Sustainable Economic Development: An Indigenous Perspective
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Transcript of Sustainable Economic Development: An Indigenous Perspective
SUSTAINABLE MÄORI DEVELOPMENT IN TAITOKERAU
Sustainable Economic Development: An Indigenous Perspective
Val Lindsay Taitokerau Sustainable Development Research Group for The James Henare Mäori Research Centre The University of Auckland September 2004
Sustainable Mäori Development in Taitokerau Sustainable Economic Development: An Indigenous Perspective Val Lindsay Published for: The James Henare Mäori Research Centre The University of Auckland Private Bag 92-019 AUCKLAND By The Taitokerau Sustainable Development Research Group c/o Alta Vista Pacifica Ltd P.O. Box 33, Ngaruawahia Waikato 2171 This document may be copied and distributed on a non-commercial basis for educational purposes. © James Henare Mäori Research Centre 2003
The research to which this paper contributes is part of a programme funded from the Public Good Science Fund by the Foundation for Research, Science and Technology, Wellington, New Zealand.
SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP: AN INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVE
Val Lindsay
Associate Professor in International Business School of Marketing and International Business
Victoria University of Wellington P O Box 600 Wellington
New Zealand
Ph: 64-4-4636915 e-mail: [email protected]
Prepared for The James Henare Mäori Research Centre
The University of Auckland September 2004
SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: AN INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVE
Abstract Sustainable development has been the subject of considerable research over recent
decades. In indigenous communities, the notion of sustainability is often rooted in
tradition and heritage. Because of growing global concerns over environmental
sustainability, the topic of sustainable development has been largely investigated in the
context of environment and impacts of development on environment sustainability.
Economic development, such as economic growth of communities, including social and
political aspects, is also covered in the literature, and a wide range of studies across
multiple locations exists. Indigenous economic development studies are generally
grounded in anthropological and social studies. Probably because of the diversity of the
literature, few studies have brought these various elements together, particularly in the
context of indigenous communities and development through sustainable business
development and growth. The paper draws together the various strands and provides an
overview of the main conditions and issues concerned with indigenous sustainable
economic development.
ii
Contents
ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... II
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1
SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.......................................................... 3 INDIGENOUS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT....................................................................... 5 CONTEMPORARY MAORI VIEWS OF BUSINESS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT .................. 6
SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN RURAL AND INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE............................................ 10
CONDITIONS FOR SUCCESS .............................................................................................. 10 CHARACTERISTICS OF SUCCESS ....................................................................................... 12
Organisation............................................................................................................... 12 Business Financing..................................................................................................... 12 Business Recruitment.................................................................................................. 13 Promotional Campaigns............................................................................................. 13
CRITICAL NEEDS ............................................................................................................. 14 Economic Diversification ........................................................................................... 14 Strategic Planning ...................................................................................................... 14 Adequate Local Infrastructure and Services .............................................................. 14 Business Transfer Mechanism.................................................................................... 14 Business Skills ............................................................................................................ 15 Attraction and Retention of Quality Personnel .......................................................... 15 Funding....................................................................................................................... 15
CHARACTERISTICS OF SUCCESSFUL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN RURAL COMMUNITIES. 16 Leadership and Cooperation...................................................................................... 16 Commitment of Key Staff within Local and Regional Agencies ................................. 16
SUCCESS FACTORS IN IMPLEMENTING A DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME ............................. 17 Financial Assistance................................................................................................... 17 Technical and Managerial Assistance........................................................................ 17 Job and/or Technical Training................................................................................... 17 Location Assistance .................................................................................................... 17 Innovative Programmes.............................................................................................. 17 Infrastructure.............................................................................................................. 17
ENVIRONMENTAL CONCERNS AND ECOTOURISM ............................................................ 18 COMMUNITY LEARNING .................................................................................................. 19 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IDEAS.................................................................................... 20
Business Attraction..................................................................................................... 21 Import Substitution ..................................................................................................... 21 Value-adding .............................................................................................................. 21 Developing Business Services .................................................................................... 21
EXTERNAL AGENCIES...................................................................................................... 22 Networks and Collaboration ...................................................................................... 23
CULTURE AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP................................................................................. 25
CONCLUSIONS............................................................................................................... 31
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................. 34
iii
iv
Introduction One of the critical questions in dealing with the challenges of sustainable economic
development in indigenous communities1 is how to engage in the contemporary global
economic system, while at the same time preserving critical traditions, values and culture
(Hailey, 1987; Henare and Lindsay, 1999). A significant body of work has been done on
issues of modernity in developing economies, much of it from the perspectives of
anthropology and sociology, as well as development economics (Pezzoli, 1997; Robins,
2004). Although there is a growing interest in development in indigenous communities,
less research exists. Business development, as one aspect of economic development,
offers opportunities for growth and improved economic wellbeing for indigenous
communities. However, the question of relevant and appropriate frameworks for business
development that deals with the modernity / tradition dilemma of these communities,
remain largely unanswered.
This paper aims to cast light on this question by providing an integration of literature
relevant to the area. It specifically focuses on integrating the findings, to provide an
understanding of extant research in the area, rather than providing a discourse on the
underlying theoretical stands involved – an aspect open to analysis, but beyond the intent
of this paper. The paper also draws on the findings from a large study conducted over a
decade on sustainable indigenous development in New Zealand, focusing on indigenous
(Maori2) communities. Detailed accounts of the findings of this study are reported
elsewhere.
The study is aimed at researchers and practitioners, including community leaders, business
owners and policy makers. It provides an integrated overview of research and knowledge
in the area of sustainable indigenous economic development, which should help to provide
insights into ongoing development initiatives.
1 The notion of community is often regarded as elusive (Brent, 2004). In this paper, the specific context for community is a co-located, geographically bounded group of people that represents a ‘stable entity’ (Brent, 2004 (p 215). For Maori, community generally relates to family and heritage ties (Henare and Lindsay, 2000) that, while generally reflect co-located groups, includes members outside the focal location. 2 Maori are the indigenous population of New Zealand (Aotearoa).
1
The paper is structured as follows. First, an overview of the meanings and contexts of
sustainable development is provided. This is followed by a brief review of research on
indigenous sustainable development, drawing on findings from Maori communities to
illustrate. The next section is a review of the key literature on economic development in
rural and indigenous settings, noting that many indigenous communities also face issues
associated with their rural location. Findings on conditions for success in a range of
studies are presented, and then a number of key issues emerging from the literature on
sustainable economic development are discussed. These include considerations associated
with the natural environment and ecotourism, community clearing, generating and
harnessing economic development ideas, the role of external agencies, and culture and
entrepreneurship. The paper concludes with a discussion of gather implications of the
findings for policy-makers, community leaders and for further research.
2
Sustainable Economic Development
Sustainable development has many definitions and meanings, contingent, for example, on
the perspective of individuals in the context of their social frameworks, contemporary or
traditional views, and culture and ethnicity. The concept of sustainable development
emerged in the 1980s in an attempt to explore the relationship between development and
the environment (Banerjee, 2003). Over 100 definitions of sustainable development exist
(Holmberg and Sandbrook, 1992), but the most widely used is that of Brundtland (WCED,
1987) arising from the Report of the Brundtland Commission. The common definition
from this source is: “the ability to meet the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations … to meet their own needs” (p43). There is also a well-
known Kenyan proverb, which articulates the concept of sustainability: “We do not inherit
the earth from our parents, we borrow it from our children.” (cited in Pezzoli, 1997, p
549).
Gladwin et al (1995) undertook a content analysis of sustainable development definitions,
and identified several themes:
• Human development;
• Inclusiveness (of economic, political, technological and social systems);
• Connectivity (of socio-political, economic and environmental goals);
• Equity (fair distribution of resources and property rights);
• Prudent (avoiding irreversibilities and recognising carrying capacities); and
• Security (achieving a safe, healthy, and high quality of life).
Pezzoli (1997) emphasises the point that, given its various roots and definitions,
sustainable development concerns ideological, political, ecological and environmental
factors. A comprehensive review of the derivation of the concept of sustainable
development is provided in Pezzoli (1997). On a global level, concerns about the
consequences of economic growth and development are increasing (see review by Engel
and Engel, 1990). For example, “the impact of science, technology and economic growth
upon people and the environment has become a matter of increasing ethical and
theological concern.” (Pezzoli, 1997, p 16). While economic growth and environmental
sustainability are clearly key components of sustainable development, social, cultural and
3
political elements are also important (Duchin, 1996). Banerjee (2003) notes that the
separation of ‘economic’ from ‘social’ is characteristic of Western economic thought, but
it became evident in the late 1960s and 1970s that economic growth can also lead to
adverse social consequences.
Li (2003) undertook a study of heritage tourism development, considering particularly the
sustainability of heritage and culture in Hong Kong and Singapore communities. This
study showed that culture-based tourism may assist in preserving a destination’s cultural
heritage, but it also accelerates change in the local society. This depends on a number of
factors, particularly government policy and guidance (Henderson, 2002; Swain, 1989,
1990). For many communities, preservation of heritage and culture must be weighed
against profitable business / commercial development (Wright 1994), although Li (2003)
argues that these are not mutually exclusive outcomes of development.
Consideration of heritage or tradition highlights an inherent contradiction between
conservation and change in the development process. For example, the NZIER (2003)
study suggests that, while not universal among Maori, many regard economic
development as a trade-off with other elements, particularly ‘Maoriness’ (p.45). Li (2003)
notes that “Heritage is viewed as part of the cultural tradition of a society, whereas tourism
is a form of modern consumption, dynamic in nature” (p.248); and “Tradition implies
stability or continuity, whereas tourism involves change (Fowler, 1989; Hall and
McArthur, 1993)” (Li 2003, p 249). According to the NZIER (2003) study, Maori
perceive potential risks to tradition and culture from culture-based tourism. However, Li
(2003) also suggests that this contradiction “between conservation and change constitutes
resources more than threats for heritage tourism” (p 259).
Successful exploitation of sustainable development based on cultural tradition and
traditional practices, such as heritage tourism, requires communities to desire or accept
both continuity and up to-date representation of their cultural heritage in the 21st century
(Li 2003). For Maori, this means recognizing heritage and tikanga from the perspective of
the modern world - accepting the concept of modernity while preserving the meaning of
their heritage and tradition (Haworth et al 1997).
4
Indigenous Sustainable Development
Indigenous views of sustainable development appear to have broad similarities across
different groups. Many of these groups have practised sustainable development for
centuries, and the concept of sustainability is deeply rooted in their tradition. For Maori,
traditional values help to shape contemporary views of sustainable development (Henare
and Lindsay, 1999). A long-term perspective is fundamental to these views, with adult
Maori concerned that sustainable development provides a future for their grandchildren
(mokopuna), in the same way that their own lives have been shaped by their predecessors
and ancestors (tupuna). Empirical research with rural Maori communities, typically poor
in economic terms, has identified the following components of sustainable development
that are consistent with contemporary perspectives of their tradition, values and culture:
preservation of natural and cultural resources, while not excluding their utilisation in
economic advancement; tangible social benefits for all members of the community,
particularly in areas of employment, education, housing and health; and community
control of economic growth, with limits defined by the extent of trade-offs needed to
achieve sustainability (in other words, not 'wealth for the sake of wealth') (Lindsay, 1996).
Similar key components of definitions of sustainable development are noted by Gladwin et
al (1995).
From his study of small-scale entrepreneurs in Tanzania, Kristiansen (2002) suggests that
the business environment may look different to entrepreneurs of various social standings
and ethnic and class backgrounds. “New, small-scale entrepreneurs might not have the
appropriate types of motivation, may not perceive available business opportunities, or
could be hindered by formal procedures and bureaucracy. They are easily marginalized in
the liberalized economy.” (p 284). In attempting to provide a context in which to
understand these issues, Kristiansen draws on two theoretical bases: x-efficiency
(Lieberstein, 1966), and adaptive efficiency (North, 1993). These are discussed in a later
section of this review, in the context of entrepreneurship.
5
Contemporary Maori views of business and economic development
While the key elements of sustainable development (social, economic, ecological, and
political) present challenges for indigenous communities, they are also recognised as
linked and interdependent. Sustainable economic development encompasses a range of
contextual elements, even though sustainability issues are usually addressed in terms of
economic outcomes. Indigenous communities have recognised the holistic nature of
sustainable economic development for generations, but only in very recent years has this
realisation become evident in contemporary Western cultures (e.g. Handy, 1996; Giddens,
1999; Moore, 1996). This realisation has come about with a growing disenchantment of
the economic-centred policies of many countries, and the consequent social and ecological
problems that have arisen (Banerjee, 2003).
It is not surprising, therefore, that indigenous people may perceive business in ways that
are different to those represented by the dominant paradigm of Western cultures. The
distinctions are not, however, universally held. In the same way that the capitalist
paradigm is challenged by many Western communities (Lindsay, 1996; NZIER, 2003),
Maori have views of business that occupy different positions along the continuum between
economics-driven, capitalist models and holistic perspectives. Research in New Zealand
has shown that Maori who are more inclined to the holistic perspective are those who
respond strongly to the influence of their traditional values (Haworth et al, 1997; Henare
and Lindsay, 1999; NZIER, 2003). Sometimes this results in the explicit rejection of the
capitalist model. Others, however, separate the role of economics from that of traditional
values and culture, and recognise a need for Maori business to integrate with the global
economic system. Durie’s (1998 – cited in NZIER, 2003, p. 45) summary of the potential
sources of conflict and misunderstanding arising from Maori collective attitudes and
colonial attitudes to land highlights the contrasts between the role of traditional values and
modern-day views of economic development (NZIER, 2003). Social and cultural
implications of these differences in viewpoints for business development are significant.
Results from empirical studies of Maori institutions and business suggest that there are
similarities and differences in relation to contemporary Western businesses (Lindsay 1996;
6
Haworth et al, 1997; NZIER, 2003). In this context, business development may be viewed
from three main perspectives; motivations for business development, business principles
and practice, and desired business outcomes. Maori business owner/managers perceive
that motivations for business and desired business outcomes are generally different to
those represented in contemporary Western business models, while the principles and
practice of business are very similar. More specifically, Maori business managers tend to
be motivated more by the social needs of their communities than purely economic
objectives. Business development is seen to provide opportunities for employment and
training of community members, especially the unemployed and unskilled younger
generations. On the other hand, Maori business managers recognise that business
principles and practices must largely conform to those of contemporary business, if they
are to succeed. Business success is necessary to support the initial motivations and to
achieve the desired outcomes, which are also generally different to Western business
expectations. For example, Western business models tend to focus on short-term profit
and other financial outcomes, with maximisation for shareholders being a key element.
Desired outcomes of Maori business, however, link closely with their initial business
motivations. While profit is an important ingredient for business maintenance and growth,
the community is also recognised as an important long-term stakeholder. Tradition and
culture, therefore, play a role in shaping present-day Maori business perspectives and
practice, at the same time enabling a blending with some of those of contemporary
Western business. Implications of these apparent similarities and differences need to be
considered further in relation to their role in sustainable development in indigenous
communities.
A number of models have been developed for sustainable economic development at a
community level (e.g. Robinson, 1994). The international development literature
increasingly recognizes the importance of community participation for effective
community development (Uphoff et al, 1998). The community has a stakeholder role
either through its collective membership or through individuals. For example, the
community may determine social, cultural and political frameworks in which local
businesses must operate. It may also provide labour and other resources, and a significant
local market. For these reasons, it is helpful to develop models of sustainable economic
development that incorporate these community aspects. This assists the understanding of
7
the interactions between the community and business development, and the role that
community members play in this interface.
The NZ Institute of Economic Research proposed four high-level building blocks of
economic performance, relevant to Maori economic development (NZIER, 2003, p. 37).
These are:
• Aspirations: these include the consideration of culture and values.
• Opportunities: short-term opportunities are strongly influenced by history, but
policies and individual choices influence the creation (and destruction) of
opportunities.
• Factors of influence: include “educational and legal institutions, and attitudes to
markets and risks. Institutions, including Maori institutions and central
government have key influences.
• Strategy and action: considers “what can be, or needs to be, done to maintain and
improve current performance.”
The recent corporate emphasis on the benefits of human capital in business
competitiveness is consistent with the value attributed to people by most indigenous
communities, and notable in Maori communities (Haworth et al 1997). Rural Maori
communities generally have a rich, untapped human resource coincident with a physical
primary resource base that is, however, often undeveloped or declining in economic value.
The extent to which the value of these resources can be leveraged appears to be limited by
both market conditions and insufficiently developed knowledge and specialist skills.
Whether or not sustainable economic development derives from resource bases such as
these, or the introduction of new knowledge-based resources, or a combination of both, the
implications for human resource and capability development in Maori communities are
considerable. The unique challenge for indigenous communities in these endeavours is to
respect, retain, preserve and, if possible, rejuvenate, their traditions, culture and values in
ways that are compatible with economic development goals.
The following section provides a brief review of the contemporary literature on
sustainable economic development in rural and indigenous communities. While the
literature on Maori sustainable economic development is limited, the broader literature
8
provides a base, from which parallels with Maori communities may be drawn, at the same
time recognising their unique cultural context.
9
Sustainable Economic Development in Rural and Indigenous Communities: A Review of the Literature
This section provides an overview of the broad literature on sustainable economic
development in rural and indigenous communities. It is organised around the following
key themes that emerge from the literature: conditions for success; environmental
concerns and ecotourism; economic development ideas; external agencies, collaboration
and networks; state, regional or local development; cultural considerations and
entrepreneurship.
The eclectic nature of research on sustainable development is evidenced by the range of
fields that the topic covers. Pezzoli (1997) identified what he refers to as ten fields of
discourse on sustainability. These are: managerialism, policy, planning, economics,
environmental sciences, ecology, chemistry, biology, geology and climatology.
Underlying these are four principal challenges concerning: “1. holism and co-evolution, 2.
social justice and equity, 3. empowerment and community building, and 4. sustainable
production and reproduction.” (p549).
The link between ecology and culture is most explicit in the co-evolutionary approach,
particularly as articulated by Norgaard (1994). This perspective views development as a
co-evolutionary process between cultural and ecological systems. Further, people are a
“co-evolutionary” part of the web of life.” (Pezzoli, 1997). Norgaard (1994) also reflects
critically on the assumptions of progress as being rooted in modernism, and talks about
this as “development betrayed”. (p1).
Conditions for Success
The focus of many studies on sustainable economic development in communities has been
on the conditions and characteristics of success. These can be broadly divided into those
important at the community level and those important at the individual business level.
This section describes some of these studies in more detail, in order to understand the
underlying implications of the conditions for success.
10
Coates et al (1992) comment that rural areas (in the US) are more likely to demonstrate
economic failure than success, with little in between. The successes include retirement
and recreation communities, area trade centres, government centres, academic
communities and entrepreneurial centres. Failures include rural communities, which have
based their economies on extracting a natural resource, such as mining and agriculture;
these communities are expected to decline and offer fewer employment opportunities for
rural residents. These findings are supported by the US Report on Rural Economic
Development for the 90’s, (Edgell and Staiger, 1992). On the other hand, Parks (1992)
has shown that it is possible to attract agricultural investment (for dairying) into a rural
community in the US, by the establishment of a specific programme, utilising shared
resources and public/private coalitions. Such co-operative ventures, involving private and
public sector partners, or partnerships between other stakeholders, appear to be playing an
increasingly important role in rural and small community development (for example,
Elferdink, 1992).
Strategies for the revival of rural economies have indicated the importance of the
following factors: educational reform, new technologies, government policies and building
and maintenance of infrastructure. According to Coates et al (1992), the extent to which
these complementary factors are implemented will determine the future economic
development scenario. These and other factors have been widely identified by research on
the economic development of small rural communities (for example, Leistritz et al, 1992a
and 1992b - see discussion below)
Leistritz et al (1992b), in studying the retail sector in a number of small rural communities
in the US, found the following factors to be important for revitalisation and success: a
strong economic base (to support the retail trade), business management training,
mechanisms to transfer business operations, innovative funding mechanisms for new and
potential businesses, and planning for the future. Among the broad characteristics of
success, Leistritz et al also noted a number of specific critical needs common to the three
different communities surveyed. The broad characteristics and critical needs are discussed
below.
11
Characteristics of success The characteristics of the communities demonstrating success in their retailing sector
(Leistritz et al, 1992b) were fourfold: organisation, financing, recruitment, and promotion.
Organisation The following organisational success characteristics were identified:
- strong community organisations e.g. a local business group, usually without any
paid employees, but with officers and/or a board of directors
- a local Chamber of Commerce, often with the employment of an economic
development coordinator
- cooperation between county (region) and city councils, combining resources to
hire a development coordinator; cooperation sometimes extended to several
regions and cities
- a strong spirit of, and commitment to, cooperation between organisations within
the communities.
Business Financing This is often seen as the key to rural economic development (Daniels and Crockett, 1988),
but lack of financing was not seen as a problem for established businesses in Leistritz et
al’s (1992b) study. Banks were the main source of funding for these businesses.
However, without substantial owner equity, banks regarded new and aspiring businesses
as risky and imprudent. Credit unions appeared to be more willing than banks to make
loans to businesses in smaller towns and communities. A variety of innovative funding
mechanisms were used by businesses and communities in the study, including "silent
partnerships" and revolving loan funds.
The concept of micro-financing has become increasingly popular as a successful
mechanism for funding new businesses (Dyck, 2002). Largely led by the early financing
endeavours of Professor Muhammad Yunus of Bangladesh in 1976 for micro-
entrepreneurs, to assist in overcoming poverty, the concept has now “taken the
international development community by storm.” (Dyck, 2002, p361). As of 2000, the
bank that he founded in 1983 (the Grameen Bank) had helped over 2.3 million clients in
12
over 40,000 villages, and had disbursed over US $3.25 billion. The concept of
microfinancing has been recognized by the United Nations, “encouraging all those
interested in “poverty eradication programmes to consider incorporating microcredit
schemes in their strategies.” (United Nations, 1997).
Business Recruitment Leistritz et al (1992b) found that successful attraction of new businesses and industry was
important to ongoing business success. This includes both new basic sector employers
and diversification of the local retail sector. However, in some cases, it was shown that,
although the communities were able to develop strong industrial sectors, the retail sector
remained weak. This breakdown of the multiplier effect generally resulted from
community members spending their money elsewhere e.g. the nearest large town or city,
for the reasons discussed earlier. There is some evidence to show that, in order to prevent
people from buying goods and services elsewhere, and to preserve the multiplier effect
within a community, the community's economy must be reasonably diverse and self-
sufficient. Where the multiplier effect is preserved, the original economic activity can
often be doubled, or even more (Gordon and Mulkey, 1978; Leistritz et al, 1982).
Promotional Campaigns Strong promotional campaigns to attract outside people to the community were a
characteristic of success in Leistritz et al’s (1992b) study. Attractions included shopping,
annual events, local attractions (e.g. natural, cultural, and historical) and local specialised
services. Promotional media which proved most successful were pamphlets (bi-weekly or
monthly), local newspaper, local radio stations, and word-of-mouth; other useful devices
included billboards, displays and video-tapes.
13
Critical Needs
The critical needs of business communities as identified by Leistritz et al (1992b), are
discussed below.
Economic Diversification The communities' experiences of heavy dependence on agriculture, or just one or two
major manufacturing firms, demonstrated the need to broaden the economic base and
reduce susceptibility to economic fluctuations in any one sector. Successful economic
diversification was shown to require efforts in a number of key areas, outlined above. In
particular, diversification may result from the recruitment of new businesses into, as well
as entrepreneurship within, the communities concerned.
Strategic Planning A key factor was the need for communities to take a strategic approach to their economic
development efforts. This involved (i) determining the community goals, (ii) identifying
available resources and constraints, with the aim of (iii) identifying the town's comparative
advantage relative to other towns and localities (these advantages could, for example, be
based on a natural resource base, the availability of serviced land, location, and skills of
the labour force). The importance of strategic planning in rural economic development,
particularly the adoption of a broad range of local development plans, has been suggested
by a number of authors, (for example, Reed and Blair, 1993).
Adequate Local Infrastructure and Services A local bank is important for local business, and for attracting new businesses. It was also
noted that appropriate banking hours were necessary. Other local infrastructure includes
roading, sanitary sewer systems, medical facilities, schools and recreational facilities, all
of which impact on the attraction of businesses and customers to the community.
Provision of adequate infrastructure and services also help to retain local people in the
community, and, therefore, capture the associated economic benefit.
Business Transfer Mechanism The study found that many businesses in the communities failed when there were no
provisions for succession or transfer when the owners retired, died or wanted to sell the
business. The main difficulty associated with business transfer was the lack of suitable or
willing buyers for the business.
14
Business Skills Particular skill requirements noted in the study were financial management, business
planning, merchandising, inventory management, personnel management and customer
relations. Although these needs were all articulated, few of the people surveyed in the
study had taken advantage of relevant courses offered by various training providers.
Attraction and Retention of Quality Personnel Good employees tended to gravitate towards larger towns and cities to seek alternative,
usually more attractive, employment. Prospective employers in the communities tended to
seek more information on personnel management and employee incentives.
Funding The study noted access to long-term debt or equity for financing new ventures or major
expansions as a critical need for business. Improved skills in business plan development
and financial management were perceived to help in gaining approval for loans,
particularly from banks.
In another study, Leistritz et al (1992a) noted a steady decline in retailing enterprises
associated with smaller rural communities in the US. The principal causes include better
transportation, improving access to nearby larger towns; changing tastes and preferences
of consumers, leading them to seek wider varieties of goods; the need to travel to larger
centres for specialised services; and small populations, insufficient to support retail
businesses. These authors estimated that a population of 500 to 999 is required to support
a grocery store.
15
Characteristics of successful economic development in rural communities
Leaman et al (1992) undertook a study of rural communities in the US and isolated three
main characteristics of successful economic development: leadership, cooperation and
commitment of key staff within local and regional agencies. These are discussed below:
Leadership and Cooperation This was most effective if undertaken as a team effort involving cooperation between the
elected leader/s within and between communities. The role of leaders was to decide which
action was needed to improve the local economy and to set an agenda for action. The
agenda typically covered a period of years, rather than weeks or months. Undertaking
group discussions and consensus was the most effective style of leadership. Cooperation
was also extended to outside agencies and the goal of the cooperative efforts was to
benefit the community/ies rather than individuals (particularly in terms of money or
prestige). Taking a sociocultural perspective on leadership, Kirk and Shutte (2004) have
developed a model for leadership capacity building that focuses on both the individual and
the organisation.
Commitment of Key Staff within Local and Regional Agencies This was shown to be a catalyst for an aggressive economic development programme,
often linked to a key individual in a local or regional agency. Leistritz et al (1992b) also
showed this to be a success factor. Examples of some of the assistance initiatives taken by
such individuals included the analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of a community to
assist in the development of an economic development strategy; playing a pivotal role in
securing local and central government funds for infrastructure development; and working
closely with a local banker to offer financing to new businesses.
16
Success factors in implementing a development programme
Leaman et al (1992) also highlighted the following factors, which are important in
implementing a successful development programme:
Financial Assistance Financial assistance was critical to the success of small business, as noted by other
authors. Assistance was in the form of local and central government programmes, private
financing (including banks), and funds generated internally by the community. From the
point of view of access and risk, communities and/or businesses utilised a combination of
all of these.
Technical and Managerial Assistance While financial assistance was seen as necessary for successful business development, it
was not sufficient for business success; technical/managerial assistance was also
necessary. Training, offered by a variety of state and private-sector organisations, was the
main mechanism for generating technical/managerial support.
Job and/or Technical Training Some local authorities provided job training programmes, which attracted businesses to
the area. The programmes reimbursed companies for training new employees, and
required that the company invest in the area.
Location Assistance Location advice and information provided by local agency officials was helpful in
attracting new businesses to the area.
Innovative Programmes These included such things as marketing and promotion programmes to promote the
community or regions and attract both customers for existing businesses and potential new
businesses to the area.
Infrastructure Possession of, or good access to, basic infrastructure, was considered to be extremely
important for economic development success. Infrastructure included schools, highways,
hospitals, water and sewerage systems, roads, and recreation facilities.
17
Similarly to Leistritz et al (1992b), Leaman et al’s study recommended that successful
rural economic development strategy should involve a combination of new ventures in the
community, retainment of existing businesses, and recruitment of new businesses to the
area. In addition, the study suggests that small, as well as large, businesses should be
developed or attracted, and that the small businesses, if home-grown, will be more likely
to stay in the community once they become large, than recruited large businesses.
Matuszewski (1993) indicated the importance of communicating an economic
development plan to the community in question, particularly if the community has limited
experience in, and knowledge of, the mechanisms of economic growth. The concepts of
economic development and wealth and employment creation must be explained to the
community and its major stakeholders. In addition, Matuszewski suggested that success
stories should be presented, to engender confidence in the community.
Environmental Concerns and Ecotourism
McBeth (1992) found that environmental preservation in rural communities was as
important a concern as economic development. Strategic plans for economic development
that lacked environmental considerations were likely to lack the necessary support needed
for implementation.
Ecotourism is a fast growing and profitable industry, which many believe supports
environmental preservation. Hasek (1994) cites a definition of ecotourism: "Ecotourism
involves responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment and sustains the
well-being of the local people" (p. 25). In a South African study, Sheridan (1994)
describes officials noting that ecotourism has a vital role to play in balancing the needs of
employers, local populations and environmental preservation. However, Jesitus (1992)
documents that unchecked ecotourism can devastate animal habitats and primitive cultures
and perhaps upset entire nations. One example is the overbuilding of resorts such as
Hawaii and the US Virgin Islands. Appropriate land-use planning is important in
controlling the impact of ecotourism.
In recognising the threat of tourism to the world's cultural and natural heritage, UNESCO
officials indicated that new ideas and concepts need to be developed which reconcile
tourism and conservation with the need for sustainable development. The dilemma is that
18
too many tourists can cause damage to the environment, while too few tourists can hurt the
local economy. Only by balancing commerce with culture and ecology can ecotourism
flourish (Jesitus, 1992). Sawhill (1993) suggests that the concept of sustainable
development offers a vision for integrating economic growth and environmental protection
into everyday life. A successful and sustainable rural development programme will build
on local strengths, invest in local communities and local businesses, and create local jobs.
Community Learning
The transfer of learning between communities and other agents involved in economic
development is crucial for sustainability of growth and development strategies. Dyck
(2002) has reported the successful application of a Nonaka’s (1994) model of knowledge
transfer in the learning and knowledge exchange processes associated with microfinancing
programmes in rural development. Nonaka’s model of organisational learning has been
well received in the management and organisation theory literature (Crossan and Olivera,
2001), and has been applied in a number of empirical settings, for example, in
international development (Dyck et al, 2000). Key to the application of the model is the
understanding that replication of development programmes in different settings is an
ongoing process of learning, rather than a one-time transfer of knowledge, and involves
learning by all participants. The model also helps to identify which knowledge
components are explicit (can be easily codified and transferred) and which are tacit
(difficult to codify and transfer in situations not involving face-to-face communication).
Key to the application of Nonaka’s model to development is the multi-level analysis of
learning, recognising that “learning that occurs at an individual level spills over to group-
learning, which in turn spills over to organisational learning, inter-organisational learning,
societal learning, and vice versa.” (Dyck, 2002, p 363).
Nonaka’s model has four phases, all applicable to sustainable community development.
The first phase, called Socialisation, involves tacit-to-tacit knowledge transfer, revolving
particularly around trust built up among a group of people with shared experiences. This
can take a considerable period of time, especially if the participants are not well known to
each other at the outset. The second phase, Externalisation, involves tacit-to-explicit
knowledge transfer, where some of the tacit knowledge transferred earlier becomes
articulated – often an explicit acknowledgement of the knowledge gained. The third
19
phase, Combination, involves explicit-to-explicit knowledge transfer, where the new
knowledge gained in the second phase is connected to existing, relevant knowledge. The
final phase, Internalization, is characterised by explicit-to-tacit transfer, where “the
development initiative becomes institutionalised and accepted as an everyday part of life
… it has become self-sustaining.” (Dyck, 2002, p 364).
Economic Development Ideas
MacKensie (1992) writes about a changing world economy, with wealth generation having
shifted from agriculture to industry and now moving to technology, the basis of which is
information and knowledge. She states that individuals and small- and medium-sized
enterprises (SMEs) will continue to replace cumbersome corporations, and business
success will increasingly depend on creativity and innovation. The focus on the
knowledge economy and dual role of knowledge and innovation are now widely
recognised (Stewart, 2001). In particular, small, rural communities will stand to benefit
from this changing economic focus, and their success will depend on how effectively they
utilise their intangible assets (e.g. knowledge, creativity, and innovative capability) and
overcome their disadvantages (Malmberg and Maskell, 1999).
Matuszewski (1993) suggests that non-core activities, such as services and cottage
industries, may provide a basis for rural economic development through diversification.
MacKensie (1992) also believes that industrial policy and infrastructural issues are best
handled at a local / regional level, rather than at a national level. Networking and
collaboration between organisations in a social and industrial context is expected to
become increasingly important (e.g. Elferdink, 1992; Borich, 1994; Robinson, 1994;
Blatchford, 1994). Much of the research literature supports the notion that successful rural
(small community) economic development will centre on the outgrowth of craft-based
industries, the utilisation of technology in these craft-based industries to provide a
competitive advantage, and service provision, largely through the utilisation of
information-related technology. Craft production, enables flexible specialisation and the
integration of technological expertise into new products and services. Similarly,
opportunities for arts-based community development, including those built around tourism
ventures, have been identified (Phillips, 2004)
20
A broad, diversified base of industries is important (Reed and Blair, 1993). Matuszweski
(1993) suggests strategies for such diversification, concluding that both local cottage
industries and the development of business services offer potential for local economic
development. Her study documents a number of diversification strategies available to
remote communities:
Business Attraction Attraction of outside businesses to the area is often the first strategy adopted, and is
recommended by some researchers as an adjunct to internal business development.
However, in practice, this is often very difficult to implement, as there is usually an excess
of communities seeking outside investment over the number of firms seeking investment
opportunities. To be successful, the community has to offer something of unique value to
the outside business community.
Import Substitution While businesses based on import substitution can develop within a community, they have
shown to be limited in scope, seldom going beyond one or two small investments. The
main reasons for this are the lack of appropriate skills in the community, the relatively
high start-up costs often involved, and the difficulty of securing necessary supplies to an
isolated area. Utilising locally available materials and resources tends to outweigh this
opportunity.
Value-adding While intuitively attractive, the reality of this strategy is fraught with constraints and
difficulties. These include the distance to markets (processing is often carried out most
economically near to the major consumer or industrial markets), the inability to respond to
just-in-time requirements of downstream players, and the lack of local skills.
Developing Business Services Evidence shows that service industries tend to begin with small entrepreneurial start-ups
rather than large-scale entrants. A key advantage for the small firm is that services
generally require less investment than manufacturing operations. There are feasible
opportunities for some non-core service functions of large firms based in the community
to be successfully contracted out to local entrepreneurs. With the benefit of more efficient
logistics and telecommunications these services can relatively easily be sold to other
organisations outside the community, generating income externally and providing a net
21
gain to the community. The business skills gained from these activities can, in turn,
benefit further business developments.
Encouraging Local Cottage Industries
This strategy may not initially contribute greatly to a community's economic recovery,
although it is likely to assist individual households' net income. There is the possibility
that these micro-businesses may develop into fully-fledged, job-creating companies.
Matuszewski (1993) suggests that typical product categories from cottage industries
include: clothing, food specialities, local crafts and other consumer goods (e.g. toys,
fashion jewellery, sporting and camping equipment). Other, small-scale, low-investment
manufacturing industries, such as metal fabrication and software development, may also
develop as cottage industries. Similarly, targeted tourism may also provide some
opportunities for small-scale businesses development in rural communities, particularly
where unique, localised activities can be developed.
External Agencies
The importance of external local and regional agencies in rural economic development has
long been recognised. Recent trends have shown that, not only is the availability of these
agencies important, but also the manner and extent of their participation in the
development of communities and regions (Leaman et al, 1992; Reed & Blair, 1993 and
others). Markley and Shaffer (1993) undertook a study of rural banks and their
communities and concluded that, in order for rural community banks to become more
active participants in their communities' economic development, they could adopt several
strategies that would provide the following: access to new sources of capital for rural
business; assistance for new business formation; and leadership in the community.
Development and maintenance of infrastructure is critical to economic development
(Coates et al, 1992; Leistritz et al, 1992a, 1992b) and external agencies play a significant
role in this. In subsistence level communities, with low levels of employment and
business development, tax contributions are generally low, and thus unlikely to provide
much support for infrastructure development. Particularly important infrastructure needs
are roads, transportation, telecommunications, and medical services. A number of authors
22
recommend that rural economic development is better addressed on a regional, rather than
state (MacKensie, 1992; Scharre, 1994) or purely local (Scharre, 1994) level.
Networks and Collaboration
Networking is an increasingly recognised and researched strategy for empowerment and
community building around sustainable development objectives (Pezzoli, 1997).
Researchers and their institutions have an important role to play in networking processes,
acting as mediator-advocates of the “critically needed social learning and social change
necessary for sustainable development” (Fairtlough, 1994; Gaventa, 1995; Gunderson et
al, 1995). Social learning is critical because it begins and ends with action, or purposeful
activity (Friedmann, 1987). According to Freidmann (1987), social learning involves
“political strategy and tactics (which tell us how to overcome resistance), theories of
reality (which tell us what the world is like), and values that inspire and direct the action.
Taken together, these four elements constitute a form of social practice.” (p181). For
social practice to enhance sustainable development, action is necessary in both research
and practical areas. Research needs to become more multi-disciplinary and link better
with practice. Practical actions need to involve coalitions and networks to “link the
innovative agendas of research agendas, governments, industry and grassroots
organisations that are aimed at clarifying and implementing approaches to sustainable
development (Robert, 1992)” (Pezzoli, 1997, p. 568)
Borich (1994) and others (for example, Blatchford, 1994) suggest that the joint problems
of a declining economic base and increased urban competition has created a debilitating
environment for small-community development. The resulting decrease in human and
financial resources has made it apparent that competition for scarce and declining
resources between small communities is not productive. This realisation has resulted in
increased collaboration between different communities, and also between various public
and private players, such as state government working with local councils, private
business, regional development organisations, local communities and others (Blatchford,
1994). Borich (1994) has studied multi-community collaboration and concluded that, for
those rural communities with insufficient resources to mount their own development
activities, the critical mass achieved through multi-community collaboration allows for
more organised development efforts, while maintaining a high degree of local control. A
key to the success of multi-community collaboration was that community participation
23
came about through voluntary association rather than external mandate (e.g. from local or
state officials).
A study by Maldonado (1993) of small urban producers in Benin, showed that the
obstacles to economic development, above subsistence level, could be overcome by
organising group-based networks to manage economic and financial services. The
effectiveness of these stemmed from their focus on user needs and integration into the
local culture. In addition, Maldonado (1993) found that the sustainability of the network
structures depended on their recognition by existing institutions and on the adoption of
macroeconomic measures to support small producers, raising the issue of adapting
legislation to accommodate these structures and their expected outcomes.
National centres for handcrafts, adopted by eighteen counties in North Carolina and
Asheville, in the US are described by Gregory (1994). Called 'Handmade in America', a
plan was instigated, based on a four-part strategy: tourism, cultural development,
education, and economic development, all of which are expected to develop from the
area's arts experience.
A programme for helping rural communities prepare for economic development, called the
RURAL PARTNERS / Kellogg Program, was launched in the US in the early 1990s
(Robinson, 1994). The focus of the programme was collaboration among all members of
RURAL PARTNERS, which comprises private and public players. The programme has a
number of sponsors and funding partners, state- and nation-wide. Many studies have
investigated ways of assisting economic development, but this programme emphasises the
critical part played by prior preparation for economic development. The programme cast
a wide net over the economic development paradigm, and suggested that social and
community development are necessary, and generally desired by community members
involved. The programme's formula for economic development was as follows:
HRD + OD + CD + ED = CA
where: HRD is Human Resource Development; OD is Organisational Development; CD
is Community Development; ED is Economic Development; and CA is Community
Actualisation. The concept is compelling, and although it was developed for
communities that mostly had an existing industrial base, it offers potential for application
24
to smaller communities, particularly those that support a collaborative approach to
economic development.
Culture and Entrepreneurship
There is a substantial literature on the impact of culture and ethnicity on entrepreneurship
and economic development. Most of the findings suggest that decisions made
independently of the specific cultural context are less likely to succeed and endure than
those that do consider culture.
Cultural dimensions of a community may influence the mechanisms and style of business
development, and the motivations and attitudes of individuals in the community. For
business development to be successful, it is necessary that individuals have the appropriate
motivation and attitude, as well as realistic expectations (Hailey, 1987; Perry, 1993). In
his Pacific Islands study, Hailey (1987) concluded: "..the success of any attempt to
encourage Pacific islanders in business depends on the motivation and perception of the
people themselves. Island peoples cannot be forced into business, no matter what the
politicians and development planners may like to think. They can be encouraged and
supported, but the final decision lies with the individuals themselves. Business success
depends on individual motivation and the ability to bring resources together in profitable
combinations.” (p. 79). As Kristiansen (2002) notes, “individual motivation is especially
important in the first phase of business start-up and risk-taking.” (p288). “Such skills and
desires can be encouraged, can evolve, but can never be imposed. The benefits of any
money invested in supporting indigenous business can be assessed only over the long
term. No short-term panacea is available". (p. 79)
Like Leistritz et al (1992b), Shanklin & Ryans (1999) suggest that economic development
is a three-pronged approach, involving industrial attraction, retaining and expanding
existing industry, and fostering business start-ups, through entrepreneurial action. The
focus of development over recent years has been on encouraging entrepreneurship, in
favour of the other two approaches. This perspective is captured in the view that “states
and cities came to realize that planting acorns locally might be better in the long run than
trying to import a grown tree.” (cited in Shanklin and Ryans (1999), p 77). As Shanklin
and Ryans (1999) note, communities have realised that depending on one or a few
25
industries for their economic base is not sustainable. For example, the closure of large
companies or the exit of a major industry from a community, such as dairy, forestry or
meat processing, can have major implications on the economic base of communities, with
substantial reduction of employment, and the disintegration of a supporting economic
infrastructure.
Shanklin & Ryans (1999) propose four models, or entrepreneurial prototypes to explain
how some communities are successful and others are not. They suggest that the models
“represented the strategic component of economic development.” (p. 78). Accordingly, it
is necessary for communities to understand the underlying forces that lead to prosperity.
Communities are more likely to succeed in economic development if they pursue the right
entrepreneurial model for their particular capabilities, a notion resonating with Giddens
(1979) theory of structuration. The four models are:
• The symbiotic entrepreneurship model, where new small businesses set up to support
major employers in the region;
• The spin-off entrepreneurship model, where community core competences embedded
in large organisations, are spun off by individual employees, most often in the areas of
science and technology;
• The compelled entrepreneurship model, where the driving force is hardship resulting
from redundancy, or relocation, from a large organisation;
• The pre-emptive entrepreneurship model, which is the most dynamic, based on the
pre-emptive diversification of the local economy.
Shanklin & Ryans (1999) suggest that a community should identify the model of
entrepreneurship most suited to its capabilities and circumstances, and this should guide
strategic planning. The local characteristics most likely to affect the choice of model are:
demographic, technological knowledge, climate, transportation situation, financial
resources, and other progenitors of business start-ups and growth.
Kristiansen (2002) conducted a major study of small-scale Tanzanian entrepreneurs,
drawing on general entrepreneurship theory. Of particular interest in this study is the
motivation of, and information use by, entrepreneurs. This study included the
development of a simple model, conceptualising a range of entrepreneurial contexts and
26
reflecting multiple levels involved in entrepreneurship, from individual to national level.
These are:
a. value and needs context: influence on individual motivation and business
objectives;
b. opportunity context: available natural resources, information, skills, capital,
labour, infra-structure and markets;
c. bureaucracy context: limits the scope of entrepreneurial striving and success
(e.g. lack of trustworthiness and administrative maze).
Kristiansen presents two main theoretical bases for understanding business contexts, based
on Leibenstein (1966) and North (1993). Leibenstein (1966) introduced the term x-
efficiency, which is “the ability to find new business opportunities in a society, or the
capability to innovate in Schumpeterian terms (Schumpeter, 1934)” (cited in Kristiansen,
2002, p. 285). Leibenstein suggests that x-inefficiency is a serious cause of lost profits in
firms and lost welfare in society, and attributes much of this x-inefficiency to ''differential
and inadequate motivation and information use.” (Kristiansen, 2002, p 285).
Motivation is strongly linked to x-efficiency, since this will decrease unless there is
pressure to innovate and work harder. This depends on entrepreneurs finding gaps-
business opportunities that are based on innovations in technology, organization, or
market arrangements (Leibenstein, 1968); cited in Kristiansen, 2002). This reflects the
supply of, and demand for, entrepreneurial services. Supply is influenced by 'motivational
factors', or what Leibenstein calls the ‘interfirm motivational state’, while demand is
determined by the size and structure of the gap-filling opportunity (Kristiansen, 2002,
p286).
North (1993) emphasises the role of institutions in institutional change, evidenced in the
‘new institutional economics approach’ (Kristiansen, 2002). North’s ‘adaptive efficiency’
refers to the development of organisations by entrepreneurs within the context of formal
rules and informal guidelines of institutions. This is a path-dependent process, where
formal institutional rules and constraints vary with different contextual settings.
Business contexts will be perceived differently at different stages of the entrepreneurial
process (Kristiansen, 2002). Similar contextual perspectives at various stages within
27
communities’ economic developments processes have been identified in a study of
sustainable Maori development (Lindsay, 1997). In this model, the role of community
culture and tradition in the process of sustainable economic development was paramount,
as noted in other studies of Maori economic development (Haworth et al, 1997; NZIER,
2003).
Herbig and McCarty (1993) found that only when both structural elements (political,
economic and legal boundaries of the society) and culture are favourably inclined can
innovation thrive, and, by extension, economic development occurs. Similarly, Billig
(1994) concluded, in a study of the Philippines, that entrepreneurial values are not fixed
features of culture, but tend to wax and wane with political, economic and social
conditions in complex ways. He suggests that it is inappropriate to judge entrepreneurial
behaviour as fixed features of culture, and that the structural conditions, outlined above,
also influence entrepreneurship. An African study by Takyi-Asiedu (1993) showed that
government programmes designed to foster entrepreneurship tended to negate the impact
of culture on entrepreneurial behaviour. The author identified three social and cultural
issues, which retarded entrepreneurial activities: power distance; collectivism; and
Confucian dynamism.
In Hailey’s (1987) study of entrepreneurs and indigenous business in the Pacific islands,
business opportunities were identified which capitalised on the specific cultural
characteristics of the Pacific societies. This included the supply of products and services
appropriate to the needs of their own indigenous population; expanding tourism and
service sectors, which enabled them to gain a business advantage, "because they have
valuable contacts, understand local customs, and are in a special position to promote and
market goods and services that are unique to the Pacific, and attract people from all over
the world". (p. 62). They can also "use their local knowledge and contacts to support and
facilitate overseas investment or go into joint venture partnerships". (p. 62)
On the issue of culture, Hailey (1987) concluded: "Successful entrepreneurs have also
learned how to balance business commitments with traditional demands. ... a prerequisite
for success is their continued respect for the obligations and communal commitments
inherent in the local culture. At times conflict may occur between traditional values and
business efficacy, but the test of any entrepreneur is his ability to resolve these conflicts.
28
Successful entrepreneurs have learned to accommodate traditional values with
contemporary business practice". (p. 63-64). Thus, it is not a question of the culture
adapting to an environment of contemporary business practice, but of the two co-existing.
Hailey (1987) also articulated the seemingly conflicting situation of reconciling business
with cultural values, stating that: "For many Pacific islanders, 'business' remains an alien
concept. The business ethics of the cash market economy, measurable economic returns,
individual acquisitiveness, and the 'profit motive' work against the traditional communal
cultures of the Pacific. Any attempt to encourage business threatens traditional values and
thus a way of life". (p. 79). Underpinning this difficulty is a number of key constraints
imposed by cultural factors. These include:
a) the traditionally hierarchical character of many Pacific societies that demands
conformity, resulting, in many researchers' views, to a stifling of initiative and
entrepreneurial behaviour;
b) pressure from family and neighbours on productive individuals to distribute their
surplus produce or profits, resulting in reduced incentive to invest or work long hours;
c) remittance payments from families living and working in other countries, providing a
ready income source and stifling local enterprise. Evidence shows that remittances are
seldom spent on investment for business, but rather on unproductive ceremonial purposes
or luxury items (Croulet and Sio, 1986);
d) historical domination of the business sector by overseas entrepreneurs may have caused
an acceptance that entrepreneurship belongs to foreigners, again, stifling the motivation
and incentive of indigenous people to develop local businesses;
e) because of ownership conditions of land, it is often difficult for entrepreneurs to obtain
land for business development. Most land is leased and leases either have restrictive
conditions or are granted only for a limited term. Coupled with limited availability of
land, this situation inhibits long-term investment in business development;
f) a perceived idyllic subsistence lifestyle, which, traditionally, has inhibited the
motivation for entrepreneurship;
29
g) specific constraints imposed on isolated rural communities, such as infrequent
transportation, lack of infrastructure and essential services.
Hailey concludes by stating: "...the long-term survival of indigenous businesses ...
depends on the ability of [Pacific] entrepreneurs to resolve the inherent contradiction that
exists between contemporary business practice and the communal commitments that are
integral to [Pacific] cultures and the island way of life". (p. 86)
The potential for Maori economic development from innovation has been documented
(Lindsay, 1996; Haworth et al, 1997; NZIER, 2003). These studies have explored some of
the important antecedents of innovation and the NZ Institute of Economic Research has
developed an instrument for determining the level of innovation and innovation potential
among Maori (NZIER, 2003).
Finally, the development of an entrepreneurial attitude must be encouraged. This,
Matuszewski (1994) concedes, is the hardest part, especially if the community does not
have an entrepreneurial spirit, or orientation. She maintains, however, that
entrepreneurship can be accomplished through such methods as: public recognition of
local entrepreneurs, promoting success stories, and having major industries encourage
start-ups through initial contracts, prompt payments and managerial assistance. Support
from major industry/ies, which may provide initial contracts, is very important in the early
stages of community economic development, and a ‘buy locally’ policy is recommended
for these industries. MacKensie (1992) notes that, while the individual characteristics and
attitudes of an entrepreneur are important, successful entrepreneurship is most often not an
isolated occurrence, but happens within the social context of a community, and a
supportive environment.
30
CONCLUSIONS
The process of sustainable economic development has been studied for a number of
decades in a range of settings, from poverty-based communities in third world countries,
to wealthy rural communities in economically successful nations. Some common themes
pervade the process and these increasingly focus on the importance of entrepreneurship,
motivation, and community support for entrepreneurial development. Networks within
and outside communities are important in the establishment and activities of
entrepreneurs, facilitating access to information and knowledge transfer.
The literature suggests, however, that the sustainable economic development processes for
indigenous people incorporate cultural and traditional elements that are often not present,
or not explicit, in many ‘Western’ models of sustainable economic development. It is
argued that social, political, environmental, and human resource development policies and
programmes must recognise and incorporate the unique cultural and traditional aspects of
communities, and the importance of these in sustainable economic development.
Many communities now grapple with the tensions that exist between development, which,
by its nature, involves change, and the preservation of tradition, heritage or culture.
However, it is also increasingly recognised that the apparent contradictions can unleash
resources that can contribute positively to both development and heritage preservation (Li,
2003). For example, the utilisation of culture and traditional practices for tourism can
rejuvenate a community’s interest in its own heritage, and engage its young people in
learning and dialogue. Similarly, in some communities, there are incongruities between
individuals’ commercial independence and conformity with their community’s values and
expectations. In some cultures, crossing between these spheres is socially acceptable, for
example, in Zanzibar (Kristiansen, 2002). He suggests that “successful entrepreneurs who
operate between traditional and modern economic rationality, according to Geertz (1984)
“…draw much of their strength from this ability to operate on both sides of the line
between traditional and modern in economic matters and so form a bridge between the
two.” (p153)”. (p289).
31
Sustainable development for indigenous communities encompasses a range of factors, and
reflects a largely holistic approach. Interrelationships involve predominantly
environmental, social, political and economic factors. Many indigenous communities
place a high emphasis on social factors in the sustainable economic development process.
Cultural considerations and traditional values, important to indigenous communities also
play an important, sometimes critical, role in sustainable economic development.
Human resource development has the capacity to harness tradition and culture in ways that
strengthen the economic and social resources in their communities. Traditions and
cultures of indigenous people can bridge the old (traditional) and the new (modern,
Western) perspectives of sustainable development. For instance, as Giddens (1999)
suggests, tradition inevitably is interpreted in the light of current contexts and perceptions
of the future. In other words, modern-day individuals necessarily interpret tradition and
culture in the context of their own life experiences and expectations. The challenge for
Maori and other indigenous peoples aspiring to sustainable economic development is for
their traditions and cultures to retain meaning and place, while also reflecting
contemporary world-views. Evidence suggests that these apparently opposing forces for
stability and change can co-exist and reinforce communities’ opportunities for sustainable
economic development.
Supportive institutional and policy structures that address the holistic needs of
communities, particularly across social, cultural, economic, and environmental
dimensions, are necessary, both at national and local levels (NZIER, 2003). It is also
important for indigenous economic development to be measured in an absolute, rather than
relative (to the overall national economy) way, in order for the influence of policies and
strategies to be properly assessed and for success to be observed over time. The following
example illustrates this perspective in relation to Maori economic development. While
specifically measuring economic growth and not taking into account other indicators of
sustainable Maori development, a report of the NZ Institute of Economic Research
(NZIER, 2003) concluded: “Maori are frequently presented as a drag on the New Zealand
economy. Our review of the state of the Maori economy paints a very different picture.
While still small, the emerging Maori economy is robust. It has enjoyed strong growth in
the 1990s, and is poised for continued expansion.” (p. 33). Despite these positive trends,
NZIER (2003) also note the need for involvement of government in promoting Maori
32
economic development, particularly through “investing in institutional frameworks that
would help Maori improve governance arrangements” (p.106).
A review of the literature highlights a number of research gaps in the area of indigenous
sustainable economic development, particularly at the level of community and business
development. For example, there is little empirical research that identifies models of
business development in indigenous communities, or that provides measurement of
business performance in these contexts. At a more conceptual level, aspects such as
attitudes to business development, motivation and leadership are all important facets of the
business development process that warrant further research.
33
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