphere of being "fresh" and"alive," even as it becomes larger and more established.

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At times this creates conflict within the congregation but these conflicts, while intense atmoments, are bounded by the commitment of the membership to its self-definition as arabbi-led congregation.

Weare rabbinically led on the Upper WestSide of Manhattan, a place that is a nest of democra­cy and liberalism,progressiveness and participation .... This is a contradiction, of course, and weacknowledge that... Wehaven't yet figured out how to describe this rabbinically led congregationin language thatfits with the liberalism and progressiveness that is so much a part of the UpperWestSide and so much a part of us.

BJ's organizational structure works, but not always idyllically. Concurrent with an insti­tutional structure and culture that make the rabbis the locus of authority is the strong tra­dition of democracy, independence and political liberalism on the Upper West Side. AsMarcelo explained:

example, each section of BJ's strategic plan opens with a statement describing BJ'svision for that area of synagogue life. The section on building community begins withthe assertion that, "BJ must be a community of KAVANAH:intention, purpose and dedica­tion." The Study and Education section starts with the explanation that, "Study at B 'nai

Jeshurun should be a personal and spiritual engage­BJ's organizational ment that connects the mind and the heart." The Social

Action and Social Justice section explains at its outsetstructure works, but that, "Our task is to hear the message of the prophets

t I 'd II' II and to make that message meaningful in these days andno a ways 1 y l.Ctl. y,. h' I "0 I f h .. . . I ddIII t ISpace. n yater t e VIsIOnISarticu ate oesthe document go on to deal with the more conventional

aspects of strategic planning such as a review of current programs, recommendations fornew initiatives, and issues of resources.

Special thanks to Ted Becker and Ron Taffel for their invaluable help in editing this report.

We'll never be at a place where we say, 'This is great. Let's pitch our tents in this spot. Wehaveto stay here.' That 50 just not what BJ is about. For us, religious life is about changing and trans­forming our souls, our community and our world.

Together with this tension is a restlessness: to improve, to do more, to do things differ­ently. There is also a great deal of formal and informal reflection about BJ's future chal­lenges: rethinking how to best educate children, making study and social action as pow­erful a force in the synagogue as prayer, maintaining intimacy and community in such alarge congregation. But this restlessness and constant self-reflection is also part of theenergy that draws people to BJ. As Roly responded when asked if BJ had reached theplace where he and Marcelo want it to be:

None of this happens easily, and none of this happensall the time. On the contrary, a certain tension iscaused by continually working at integrating these cat­egories. But it seems that this tension, which is analmost palpable feature of BJ life, make BJ feel like aplace of creative ferment that is alive for its membersand engenders the passionate commitment that theyhave for BJ.

stood as contradictory. Innovations woven into a rigor­ous, complete Hebrew service challenge the idea thatwhat is authentic cannot also feel new and fresh.Blending a range of practices from different times andplaces questions the notion that tradition must be fixedand unchanging. The apparent dichotomy of responsi­bility and choice can be negotiated by understandingeach as a commitment to serious struggle. Relating torabbis as "spiritual partners" rather than conventionalauthority figures enables a congregation committed todemocracy and participation to allow itself to be led byits rabbis.

But it seems thatthis tension, which isan almost palpablefeature of BJ life,make BJ feel like aplace of creativeferment that is alivefor its membersand engenders thepassionate commit­ment that they havefor BJ.

Each of the four core elements of BJ - the centrality of the divine, an expectation of anengaged, participatory membership, a "bricolage" approach to Jewish practice, and arabbi-led institutional structure - bridge categories of Jewish life that are often under-

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The report itself appears above, distilled from many pages and interviews at B1.Whatfollows here is the contextualization of that report.

The study of American religion is alive and well, practically its own cottage industry,attracting historians, sociologists, anthropologists and assorted others for decades. Oneparticular branch of that study has been the changing nature of church life in a countrythat still displays more religiosity than any other industrial or post-industrial democracy.Unfortunately, information on synagogue life has not kept pace. Studies of churcheshave often included chapters on specific aspects of this or that synagogue; I and we haveconsiderable (though not enough) data on Jewish religious identity and practice thatsometimes touches on the role of synagogues; but most studies do not separate out aJewish sample sufficiently broad to establish the Jewish as opposed to the Christian sideof American religious life. This ethnographic study of BJ, then, should be placed in thewider context of American religion in the dawning years of the new millennium.

celebration.

infrastructure andvalues that lie

misses is the uniqueculture, ethos,

Shabbat visitor

religion suggestthat what the casual

With the help of the Righteous Persons Foundation, Synagogue 2000 and New York'sB'nai Jeshurun launched a joint project to study what it is that has proved so spiritually

satisfying to the many Jews, members and non-mem­Studies of American bers alike, who flock to BJ with such passion. On the

surface, one tends to think simply that it is the remark­able Shabbat experience that BJ worship provides. Nota week goes by without visitors from all over the conti­nent (and beyond) visiting to see for themselves whathappens there. And there is much to see! But servicesare just the most public and visible tip of a much largericeberg. Studies of American religion suggest that whatthe casual Shabbat visitor misses is the unique culture,ethos, infrastructure and values that lie beneath B1'sShabbat celebration. Our study was to get at thoseunderlying issues, and then to filter what we sawthrough the prism of American religion in general tosee what it is that BJ does so well, and how B1's exper­

beneath BJ s Shabbat iment in religious living fits into the larger portrait ofreligious life in the early 21st century. The next step(discussed in greater detail below) will be a curriculumof study that other congregations can use, each in its

own way, to think reflectively about how it might enhance the life of faith and practicefor its congregants.

lIB}" From the Viewpoint of American Religion, 2002LawrenceA. Hoffman for Synagogue 2000

Afterword

In fact, this coexistence of opposites is familiar ground to students of contemporarychurches. The story begins with a 1972 study by sociologist Dean Kelley, entitled WhyConservative ChurchesAre Growing? Although by the end of the century there wassome sign that the trend was flattening out/ growth of conservative churches continuedwell beyond 1972, while "mainline" liberal Protestant denominations continued to losemembers.' And the trend was not new when Kelley noted it. It had already begun in the1960s. Indeed, the entire religious landscape shifted perceptibly in the 1960swhen theleft-right divide in politics and social issues fractured the hitherto hermetically-sealeddenominationalism that had marked American religious identity for almost two cen­turies.' Jewish-Christian intermarriage is largely a result of that restructuring ofAmerican religion along a socio-politicalleft and right rather than a religio-ethnicdivide.

together.

opposites can beso happily joined

conservativeliberal andhighlights is how

The overall questionthat the BJ study

The ethnographers organized their research around aset of tensions that BJ exhibited: namely, authenticityand innovation; tradition and change; authority anddemocracy; and responsibility and choice. In eachcase, the first term represents a conservative side of thespectrum, while the second term denotes the liberalalternative. BJ therefore displays not four, but one pair­ing of opposites. On the one hand, it lays claim tobeing authentic Judaism of the past, properly tradition­al, and aptly demanding of individual religious respon­sibility - exactly what conservatives cite as their hall­mark. But at the same time, it prides itself on beinginnovative and changing, democratic and respectful ofmembers' personal choices - the stuff of which liberalreligion is made. The overall question that the BJ studyhighlights is how liberal and conservative opposites

can be so happily joined together. And the programmatic issue it raises is whether its keyto success is precisely this joining of opposites.

To be sure, this is ethnography, not sociology.The study does not, therefore, provide sta­tistical specificity. But it does provide a portrait of a single synagogue in process - asynagogue, moreover, that is widely perceived to enjoy remarkable success; and the por­trait it provides confirms a variety of hypotheses concerning synagogues and Jewishidentity in America. It also disconfirmed a popular assumption regarding the changeoverof religious leadership in synagogue life. This effort to contextualize the study exploresjust some of the findings that ought to be taken seriously by architects of synagogue life.

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Jewish trends toward religious success on the right were commonly perceived to be simi­lar. That is, most observers have been struck by the apparent growth in Orthodoxy. Butin fact, from 1970 to 1990, the percentage of Jews who claim to be Orthodox has fallenby 50%. The growth is only apparent, brought on itself, however, by another growingperception that is true. In 1970, when some 11% of the population said it wasOrthodox,' it was possible to present oneself as Orthodox without leading a strictOrthodox life and without even publically appearing Orthodox at all. Since then,America's general religious polarization along left and right socio-political axes was fol­lowed by a perceptible move by everyone to the right. In such an atmosphere, it becamemore and more difficult for nominal Orthodoxy to maintain itself. Moreover, the nomi­nally Orthodox tended to be an older generation that was dying off. Younger generationswho remained Orthodox identified with a more vocal and public form of Orthodoxy.The largest gains, then, have actually been in the Reform movement.' The long-awaited2000 study (which is due to be published shortly) may demonstrate some rise inOrthodox numbers, but no one is predicting the kind of sharp increase that popular opin­ion might suggest. As a group, Jews are hardly the left-wing Democratic bloc that theyonce were, but they still tend to take liberal positions on the issues that dominateAmerica's social landscape.' One wonders, then, just how much of what we know aboutchurch growth can be applied to synagogues.

The issue depends on what we mean by "conservative" churches. To begin with, despiteits title, (which was insisted on by the publisher, not the author) Kelley was not describ­ing conservative churches per se. Exactly what accounts for the growth factor that hefound in his sampling has been the subject of a lively scholarly and often acerbic inter­change that still persists." Most of the literature debates the scientific evidence for thedeterminative role of one factor over another, especially the impact of strictness ongrowth. The sociological research is, therefore, somewhat ambiguous, but nonetheless, itdoes seem now that doctrinal strictness per se is not the sole influence. On the otherhand, at least one theory does suggest that making demands on members matters. Lessdemanding churches, it is said, are systemically plagued by "free riders," people whojoin but do not participate. By contrast, demanding churches build a larger core of peo­ple who care deeply for what the church stands for. They will spend more time evangel­izing and recruiting other members like themselves. It has been suggested also that sucha core more readily distinguishes the church as a religiously compelling place and differ­ent in kind from other institutional connections offered by secular society. 10

This research should be placed alongside observations made about the so-called mega­church phenomenon, which burst into headline news in 1991 when Harvard Universitydedicated a case study to Willow Creek Church outside Chicago. I I Since then, otherchurches have followed - most noticeably, perhaps, Saddleback Church in Irvine,

ment."" They deliver worship services that are upbeatand moving, particularly regarding the use of music

that "triggers consciousness ... so that one momentarily leaves the world of everydayreality (and all its tensions and conflicts) and enters a different state of consciousness,experiencing the reality of holiness ...."18 Yet they also practice social justice on the locallevel - not via the political arena, the modality that split the denominations in the 60sand beyond, but via individual voluntarism. 19

of mega-churches.

ethos that liesbehind the success

explanation." These pastors "deal in a profound waywith the need for transcendent meaning.''" And theirchurches belong to no denomination: rather, they areindependent, with loyalty directed to "the pastor of thechurch ... rather than to a central office of a move-

It has captured thesee BJ in context.Now we begin to

California. Its founding pastor, Rick Warren, sheds light on the issue of church successin his remarkable account of the church's founding and philosophy." Most significant isits subtitle "Growth Without Compromising Your Message and Mission." At first, thissounds like the Kelley hypothesis restated - growth comes from strictness. But, in fact,the patent seriousness of Saddleback's message is combined with other factors. As inWillow Creek, the fire and brimstone approach that once characterized conservativechurches has been eroded by an accent on the therapeutic. Yes, people sin, in thesechurches' account, and yes, God is demanding, but sin is an understandable humanweakness, a disease of the spirit that the church can cure. "Seeker services" target baby­boomers who are "a generation of seekers.':" Such Sunday morning worship emphasizesthe therapeutic and the joyous. 14 The fastest growing phenomenon in AmericanChristianity has been the decision to trade in the accents of sin for the promise of joy,and not in the next world, but in this one. When seekers become members, they acceptdemands for living a Christian life, but they are not treated judgmentally. There areexpectations here, but also acceptance.

Churches that grow are not the old-fashioned brand of conservatives who we once called"fundamentalist." On the contrary. What we are seeing is an entirely new kind of church,prompting sociologist Don Miller to herald the "reinvention" of "AmericanProtestantism,":" Miller calls them "new-paradigm churches." The emphasis here is onlife-transformation through joyous but authentic Christianity. They are almost all "new"

institutions, built de novo by enterprising and charis­matic pastors, who go by their first names, but deter­mine the vision of their congregation by dint of thereligious charisma and Bible learning they evince. Still,Miller is convinced that "charisma is not a sufficient

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Above, I alluded to the fact that our ethnography of BJ "disconfirmed a popular assump­tion regarding the changeover of religious leadership in synagogue life." I refer to thepatent centrality of the clergy. Much has been written and said about the evolution ofleadership toward a collaborative model in which clergy and laity take joint responsibili­ty developing a vision and implementing it. At first glance, BJ's clergy do not seem tofit that bill. They are clearly charismatic. The worship service is their responsibilityalone. They direct the vision described in the prior paragraph. But in fact, except fortheir liberalism, they very much resemble the clergy of the new paradigm churches.They are informal, go by their first names, and have earned the respect of their congre­gation that gives them the right to be leaders: first, because they live the religion theyteach, without pretense or apology; and second, because they are recognized as learnedin the tradition they represent. As for their liberalism, the report notes that they aresomewhat more liberal than their congregation, but then, the parallel church leadershipis, on the average, somewhat more conservative than their flock. The parallelism is com­plete, then. BJ, a liberal synagogue is led by even more liberal clergy, while the conser­vative churches in question are led by even more conservative pastors. What they allhave in common is a patent commitment to a vision toward which members aspire. They

Now we begin to see BJ in context. It has captured the ethos that lies behind the successof mega-churches, and, to some extent, even the "Conservative" churches of Kelley'sstudy.And it has done so without conscious manipulation, but simply because its ownsense of calling has so deftly put its finger on the pulse of American religious striving.That may, indeed, be the definition of true spiritual leadership-not an Elmer-Gantrymanipulative response to polls purporting to describe religious need, but an independentand deeply-held vision of the spiritual life that turns out to accord with the spiritualneeds of an historical moment. So BJ makes demands, but is accepting and non-judg­mental. It understands and preaches the absolute difference between its religious, and,therefore, compelling character; and the purely secular, so optional, institutional affilia­tions with which it competes - that is, it too stresses the "centrality of the divine" (p. 4).Out of the rubble of a dying synagogue, it too was founded by a single-minded rabbi,and although it retains very deep ties of tradition and culture to the ConservativeMovement - indeed, its rabbis belong to the Conservative Movement's RabbinicalAssembly - the synagogue itself has no formal affiliation with that or any other denom­ination." Its members believe that what they find at BJ touches them deeply in ways thatare authentic yet utterly creative. It demands involvement, so avoids free riders. It pro­motes joy, healing, and social justice. And, again like the new paradigm churches, itspreferred texts - Hasidic teachings, especially as poetically provided by Heschel - arenot irrational, but are not constrained by the limits of reason either.Yet the drive forouter-directed social justice motivates its vision alongside this inner-directed neo­Hasidic search for the transcendent.

The issue is not simply structural. It has to do with the clear delineation in type betweena religious institution that has the moral right to demand allegiance and behavior, and asecular entity which is driven purely by market concerns. A long time ago, the work ofSynagogue 2000 demonstrated the clear necessity to address synagogue issues in reli­gious language, and continuing research on the Kelley hypothesis suggests similarly that

churches in questionare led by even more

the conservative28

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is led by even moreliberal clergy, while

a liberal synagogue

Theparallelism iscomplete, then. BJ,

A final parallel here deserves particular attention. Mostsynagogues are organized from the core out. That is,when visitors arrive, the core members who constitutemost of the attendees see the newcomers as potentialmembers. If they fail to join, they are expected to stopvisiting. Conversely, since the rules are more or lessunderstood by all, visitors who come to services morethan a few times are under pressure to join the ranks ofthe regulars, after which, they are expected to do noth­ing at all, except pay their annual dues. The mega­churches work the other way around. They actively fos­ter visiting in weekly services that are designed specif­ically with the knowledge that many, if not most, ofthose in attendance will be visitors. Far from beingpressured into joining, they are given the message that

conservative pastors. membership is a deep and profound experience, but itis a privilege, not a right, for which newcomers mustbe ready. Becoming a member is no mere consumer

transaction, whereby the church must justify its existence by services provided. It is aspiritual contract, its terms spelled out clearly at the time - and thereafter, in mandatedclasses in Christian living." What goes for Christians, goes for Jews as well. BJ operatesprecisely in this manner. It speaks in theological accents. And structurally, its member­ship policy is the reverse of what we are used to. The normal procedure is what promptsfree-ridership, because members assume that their sole responsibility is paying dues, forwhich they have the right to avail themselves of all or of nothing that the synagogueoffers.

are always out in front of the members. The collaboration occurs because, whether onthe left (BJ) or on the right (the churches) they have achieved what organizational con­sultants call "buy-in" from their congregants. As a term, however, "buy-in," fails to cap­ture the essence of what occurs on the spiritual plane. We are not describing an arrange­ment entered into for personal for material self-interest. Nor does spiritual buy-in derivefrom negotiation. The consensus we describe follows from authentic leadership with anequally authentic vision that remains ahead of wherever the people are.

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successful;the mega-churches

mega-churches successful; and its clergy's willingnessto borrow from even non-Jewish cultural sources (itpioneered the now-popular melody Hallelu, a psalmtext but adapted from a Sufi tune), allowed them to seesome lessons from Saddleback as apt models for wherethe synagogue was going anyway.This trend towardtapping the cultural climate is not new. PolishHasidism borrowed the "religion of the heart" thatspread through Europe in the eighteenth century andgave England its Methodism and France its Catholic

Jansonism." German Reform Judaism looks very much like Protestant churches of thetime. Neither of these examples should be interpreted as slavish imitations of theirneighbors; they too just captured the ethos of religious success in their day. BJ has donethe same inNewYorkof the 1990s and 2000s.

way to becoming aJewish version ofthe same culturalethos that make

and at its ownBJ in its own right

To be sure, BJ differs substantially from new paradigm or mega-churches. Its membersare college educated; instead of biblical literalism, it offers a sophisticated mix of rab­binic Judaism interpreted deeply for the intellect. It still operates with committees. Andit has yet to maximize the emphasis on small-group ministries." But these small groupsare coming. Indeed, as a Synagogue 2000 Fellow,Rabbi Matalon visited Saddleback in

1994. Like Warren, he speaks of being "purpose-driv­en." Not that BJ is a purposeful attempt to clone new­paradigm churches in a Jewish mold; even the "pur­pose-driven" language was probably arrived at inde­

initiative was already pendently. The point is not that BJ copied Saddleback,but that BJ in its own right and at its own initiative was

on its own distinctive already on its own distinctive way to becoming aJewish version of the same cultural ethos that make the

churches that fail to discriminate their own moral mandate from the secular marketplaceare the very churches that fail. In 1995, Gary Tobin and Amy Sales warned:

Wordslike market niche, dues, tickets, board of trustees, bottom line and research anddevelopment all suggest a corporate model.... Ironically, corporate consultants wouldundoubtedly advise congregations to clarify and commit to their unique mission and tocommunicate this to laity.... They would tell congregations to make certain that the lan­guage of economics not corrupt the language of the congregation and to ensure thatwords like love, beauty, faith, hope, justice, peace, and solace remain at theforefront ofthe congregational-lexicon.22

Like successful churches, BJ speaks and acts in theological accents.

But BJ is not just a Jewish version of Willow Creek, Saddleback, or Miller's new-para­digm churches. It is its own response to the changing nature of Jewish identity, similarto the mega-churches only because in a free society, identity issues for Jews andChristians share points of contact, that successful churches and synagogues respond tosimilarly.We are fortunate in having not just several national studies of Jewish identityin formation, but also a specific one on NewYorkJews, the very people attracted to Bp5In general, Jews fit the pattern of upper middle-class white Americans, generally -except "more so." Highly educated," urban and urbane, they most especially display the"expressive individualism" described by Robert N. Bellah and his associates in the influ­ential 1985 best-seller, Habits of the Heart - that is, they are on a quest for the "deepercultivation of the self"?' They are especially adept at finding the spiritual even in thesecular, since "spiritual" has to a large extent become for them "a recostumed and refur­bished form of self-help that seeks more the well-being of its subject than any contem­plation of the sacred.':" As the "sovereign self" dictates, these Jews accept or rejectJewish ritual according to its "meaningfulness." They indulge in personal stories, havelittle interest in Jewish national organizational life and find little meaning in objectiveobligations that they do not personally adopt as part of their ever-fluid growth of self."They have distanced themselves from the "foreign affairs" agenda of their parents -Judaism lived vicariously through Israel and the act of saving vanishing Jewries fromEthiopia and Russia. They believe their Judaism is inalienable - that is, you never real­ly cease being Jewish - but at the same time, ethnic identity has waned, a greater per­centage of friends are non-Jews, and Judaism becomes a freely chosen patchwork ofbeliefs and actions. Also unlike their parents, whose Judaism was ethnic not religious,these Jews talk about God, and wish their synagogues would do so more frequently.Most are not active synagogue-goers but to the extent that they do attend, it is for per­sonal contact with the clergy, the joyous music, and an attractive community.3D

This portrait is confirmed for NewYorkJews in particular. Bethamie Horowitz identi­fied three strands of Jewish identity, each about a third of the community. The "other­wise engaged" (34%) know they are Jewish but their Judaism plays no role in their lives.The "intensively engaged" see the world Jewishly and live virtually every day in aJewish mode of thought and practice. But 33% of the sample are people with "mixedengagement," for whom Jewish identity is important, but not the only determinant ofwho they are." All three categories are marked by the same freely chosen identity (the"sovereign self" in process) that Cohen and Eisen would find a year later. It is not toomuch to say that Judaism is a life style that people select in varying degrees, the waythey choose to become bikers, follow the Yankees, or play the tuba. Moreover, we aretalking about a very large number of people. Much has been said about the 1970smigra­tion of Jews away from the Northeast and Midwest toward a broad swath of states calledthe "sunbelt.?" Indeed, between 1985 and 1990, "a net of some 35,000 core Jews left the

30

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31

BJ:A Model

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LifeJewish community insearch of meaning,

From a scholarly perspective, BJ has much to teach usabout making Judaism meaningful to diverse popula­tions. How did the clergy manage to establish amongthemselves the patent sense of spiritual search, mutual

joy, and community. respect, and commitment to change? In a world wherecollaborative management styles seem to be the rage,how did the clergy and board reach the consensus that

they seem to have about the near-sovereign position of authority that the clergy aregranted? How does BJ work financially, given the way it welcomes an entire populationof non-members, and how does it balance their needs with those of the inner core ofmembers - how does it work with both the mixed and the intensely engaged, that is?How has it managed to build a synagogue where membership is not sustained over­whelmingly by parents of school-age children, who approach the synagogue as if it werea series of zones, and come only to the school zone, as if there were no sanctuary just afew yards away? Is it successfully building small groups? What parts of the mega­church trend have positive Jewish resonance and what parts do not? How does it build avision and sustain it? What role do board members play, and what kind of people are onthe board?

In sum, BJ fits not just the overall pattern of successfulreligion in America, but it responds specifically to theportrait we get of a Jewish community in search ofmeaning, joy, and community. It attracts Horowitz's"intensely engaged," the people who see ultimacy intheir Jewish identity choice, but also the "mixedengaged," people out for an evening service of singing,dancing, and spirituality - at least on occasion. Byurging seriousness, and by making demands but alsoaccepting people no matter where they are onHorowitz's scale, it affirms the sovereign self of theJews who find their way there.

In sum, BJ fits notjust the overallpat­tern of successfulreligion inAmerica,but it respondsspecifically to theportrait we get of a

Northeast and 24,000 moved away from the Midwest... [and] the South gained overtwice as many core Jews as the West.''" Nonetheless, many Jews who left the Northeastwere the elderly, who swelled the Jewish population of centers like Miami," whereas, in1990 it still remained true that "the most popular single region of destination for the age25-34 inter-regional migrants group [had become] the northeast; they virtually canceledout the number leaving there.'?' The population of young people feeding BJ has notdiminished, therefore, but, rather, even grown, given the magnetic growth of the upperWest Side.

ICf., e.g., Penny Edgell Becker and Nancy Eiesland, eds., ContemporaryAmerican Religion:AnEthnographic Reader (Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press, 1997); and Richard W. Flory and Donald E. Miller, GenXReligion (New Yorkand London: Routledge, 2000).

2DeanKelley, WhyConservative ChurchesAre Growing (NewYork:Harper and Rowe, 1972).3The flattening may be explainable by many factors. Most intriguing are indications that conservative church

growth in Canada is largely a function of mobile evangelical switchers on the move from one church to another - "cir­culating saints," as authors Bibby and Brinkerhoff label them. (Reginald W. Bibby and Merlin Brinkerhoff, "TheCirculation of the Saints: A Study of People Who Join Conservative Churches," Journal for the Scientific Study ofReligion [JSSR]12 [1973]: 273-283; Idem, "Circulation of the Saints, 1966-1990:New Data, New Reflections," JSSR33 [1994]: 273-280.

4From 1980 to 1990, for instance (according to one estimate), Assemblies of God grew by 35.4%, Seventh-DayAdventists grew by 29.7%, and the Southern Baptist Convention grew by 12.4%; Conversely, the United MethodistChurch dropped by 7.2%, the United Church of Christ dropped by 8.1%, Presbyterians lost members at an astoundingrate of 14.4%, and the Episcopal Church fared even worse, losing by 18.1%. (Roger W. Stump, "The Effects ofGeographical Variability on Protestant Church Membership Trends, 1980-1990,"JSSR 37:4 [1998], p. 638).

5SeeRobert Wuthnow,The Restructuring of American Religion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988).6Jack Wertheimer,A PeopleDivided: Judaism in ContemporaryAmerica (NewYork:Basic Books, 1993), p. 37.

From 1979 to 1990,Orthodoxy went from 11% to just under 6%; Reform grew from 32% to 42%; Conservative(including Reconstructionist) ranks dropped slightly from 42% to 40%

7"Some28% of those reared as Conservative Jews are now Reform Jews, as are some 16%of those reared asOrthodox.... The Reform denomination is most likely to retain those reared in it. The Conservative denomination hasbeen somewhat less successful in this regard and the Orthodox even less so." (Bernard Lazerwitz, L.Alan Winter,Arnold Dashefsky, and Ephraim Tabory,Jewish Choices: American Jewish Denominationalism [Albany: SUNY,1998], p. 80. Sidney Goldstein, Profile of American Jewry: Insightsfrom the 1990 National Jewish Population Survey,Occasional Paper #6 [NewYork:CUNY, 1993], p. 131).Moreover, the trend toward Reform varies directly with thenumber of grandparents born in the United States as opposed to Europe (Chaim I Waxman, Jewish Baby Boomers: ACommunal Perspective [Albany: SUNY,2001], p. 27). Finally, "adults who prefer the Reform denomination... areyounger than those who prefer the Conservative denomination" (Lazerwitz, et. aI., Jewish Choices, p. 124). On theother hand, even though Conservative Judaism has declined while Reform has grown, Conservative Judaism hasretained some 40% of American Jewry - roughly the same as Reform - largely because of dramatic switching fromOrthodox ranks. Also, Reform Jews who become better educated Jewishly tend somewhat to switch back toConservative Judaism (Cf. Bernard Lazerwitz, "Denominational Retention and Switching among American Jews,"JSSR 34:4 [1995]: 499-506.

~"Jewishbaby boomers are more liberal than both the pre-WorldWar II cohort and baby boomers in the largerAmerican population.... Jewish baby boomers are becoming somewhat more politically centrist, even as they remainmore politically liberal than Protestants and Catholics." Chaim A Waxman, Jewish Baby Boomers, p. 37.

9Cf. D. R. Hoge and D.A. Roozen, Understanding Church Growth and Decline: 1950- 1978 (NewYork,PilgrimPress, 1979); D.A. Roozen and C. K. Hadaway,eds., Church and Denominational Growth (Nashville: AbingdonPress, 1993). See also set of papers in JSSR 35:3 (1996).

These and other questions emerge from our study.As mentioned above, the next step inthe project is to curricularize what we have learned in a fashion that permits other con­gregations to apply these insights to their own situations. We do not mean that BJ shouldbe slavishly copied; every synagogue has its own culture and uniqueness. But we dobelieve that certain principles of BJ, especially those that dovetail with success stories inAmerican religion generally, are applicable within each congregation's uniqueness. Webelieve the study represents Synagogue 2000's search for models of successful syna­gogue life; even as it demonstrates that we are living in what may prove to be the mostchallenging, and most promising religious environment of North American history.

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10Cf.Laurence R. Iannaconne, "Sacrifice and Stigma: Reducing Free Riding in Cults, Communes and OtherCollectives," Journal of Political Economy 100 (1992): 271-292; Idem,"Why Strict Churches are Strong,"AmericanJournal of Sociology 99 (1994): 1180-1211.

IIJames Mellado and Leonard A. Schlesinger, Willow Creek Community Church (1991; revised,1996).12RickWarren, The Purpose Driven Church: Growth WithoutCompromising YourMessage and Mission (Grand

Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1995).13Theterm is Wade Clark Roof's. See his influential A Generation of Seekers: The Spiritual Journeys of the

Baby-boom Generation (NewYork:HarperCollins, 1993).14Cf.Warren, Purpose Driven Church, pp. 251-306. For a negative but accurate account, see Lester Ruth, " Lex

Agendi Lex Orandi:Toward an Understanding of Seeker Services as a New Kind of Liturgy," Worship70:5 (1996).ISDonaldE. Miller, Reinventing American Protestantism: Christianity in the New Millennium (Berkeley:

University of California Press, 1997).16Ibid.pp. 163, 162.17Ibid.,p. 168.18Ibid.,p. 90; following theory of William James.19Ibid.,pp. 110-114.20Inthat regard, it is like Saddleback, which considers itself Baptist in ideology, but is not allied formally with a

Baptist denomination. The stress on going beyond movement boundaries is discussed especially well in SidneySchwarz, Finding a Spiritual Home (San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2000), pp. 202-204 and 259-260.

21Warren(Purpose Driven Church) characterizes the strategy as moving from an community (at large) to acrowd (who regularly assembles at services), to a genuine congregation of members, and then to the committedmaturing members, and finally, to the core people who dedicate themselves to reaching out to the community again.

22Amy L. Sales and Gary A. Tobin, eds., Church and SynagogueAffiliation: Theory, Research and Practice(Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995).

23SeeRobert Wuthnow,Sharing the Journey: Support Groups and America s New Questfor Community (NewYork:The Free Press, 1994).

24TedA. Campbell, The Religion ofthe Heart (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994).2sForthe national picture, cf. The already cited Waxman,Jewish Baby Boomers, and Lazarwitz, et. aI., Jewish

Choices; and the portraits of synagogue members in Schwarz, Finding a Spiritual Home; but also: Sidney Goldsteinand Alice Goldstein, Jews on the Move: Implications for Jewish Identity (Albany: SUNY 1996); Steven M. Cohen andArnold M. Eisen, The Jew Within (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000); Charles Kadushin, Shaul Kelner,and Leonard Saxe, Being a Jewish Teenager inAmerica: Trying to Make It (Waltham: Cohen Center for ModernJewish Studies, Brandeis University, 2000). For NewYork Jewry, see Bethamie Horowitz, Connections and Journeys:Assessing Critical Opportunitiesfor Enhancing Jewish Identity (A report to the Commission on Jewish Identity andRenewal: UJA-Federation of NewYork, June 2000).

26In1990, almost 75% of all Jews had some college education, and 25% had gone to graduate school. The fig­ure includes Jews of all generations, so the actual number of Jews now attending or having recently attended Collegeis higher still. (Goldstein, Profile, p. 111).

27RobertN. Bellah, et. al., Habits of the Heart (NewYork:Harper and Rowe, 1985), p. 33.28RichardCimino and Don Lattin, Shopping For Faith:American Religion in the New Millennium (San

Francisco: Jossey Bass, 1998), pp. 29-30.29Cohenand Eisen, Jew Within,pp. 13-42.30rbid.,pp. 155-181.31SeeHorowitz, Connections, summary, pp. 186-188.32A term coined by conservative Republican analyst, Kevin Philips, in 1969. See Bruce 1. Schulman, The

Seventies (NewYork,The Free Press, 2001), p. 107.33SidneyGoldstein and Alice Goldstein, Jews on the Move: Implications for Jewish Identity (Albany: SUNY,

1996), p.10 I. The adjective "core" is borrowed from the 1990 study which differentiated "core" Jews as the samplefor whom Jewish identity can most readily be seen as central rather than peripheral. Current research by Egon Mayerquestions that sampling strategy, on the grounds that it needlessly eliminates thousands of Jews who consider them­selves in some way Jewish and who might well be reached if they are not dismissed from the outset.

34ln1986,Miami had grown to be the third largest Jewish center in the country, surpassing Chicago. In a fiftyyear period (1936-1986), Metropolitan NewYorkhad decreased from 2.6 million to 2.2 million; Los Angeles (second)numbered 604,000. Miami had 367,000. Chicago dropped from 378,000 to 254,000. Sidney Goldstein, Profile, p. 100.

3srbid.,p. 107.

100AWest 89th StreetNew York,New York 10024212-787-7600www.bj.org

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Congregation B 'nai je6hurun

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