Swiss Ag for Dev and Coopr (2006) Gender, conflict, transformation & the psychosocial approach

8/7/2019 Swiss Ag for Dev and Coopr (2006) Gender, conflict, transformation & the psychosocial approach

1/170

GENDER, CONFLICTTRANSFORMATION &THE PSYCHOSOCIAL

APPROACHToolkit


2/170

Dear Reader,

Over the past few years, international co-operation has become increasingly awareof the impact that situations of violence exert on individuals and on society. Apsychosocial approach takes into consideration, for instance, the effects of structuraland armed violence on the emotional state and the everyday social relations ofindividuals, as well as on social and political structures.

The present working tool is meant to facilitate the integration of psychosocial methodsinto the existing programme of international co-operation. The toolkit explains therelevance of psychosocial thinking in activities unfolding in a context with structural

and armed violence, while demonstrating what this implies in everyday work.Although the focus of this toolkit is on regions of conflict, most of the individualsheets contained within are useful for work in other contexts as well. Indeed, itcan be pointed out, for example, that psychosocial interventions have become a keycomponent of emergency aid in the wake of natural disasters or epidemics, over andabove medical assistance, delivering food and providing shelter.

The toolkit delves into the basic concepts of the psychosocial approach, discusses thepsychosocial condition of various target groups, and outlines the psychosocialaspects of different sectors.

This toolkit was born of a common initiative on the part of the Gender Unit (GOV)and COPRET with the intention of linking gender, conflict transformation and thepsychosocial approach, while illustrating their mutual influences. To facilitate theintroduction of this new theme we offer support and guidance that will make thefirst steps of implementation easier.

We would like to express our deep gratitude to the OPSI (Office for PsychosocialIssues) for their splendid work, the exciting process, and the excellent co-operation.

We look forward to hearing from you and thank you in advance for your suggestionsand feed-back.

Yours sincerely,

Maya Tissafi Elisabeth von CapellerGender Unit (GOV) COPRET

Introduction


3/170

Organisations

CGAP Consultative Group to Assist the PoorCINAT Coalition of International NGOs Against TortureCPT European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman

or Degrading TreatmentCRS Catholic Relief ServiceSDC Swiss Agency for Development and CooperationDFID Department for International DevelopmentEDA (Federal Department of Foreign Affairs)FIZ Fraueninformationszentrum ZrichGTZ

Deutsche Gesellschaft fr Technische ZusammenarbeitIDEA International Institute for Democracy and Electoral AssistanceICRC International Committee of the Red CrossINEE Interagency Network for Education in EmergenciesIOM International Organisation of MigrationISHHR International Society for Health and Human RightsOCHA Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian AffairsODI Overseas Development InstituteOPSI Office for Psychosocial IssuesOXFAM Oxford Committee for Famine ReliefRHRC Reproductive Health Response in Conflict ConsortiumTdh Terre des Hommes

UN United NationsUNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural OrganizationsUNICEF United Nations Children's FundUNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for WomenUNHCR United Nations High Commission for RefugeesUSAID US Agency for International DevelopmentWFP World Food ProgrammeWHO World Health Organisation

Other abbreviated terms

AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency SyndromeDDR Disarmament, Demobilisation, ReintegrationHH Humanitarian HelpHIV HI VirusIDP Internally Displaced PersonsIC International CooperationNGO Non-Governmental OrganisationsPCM Project Cycle ManagementPTSD Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

List of abbreviations


4/170

The toolkit at a glance

The toolkit at a glancePsychosocial work and the relevant tools withwhich to approach it have, over the past 10years, found a growing acceptance in thefield of international co-operation (IC). Thereis no crisis or conflict area where trauma andthe emotional state of the victims is not dis-cussed. Psychosocial concepts and methodshave become increasingly important, espe-cially in recognising the necessity to supportgender-conscious conflict transformation

processes. Even so, many people working indevelopment or relief organisations still onlyhave a vague idea of what is actually meantby psychosocial. While literature on the issueof trauma is extensive, but confusing and con-tradictory, a brief introduction into the subjectmatter of psychosocial work in the context ofinternational cooperation does not yet exist.

This toolkit aims to bridge that gap. It explainsto both the staff of the Swiss Agency forDevelopment and Cooperation (SDC) at the

central office and the co-ordination officesand to the partner organisations how relevantthe psychosocial way of thinking is for workin conflict and post-conflict areas. It also showshow regular development and relief activitiescan be adjusted in order to support the emo-tional and social recovery of the population.The toolkit does not, however, intend to replacepsychological textbooks or manuals on genderand conflict transformation, or different areasand sectors of intervention, from HIV/AIDS to

water and sanitation, but aims to convey away of thinking and make suggestions as tohow it can be put into practice.

It is not necessary to read through the entiretoolkit. Each of the 21 sheets or chapters canalso be understood individually. Each sheetcontains definitions, theoretical explanations,practical suggestions or checklists, examplesfor illustration and references to further articlesand manuals. These elements make it easierfor readers to get involved with the subject

matter and enable them to give additionalattention to those elements in their projects thatpromote the empowerment of project partici-pants under the difficult circumstances that

prevail during and after conflicts. The toolkitis divided into three parts, each of which dealswith different aspects of the psychosocialapproach:

Part 1: The basic concepts of the psychosocialapproachSheets 1 7 provide the conceptual frame-work. Basic terms and concepts are explainedin this part, tools are recommended to facili-tate analysis and central questions regarding

the management of projects and staff from thepsychosocial perspective are discusssed. Theterms introduced in this part are frequentlyused in the other sheets of the toolkit. For thisreason, it is advisable to have a look at someof the chapters of the first part.

Part 2: The psychosocial problems of varioustarget groupsSheets 814 deal with the problems of differ-ent groups of conflict-affected people. TheSheets begin by describing the central aspects

of disempowerment experienced within eachgroup, and then identify the main psychologi-cal and social issues that need to be dealtwith in order to help people to cope with theconsequences of war and violence.

Part 3: Psychosocial aspects in various sectorsand areas of interventionSheets 1521 cover selected areas of inter-vention that are of primary importance inregions affected by war and crisis. In this sec-

tion, activities and methods are identified thatare either already widely practised or couldbe further intensified in order to give peopleadditional psychological and social supportwithin the framework of the respective sectors.These Sheets are to be understood as an illus-tration of the psychosocial approach and as asuggestion, not as a guideline or instructionson how to act.

Deza/Caminada(

PhotoFilter)


5/170


Part 1

Title

Sheet 1Gender, conflict transformationand the psychosocial approach:an introduction

Sheet 2The psychosocial approach:

conceptual framework and keyterms

Sheet 3Psychsosocial aspects of devel-opment work in virulent conflicts

Sheet 4Dealing with the past

Sheet 5Tools of analysis

Sheet 6Project Cycle Management in

the psychosocial field

Sheet 7Staff of the Swiss Agency forDevelopment and Cooperation(SDC) and its partner organisa-tions

Contents

What is the psychosocial approach?How does the psychosocial approach relate to gender andconflict transformation?

What brings about disempowerment in conflict and post-conflict areas and what does this mean for working with an

empowerment approach?Explanation of the key terms: threat/fear, destruction/trauma, loss/mourning and empowerment.

How can projects react to the fragmentation of communities?Explanations of community dynamics and suggestions asto how to deal with chronic fear among staff and the mar-ginalisation of victims of the conflict.

What are the preconditions for genuine reconciliation anda lasting peace?Description of different ways of dealing with war crimes

and supporting its survivors.

5a. Empowerment toolAnalysis of disempowerment and the perspectives forempowerment of individuals, families, groups andcommunities.5b. Sequential traumatisation toolDefining the traumatic sequences in a given context.

How does one incorporate the principles of the psychoso-cial approach in planning, implementation and evaluation?

A checklist.

How do fear and distress in project participants affect thewell-being of staff members?Prevention of burnout, secondary traumatisation andconflicts within the team.


6/170


Part 2

Title

Sheet 8Gender-based violence

Sheet 9

Refugees and internallydisplaced persons

Sheet 10Ex-combatants

Sheet 11Disappeared and murdered

persons

Sheet 12Torture and political prisoners

Sheet 13

Trafficking

Sheet 14HIV/AIDS

Contents

What is gender-based violence and what are the needs ofwomen and men affected by it?Key psychosocial issues to support the prevention of gender-based violence and work with the victims; mainstreaming ofmeasures against gender-based violence.

What are the most important psychosocial issues for

refugees and internally displaced persons?Traumatic sequences for refugees and internally displacedpeople and possible ways of supporting them.

What are the most important psychosocial problems withwhich ex-combatants and their families have to come toterms?Traumatic sequences for ex-combatants and possible waysof supporting them.

What is the course of the mourning process for the relativesof murdered people and for the family members of the

disappeared?Traumatic sequences for affected families and possibleways of supporting them.

What is the nature of the mental destruction caused bytorture?Traumatic sequences for political prisoners and torturevictims, and possible ways of supporting them and theirfamilies.

What are the typical psychosocial issues that have to be

dealt with by the survivors of trafficking?Traumatic sequences for trafficking victims and possibleways of supporting them.

How can HIV-positive people live better with the disease?Psychosocial issues that need to be addressed in eachsequence of the disease.


7/170


Part 3

Title

Sheet 15Health

Sheet 16Education

Sheet 17Employment and income

Sheet 18Food aid and nutrition

Sheet 19Water and sanitation

Sheet 20Shelter and housing

Sheet 21Natural disasters

Contents

How can health workers address the impact of the conflict?Dealing with trauma and psychosomatic reactions withinthe framework of normal health care; dealing with the vic-tims of landmines.

How can schools provide psychosocial stability for childrenand teach them how to live in peace?

Integrating the experiences of children in the classroom;combining teaching contents and methods; strengtheningthe connecting role of school; supporting the teachers.

Why do so many income generation schemes for conflict-affected people fail?Key psychosocial issues relating to income generation inconflict and post-conflict areas.

What is the effect of powerlessness and dependence onnutritional status?Key psychosocial issues relating to food aid and sugges-

tions for the empowerment of food aid recipients.

What does hygiene have to do with trauma?Key psychosocial issues associated with water, sanitationand hygiene promotion.

What is the correlation between improved social structuresand the sustainability of shelter projects?Key psychosocial issues associated with transitional anddurable housing solutions.

What is the difference between trauma caused by a naturaldisaster and trauma caused by war and persecution?Basic principles of psychosocial support in the event ofnatural disasters.


8/170

Gender, conflict transformation and the psychosocial approach: an introduction

International co-operation andthe psychosocial approachSince the beginning of the 1990s, and in particular

after the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, crisis pre-vention and constructive conflict management havebecome central to international co-operation. Besidesreconstruction and development of the economy andinfrastructure it has become important to deal withthe consequences of violence for women and men,support reconciliation processes, protect human rightsand re-establish a basic sense of social belonging.These issues, many of which are fairly new to inter-national co-operation, imply a special focus on thepsychological and social realities of peoples lives. Ifthis does not occur, the risk of failure is high. Why

did ex-combatants in El Salvador, despite adequateagricultural training, tend the land they received atthe end of the war so poorly that they lost it again?Why do women who have been bold resistancefighters give up all their public activities at the endof the war, return to domestic work and allow them-selves to be abused by their husbands? Why is itthat in Gaza domestic violence against women hasincreased and at the same time the ability of thesewomen to defend themselves has decreased? Whycan a history of conflict not simply be put aside or

be forgotten? The psychosocial approach helps toanswer these and other questions, and provides aconceptual framework as well as analytical toolsand procedures to make international co-operation,especially in conflict regions, more effective andmore sustainable. It complements and completes theinstruments on peace-building (Peace Building, 2003),Conflict-Sensitive Programme Management (2005),and the principles of gender mainstreaming (GenderEquality in Practice, 2003) that were developed bySwiss Agency for Development and Cooperation(SDC).

Sheet 1

Deza/Fritz Staehelin (Photo Filter)


9/170


Violence and the perspectiveof conflict transformationIn areas of war and crisis, conflict is deter-mined by direct, structural and symbolic vio-lence. Direct violence is carried out by specificactors. Structural violence refers to conditionsof power and ownership structures that leadto unequal opportunities for specific groups inthe population, e.g. women, the poor andminorities. Symbolic violence (Bourdieu) refersto the symbolic order (ideology, culture, social

forms of organisation, institutions, legal princi-ples, etc.) that perpetuates and reproducesexisting power structures by obscuring them,idealising them or declaring them an expres-sion of natural laws.

The aim of conflict prevention and managementmust be to combat violence in all its forms andcomprehensively improve the security of thepopulation (see box below). Similarly to thedifferent forms of violence, conflicts alwaysaffect us on a personal, structural and culturallevel. Conflict transformation does not strive toeliminate conflict but to change it for a better,more just and peaceful society: Conflicttransformation is to envision and respond to theebb and flow of social conflict as life-giving

opportunities for creating constructive changeprocesses that reduce violence, increase justicein direct interaction and social structures, andrespond to real-life problems in human relation-ships (Lederach, 2003). Conflict transforma-tion therefore means reducing violence bychanging and developing the conflict in all itsaspects and dimensions, from society to theinner life of the individual.

Gender and conflictIn the relationships between men and women

the power structures determined by direct,structural and symbolic violence gain particularrelevance. In armed conflict, the relationsbetween men and women change and theseshifts will reflect back on the conflict. Thereare local differences in the changes in genderroles and identities and these must be analysedcarefully in their specific contexts.Nevertheless, several central points tend to besimilar:

I

Sexual violenceThere is an increase in violence againstwomen in both the domestic and the publicspheres.

I Shift in responsibilitiesEconomic crises and security problemsmake it harder for men to carry out theirtraditional role as breadwinners and pro-tectors of the family. Women devise sur-vival strategies for themselves and theirchildren, but often at a high emotional

cost and to the detriment of their health.They take on new roles managing commu-

Human Security

Human security in its broadest senseembraces far more than the absence ofviolent conflict. It encompasses human

rights, good governance, access to edu-cation and health care and ensuring thateach individual has opportunities andchoices to fulfil his or her own potential.Every step in this direction is also a steptowards reducing poverty, achieving eco-nomic growth and preventing conflict.Freedom from want, freedom from fearand the freedom of future generations toinherit a healthynatural environment theseare the interrelated building blocks of

human and therefore national security.Millenium Report, United Nations,Kofi A. Annan, 2000


10/170


nal tasks and transforming conflict; somejoin the armies of the conflicting parties.

I Women gain autonomy but not muchpolitical powerBy taking on new tasks women gain morepower in the domestic sphere, sometimesalso in the community. However, thesechanges usually do not automatically leadto more political power. Women are oftennot represented in the official peaceprocess and when the men return homethey are moved from many positions.

I Gender identities are tenaciousWhile the gender roles change in war, theold desires and fantasies of what is mas-culine and what is feminine remain.People say that things will never be thesame again, but pre-war ideas are deeplyentrenched and both men and womendefend them. Inner images change muchmore slowly than outer reality. This is par-

ticularly true when these changes have notbeen voluntary but are a reaction to trau-matic experiences or a survival strategydeveloped in adverse circumstances.

An essential prerequisite for gender-consciousconflict transformation is the genuine partici-pation of women in the peace process (seebox). However, a change in gender relationstoward more equality is a slow process. Itrequires changes not only in society but alsoin every household and every individual. Thefollowing typical psychosocial issues supportthis process:I dealing with the mental well-being, the

experiences and histories of men andwomen and with their ideas of the pastand the future;

I supporting developments that allow womento gain more autonomy and to increasetheir real participation in local powerstructures;

I public discussion of gender-based violence

and psychosocial support for victims.

UN Resolution 1325 on womenand peace and securityIn the year 2000 for the first time in itshistory the UN Security Council addressedthe role of women in solving conflicts. Aresolution was passed which recognizesthat gender perspectives and the specialneeds of women must be incorporated inconflict management and peace-buildingat all levels. It affirms that gender equalityshould be central to every UN mission and

acknowledges that women require protec-tion during armed conflict. It also holdsgovernments and non-state parties fullyaccountable for any abuse they commit.


11/170


Three lenses forunderstanding realityThe psychosocial approach, conflict transfor-mation and the gender focus intersect andcomplement each other. However, althoughthey deal with related subjects, they involvehistorically separate areas of research thathave each developed specific concepts and

Psychosocial

Conflicttransformation

Gender

The intersection of thesethree lenses is the analytical framework

of this toolkit

strategies. These different interrelationships areincreasingly being recognised and defined.One could regard the three areas as differentlenses through which realities can be exam-ined. This toolkit explains the psychosocialapproach, always including its overlap withthe lenses of conflict transformation andgender.

ResourcesLederach, J.P. (2003)

The Little Book of Conflict Transformation.Intercourse: Good Books.

SDC (2003)

Peacebuilding SDC Guidelines.www.deza.ch/ressources/resource_en_24111.pdf

SDC (2003)

Gender in Practice A tool-kit for SDC andits partners. To order: [email protected]

SDC (2005)

Conflict-Sensitive Program Management(CSPM). Mainstreaming the Prevention ofViolence in the International Cooperation.www.deza.ch/ressources/resource_en_24650.pdf


12/170

The psychosocial approach: conceptual frameworkSheet 2

I The psychosocial approachaddresses the well-being of indi-viduals in relation to their envi-ronments.

I Psychosocial key words are:threat/fear, destruction/trauma,loss/grief.

I Chronic fear leads to a culture ofsilence and makes people unable

to handle conflict.I In conflict regions trauma is a

reaction to destructive social orpolitical events that overwhelmpeoples ability to cope. Traumadevelops in sequences.

I Disturbed mourning processes area key problem of violent conflict.

I If we strive for empowerment wemust first examine the nature and

extent of disempowerment.Empowerment is not only a ques-tion of gaining insight into one'ssituation, but also of activelyaddressing one's suffering andtrying to change social powerstructures.

What is psychosocial?Psychorefers to the psyche or the soul of a person. It has to dowith the inner world with feelings, thoughts, desires, beliefs and val-ues and how we perceive ourselves and others. Socialrefers to therelationships and environment of an individual. It includes not only thematerial world but also the social and cultural context in which peoplelive, ranging from the intricate network of their relationships to manifold

cultural expressions to the community and the state. The inner world(psycho) and the outer world (social) influence each other. In short,psychosocial deals with the well-being of individuals in relation totheir environment.

Deza/Sam

erMohdad(PhotoFilter)


13/170

The psychosocial approach: conceptual framework

In international cooperation psychosocialappears in three different ways.

I Psychosocial as a scientific methodPsychosocial methodology focuses on theunderstanding of the relationship betweenindividuals and their environment. Bothaspects are equally important. Thisapproach links individual and collectivedimensions of reality. It develops a holistic

understanding of psychological and socialprocesses. Psychosocial methods are not

The psychosocial space

livelihood/infrastructure

individual processes social processes

All projects of international cooperation are in some way concerned withimproving people's livelihoods or the infrastructure, with the individual well-being of people and with changes in society. A particular project may focusmore on one or another of these areas. Nevertheless, whatever the specificfocus may be, all three aspects will have a bearing on the project and theproject itself will in turn influence these aspects. The psychosocial approachfocuses on the inter-relationship between these different dimensions.

restricted to so-called psychosocial proj-ects, but can be applied in any project.

I Psychosocial organisational principlesIn addition to typical issues of organisa-tional development (effectiveness, efficiency,communication processes, etc.) there is aparticular focus on the relationshipbetween the organisational structure, theindividual staff member and the area ofwork. The quality of work will be improvedand burn-out prevented if self-reflectionand self-protection are strengthened andteam members are empowered within theorganisation to shape projects and dealwith conflicts.

I Psychosocial projectsPsychosocial projects are created specifi-cally to deal with the psychological andsocial dimensions of destruction. Theseprojects are usually located in the sectorsof education, health and social work.

They almost always focus on interventionswith individuals and groups defined ashaving special needs and problems, as,for example, victims or perpetrators orpeople living in extreme poverty.

L

Social Process

Threat

Destruction

Loss

Mental Process

Fear

Trauma

Grief

Key words in thepsychosocial approachDuring war and crises, key socialprocesses correspond to certain mentalprocesses. These are:


14/170


Threat/fearFear is a psychological and physiologicalprocess that helps to sense danger and avoidit. Simple everyday precautions such as look-ing left and right before crossing the road arebased on learning processes connected to theexperience of fear. In acutely threatening situ-ations, there are three different fear-drivenreactions: 1. flight, 2. attack, 3. breakdownand/or complete surrender.

Fear and the culture of silenceFear is usually a temporary phenomenon.However, if the threat becomes chronic, thenfear becomes chronic too. It becomes part ofthe individuals mental structure and gains anexistence that is independent of the originalthreat. This may result in people staying psy-chologically on guard even if the actual dan-ger has long gone. Chronic fear is the socialby-product of living in areas of war and con-flict. The behavioural patterns it induces areconstant watchfulness and reserve, which lead

to social withdrawal. Feelings and opinions,especially if they draw attention to ones ownweakness, are only expressed with great reti-cence. People do not wish to appear vulnera-ble nor do they want to burden others withtheir insecurity or anxieties. This culture ofsilence isolates the individual and weakensfamilies and groups because people no longershare their concerns. The suppressed feelingswill ultimately be expressed, although usuallyin a context that makes it impossible to

acknowledge and deal with them in a suit-able manner. This increases the fear anddeepens the silence.

Chronic fear reduces people's ability toprotect themselvesConstant tension is expressed by increasedirritability and aggressiveness. At the sametime it becomes more difficult to handle con-flict in a meaningful way. It becomes harderto speak openly even about everyday mat-ters; trivial differences of opinion or conflicts

of interest are perceived as dangerous.People can no longer distinguish betweenthose situations which are safe and thosewhich are dangerous. Sometimes fear is sim-

ply denied and individuals endanger them-selves and others because they no longer per-ceive the dangers.

Fear needs to be integrated, not overcomeWhat needs to be overcome, therefore, is notfear itself but the denial of fear, and theincreasing inability to handle conflict. If chronicfear is perceived and acknowledged, it losesmuch of its destructive force and can, withtime, be adequately integrated into the individ-

ual's mental structure and social relationships.People are then better able to protect them-selves.

Destruction/traumaViolent conflicts lead to destruction, not onlyof material things, but also of emotions andsocial relationships. When a house isdestroyed by bombs people not only losetheir dwelling, they also lose a place ofrefuge and belonging. Those who have diedleave traces (images, memories, histories,

experiences, developments) in the survivors.The psychological equivalent of destruction iswhat we call trauma. Trauma changes theindividuals view of the world permanently,even if some of what was destroyed can berepaired later.

Trauma is a processThe word trauma comes from Greek andmeans wound. A psychosocial trauma is adeep emotional wound, a response to social

and political destruction that overwhelms theindividual's capacity to cope. A traumaticbreakdown can result after a single event orafter a series of events that become traumaticbecause of their cumulative effect. The socialand political process that causes the traumawill also determine its further course. Traumais therefore a process shaped by the interac-tion between the social environment and themental state of the individual. Psychosocialtrauma should not be misunderstood as thepsychological result of a clearly circumscribedor specific event. For example, the trauma ofan American veteran of the Vietnam warinvolves not only his war experiences but alsothe degree of his social and political isolation


15/170


or integration after the war. The traumatisa-tion of the family members of those who dis-appeared in Argentina developed not onlyfrom what happened during the dictatorshipbut also from the way in which these crimeswere dealt with afterwards. The process oftrauma thus continues in a healing or destruc-tive way after wars, direct violence and per-secution have come to an end. It is not usuallydifficult to determine when a traumatic processbegan, but very often difficult to know whenit has stopped.

Trauma is a psychological process but itsdevelopment is shaped by socio-politicalevents. This interrelation is best reflected bythe concept of sequential traumatisation whichdescribes the course of the traumatic processaccording to specific historic periods. HansKeilson, who invented the term, defined thefollowing sequences for his work with Jewishwar orphans in the Netherlands:I the enemy occupation of the Netherlands

and the beginning of terror against theJewish minority;

I the period of direct persecution, whichincluded the deportation of parents andchildren and/or the separation of childrenfrom parents;

I the post-war period, during which the mainissue was the appointment of guardians(Keilson, 1992). The key decision that hadto be taken here was whether to leave thechildren in the Dutch foster families whohad taken care of them during the war, orwhether to return them to their Jewishmilieus of origin, which were also trauma-tised. Both possible decisions had positiveand negative implications.

In our adaptation of Keilsons concept wehave identified the following six sequences todescribe the situation in conflict and post-con-flict areas. Before the traumatic process Beginning of the persecution

Acute persecution: direct terror Acute persecution: chronification Time of transition After the persecution

The most important traumatic sequence beginsafter the persecution. If a house is on fire,one tries to put out the flames. It is not untilafterwards that the true extent of the damagecan be perceived. The burning house is partof the trauma, but so is the time afterwards. Itis often at this point that people become ill.Help is possible and useful in all traumaticsequences; however this support must beguided by the specific possibilities and limitsof each sequence ( Sheet 5b: Sequentialtraumatisation).

Trauma and the familyTraumatic processes change not only the indi-viduals directly affected, but also their entireenvironments since traumatisation changesthe ability to communicate and to form bonds.If a father is tortured, not only is he trauma-tised, but his wife and children as well. Theyhave waited for him, fearing for his life, andwhen he returns he may be a broken manwho does not speak to them and whose per-

sonality has completely changed.

Family members who are born years after theinitial traumatising event can still become partof the traumatic process. Although the victimstry to forget the traumatic terror and do theirvery best to keep it to themselves it willinevitably affect their children. If they do nottalk about it, they remain strangers to theirchildren; if they try to communicate theirexperiences (the better option), they must speakabout the terror. A survivor of the Holocaust,for example, did not tell her daughter any-thing about her life in the concentrationcamp, but she always called her child mysmall blonde angel of death. The daughterwas confronted with traumatic fear longbefore she understood to what it referred. Inthis way one generation can inherit traumafrom the previous generations.

Trauma, symptoms and the course of illnessTrauma implies a lifelong vulnerability that

under certain circumstances may lead topathological symptoms. Since the traumaticprocess takes place in a particular social, cul-tural and political context, symptoms can only


16/170


be understood in reference to this context.Behaviour that is regarded as a symptom in acertain setting could be perfectly normal in adifferent situation.

Any approach that reduces trauma to a men-tal or physical pathology must be strictlyavoided. Trauma is not simply an illness butalways a social and political process as well.Project partners should therefore be encour-aged to develop their own contextspecificdefinitions and treatments of trauma. The PostTraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) approach,for example, is insufficient because it canonly diagnose individuals, disregarding thecultural and social specifics. Its main draw-back is that it reduces trauma to a disease ofthe individual, like any other. PTSD thus ignoresand dislocates the relationship between indi-vidual suffering and the political context,thereby adding to the marginalization andvictimisation.

Nevertheless, this kind of conceptual limitationshould not lead to an attitude towards traumathat forgets or denies the profound psycholo-gical damage. Symptoms should be definedand described within their specific contextualmeanings. Certain symptoms that aredescribed in the diagnostic criteria of PTSD(American Psychiatric Association, Diagnosticand Statistic Manual of Mental Disorders, 4thedition,1994), for example, seem to be pres-ent in most social contexts. The victims of trau-ma experience the traumatic events againand again, either in the form of involuntaryimages, thoughts or perceptions, or also asillusions or hallucinations (flash-backs/intru-sive thoughts). They avoid stimuli that are con-nected with the traumatic event (numbing)and suffer from constant, exaggerated vigi-lance (hyper-arousal). In the long term, severetrauma can often lead to depressive symp-toms. Even if these symptoms that arise in dif-ferent contexts resemble each other, their sig-nificance may vary considerably and many

other symptoms that are not mentioned in thislist may also be observed. We frequentlyencounter disturbances of social behaviour, inparticular an impaired ability to communicate

and work. Family structures may collapse;people may display anti-social behaviour anddevelop severe psychosomatic illnesses; trau-

matisation makes it more difficult to come toterms with loss. Since traumatisation generallyentails the experience of extreme violenceand aggression, it may often impair the indi-viduals capacity for healthy aggression, e.g.self-defence.

Healing?Traumatic experiences never disappear com-pletely from the mind; the goal can thereforenot be healing in its usual sense. Those affect-

ed by trauma may, however, learn to inte-grate the traumatic experiences into their livesand find a way out of the role of the victim.They may at some point be able to lead afairly normal life. However, their suffering,which is linked to the social process both inorigin and throughout its development, willnot stop. Support therefore should not be lim-ited to the individual working through of trau-ma. Equally or maybe even more important issocietys acknowledgment of what has hap-pened: in this way the extreme suffering of

individuals can be shared and collectivelycontained. Trauma work is not just a socialand medical issue but a cornerstone of thepeace-building process ( Sheet 4: Dealing

Min Bajracharya


17/170


with the past). Support for trauma victims ispossible and necessary in all traumaticsequences ( Sheet 5b: Sequential traumati-sation).

Loss/griefThreat and destruction always imply loss.People lose their homes, cities are destroyed,family members, friends and acquaintancesdie. People lose their life projects, their hopesand aspirations. In the end, after everythinghas been taken away, loss is all that remains.Loss is directly linked to threat and destruc-tion, but must nevertheless be perceived as aseparate social category. Loss and dealingwith loss are part of everyday social experi-ence and determine what happens in societyat large, especially after the acute conflict hascome to an end. The psychic counterpart toloss is grief which is the way in which wedeal with loss. The course of the mourningprocess determines whether the loss is inte-grated and psychologically accepted and can

thus become history, or whether it continuesto affect life negatively.

The two phases of mourningThe mourning process can roughly be dividedinto two phases. In the first phase it is a ques-tion of acknowledging and accepting theloss. Initially the loss is often denied; thosewho have lost loved ones may try to strike adeal with fate, for example, offering some-thing very valuable in exchange, if only theirloss is undone. They feel lonely and aban-doned. This phase is dominated by angerand it ends with an acknowledgement of theloss. The next phase of the mourning processentails returning to a reality which no longercontains that which was lost. People thenreflect on the lost relationship; they rememberthe strengths and weaknesses of the lovedone. Those who grieve process the signifi-cance that the loss had for their own lives,and transform it into a memory without afuture (Volkan, 2000). The feelings in this

phase tend to be closer to what we generallyregard as grieving. The length of an uncom-plicated mourning process varies, but it israrely shorter than 12 years.

Complicated mourning processIf the loss is violent, the mourning process isnever uncomplicated. The circumstances ofthe death cannot be fully grasped and are inprinciple unacceptable. Often family membersare not able to bury their dead with dignitybecause the bodies of their loved ones aremissing or their deaths are mired in politicalcontroversy. They cannot really share theirpain with anyone. Unstable conditions, thetraumatisation of the survivors and the strug-gle for survival make it even harder for peo-ple to go through an ordinary grievingprocess. If the mourning process comes to astandstill and cannot be completed, peopleare at risk. Emotionally they cannot let go,they remain embroiled with death and there-fore do not engage with life again.Depression, increased susceptibility to diseaseand excessive medication and substanceabuse are typical symptoms. After violent con-flict it is essential to deal with the losses andthe dead and to allow for grieving to take

place; this is at the core of individual copingand the reconstruction of society and peace-building. ( Sheet 4: Dealing with the past;Sheet 11: Disappeared and murdered per-sons).

The core of the psychosocialapproach: empowermentEmpowerment and disempowerment are coreconcepts of psychosocial efforts worldwide.These terms are used in very different political

circles. Some put more emphasis on self-reliance, the elimination of social welfarestructures and the development of marketforces. Others focus on overcoming and elimi-nating social injustice and on expanding theopportunities for individuals to shape theirown lives. Both interpretations underline thecapabilities and the responsibility of the indi-vidual. Both lines of thought were developedin the USA in the 1970s. Barbara Solomonsbook Black Empowerment: Social work inOppressed Communities appeared in 1976.

A year later To Empower People was pub-lished by the neo-conservative thinkers PeterBerger and Richard Neuhaus. Internationallythis concept has been further developed, par-

Deza/John Paul Kay (Photo Filter)


18/170


ticularly by organisations linked with thewomens movement. Empowerment is wide-ly used in international cooperation, thoughoften without a clear definition.

Empowerment contains the word power,which has many different meanings, includingagency, strength, capability, competence,authority, vigour etc. The following dimen-sions of power are key to the empowermentconcept.I At the individual level, power can be

understood as power within. People areable to recognise their own situation asshaped by adaptation, dependence and/or oppression, and they develop a wish tochange. They understand that they havethe possibility to influence and shape theirown lives that they have the power toact, to make decisions and to solve prob-lems.

I Empowerment includes power with, i.e.the realisation that individuals are not

alone but are part of a group and thatchange can take place when people worktogether. This power involves thinking, act-ing and networking with others in a socialcontext.

I The third level is concerned with thechanging of social power relations. It is aquestion of oppression and marginalisa-tion and of reducing the power of domi-nant groups (power over). The goal shouldbe participation in power in societalprocesses.

Empowerment is not limited to developingmore positive feelings about oneself and gain-ing insight into ones situation. It also meansdoing something about it. It means actual par-ticipation in the social process with a realisticprospect of changing existing power struc-tures.

Different aspects of womens empowermentI Personal empowerment: self-confidence, self-assurance, self-respect,

opportunities and greater freedomI Legal empowerment: formal legal security, making use of existing laws,

influence on legislation, reproductive rightsI Social empowerment: visibility and social presence, participation in

public life, respect by other members of the community, networkingI Political empowerment: participation in political groups and political

organisations, influence on political institutions, participation in interna-tional political processes, participation in UN conferences

I Cultural empowerment: power to shape cultural definitions, influence the

symbolic order; maintaining or expanding women's culture and positionin religious systems

I Economic empowerment: economic literacy, property and means ofproduction, income and decision-making power in reference to money,reduction of dependence, risks and stress, economic organising, socialsecurity, influence on economic policies

Adapted from: Rodenberg and Wichterich, 1999

To achieve empowerment, the nature and

extent of disempowerment first has to beclosely analysed. Disempowerment is theproduct of the process of destruction, at boththe individual and the social level. It mayhave a sudden and traumatic beginning, or itmay be entrenched in culturally determinedpower and relationship structures.

Empowerment is only possible if this destruc-tion is recognised. People who have under-gone great suffering have certain resources tohelp them survive and can be resilient.However, in order to mobilise peoplesstrengths it is important to not deny theirweaknesses. By coming to terms with the lossesand the adverse life changes and by facingthe feelings of helplessness and despair, theycan develop and use their own resources in abetter way. Disempowerment and empower-ment are therefore always related to eachother.


19/170


ResourcesPsychosocial Working Groupwww.forcedmigration.org/psychosocialThis group which consists of leading US-American NGOs and specialised universitiessuggests a conceptual framework and ele-ments for best practice standards in psychoso-cial interventions. The website provides fur-ther literature. The Psychosocial WorkingGroup is on the website of Forced MigrationOnline that provides access to relevant docu-

ments, manuals und guidelines in workingwith refugees and displaced persons.

Becker, D. (2000)Dealing With the Consequences ofOrganised Violence in Trauma Work.www.berghof-handbook.net/articles/becker_handbook.pdfBracken, P. J., Petty, C. (eds.) (1998).Rethinking the Trauma of War.New York: Save the Children.

Keilson, H. (1992)Sequential traumatisation in children,Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University.

Rodenberg, B. and Wichterich , C. (1999)Macht gewinnen Eine Studie berFrauenprojekte der Heinrich Bll Stiftung imAusland (Gaining Power A Study ofWomens Projects of the Heinrich BllStiftung).Berlin: Heinrich Bll Stiftung.

SDC (2003)

Are We Contributing to Empowerment in LatinAmerica? Discussion paper.www.deza.ch/ressources/resource_en_24242.pdf

Volkan, V. and Zintl E (1993)Life after Loss The Lessons of Grief.New York: Scribner.

Deza/Samer Mohdad (Photo Filter)


20/170

Psychosocial aspects of development work in virulent conflictsSheet 3

I Every project is inevitably part ofthe conflict and must continuallymonitor and analyse whether itsactivities are still appropriate toits rapidly changing surroundingsor whether they contribute to anaggravation of the conflict.

I The acute conflict intensifies themechanisms of stigmatisationand marginalisation of the directvictims. Great care must there-fore be taken in project work notto aggravate this exclusionprocess any further.

I To ensure that staff members canwork effectively in the acute con-flict situation, they must be pro-vided with basic knowledge onthe effect that fear, trauma andloss have on people and how toaddress these issues.

I In addition, staff members need

to confront the issue of dealingwith their own fear at regularintervals within the teams.Concealing fear not only endan-gers staff members' safety ofstaff members, but also under-mines their motivation and effec-tiveness.

I Fear, the effect it has on peopleand ways of dealing with it area central issue of work with tar-get groups in conflict areas.

Working in and on conflictThe context of international co-operation is becoming increasingly deter-mined by fragile social and political conditions and by violent conflict.Programmes and projects can try to work around the conflict, that is,try to circumvent it, or they can consciously take account of the conflictand minimise its risks working in the conflict and/or make a directcontribution to transforming it working on the conflict. Workingaroundthe conflict is a common approach, but it is eventually doomedto failure because projects are inevitably part of the conflict. If this factis overlooked, the real situation of the population is not recognised andonly those least affected by the conflict will benefit.

Deza/Ana

Feric


21/170


22/170

Psychosocial aspects of development work in virulent conflicts

destruction of the collective social structure.People become used to the injustice, the sightof dead bodies and the increasing loss of val-ues. Mistrust and fear take over and might isright. Basic ethical principles and humanvalues become more and more eroded; manyexperience this as an elementary loss.

Linking and empowerment:what is to be done?Working in conflict areas calls for flexibility.The main questions concerning the nature ofthe conflict and the interaction between theconflict and the programme must be re-ad-dressed regularly, in order to adjust the projectactivities accordingly. To make this possible, itis important to advance the understanding ofthe causes of the social and mental fragmen-tation and acknowledge them. It must alwaysbe an additional aim of project interventionsin areas of conflict to counteract fragmenta-tion. This is the only way to actually facilitateempowerment. In awareness of this fact, the

following aspects should receive priorityattention.

Encouragement of communication andkeeping in touch with the outside worldWhen interaction between the members of acommunity or region becomes more sporadic,or even breaks down completely because ofthe fear, mistrustandrestricted mobility to whichpeople are subjected, the encouragement ofcommunication and the transfer of reliableinformation becomes a relevant part of proj-ect intervention. Staff members should keep intouch with as many people as possible, andencourage communication amongst the mem-bers of the community by creating newopportunities of getting together and alsomaking use of the existing less formal spacesof social interaction for their work. This helpsto stabilise the fraying social structures andpromotes exchange and dialogue, especiallyamong members of the same networks oramong the members of the same district, town

or village. Before opposing sides can talk toeach other, dialogue among the members ofthe same community needs to be nurtured.It is always important to establish contact

between the population and the outside worldor strengthen the connections. The withdrawalof governmental bodies, project workers,political representatives etc. from areas ofconflict not only leads to a shortage ofresources, but also increases fear and hope-lessness and the feeling of being left aloneand forsaken. This is the reason why the pur-suit of development objectives should not bethe only basis for deciding whether or not aproject should be continued. It is importantfor the social and emotional survival of thepopulation to maintain social bonds, relation-ships and links to the outside world. Themaintenance of networks must also be recog-nised as a useful contribution for future workin the aftermath of the conflict and shouldtherefore be included as an objective in theproject's logical framework.

Managing fearMistrust of everyone and everything, com-bined with silence about ones own vulnera-

bility, is an appropriate survival strategy forpeople living in an unpredictable and violentenvironment. The price of this is social andemotional isolation that in turn reinforces fearand mistrust. In order to interrupt this viciouscircle, project work must endeavour to createspaces where people may show weaknessand express their feelings. People should beinvited to talk about their fears without infring-ing on their intimacy, but also without remain-ing on a superficial and non-committal level.The purpose of such conversations is to beable to talk about fear, planning as good aprotection as possible from whatever is threat-ening them on the one hand, and overcomingself-isolation and loneliness on the other( boxes entitled The effect of conflict onfeelings and Possible ways of managingfear). It should not be expected that suchtalks will eliminate fear. They can only makefear more bearable and more manageable.

Helping people understand what is

happening to themWhen staff members respond to the currentsituations of participants during their projectwork, they must proceed with care and


23/170


sensitivity to ensure that they neither endan-ger themselves, nor the people to whom theyare talking. It is sometimes not possible tospeak openly about traumatic experiences,even if people would like to. The conflictingparties could interpret the discussion of suchissues as an attack on their politics and pun-ish the activity correspondingly. In such casesstaff members should approach matters lessdirectly and not talk openly about the kidnap-ping of community members in a group dis-cussion during a health project, for example,but perhaps broach the issue by discussingthe effects of stress on pregnancy or the gen-eral effects of fear on the behaviour anddevelopment of children. If someone hasrecently been arrested or disappeared andpeople in the community are afraid to talkopenly about it, instead of talking about theprevailing situation, staff members can dis-cuss what happened in a similar case inanother area, and the feelings of the peoplethere. It has a relieving and stabilising effect

on people living in difficult and fearful situa-tions to be supplied with simple informationon the effects of traumatic experiences onchildren, adults, families and communities

The effect of conflict on feelingsI Dissociation and suppression of feelings may sometimes be useful in order

to avoid shame or to endure a dangerous situation. Later, however,these feelings must be acknowledged if people are not to lose their

ability to feel altogether.I Strength is important, but it is sometimes necessary to risk showing

weakness. One can best protect oneself if one acknowledges one'sweakness even in a dangerous situation.

I Even in the direst circumstances, light-heartedness, laughter and fallingin love are permissible. This is not a betrayal of those who suffer, but isnatural and healthy.

I Feelings of guilt are frequently not so much the expression of actualguilt, but more a desperate attempt to reduce one's powerlessness byincreasing one's responsibility: The more responsible I am for mymisfortune or, the more I can find the reasons for my misfortune in my

own behaviour, the less I am a helpless victim. However, this kind ofself-empowerment converts external destruction into self-destruction,which makes it all the harder to combat.

and to talk about their experiences in a suit-able manner ( Mental health in emergencies,Sheet 15).

Coping with changes in social rolesChanges in social roles will always be unset-tling for the people involved. They have tolearn new skills and endure greater or unac-customed forms of stress. These changesalways affect their self-image and identity.

Team members in conflict areas are alwaysfaced with changing roles, particularly gen-der roles. When practical solutions are beingdiscussed, e.g. if women have to cope withthe burden of extra work or generate moreincome, the psychological effects of thesechanges must be dealt with as well. Womenfrequently find the additional responsibilityrewarding and empowering. However, theyalmost always feel insecure as well, some-times even guilty, because they have had togive up their former existence which corre-

sponded more closely to societys expecta-tions of their role as a woman. Role changesthat are solely perceived as a loss are evenmore difficult to adjust to, e.g. the father whocan no longer fulfil his role as breadwinner.

Empowerment processes will only work ifacknowledgement of the loss is coupled withthe questioning of traditional roles, i.e. if it ispossible to make these role changes an issuewhich can be worked through.

Working with victimsThe support of widows andwidowers, orphans,families of the disappeared, victims of rapeetc. is usually referred to specialised psychoso-cial projects. However, these projects arealmost always only located in areas with largenumbers of affected people, in urban centres orrefugee camps. The question then arises as towhat to do with the families directly affectedbut living outside the reach of organisationsthat offer specialised support.

Many development projects are not designedto support the individual. However, it is advis-able, not just for humanitarian reasons, to


24/170


expand project strategies to include workwith those directly affected. Victims are overtsymbols of the conflict and are therefore stig-matised and isolated. By dealing with them,we make it clear that we are not prepared toignore the consequencesof the conflict, the newdimensions of exclusion and marginalisation.Such work gives the project and its teamadded motivation and authority to talk pub-licly about the costs of war.

Direct victims can be supported in many dif-ferent ways. Whatever form the support maytake, the helpers must always at least be will-ing and able to listen to the victims and toacknowledge their suffering ( Mental healthin emergencies, Sheet 15). It is not possible tocomplete a mourning process during virulentconflict. The families of those murdered shouldnevertheless be helped to carry out their deathrites and mourning rituals as well as they canand to give voice to their feelings of loss.( Sheet 11: Disappeared and murdered

persons)

Supporting staff in workingwith fragmented communitiesCoping with risk and fearStaff members in areas of conflict are fre-quently exposed to high risks. They are indanger of being arrested or abducted, getcaught in the crossfire or are pressed by theconflict parties to supply them with informa-tion. In an environment of this kind, theirwork is accompanied by constant fear which,in the long run, has a considerable influenceon their well-being and their work motivation( chronic fear, Sheet 2).

SDC works extensively on the protection of itsstaff. It concentrates on analyses of risks,draws up guidelines on how to deal with con-flict parties and dangerous situations and pro-vides relevant training. This support is essentialto protect staff members from threat. It isequally important, however, to train staff to

cope with chronic fear.

The Archives of Chile's Vicara de la SolidaridadThe Vicara de la Solidaridad of the Catholic Church in Chile providedlegal advice for victims during the Pinochet dictatorship. In 1976, the yearit was founded, the Vicara was already dealing with 11000 cases. Monthafter month they documented hundreds of arrests and compiled evidencewhich was published abroad. This work was continued under extremelydifficult conditions until 1992. After the dictatorship, the extensive documen-tation of the Vicara was an important basis for truth commissions, courttrials and the reparation efforts of the government. Without the work of the

Vicara, the peace and reconciliation work in Chile would have been muchmore difficult.

Possible ways of supporting people directly affectedby the conflictI Breaking through the isolation. Establish contact, ensure that project team

members or others pay regular visits, integrate victims into communityactivities.

I Acknowledging the suffering. Introducing activities and looking for solu-tions to the problem should always be only the second step. Initially, staffmembers should get involved with the victims and their feelings. Thisrequires active listening, i.e. listening with empathy, respect and thedesire to understand the victims situation by not denying, but ratheracknowledging the destruction and injury she or he has suffered.

I Establishing social networks. Build up networks with institutions that canprovide the necessary resources (emergency aid, legal aid, grants andloans, skills training, agricultural advice, referral to specialised medicalservices etc.).

I Ensuring that further support is provided to the victims by the community.Community members should be helped to understand the experience andfeelings of people who have suffered violence or loss. Community workshould focus on reducing their exclusion and extending their support.

I Monitoring human rights violations. Detailed records of human rights vio-lations must be compiled to support the defence of human rights duringthe conflict as well as the rehabilitation and reintegration of the victims in

the aftermath of violent conflict. Comprehensive information on the natureand extent of the violations is required if a society is to be able to dealwith the conflict after the end of the war ( Sheet 4: Dealing with thepast).


25/170


In the offices of many development and relieforganisations, it is unusual to talk about emo-tions at an official level. However, when thesafety of staff members is jeopardised, feel-ings are definitely no longer a luxury, butbecome an integral part of self-protection. Iffear is not sufficiently understood and inte-grated, it becomes a risk factor in itself.People who suffer from chronic fear and denythe fact are frequently no longer capable ofassessing situations reliably. They either over-estimate the risk, or take bigger risks eachtime without being aware of the fact. This iswhy it is necessary to create space for dia-logue in each project and in every office, sothat staff members can not only discuss risksat regular intervals, but also reflect on theirfears.

Acquiring knowledge and skillsIn conflict situations, staff members may trynot to become involved with the fears andexperiences of the target population. By

avoiding involvement, they wish to protectthemselves in two ways: on the one hand,from the danger to which they may be sub-jecting themselves by associating with thosewho have been targeted by the conflict par-ties, and on the other hand, from confronta-tion with immense suffering and strong emo-tions. It is particularly difficult for staff mem-bers who have themselves been through expe-riences similar to those of the target popula-tion (e.g. intimidation, abduction etc.). If staffmembers are expected to react to the experi-ence of the population in terms of linkageand empowerment, they themselves must firstof all feel capable of coping with these issuesand at least have learnt to acknowledge andendure their own insecurity and fear. Theymust be given the opportunity to take a closerlook at their own difficult experiences andgain sufficient understanding of the effect ofpolitical violence on individuals and commu-nities. Only when staff members have givenenough thought to the consequences of rape

or the effects of threats on families and on thebehaviour and feelings of schoolchildren, forexample, will they be ready and able to havediscussions of this nature in the community. A

Possible ways of managing fearIf staff members are not accustomed to talking about their feelings, execu-tive staff members will have to set a good example. Senior staff shouldbroach the issue of fear in official meetings, so that they can signal toother staff members that it is legitimate to express feelings. The introductionof a new culture of verbalising emotions requires a continued effort and onbehalf of executive staff a certain level of preparation and knowledgeabout how to organize such conversations ( Sheet 7: Staff).I Take up the issue of fear in your team sessions, just as naturally as if

you were talking about security. Begin by explaining why you find itimportant to talk about fear, and elaborate on how chronic fear can

impair staff motivation and have an effect on their safety, and on howit affects family life and teamwork. Afterwards, and in all the meetingsthat follow, ask the participants what they themselves find disturbing,what they are most afraid of. Draw up a list and let the group membersselect one experience of fear that they would like to talk about in greaterdepth. It is important that everything said should be taken seriously. Ifstaff members feel they are being criticised, it will impede open discus-sion.

I Always discuss a specific situation that causes fear in order to gain adeeper understanding of exactly what gives rise to fear among staffmembers. People must subsequently be helped to stand by their feel-

ings, even if they cannot immediately do anything to change them. Thisemotional exchange is not merely a means of developing more effec-tive forms of action, but already has value in itself and is an aim ofsuch talks in its own right. But the main point of such an exchange is,of course, above all, to develop ideas on how to cope better with thesituation and assess the amount of risk that is really involved. Staff candiscuss more effective measures for protecting themselves, whilst retain-ing at least a minimum of control over the situation.

I The more individual staff members know about their own fears, the eas-ier it will be for them to work with their partner organisations or targetgroup. They will then find it easier to recognise how others feel, howthey might react to fear, and that it relieves and protects them to talkabout it rather than to keep it to themselves.

I Frequently, external pressures aggravate conflicts and tensions amongthe members of a team. Staff members often fail to recognise the con-text in which such emotions are developing, so that the conflictsbecome more intricate and it becomes increasingly difficult to find asolution for them. It is particularly important in situations in which staffmembers are exposed to risk that they should be able to give eachother mutual support and protection. For this reason, it is important todeal with team conflicts, if necessary with the assistance of externalsupervisors.


26/170


27/170


ResourcesAnderson, M.B. (1999)

Do No Harm: How Aid can Support Peace or War.Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

DFID/GTZ (2005)

A Guidebook to Safe and EffectiveDevelopment in Conflict, Nepal.www.gtz.de/de/dokumente/en-Guidebook-SEDC.pdf

An excellent guide to analysing projects,bringing together principles of good develop-ment practice and Do No Harm.

SDC (2005)

Conflict-Sensitive Program Management(CSPM). Mainstreaming the Prevention ofViolencein the International Cooperation.www.deza.ch/ressources/resource_en_24650.pdf

Volkan, V. (2003)

Das Versagen der Diplomatie. ZurPsychoanalyse nationaler, ethnischer undreligiser Konflikte (The Failure of Diplomacy.On the Psychoanalysis of National, Ethnicand Religious Conflicts).Giessen: Psychosozial Verlag.

Deza/Toni Linder (Photo Filter)


28/170


29/170

Dealing with the past

events so they become part of history. If thisfails, e.g. because people try to repress thememory of these events, they turn into a men-acing threat that haunts the present andfuture. Examining the past is inevitably along-term task. Even sixty years after the endof the Second World War, for example, thediscussion about perpetrators and victims inGermany remains a delicate and essentialpart of the political process.

ReconciliationReconciliation after violent conflict has beenan issue since the beginning of human history.However, the more scientific conceptualiza-tion of the term and its introduction into con-

flict management and crisis prevention wereinitiated by Christian and to some extent reli-giously motivated NGOs. Meanwhile, recon-ciliation has become a central feature ofpeace-building in almost every area of con-flict. Critically, however, the definition ofreconciliation differs considerably betweenthe Islamic, Hindu, Jewish, Confucian, Buddhistand Christian cultures and there is a dangerthat the instrument of reconciliation might beregarded as yet another feature of a domi-nant Western and Christian outlook on theworld. However, efforts are being made tosecularise the term and fill it with meaningthat is convincing in the different cultural andreligious contexts.

The four components of thereconciliation process areI the rule of law

(Retributive, Restorative, CompensatoryJustice)

I remembrance, memory work and collec-tive mourning processes

I developing the capacity to handle conflictI social justice

The rule of lawThe transition to peace, which is frequentlylinked with the introduction of a democraticsystem, requires a fundamental reform of thelegal system and a change in the attitudes of

the people working within this system, espe-cially the judges. Transitional justice dealswith the wrongs of the past, with the aim ofestablishing new norms, revoking impunityand introducing a culture of human rights.

There are three legal concepts, each involvingspecific risks, advantages and disadvantagesin coming to terms with the crimes committedin the past: retributive justice, restorative jus-tice and compensatory justice. Whereas re-

tributive justice focuses more on the punish-ment of offenders, restorative justice is prima-rily conccerned with the restoration of therights of the victims and concentrates on rec-

Reconciliation can best be described as a long term, complex and contradictory process.

The process of reconciliation is:I finding a way to live that

permits a vision of the future;I the (re)building of relationships;I coming to terms with past acts and

enemies;I a society-wide, long-term process of

deep change;I a process of acknowledging, remem-

bering and learning from the past; andI voluntary and cannot be imposed.

The process of reconciliation is not:I an excuse for impunity;

I only an individual process;I an alternative to truth or justice;I a quick answer;I a religious concept;I perfect peace;I an excuse to forget; norI a matter of merely forgiving.

Source: IDEA, 2003


30/170


onciliation and mediation. Compensatory jus-tice has mainly to do with compensation andreparation payments. The focus varies, but allthree concepts deal with the establishment oftruth and justice.

Retributive Justicecovers legal criminal proceedings in nationaland international courts of justice.Proceedings of this nature give a clear signalthat perpetrators should be punished.However, such proceedings often take a longtime and can only take place if the existingpower structures permit them and there is suf-ficient evidence. In the case of national pro-ceedings, the degree of involvement of thecountrys judiciary in the crimes during theconflict is decisive, as is the degree of corrup-tion when the proceedings take place.Particularly when the balance of power isfragile politicians may fear that proceedingscould rekindle new conflicts. In the case ofinternational court proceedings, the victims

question the extent to which their local con-cerns are likely to be considered. The courtsare also often accused of applying the lawof the victors. Differences frequently arisebetween the local, culturally-linked sense ofjustice, and the more Western oriented cul-ture of international law. Despite the objec-tions to retributive justice, criminal proceed-ings are what most people call for after awar. The significance of retributive justice isobvious in countries like Chile and Argentina.There, decades later, offenders linked withthe dictatorships were charged, even thoughamnesties and other laws had been passed inan attempt to draw a line under the past.When the number of perpetrators is verylarge, the new regime may be interested inallowing a large part of the population toswitch their allegiance to the new regime,without explicitly revoking their past loyalties.In these situations the interest in criminal jus-tice will be quite limited.

Restorative Justicecannot satisfy the desire for the perpetratorsto be punished, but acknowledging the injus-tice gives the victims back their dignity.

Victims pursue five key objectives through legal proceduresand truth commissionsI The public restoration of their personal dignity and that of their family

members.I The initiation and legal procurement of supportive and helpful measures

to enable personal and social rehabilitation and reparation, as far as thisis possible.

I The experience of being given protection and earning respect in the con-text of their own readiness to give evidence of the pain they have suf-fered. This includes witness protection and avoiding new humiliation incourt, particularly for gender-based violence; specific provisions are

needed to enable women to give evidence on gender-based violence.I The holding of offenders responsible for their deeds and public acknowl-

edgement that they are not above the law; this aspect of their punishmentmay be more important for the victims than more direct forms of punish-ment, as, for example, prison terms, although this is still a controversialissue.

I The opportunity to come to terms with the contradictory implications ofthe truth. The victims hope the truth will bring enlightenment and relief,but the truth can also be painful; losses are permanent, the pain inflictedmay be relieved, but it does not disappear. Establishing the truth is there-fore, at best, a means of facilitating the mourning process.

Throughout the world, truth commissions areregarded as a way of breaking the silencesurrounding the crimes of the past. Based onevidence given by the victims and perpetra-tors, the commissions establish the truth aboutpast crimes and thus provide society with aneffective orientation that counteracts historicalrevisionism. This process facilitates the social

healing of the victims, at least to some extent.When the state gives official confirmation tothe relatives of disappeared and murderedpersons of what has happened to their familymembers, this not only helps them through themourning process, but also shifts the problemfrom the personal psychological sphere to thesocial and political process where it belongs.Nevertheless, truth commissions cannot healthe victims. Revealing is healing, the sloganof the South African Truth and ReconciliationCommission, is a misconception, since in fact

it is a very complex and long-term process forthe victims to come to terms with their experi-ence.


31/170


The more fragile the political equilibrium afterthe conflict, the weaker the commissions: it isoften impossible to investigate some of thecrimes because those responsible for themhave too much power. But even with powerfulcommissions, like the one in South Africa, theconsequences for the perpetrators may be lim-ited. There the offenders were grantedamnesty in return for giving evidence. Thiswas difficult for many victims. The public

nature of the commission also creates otherproblems. Many of the victims, in particularwomen who had experienced rape and beentortured, decided not to give testimony. Theyfeared new abuse and public disgrace if theypresented testimony in front of the commission.

Truth commissions are not an alternative to acourt of justice. Although retributive justiceand restorative justice cannot replace eachother, they do complement each other andsometimes even overlap. A key issue in any

court of justice is to establish the truth. A truthcommission, although it usually does notactively prosecute anybody, can recommendsuch prosecutions or, as in South Africa grant

amnesty. However, neither of these two formsof justice leads directly to social harmony.Neither truth nor punishment can give back tothe victims what they have lost. Nor do theysolve the social conflicts, but the legal normsprovide a framework for addressing such con-flicts in a non-violent way. Reconciliation ispromoted, but not finalised in this process.

Compensatory Justice

deals with the need of support and compen-sation for the victims in post-conflict societies.It is necessary to distinguish between payingcompensation and psychosocial rehabilitationand reintegration measures.I Compensation payments may frequently

serve a purpose, as they help to reducematerial deprivation, but they will remaininadequate because they cannot undo thewrong. For example, they create a moraldilemma for the family members of disap-peared persons who can put material sup-

port from the state to good use, but at thesame time may feel that they are beingpaid for their dead. This is no argumentagainst the compensation in itself, but it

Medicus Mundi


32/170


should be considered in the wording ofrelevant laws and when dealing personal-ly with the victims.

Compensation payments in the form ofrights, such as the right to free health careor free admission to college or vocationaltraining are slightly less morally contradic-tory for the victims. The crucial issue hereis defining exactly who is entitled to suchbenefits. In countries with high levels ofpoverty, measures of this kind inevitablyprovoke feelings of envy towards theallegedly privileged victims. This envymanifests itself all the more when the pub-lic does not perceive certain groups ofthose entitled to the privileges as beingvictims (such as refugees returning fromexile or victims who hold different politicalviews to their own). Questions are alsooften raised when former combatantsreceive compensation payments and privi-leges, while some of their victims are left

empty-handed. Granting particular rightsmust therefore be linked with explainingthe reasons why certain people receivesocial privileges and others do not.

I Psychosocial rehabilitation and integrationmeasures for victims are an integral partof sustainable conflict transformation. As arule, however, the measures which arenecessary, from physical rehabilitation(e.g. artificial limbs for the victims of land-mines) to psychotherapeutic treatment,overtax the national budgets. Generally afew years after the end of the conflict thefunds of the international donors for reha-bilitating victims diminish drastically.Meanwhile it becomes evident that thetreatment of the victims will take far longerthan had originally been expected. Weknow from research on the survivors of theHolocaust that trauma-related mental prob-lems appear many years after the originaltraumatic events, in old age and also in

children and grandchildren, but thisknowledge is unfortunately not used forplanning rehabilitation measures in areasof war and conflict.

The following points should be observed when givingpsychosocial support to victimsI From the beginning, the rehabilitation rights of the victims must be legally

assured.I Rehabilitation activities should be anchored not only in the health

system, but as far as possible also in community development and theeducational process. The partnership between NGOs and the stateshould be given particular attention in this sector.

I Professional staff (e.g. teachers, clergy, local healers, child carers,nurses, etc.) must acquire a basic knowledge of traumatisation processesso that they can help afflicted persons in whatever contexts they encounter

them.I The insensitive introduction of Western medical concepts (the concept of

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, for example) should be avoided, becauseit obscures the social character of suffering and tends to misrepresent apolitical problem as individual psychopathology. Individualised forms ofhelp must, however, be developed for those suffering from extremeforms of traumatisation. The aim must be the professional training oflocal trauma experts who have a contextualised conception of the trau-matic process ( Sheet 15: Health).

I From the very beginning, the psychosocial measures should be plannedon a long-term basis. Raising false expectations of a quick cure should

be avoided.


33/170


Remembrance and collectivemourning processesComing to terms with the past is not limited tolegal procedures, but is part of the culturalprocess. Collective memory can be fosteredand developed by means of remembrancesites, monuments, public discussions and audioand visual productions of an artistic and doc-umentary nature, or by writing. These multipleconfrontations with the past promote theprocess of conflict transformation by deindi-

vidualising and socialising the grief experi-enced. Remembrance is the processing andtransformation of the past in the present; it is acontinuous process of discussion, out of whichperspectives for the future are developed.Shaping memory through collective symbols isnot possible without conflict, but a space iscreated where conflicts can take place withoutviolence and where they can be exploredand redirected. The risk of manipulation will,of course, always be present. Of central sig-nificance, however, is that collective symbols

and forms of remembrance break through thewall of silence and produce new and differ-ent opportunities for dialogue within the com-munity.

For the victims, collective memory work is alsosignificant in a personal sense. The socialconflict has left physical imprints on their bodies,leaving them with wounds and scars that areoften experienced as a disease. Even thoughmany victims may need individual treatment,

it is equally true that part of their illness canonly be dealt with with the help of the wholecommunity. Through the acknowledgementthat victims receive in the collective memoryprocesses, social reintegration is promotedand individual suffering is diminished bybeing shared in the collective.

Locating the disappeared and the burial ofthe dead is a vital part of remembrance andcollective mourning processes. In most areasof war and conflict, there are large numbers

of disappeared or hastily buried people whowere not given proper funerals. If successful,forensic experts and search parties whoinvestigate the whereabouts of the disap-

peared can provide families with definiteproof, end the uncertainty and give them theopportunity of paying tribute to their dead rel-atives by providing them with a proper funeral( Sheet 11: Disappeared and murderedpersons). People are prepared to live with theirsorrow, but they are not prepared to forgettheir dead.

Developing the capacity tohandle conflict

When coming out of violent conflict and start-ing on a process of democratisation, peopleneed to readjust. Behaviour patterns whichhave been acceptable for a long time arenow no longer appropriate. During the acuteconflict, most people have learnt to remainpassive, to wait and see what decisions oth-ers make, to risk as little as possible andavoid discussions to protect their lives. Nowthat the conflict is over, individual initiative iscalled for. People are suddenly expected tovoice their wishes and opinions and partici-

pate actively in community development. Thisreorientation is only possible if a) internalisedand chronic structures of fear are challengedand b) blind acceptance of authority andauthoritarianism are overcome. Respect forhuman rights need to be learnt and should gobeyond an acceptance of legal norms toinclude a process of psychological growthand liberation.

Enabling people to develop their inner capacity

to handle conflict constructively or, in the wordsof T.W. Adorno, to free themselves fromimposed immaturity, is an essential function ofthe education system ( Sheet 16: Education),but not of the education system alone. Manysocial processes can provide learning experi-ences, for example, free elections. When, atthe end of the dictatorship in Chile, a votewas held to decide whether Augusto Pinochetshould remain in office, most people initiallydid not believe their vote would count andfeared that the outcome of the plebiscite would

not be acknowledged and that it would beviolently suppressed. The main focus of theanti-Pinochet campaign was therefore laid onthe effort to help electors overcome their fears:


34/170


Vote no without fear and without violence.No won the vote, effectively changing thefuture of the country.

Social justiceReconciliation is only possible when the struc-tural causes of the conflict have been dealt withand removed ( Sheet 1: Introduction). If thepower structures continue to be managed in anundemocratic manner, if economic exploitationand inequality determine social reality, peaceis threatened. Social justice therefore remainsthe central issue in overcoming the past.

If social justice can be achieved at all, how-ever, it will only develop through a long-termprocess. People must be given the opportunityto have their say in this process and contributeto its development. This is the only

Swiss Ag for Dev and Coopr (2006) Gender, conflict, transformation & the psychosocial approach

Documents

Transcript of Swiss Ag for Dev and Coopr (2006) Gender, conflict, transformation & the psychosocial approach