Strategic assumptions of the Encyclopedia of World ...criterion is maintenance of the status quo...

Encyclopedia of World Problemsand Human Potential

The article we are publishing hereafter is the introduction to the secondedition of « The Encyclopedia of World Problems and Human Potential1985/86 », edited by UAI as Volume 4 of its " Yearbook of International Or-ganizations 1985/86».

This fourth volume is a comprehensive source of information on worldproblems that have been recognized, on how they are perceived to be interre-lated, and on the human resources available to challenge them. Detailed sec-tions draw attention to a variety of alternative insights into the ways in whichhuman development and the world problématique mutually inhibit, enableand provoke each other.

Strategic assumptionsOver the past 25 years, from the first International

Development Decade, international groups and organiza-tions have implemented or advocated every conceivablestrategy offering some promise of counteracting the emer-gence of a crisis of crises. Whatever the successes, it iswidely acknowledged that the basic trend has not beensignificantly affected. This recognition has itself beenvoiced so frequently through the Secretary-General of theUnited Nations that it has itself become an outworn gene-ralization associated in the minds of many with the of lossof credibility of existing institutions, democratic politicalprocesses and academic research, all of which haveproven incapable of more than token response to theglobal problématique. The series of special internationalcommissions (Brandt, Palmer, etc) recently convened toreport on particular aspects of the emerging crisis haveproven to be as much a symptom of collective impotenceas capable of offering a foundation for new initiatives.

The same 25 years have seen the emergence of awidespread counter-culture which has offered the hope ofalternative approaches. These have borne fruit in the formOf, for example, new communities, personal growth move-ments, political activism, volunteer programmes, alterna-tive technology, computer-supported networking and thegreen movement. These developments have been sustai-ned in part by exciting breakthroughs in comprehension ofthe nature of self-organization, paradigm change, holism,implicate order, and the relationship between physics andconsciousness. Nevertheless whilst, like official and semi-official development and altered states of consciousnessinitiatives, these continue to offer the possibility of signifi-cant impact on the global problématique, such have notbeen forthcoming, And to a large extent such alternative

approaches have appeared as luxuries irrelevant to thepriorities of developing countries.

Maintenance orientation: It would appear that collectiveability to respond to the crisis of crises has been effecti-vely paralyzed. The 1980s have seen the emergence of asense of apathy, defeatism and despair in the internatio-nal development community and in grass roots move-ments. This is largely disguised by public informationprogrammes and media events designed to maintainconfidence in projects and campaigns which do indeedhave some measure of success. But as the food crisis inEthiopia has demonstrated, although a magnificent one-time attempt can be made to remedy short-term problemsin the spotlight of media coverage, the solutions to theunderlying longer-term problems are not in sight. At thispoint in time programmes are deemed a success if theycan slow the trend toward major crisis. An acceptablecriterion is maintenance of the status quo provided it lendsitself to being described as innovation. Significant socialinnovation is seldom sought however eloquently it isadvocated.

Solution production: Many "answers", whether expla-nations, programmes, strategies, ideologies, paradigms orbelief systems, are being put forward in response to thecurrent crisis, however it is perceived. The proponents ofeach such answer naturally attach special importance totheir own as being of crucial relevance at this time.whether in the short-term for tactical reasons, or in thelong-term as being the only appropriate basis for a viableworld society in the future. However, this widespreadfocus o "answer production", a vital moving force insociety, obscures both the significance of the lack of fruit-

184 ASSOCIATIONS TRANSNATIONALES. 4/1986

fui integration between existing answers and the mannerin which such answers undermine each other's signifi-cance. This mind-set also fails to recognize the positivesignificance of the continuing disruptive emergence ofnew "alternative" answers.

Questionable truths: Amongst this multitude of answers,explanations put forward as factual by scientific orgovernment authorities are increasingly questionablebecause of peer group, religious, political, military, secu-rity and commercial pressures guiding objective evalua-tion and reporting. Recent examples include dubiousevaluations by authorities of nuclear reactor and toxicwaste hazards (USA. UK), official denial of the impact ofacid rain on forests (USA, UK), and reassessment of theworld population problem as non-critical (USA). The situa-tion has been epitomized in NASA, the model of westernhigh-tech management, by the top executive pressures onengineers to withhold information on the gravity ofproblems associated with low-temperature effects onspace shuttle launchings. Middle management in anybureaucracy is under considerable pressure to reportpositive achievement in the light of pre-defined policyobjectives, not to indicate the dimensions of problemssubsequently detected. There is no assurance that suchpressures do not affect the reporting of many other factsof social significance, even to the point of self-censorship,as increasingly practiced in biology textbooks (to meetcreationist objections) and in encyclopedias (to avoidraising unwelcome political questions concerning suchsocial realities as corruption and institutionalized torture).Even in courts of justice, an expensive (astute) lawyerconsiderably increases the probability of a judgementfavourable to his client. The truth of facts has become aquestion of interpretation, leaving authorities free to denypolitically unacceptable conclusions by selecting expertsprepared to declare that "there is no proven causal link"between the problems in question (even though such alink may be accepted by equivalent bodies in other coun-tries).

-''Gladiatorial arena: Policy integration initiatives at thistime are themselves fragmented and mutually hostile, to adegree usefully interpreted in terms of the metaphor of a"gladiatorial arena", in which the survival of any integra-tive answer must be bought at the price of the eliminationof all other competitors. There is considerable confusionabout the nature of integration and it is difficult to imaginethat integrative processes favoured by one group wouldbe considered to be of much significance by another. Thisphenomenon cannot be disguised by simply opting forconsensual procedures, "networking" processes or byviewing it as a "healthy" feature of academic or politicaldebate.

Irrelevance of alternatives: The most characteristicresponse to this confusion is to simplify the situation byestablishing or affirming, explicitly or implicity, the funda-mental irrelevance of other answers and perspectives thatare viewed as incompatible, if their existence is recogni-zed at all. The preoccupations of the other constituenciesare thus defined as dangerously misguided or agonizinglyirrelevant. As a consequence there is always a perfectlyvalid reason for not instigating any advocated course ofaction or for not considering any alternative perspective.

Projection of blame: Many would reject any suchrecognition of paralysis. But the basis for their rejection isthat, if only some other portions of society would cease toblock effective change then this would release the resour-ces that would demonstrate the collective paralysis to be

only momentary. Unfortunately it is precisely the numberand variety of such "if only theys", which has ensured thespread of this paralysis and which guarantees that it willprevail for some time to come.

Assumption of innocence: Corresponding to this projec-tion of blame onto other groups as suitable scapegoats isa widespread assumption of the unquestionable inno-cence of one's own group which may well be perceived asmaking an untarnished significant contribution to thewell-being of society. Whether it be academic disciplinesor their corresponding professions, national or internatio-nal organizations, public or private bodies, benevolent oralternative groups, each acts as though its contributionsto society constituted an unmitigated good. Howevervaluable these may be, the suspect consequences ofthese contributions can only be questioned at the risk ofridicule. Sanctions may be applied against those voicingsuch criticism, from within or without, whether in the caseof the United Nations or of alternative groups. A perfectdisguise is therefore provided for every possible syste-matic abuse.

Reinforcement of fragmentation: One major characte-ristic of the plethora of material documenting the ills of theglobal community is that it tends to reinforce this plaintiveor angry plea, noted above, that "if only" some othergroup would act in some other way all could be well. Eachsuch report focuses on one part of the network ofproblems, explicitly or implicitly denying the relevance ofsome other part with which others identify. It is understan-dable that any such other group would not be stronglymotivated to respond to the concluding pleas of such areport. Furthermore it will probably associate itself withsome other report denying, explicitly or implicitly, the rele-vance of the priorities laid out in the first. This process canbe observed between the Specialized Agencies of theUnited Nations or their equivalents at the national level. Itis however far from being limited to governmental bodies.

Narrow information base: The consequence of thisprocess is that no group is motivated to recognize ordocument the full range of perceptions of the ills andopportunities of the world. Such information exists but hasto be culled from documents in different locations, whichvery few are inclined or able to do. If such perceptions arenot interrelated the chances of reducing the level ofparalysis are handicapped. The argument is therefore thatrecognizing the full range of ills and opportunities by whichgroups are touched and with which they identify, is a mini-mum requirement for exploring the ways in which they canbe collectively empowered to release their contribution tothe paralysis.

Single-focus dependence: Such fragmentation encou-rages, and is further reinforced by, dependence on single-factor explanations and single-policy initiatives. Eachsuch initiative is necessarily formulated in terms of alimited information base. This is usually discipline-orien-ted in the case of the academic community, but ideologi-cal, action-preference, "priority" and other filters may alsobe used. The integration of the approach is thus achievedartificially by deliberately avoiding the encouragement of avariety of complementary approaches capable of counter-acting each other's weaknesses. When the opponents ofsuch a unified approach can demonstrate its weaknesses,they then move to implement another simplistic approachof a contervailing nature in order to remedy them. Societythus moves spastically from policy to policy without anyability to acknowledge the merit of an ecology of policiesand of alternation through a cycle of policies.

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Initiative obsolescence: Single-focus dependence leadsdirectly to the repetition of initiatives of a form which hasfailed in the past or whose success has been only margi-nal. This is tragically symbolized by the continuing attemptto drop sacks of food from an airplane in flight to starvingpopulations. Although the fact that these sacks burst oncontact has been evident for the past decade, the attemptcontinues to be made. Questioning strategies based onthinking of this Kind, especially when they are defined withpolitically acceptable trigger words (population, energy,environment, food, health, education), may be consideredtantamount to questioning the merits of motherhood. Inthe Club of Rome's terms, many such initiatives are main-tenance-oriented and are incapable of innovative break-throughs. And yet disarmament conferences of similarform continue to be held. There have been over 5,000since 1945. The need to break through to new forms ofinitiative is not accepted by the international community.Even the eloquent pleas for a new order are made on theassumption that well-tried conceptual, policy, programme,organization and conference forms are appropriate to itsconception and implementation, with perhaps some minoradaptation.

Disagreement phobia: Society has been unable todesign any framework, whether conceptual or organizatio-nal, in which disagreement is an accepted, permanentintegral feature. The frameworks now used are based onthe assumption that consensus is the keystone on whichany viable organization must depend. As a consequence,disagreement can never be accepted as an integralfeature of society, except through structures or processesdesigned to eliminate it (conflict resolution, mediation,arbitration). These include competition and violentconflict, in which victory is sought, through the downfall ofthe opponent, Although disagreement is a daily and oftencreative reality, the fear of situations in which disagree-ment prevails is such that they are shunned, whetherunconsciously or by well-rationalized processes. Whenthey cannot be avoided, much effort is devoted to ampli-fying the significance of whatever minor items can bediscovered on which agreement has been achieved.Agreement then becomes an essentially superficialpretence of little operational significance. Conceptual,organizational or legal structures based on such agree-ment are consequently totally inadequate to the innovativerequirements of any dynamic development process in

which disagreement is inherent. Stressing consensus asa key to development and social transformation comesdangerously close to destroying the basis of its dyna-mism. Development can only occur if there is disagree-ment with those maintaining the status quo.

Self-reflective paradox: Any attempt to reflect thewidest possible range of perspectives on the ills andopportunities of the world is bedevilled by an interestingparadox. Given the prevalence of disagreement, whatevermethod is employed must necessarily engender disagree-ment. It cannot be expected to result in some ideal,objective approach that would engender universalconsensus. Indeed the very attempt to reflect the fullestrange of perspectives must naturally remain suspect tothose with the vested interests necessary for any specificform of action. Any breakthrough into a more fruitful modemust therefore endeavour to give explicit recognition tothis paradox and to the dynamics associated with it. In thislight it would be unproductive to attempt to produce yetanother "answer" to the condition of the world, howeveradequate it might be.

Embodiment of discord: Since the widespread tendencyto produce incompatible answers is a symptom of theunderlying paralysis noted above, any endeavour to breakout of this paralysis must respond to this dynamic, if it is tobe of any relevance to the current conditions. Instead of alinear approach, taking up and defending a particular posi-tion, as required by the militaristic conventions of acade-mic, religious, political or ideological debate, a comple-mentary non-linear response can usefully be attemptedwhereby such positions are identified as perceived bothby those who hold them and by those who consider themnonexistent, irrelevant, misleading or downright evil. Avalid response is therefore to attempt to design a frame-work to internalize or embody discord, contradictions andlogical discontinuity. The status within the framework ofthe perspective that the attempt itself represents mustnecessarily remain a paradox. A further step is thereforecalled for within such a framework to explore the ade-quacy of conceptual language to contain such incommen-surable perspectives so characteristic of the dynamics ofglobal society. The ultimate question is therefore how tointerrelate inherently incompatible answers without produ-cing yet another answer to compete with them in aprocess which has proved unable to transcend itself.

The objective of the project through which this volume

is produced is threefold and may be described as follows:A. Collection and presentation of information

At this level the intention is to demonstrate the feasibi-lity and value of assembling information reflecting theperspectives of a very wide range of international consti-tuencies. In contrast to normal practice, this information isnot filtered by some particular criteria of "truth" or "impor-tance". Every effort is made to present it in terms of whatis held to be true by the constituencies from which it origi-nates, even if the information totally contradicts that fromsome other international constituency. It is a basicassumption of this project that it is the dynamics inherentin the interaction of such conflicting biases which reflectthe reality of global society, as much as the fundamentalinsights emerging from any particular analysis of the

global system in the light of criteria carefully selected byleading experts.

In organizing the information into the sections in thisvolume, the intention has been to group material into clas-ses corresponding to the terms conventionally used todescribe and order any response to the global problémati-que and the possibilities of human development, namely:problems, values, strategies, etc. Each of these tends insome way to be of fundamental concern to any internatio-nal constituency, whatever the differences about theappropriate content of such classes.

In designing a framework "hospitable" to such a widerange of perspectives, whether mutually indifferent orinherently incompatible, a secondary objective has beento seek ways to juxtapose such perspectives in order tohighlight the variety of relationships between them. The


Objectives

framework therefore contains the variety of incompatibleperspectives by fragmenting the information into a verylarge number of descriptive entries. This deliberate dis-organization is counter-balanced by a very extensivenetwork of cross-references between such entries. Whenappropriate information has been obtained from appro-priate sources, some form of counterargument is includedin many entries, illustrating the limited or misleadingnature of the perspective presented.

This objective can be usefully described in terms of themetaphor of an astronomical telescope. Whereas a limitednumber of astronomical objects are visible to the nakedeye, their visibility from Earth is determined both by theirintrinsic brightness and by their distance from the obser-ver. The major problems cited by any international consti-tuency are equivalent to the brightest of those objects.Others may be barely visible to them. By the use of atelescope the number of visible astronomical objects,whether stars or galaxies, increases enormously, depen-ding on the resolving power of the telescope. The bright-ness of some of them, to an observer located elsewhere,may be very much greater than those visible from Earth.So for some other international constituency, a different,but possibly overlapping, set of problems appears to be ofmajor importance. The challenge of this project is concei-ved as one of designing a telescope of sufficient resolvingpower to collect information from distant sources on thephenomena which are highly visible to them. This is achie-ved by using the whole array of international bodies ascollectors, thus constituting (as with a radio telescopewith a long base line) a much more powerful telescopethan that based on dependence upon any one of them orupon any small group of them. As with recent discoveriesconcerning the dangers of exposure to low-level radiation,this may also help to demonstrate that long-termexposure to less visible problems can be as dangerous asshort-term exposure to the more visible problems.

It is hoped that the collection and presentation of infor-mation in this reference book form will meet the informa-tion needs of many users.B. Clarification of conceptual challenge

At this level the intention is to clarify the challenge ofinterrelating perceived patterns of information with whichpeople and constituencies can identify and by which theyare empowered. In one sense this project is an endeavourto document the perceptions active in global society. Forthe resulting quantity of information to begin to becomemeaningful as a whole, this calls for new approaches tocommunication, with an emphasis on patterns ofconcepts. The perceptions documented are those withwhich different people identify and by which they aremotivated. For such motivations to reinforce each other toachieve the required political will to change, greaterunderstanding is required of how patterns of conceptsmay be nested together without doing violence to theparticular perceptions with which people identify. For suchsocial change to be fruitful, there is the even more challen-ging requirement of ensuring a comprehensible relation-ship between mutually incompatible patterns of concernthat can correct each others' inadequacies and excesses.Although the variety of information assembled helps toclarify the dimensions of the conceptual challenge, onefour-part section of this volume focuses experimentally onvarious dimensions of communication: forms of presenta-tion, patterns of concepts, metaphors and symbols.

This second objective can to some extent be describedin terms of the metaphor of electricity generation. Theelectrical current produced by some form of generatordepends upon the degree to which opposite charges canbe simultaneously generated within the same frameworkand conducted together (but insulated from each other) tothe point where the difference between the charges canbe used to do work. This project endeavours to accu-mulate and juxtapose within the same framework bothextremely negatively charged information on worldproblems, and extremely positively charged information onhuman potential in various forms (values, strategies, etc),rather as in the design of a battery. This is in strongcontrast to many other initiatives which endeavour tofocus only on positive initiatives (solutions, values, etc),only on negative doom-mongering, or on a mixture fromwhich the opposing charges cannot be effectively sepa-rated so as to empower people to act. In the light of thismetaphor such efforts are as likely to succeed asattempts to design monopolar batteries or an electricalcircuit with a single wire. When they do succeed in mobili-zing people, their subsequent failures could be usefullycompared to the dangerous discharges resulting from thegeneration of static electricity.

It is hoped that the information presented here willstimulate some users to contribute further to the clarifica-tion of this challenge.C. Enablement of paradigm alternation

At this level the intention is to explore indications ofways of moving beyond the sterile relationships betweenthe existing paradigms within which the perceptions docu-mented in this volume are generated. For although thestrengths and weaknesses of such paradigms continue tobe demonstrated in many studies, the purpose of suchstudies tends to be that of proving the merits of someexisting or alternative paradigm. The challenge then is toexplore ways of moving beyond prevailing conceptualfragmentation whilst avoiding the opposite danger ofsimplistic holism under the guise of sterile relativism. Thechallenge is made more dramatic by the irresponsibility ofexperts, qualified to justify some particular position, whoare totally unable to offer any guidance to voters anddecision-makers as to the manner by which their positioncan be reconciled with some totally contradictory positionjustified on other grounds.

In an isolated local context, or a simpler world, thisdifficulty may be avoided by establishing certain percep-tions as true and others as false, misleading or totallyirrelevant. Some people are then empowered by theacceptance of such a coherent pattern of truths and thechallenge of articulating them. Others are empowered bythe process of denying the corresponding falsehoods.

In the more complex modern world of interactingcontexts, decision-makers are forced to recognizepragmatically that contradictory positions may both betrue, possibly under different conditions, even thoughthere is no coherent framework within which they may bereconciled. Some are even empowered by the opportunitythis provides to "divide and rule" by "playing one sideagainst the other". But there is also the recognition byothers that neither position need be true, and they arethen empowered by the process of rejecting the systemconstituted by both together.

This third objective can also be described in terms ofthe metaphor of the current technological challenge of

TRANSNATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS. 4/1986 187

designing a suitable magnetic container for plasma toenable nuclear fusion to take place. In order to generateenergy in a fusion reactor, the problem is to discover theparticular configuration of magnetic fields, values ofplasma parameters and means of protecting the plasmafrom contact with any material surface which wouldquench it. This can be achieved by "bouncing" the plasmaaround within the configuration of a magnetic cavity (or"bottle"). As in the case of plasma, any comprehensiveunderstanding of the human condition (encompassingboth the global problématique and the associated oppor-tunities for human development) is "quenched" by anyefforts to contain it within a particular conceptual frame-work. And as with plasma, transcending this difficultyseems to require the design of a container which ensuresthat such understanding can only emerge, exist anddevelop if it is continually "bounced" or alternatedbetween an appropriate configuration of different concep-tual perspectives. Although there are indications as to thepossible design of such a container, the multi-perspectivecontainers that have so far been designed reflect thelowest common denominator of the participating perspec-tives rather than the highest common insight by whichappropriate action in response to the global problématiquecould be empowered.

As this metaphor illustrates, this project is in manyways about the adequacy of the language used amongst

international constituencies. To what extent are thechallenges of society and the possibility of innovativeresponse determined by the distinctions and connectionspermitted or forbidden by the language of the internationalcommunity (and its various jargons). Can the manydistinct problems, values and strategies engendered bythat language be meaningfully distinguished? Is it in someway fundamentally inadequate as a means of formulatingdistinctions and relationships that are required to respondappropriately to the global problématique?

It is hoped that this volume may to some degree beused to explore the nature of the art of alternatingbetween paradigms, languages or viewpoints to enableindividuals and societies to be appropriately empoweredin response to the conditions of the moment. The chal-lenge appears to be to discover a comprehensibleconceptual dynamic of sufficient complexity to permit anappropriate conscious alternation between the differentcombinations of acceptance and denial. This has beenadmirably illustrated in drawings by the artist Escher,especially as analyzed by Douglas Hofstadter in Godei,Escher, Bach. As in the relationship between male andfemale or between parent and child, it is the collectiveequivalent of the art of saying "yes" or "no" underchanging conditions which is at its most frustrating andenchanting as it explores the excluded middle groundforbidden by the boundaries of Aristotelian logic, howevervital the latter may be in particular circumstances.

Content of sectionsAs noted above {in "Notes to the user") the sections in

this volume are positioned in an alphabetic order deter-mined by a mnemonic letter code. This enables the signifi-cance of cross-reference and index entries to be moreeasily remembered and understood during use. TheStrategies Section (S) therefore appears before theValues Section (V). In the following discussion of thecontents, however, it is appropriate to review thesesections in a particular logical sequence different from themnemonic order. Other such sequences could also beusefully envisaged.1. World problems (Section P)

The purpose of this section, the largest in the volume,is to identify the complete range of world problems percei-ved by international constituencies, whether as a focus fortheir programme activities, their research, their protest,their recommendations, or as part of their belief system.An entry has been established on each. This provides acontext within which the network of specific relationshipsperceived between these problems may also be identified.

Information on problems transcending national fron-tiers tends to be: (a) widely available in excessiveamounts in the case of macro-problems for which compre-hensive strategies cannot be implemented effectively, or(b) highly dispersed in modest amounts in the case ofpolitically acceptable problems for which satisfactoryprogrammes promising tangible results can be designed,or (c) in the case of problems only recognized by experts,disguised or concealed within documents analyzing moreacceptable problems or describing the range of detailedprogrammes in response to the latter, or (d) reportedinfrequently in an unsystematic manner in the media andspecialized press in the case of problems for which noorganized response has yet emerged. The majority of

conventional responses to problems take the form ofshort-term budgetary commitments to politically accept-able short-term programmes, irrespective of the long-termnature of the problems which they are supposedlydesigned to contain. There is a need to group informationon the network of perceived world problems to facilitatecomprehension of their pattern as a whole, in all its varietyand detail, and of ways in which the constituent problemsare interrelated, as a means of encouraging the emer-gence of more appropriate conceptual, strategic andorganizational networks to contain them.

The section contains entries on 10,233 worldproblems. It is divided into two parts: Section PP andSection PQ. The first, Section PP, contains 4,700 entrieswith descriptions. With each entry may be associated aset of up to 7 different types of cross-reference to otherproblems: more general, more specific, related, aggrava-ting, aggravated, alleviating, alleviated. There are 17,636cross-references of this kind. Section PQ contains 5,533problems of which only the names are in this volume. Thenames of these problems are also indexed as well asbeing cross-referenced from Section PP. Section PQ isused to register problems on which information is beingsought, or which are inadequately distinguished fromothers already described, or which, as sub-problems, fallbelow a cut-off level of specificity presently documentedin some hierarchy of problems appearing in Section PP.

As a whole this section endeavours to present all thephenomena in society that are perceived negatively bygroups transcending national frontiers. These are thephenomena which engender fear and irrational responsesas well as constituting a challenge to creative remedialaction. Groups are very strongly motivated by theproblems which infringe their values and arouse their

188 ASSOCIATIONS TRANSNATIONALES, 4/1986

indignation. As such they are a major stimulus driving thedevelopment of society. The perceptions documentedraise useful questions concerning the nature of problemsand what is meant by the "existence" of a problem, espe-cially when other groups consider that perception irrele-vant, misleading or misinformed. There is great difficulty inobtaining and editing material on problems, rather than onincidents, remedial programme action, theories, or otherframeworks through which perception of problems is filte-red. So to that extent, it could be argued that this sectionassembles information on which people collectively havegreat difficulty in focusing, namely information whosesignificance, whether deliberately or inadvertently, iscollectively repressed, displaced onto some less threate-ning problems, or projected in the form of blame ontosome other social group.2. Human values (Section V)

The importance of values is frequently cited in relationto the global problématique, whether it be in debates ininternational assemblies, in studies criticizing "value-free" approaches to research, or in discussion of qualityof life and individual fulfillment. Values are deemedespecially important in questions of cultural developmentand are central to concern for the preservation of culturalheritage. The purpose of this section is to register thecomplete range of values with which people identify, towhich they are attracted or which they reject as abhorrent.Whilst it had been hoped to develop such lists from docu-ments of international bodies, no adequate lists of valueswere located, even within the intergovernmental agencies(such as UNESCO) specifically concerned with humanvalues, and despite numerous reports and meetings on"values" in recent years. The values referred to are veryseldom named, although the commonest may be cited asexamples. The list presented here has therefore beenelaborated by the editors as an experiment based on theselection and interrelationship of constructive anddestructive value words.

The section contains 2,270 entries. It is divided intofour parts: Section VC, Section VD, Section VP, SectionVT. Section VC contains 960 constructive value words(e.g. peace, harmony, beauty), whereas Section VDcontains 1,040 destructive value words (e.g. conflict,depravity, ugliness). The entries in these two sections arelinked by 7,008 cross-references to 225 entries in SectionVP. These entries are value-polarities (e.g. agreement-disagreement, freedom-restraint, pleasure-displeasure)derived from the organization of Roget's Thesaurus.These in turn cross-reference 45 entries in Section VT inan attempt to identify major value categories. The sectionas a whole contains 14,463 cross-references.

None of the entries contain "descriptions" of thevalue(s) implied. In most cases this would be superfluous.The words in Section VC reflect values which tend to beaccepted without questioning. Those in Section VD reflectvalues which tend to be rejected without questioning. Theemphasis is placed on using the cross-references toindicate the range of connotations of particular valuewords. The entries on value polarities, Section VP. dohowever list proverbs, aphorisms or quotations selectedto illustrate the dynamic counter-intuitive relationshipbetween constructive and destructive values. Theyendeavour to draw on popular wisdom or insight todemonstrate the negative consequences and limitationsof blind adherence to constructive values or to demon-strate the positive consequences and creative opportunity

of judicious action in the light of destructive values. Theypoint to the existence of a more fundamental and challen-ging dynamic than that implied, for example, by peace-at-all-costs and total rejection of conflict.

This exploration of values is of special interest in rela-tion to the world problems in Section P. Many problemsare named in international debate using a destructivevalue word (e.g. insufficient, unrealistic, unjust, inappro-priate). Problems defined in this way imply the existenceof some corresponding value whose expression is infrin-ged by the problem. Such values may or may not be notedin defining the purposes underlying remedial action inresponse to the problem, although often they form part ofthe wording of any rallying slogan in support of some inter-national strategy in Section S, But the set of constructiveand destructive value words does indicate a way ofcoming to grips with the range of problems which theexisting language renders perceivable and nameable.They also indicate possible dimensions of human develop-ment. This section is of course limited at this stage by thebiases inherent in Roget's Thesaurus and the Englishlanguage. It does however create a framework whichcould enable these limitations to be transcended.3. Human development (Section H)

The purpose of this section is to describe briefly thecomplete range of concepts of human development withwhich people identify, consider meaningful or reject intheir search for growth and fulfillment in life. The scope ofthis section has been deliberately extended beyond theunrelated concepts accepted with great caution by inter-governmental agencies: the job-fulfillment orientation ofILO. the health-oriented concepts of WHO and the educa-tion-oriented concepts of UNESCO. It includes conceptslegitimated by the psychological and psychoanalyticalestablishments as well as those promoted by the variouscontemporary growth movements. It also includesconcepts from religions and from belief systems of diffe-rent cultures. Entries are included on explicit concepts ofhuman development and on therapies, activities or expe-riences in which a particular understanding of humandevelopment is implicit.

The section contains 1,596 entries. It is divided intotwo parts: Section HH and Section HM, Section HHdescribes 628 concepts of human development andupdates a section in the previous edition, as a result of theparticipation of the editors in the Goals, Processes andIndicators of Development project of the United NationsUniversity's Human and Social Development Programme.Section HM endeavours to describe 968 modes of aware-ness, namely the experiential states associated with diffe-rent stages in the process of human development asperceived by different groups (and preferably usingwording with which such groups would identify).

The entries have been interlinked by 4.461 cross-references. These either indicate relationships betweenmore general or more specific concepts, or, especially inSection HM, the relationship between succeeding modesof awareness in some process of human development(whether linear or cyclical).

This section indicates ways in which people strugglewithin themselves for fulfillment and the experiencesassociated with that struggle which they find meaningful(whether or not such experiences are considered totallydeluded or inappropriate by different scientific or religiousestablishments). That many of these experiences cannotbe effectively "put into words" is indicated by the use of


metaphors or symbols in naming them. These appear asstrange to Western eyes as do others to Eastern cultures.4. Strategies (Section S)

As with the world problems section, the purpose of thissection is to explore ways of identifying a complete rangeof strategies conceived by different international consti-tuencies as appropriate responses to world problems,whether at the global or at the local level. An entry is provi-ded on each as appropriate, enabling them to be cross-referenced to the relevant international bodies advocatingthem, to the world problems against which they are direc-ted (or which they may aggravate) or to the values in thelight of which they have been formulated. Where possiblethe descriptions indicate the special strengths or inherentweaknesses (or blindspots) of each strategy.

The section contains entries on 8,335 strategies. It isdivided into five parts: Section SP, Section SQ. SectionSR, Section SS and Section ST. The first. Section SP,contains 239 entries whose main purpose is to groupcross-references to the 7.148 strategies in Section SQinto strategic categories. The definition of each categoryis sharpened by presenting it as a polarity (e.g. Protec-ting-Endangering) indicating both a strategy and thecounter-strategy to which it must respond. The second,Section SQ. contains 7,148 strategies, which are notprinted in this volume. The names of these strategies arehowever indexed as well as being cross-referenced fromSection SP. Section SQ is used to register strategies thathave been defined at a local level, or on which informationis being sought, or which are inadequately distinguishedfrom those already described, or which, as sub-strategies,fall below a cut-off level of detail presently documented insome hierarchy of strategies appearing in Section SS. Thethird. Section SR. covers personal strategies. It contains224 entries with brief descriptions. Section SS contains679 collective strategies with more extensive descrip-tions. Section ST groups together the 239 strategic pola-rities of Section SP into 45 types. In this way the informa-tion in Sections SP and ST is presented using categoriesequivalent to the value categories of Sections VP and VT.There are 7,959 cross-references interrelating the entriesin this Section, mainly from Section SP to Section SQ.

Whilst there is much awareness of the need for strate-gies, there is little effort to juxtapose the differentconcepts of viable strategies. As a result strategies of atype favoured by one set of constituencies are rarely to befound together with those favoured by others, as these areperceived as "irresponsible" or "irrelevant", howeverlarge the constituencies to which the latter appeal. As aconsequence, the variety of ways in which people areacting, or are prepared to act collectively, is obscured ordevalued. As a whole this section therefore attempts toportray the kinds of response being envisaged in respon-se to the global problématique, but more comprehensivelythan is implied by the existence of a few widely publicizedstrategies such as the International Development Strategyor the World Conservation Strategy. The value of underta-king sections SR, SQ, and SS was clarified by the projectswithin the framework of the Goals. Processes and Indica-tors of Development project of the United Nations Univer-sity (on alternative ways of life, strategies and dialoguesrespectively).5. Integrative knowledge (Section K)

A principal characteristic of the global problématique isits inherent complexity. This calls for a complex response

interrelating many different intellectual resources andinsights and involving sensitivity to very different kinds ofconstraint. Integrative approaches of this kind haveproved inadequate or exceedingly difficult to implement ina society characterized by specialization and fragmenta-tion. Following token interest in interdisciplinary in itsown right, recent years have seen an emphasis on aproject-by-project pragmatic approach, which avoids theneed for any form of conceptual framework transcendingindividual disciplines, but begs the question as to the rela-tionship between such projects.

The purpose of this section is to assemble descriptionsof the range of concepts or conceptual approaches whichare, in some way, considered integrative and which areheld by some international constituencies to provide thekey to the organization of any effective strategic responseto to the global problématique. Many of the words used tolabel these concepts are those which are considered indi-cators of the power of an advocated approach. Theyfrequently appear in project proposals to trigger favour-able response, whether or not any content can be given tothem in practice. Words like "global", "integrative", "net-working" and "systematic" are the magical "words-of-power" in the modern organizational world.

The section contains 702 entries on integrativeconcepts. It is divided into two parts: Section KG andSection KD. Section KG describes 632 integrative, inter-disciplinary or unitary concepts in the broadest sense,namely it includes advocated methods of integratingawareness favoured by these who reject a purely concep-tual approach. It is one of the few sections carried overand updated from the previous edition (when it was prepa-red with the support of the Society for General SystemsResearch). The 70 entries in Section KD comment onrecent efforts to interrelate incompatible conceptualapproaches and the nature of the challenge that thisimplies. This material is derived from papers prepared bythe editors during their participation in the Goals, Proces-ses and Indicators of Development project of the UnitedNations University, especially on problems of methodo-logy.

The section as a whole attempts to respond to thedramatic problem of how to interrelate vital conceptualinsights which are essentially incommensurable and inpractice often mutually antagonistic. A plurality of respon-ses in not in itself an adequate response, especially sinceeach fails to internalize the discontinuity, incompatiblityand disagreement which its existence as an alternativeengenders. It is for this reason that the second part explo-res the possibility, implicit or explicit in recent studies, thata more appropriate answer might emerge from a patternedalternation between alternatives. This calls for a focus onthe models of alternation by which the pattern and timingof cyclic transformations can be ordered between mutual-ly opposed alternatives. It highlights the possibility thatthe kind of integrative approach required may not be fullydescribable within the language of any single conceptualframework, however sophisticated.6. Communication (Section C)

Any form of international "mobilization of public opi-nion" to engender the much sought "political will tochange" is dependent upon communication, especiallywhen the insights required to guide that change arecomplex, counter-intuitive or simply not clearly communi-cable within any one conceptual language. The purpose ofthis section is therefore to review the complete range of


communication possibilities and constraints. This is partlyin response to the narrow focus of recent major inter-governmental initiatives under the extremely misleadingtitles of "International Commission for the Study ofCommunication Problems" (limited to the mass media)and the "International Communications Year" (telecom-munications hardware) by UNESCO and ITU respectively.It is however a direct consequence of participation by theeditors in the Forms of Presentation sub-project of theGoals. Processes and Indicators of Development projectof the United Nations University.

The section consists of 1,055 entries. It is divided intofour parts: Section CF, Section CM, Section CP andSection CS. The first. Section CF, contains 528 entriesdescribing different forms of presentation or methods ofcommunication, indicating wherever possible the specialstrengths and limitations of that mode. As an editorialexperiment, the remaining three sections, each take one ofthese forms and elaborate entries relevant to theconcerns of this project. Section CM explores through 88entries the possibility of designing metaphors that areappropriate to engendering a creative response to theglobal problématique. Section CP explores in 337 entriesthree different approaches to interrelating mutually incom-patible concepts in a pattern. Section CS reviews in 102entries the range of symbols used in modern and traditio-nal cultures as a way of communicating multiple levels ofsignificance in a compact and reproducible form.

As a whole the section provides a framework withinwhich to review alternative ways of interrelating items ofinformation to facilitate comprehension and communica-tion. The first part. Section CF, highlights the complemen-tarity of very different modes of communication, each withits strengths and limitations. It is therefore a response tothe increasing tendency to believe it is possible to dependonly upon one mode, whether it is books, video, equationsor slogans and to condemn others as being withoutserious value.

The second part, Section CM, recognizes the uniqueimportance of metaphor in politics, education, religion andscientific creativity as a means of communicating complexnotions, especially in transdisciplinary contexts. Theentries have been elaborated as an experiment to stimu-late interest in this mode as one of the few means ofrapidly stimulating innovative breakthroughs in develop-ment problems, since it is not dependent on lengthy,specialized education and can, for example, be intimatelyinterwoven into pre-existing rural community experience.

The third part, Section CP, is partly based on a compa-rative review of a very wide range of different conceptschemes as patterns. One group of 253 entries has beendeveloped from a "pattern language" elaborated by ateam led by the environmental designer ChristopherAlexander as an aid to designing physical contexts inwhich quality of life is enhanced. Selected patterns havebeen used, according to the methods of the previoussection, as substrates for metaphors such as to suggestways in which social, conceptual and intra-personalcontexts may also be "designed". Its special merit is theintegration between the component patterns provided byrelationships reflecting an understanding of the socio-physical environment which is both extremely realistic andexceptionally harmonious. Another group of 64 entries isbased on the pattern of concepts implicit in the much-publicized Chinese classic, the Book of Changes. Theseare transposed into a language which highlights the signi-

ficance of such a complex pattern of transformations inany organizational or meeting environment. Its specialmerit is the explicit recognition of the need to shift fromcondition to condition in order to ensure both healthydevelopment and the ability to respond to a turbulent envi-ronment. The final group of 20 entries is an exercise indesigning a pattern of relationships between incompatibleconcepts in the light of insights in a wide range of differentconcept schemes that use sets of concepts of differentsizes to contain qualitative complexity. Its merit lies in itsdeliberate attempt to internalize discontinuity anddisagreement within the pattern. In total, there are 3,863cross-references interlinking entries in this sub-section.

The fourth part. Section CS, emerges from the recogni-tion of the special importance of symbols in embodyingsignificance and giving focus to any campaign or program-me and establishing its identity in relation to other initiati-ves. As a focus for public attention, their choice is far frombeing an arbitrary matter. It is a response to constraintswhich need to be better understood if human resourcesare to be more effectively mobilized. They give visual formto abstract concepts by which development processes areorganized especially in traditional cultures which do notrespond to conventional forms of presentation. The rela-tionship between the symbols by which people are motiva-ted (or alienated} is also of vital importance. There are636 cross-references between entries in this sub-section.7. Innovative Techniques (Section T)

The purpose of this section is to provide a context forthe presentation of accessible techniques, which offerpossibilities of making an immediate difference to themanner in which resources are mobilized in response tothe global problématique.

The section contains 218 entries. It is divided into twoparts: Section TC and Section TM, The first contains 207entries with descriptions on new ways of conceivingmeetings and meeting processes. The second contains11 entries suggesting ways of re-ordering a conceptualarena presently frozen into an unfruitful pattern of polari-zation.

Meetings, and especially international meetings, are avital feature of social processes and the initiation ofchange. They are a principal means whereby differentperspectives are "assembled". Through such occasionsresources are brought to bear upon questions of commonconcern. They may also provide the environment in whichsupposedly unrelated topics can emerge and be juxta-posed. But despite the assistance of professionals andthe increasing number of such events, there is risingconcern that many do not fulfil the expectations of partici-pants, nor of those whose future may depend upon theoutcome. This is particularly true of events most concer-ned with social transformation. Current meeting procedu-res, despite efforts at innovation, on such questions tendto give rise to little more than short-term public relationsimpact and in this form can themselves constitute animportant obstacle to social change. In a very real sensemeetings model collective (in)ability to act and theineffectiveness of collective action. The challenge istherefore to provoke reflection on a new attitude orconceptual framework through which meeting dynamicsmay be perceived and organized in order that they mayfulfil their potential rote in response to the global proble-matique.

TRANSNATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS, 4 / 1986 191

The previous edition was composed of 13 sections,

interlinked by cross-references between items, bothwithin a section and between sections. There was also avariety of introductory texts. Although this reflected thecomplexity of the material it made access to it more thannecessarily difficult. In this edition the number of pagesprior to the first section has been reduced. The introduc-tion to each section has been considerably simplified andall amplifying comments, acknowledgements and othernotes have been transferred to the end of the volume.

Although this edition effectively contains 21 sections,these have been grouped into 7 major groups for each ofwhich there is a brief introduction and a mini-index. Thegeneral index is located at the end of the volume. Itemsanywhere in the book are identified by a six-digit code(e.g. VP1234) in which the first letter indicates the majorsection and the second letter the subsection in which it islocated.

Items within any subsection are in most cases notgrouped according to any classification scheme. Thiscontinues the policy adopted for the 1976 edition and is inaccordance with that adopted for the Yearbook of Interna-tional Organizations. Despite the strong arguments forclassifying items, the fundamental reason for not doing sois that it avoids reinforcing the impression that such clas-sification can be readily done and satisfactorily done. Oneof the challenges however is that there does not existsany classification scheme for interdisciplinary topics.What is called for at this time is a series of ongoing experi-ments with different classification schemes, some ofwhich may eventually prove to be of value. The data needsto be held in an arbitrary permanent order which facilitatessuch experiments without hindering the editorial tasks ofmaintaining the data on computer. This question is discus-sed in more detail in Appendix YB. One such experiment inclassifying the items in the world problems section by

subject is published in Global Action Networks (vol 3 ofYearbook of International Organizations).

There are cross-references between entries in somesections. These are listed at the end of each entry, ifpresent. In some cases there are also cross-referencesbetween entries in different sections. Because of thescope of the cross-referencing system, it has been neces-sary to use a 2-letter coding system to indicate the type ofcross-reference. For ease of use, the relationship codesused in any section are explained at the head of eachpage of the section. There are three groups of cross-references:

- Cross-references within a section indicating someform of logical relationship: (a) which other entries theentry may be considered a part of (analogous to BroaderTerm in a thesaurus); (b) which other entries may beconsidered a part of that entry (analogous to NarrowerTerm in a thesaurus); and (c) which other entries may beconsidered related (analogous to Related Term in athesaurus).

- Cross-references within a section indicating someform of functional relationship: (a) which other entries maybe considered to precede this entry in any causal chain orprocess; (b) which other entries may be considered tofollow from this entry in any causal chain. A furtherdistinction may be made in each case between aconstructive and a destructive causal chain.

The number of international organizations make itimpractical to have a separate section on such bodies inthis volume, as was done for the 1976 edition. Howeverthis volume has been designed to interlink with the3-volume Yearbook of International Organizations throughthe system of cross-references. Similarly entries incertain sections of this volume are integrated as cross-references into the subject volume of that Yearbook asmentioned earlier in connection with classification.

Scope and methodDetails of the scope of each section are given in the

introduction to each section and in the comments upon itIn general however every effort was made to ensurecoverage of perspectives from: industrialized and deve-loping regions (North and South), socialist and capitalisteconomic systems (East and West), occidental and orien-tal cultures, and official and unofficial sources (govern-mental and nongovernmental). In doing so attention wasgiven to scientific and "unscientific" perspectives,whether well-documented or poorly-documented, fashion-able or unfashionable, informed or "misinformed", andwhether emanating from qualified elites or marginalizedgroups.

The method employed was an extension of that elabo-rated over many years to locate and process informationon the 20,000 internationally-active organizationscurrently documented in the 3-volume Yearbook of Interna-tional Organizations, with which this project is intimatelylinked at all levels. The method may be outlined as follows:

1, A constant flow of material is received, particularlyfrom international organizations sensitive to the preoccu-

pations of every sector of society in every region andculture of the world, and mainly in response to: direct mailrequests (partly in association with regular contactsinvolved in work on the Yearbook of International Organiza-tions), mailing of proof pages from the previous edition,exchange agreements with international bodies, purcha-ses or loans of publications (or microfiches) from inter-governmental bodies, and special requests. This materialis received in many languages although the text extractedfrom it is presented in English.

2. Particular efforts, including library searches and bulkacquisition of documents, are made in the case of bodiessuch as the Specialized Agencies of the United Nations,OECD and the Commonwealth Secretariat. As might beexpected, such sources are supplemented by journalsearches, reference books, press cuttings and unsolicitedmaterial from a wide variety of sources.

3. Documents are scanned for relevant material and. ifthe document is complex, portions are photocopied forclassification and filing.


Structure

4. During the process of scanning and classification,provisional decisions are taken as to whether the itemrepresents a new category or whether the document couldbe appropriately filed within an existing category.

5. Editors then work on files by item. Each file mightitself contain many documents, including books, from verydifferent sources. The editors attempt to elaborate theclearest and most succinct presentation of the item bycombining information from different source documents asappropriate. Every effort is made to use existing textssupplied by international bodies. When this is not possi-ble, adaptations of texts presented in other documents aremade.

6. During the editorial process the status of the item isreviewed, possibly leading to its being further subdividedinto separate items, integrated with some other item orsimply rejected.

7. The editorial process is assisted by working indexeswhich are periodically updated or sorted by subcategory.

9. For some sections of this volume very extensive useof computers has been made to explore various ways ofreordering and regrouping the items.

The task of preparing the final text is therefore aneditorial process of making the best use of any number ofitems touching on the nature of the organization, the worldproblem, or the strategy as the case may be. It should bestressed, particularly in the case of the world problemssection in this volume, that the task is conceived as beingeditorial and not research in which the editors might berequired to analyze material in order to formulate hypothe-ses concerning the problems in any particular domain.This said, the task of determining from a mass of docu-ments in a file what problems or sub-problems are beingidentified there, explicitly or implicitly, is necessarily aform of empirical research in the broader sense of theterm. It is the role of the editors to clarify any presentationand to use supporting texts to reinforce any relevantopinion expressed, rather as in the formulation of a legalbrief. It is not the role of the editors to impose their ownopinion on the material. One clear exception to this, in thecase of world problems, was to clarify the names used todenote world problems when these are conventionallyconfused in international jargon with names of associatedvalues or remedial strategies. "Peace", "disarmament"and "youth" are not considered adequate names for worldproblems. An adequate problem name was required tohave one or more words, indicating its problematic nature(e.g. "proliferation of arms", "disaffected youth").

This volume includes a number of smaller sections of adeliberately experimental nature, such as those on values,communication, or meetings. As noted above, in each

case the method used is discussed in the section.Wherever possible it is an extension or a variation on theeditorial procedure outlined above.

The design of this volume, namely the sections selec-ted for inclusion in it, was partly determined by the expe-rience of the previous edition and the possibility ofupdating or (temporarily) excluding certain of its sections.It was also strongly influenced by material arising fromparticipation of the Union of International Associations in afive-year research project on Goals. Processes and Indi-cators of Development (1978-1982) of the Human Deve-lopment Programme of the United Nations University. Theexistence and final form of some sections, especially thaton values, was influenced by the opportunity of experi-menting with various possibilities of manipulating andpresenting information via the computer facility with whichthe editorial work is done.

It is appropriate to stress the strong pragmatic influen-ce on working methods as they affected the design of thevolume in its present form. As in any design problem therewere constraints on resources and in this case, due to therestricted level of editorial funding, they were very tight fora project of this scope. The detailed procedures werecontinually reviewed and modified to achieve a satisfac-tory final result with the most efficient use of resources.Since the page space was necessarily also limited,another concern was to "pack" information as efficientlyas possibly. These factors influenced, and were influen-ced by, the manner in which the text database systemcould be used or modified to facilitate the proceduresleading to the final product. The difficulties and opportuni-ties were further complicated by the fact that computerwork was transferred from a main frame batch system toan experimental local area network during the finalproduction phases.

Despite the technical possibility of doing so, a decisionwas made not to use resources to submit edited texts indraft form to competent authorities for comment or impro-vement prior to publication. In the case of the worldproblems section, for example, the assumption was madethat an adequate formulation could be adapted from thedocuments originally supplied by international organiza-tions claiming some competence in the domain inquestion, particularly if these had been sent in responseto proof texts from the previous edition. This procedureproved much more efficient than that of requesting suchbodies to elaborate problem descriptions (as was done forthe previous edition). Commissioning them to do so wasbeyond the resources of the project, with the exception ofsome work on the human potential sections. As part of anongoing project, the existing texts will be submitted asproofs to concerned bodies to trigger responses for thenext edition, as is done for the Yearbook of InternationalOrganizations.

In the light of the scope and methods noted above, a

further influence on the design of the publication was anumber of specific biases, some of which strongly influen-ced the length of any description.

1. As mentioned above, the whole editorial processwas biased against any particular set of values, especiallyany particular concept of truth or falsehood, or of right or

wrong, or of good or evil, or of strategic relevance or irrele-vance, whether or not this resulted in texts which wereacceptable or ridiculous in terms of the scientific, legal,religious, cultural, political or strategic priorities of others.The task was conceived as one of "telling things as theyare" in the eyes of those who identify with a particularperspective, not of highlighting only what is importantaccording to one such perspective.


Biases

2. There is a definite bias towards giving more space toless well-publicized perspectives and consequently lessspace to the standard well-documented perspectives, forexample the world problems of war, famine, pollution, etc.

3. The above bias is partly corrected by a bias in favourof presenting any problem complex as an interconnectedset of many sub-problems rather than as one long amal-gamated description. The sub-problem descriptions mayin fact be longer than that of the parent problem.

4. When information was inadequate or too mucheditorial work was required to process the available mate-rial into an appropriate form, there was a bias in favour ofincluding the entry, even without a description, rather thanexcluding it to ensure an impression of entries of higherquality. There was therefore a bias in favour of opening upcategories to which indexes and cross-references couldrefer in anticipation of work in future editions. This may beviewed as a bias in favour of lists.

5. In contrast to other efforts to document worldproblems, there was a definite bias against dependenceon "high grade" information in which each "fact" hasbeen substantiated by an approved authority. As pointedout earlier, such "facts" are quickly disputed, denied orignored in counter-report s by those holding alternativeviews, whether "authoritative" or not. Where high gradeinformation is available from international bodies it hasbeen used. Where the information is too controversial tobe approved by an international body or where no con-cerned body, exists, "low grade" information circulating inthe media has been used.

6. This publication raises many questions about theuse of language by the international community and the

media. Whether a world problem denoted by a particularset of words "exists" in a manner distinct from thatdenoted by a related set of words (which appear to bepartly synonymous) is a matter for continuing review. Inthis project there is a specific bias against prematureresolution of such editorial/research difficulties. Obviousduplication has been avoided, but other cases have beenallowed to co-exist especially in the human developmentsection (see Appendix YC).

7. As noted earlier, the limited resources imposed anunwelcome bias against material requiring translation intoEnglish, in contrast to the editorial practice for the Year-book of International Organizations. The assumption wasmade that this was largely corrected by the extensive useof materials formulated in the multi-lingua! environmentsof international organizations. Some exceptions were alsomade in the case of unique materials obtained in French.

8. A final specific bias, associated with the previouspoint, is one against premature classification in thisvolume. The task here is seen to be one of registering,describing and interrelating perspectives (in a non-linearmanner, where necessary), not of classifying them insome framework which would eliminate significant incon-sistencies. Hence the bias in favour of unstructured lists,complemented by indexing and cross-references. Classi-fication, with all that it implies in terms of imposition of aparticular conceptual (and often defensive) framework ondata, is a separate matter. The same approach is adoptedwith regard to the international organizations and multi-lateral treaties in the Yearbook of Internat-ional Organizations (vol 1). These are classified experi-mentally (in vol 3) in an evolving integrated framework ofsome 3,000 categories, together with the world problemsand strategies from this volumes (see Appendix YB).

The previous edition of this publication was published

in 1976 under the title Yearbook of World Problems andHuman Potential. It was produced as an experiment arisingfrom a joint project started in 1972 between the Union ofInternational Associations and Mankind 2000. For the UIAit was a logical extension of its function as a clearing-house for information on the networks of internationalagencies and associations, as documented in its3-volume Yearbook of international Organizations. ForMankind 2000. as catalyst of the international futuresresearch movement, it was a means of bringing into focusits prime concern with the place and development of thehuman being in the emerging world society. The projectwas jointly funded by the two transnational non-profitbodies, with Mankind 2000 supporting the editorial costsand the UIA the publishing and administrative costs.

In its present form, under the new title, the publicationis jointly funded by the UIA and K G Saur Verlag, currentpublisher of the UlA's 3-voiume Yearbook. Agreement toproduce this edition was reached in 1983, when workcommenced. It was originally conceived as constituting afourth volume within the Yearbook series because of thedegree of cross-referencing between the four volumes.But because its periodicity will depend on how it is recei-ved, it was subsequently decided to treat it as a separate

publication under the current title rather than tie it to theestablished annual Yearbook. The present content of thebook has also been strongly influenced by the participa-tion of the UIA in the United Nations University project onGoals, Processes and Indicators of Development duringthe period 1978-82.

Originally founded in Brussels in 1907, partly on theinitiative of two Nobel Peace Laureates (Henri LaFontaine, 1913; Auguste Beernaert, 1909), the UIA as aninternational nongovernmental organization had activitiesprior to 1939 which illustrate its long-term interest inrelation to the current project. These include publication ofthe Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, Vol I (1908-1909.1370 pages), Vol II (1910-1911. 2652 pages) whichincluded information on problems with which internationalorganizations were concerned at that time. Also publishedwas a Code des Vœux Internationaux: codification généraledes vœux et résolutions des organismes internationaux(1923, 940 pages, under the auspices of the League ofNations), which fisted those portions of the texts of inter-national organization resolutions which covered substan-tive matters, including what are now regarded as worldproblems. It covered 1216 resolutions adopted at 151international meetings. The subject index lists some 1200items. Paul Otlet, co-founder of the UIA. produced in 1916a book entitled Les Problèmes Internationaux et la Guerre


Background

which identified many problems giving rise to and causedby war, and proposing the creation of a League of Nations.In 1935 he attempted a synthesis, Monde, which touched

upon many problems and their solution within a society intransformation. The preface bore the title "The Problem ofProblems", a topic he had first explored in 1918.

A project of this kind evokes amongst some the

response "Why bother, when we already know what oughtto be done?" Who, after all, needs another book paradingthe range of problems with which the global community isconfronted? Key people no longer have time to read morethan one page summaries and each international body isacting as best it can to contain the problems to which it issensitive.

In 1984 the Director of Political Affairs of one majorintergovernmental body considered this project bothpresumptuous and ridiculous. He then went on to arguethat problems did not "exist" in a way which allowed themto be identified and described in a book. For his institutionthey were agenda items which came and went accordingto the political currents of the moment, ceasing to "exist"once his organization was no longer obliged by politicalpressures to deal with them.

Others would argue that it is a grave mistake to focuson problems in any way because this "gives themenergy", hindering the necessary "positive thinking" fromwhich appropriate social transformation can emerge.There is widespread belief that the action required can besimply defined. Food aid is a topical example, althougheven major intergovernmental bodies are now acknowled-ging the counter-productive aspects of such generosity. Amodicum of humility would require the recognition thatmost seemingly positive initiatives have at least minorcounter-productive effects - omelettes cannot be madewithout breaking eggs.

There are however many who point out that internatio-nal institutions are not containing the problems faced bythe global community; rather they are being overwhelmedby them. To function at all. such bodies have to concen-trate on very small portions of the pattern of problems,denying the relevance of other portions or even their veryexistence. This is especially the case when they areconstrained to prove the value of their own initiatives eventhough they may aggravate such other problems. Manyclaim to know what needs to be focussed on, or done, oravoided to resolve the crisis - if only everybody else wouldsubscribe to their particular set of priorities. In such acontext it is appropriate to present these many "actionvectors" within a single framework, in effect bringing themcollectively to consciousness rather them denying orrepressing those which do not fall neatly within somefavourite paradigm.

This volume is therefore intended for those who ques-tion whether they are receiving information from a suffi-ciently broad range of perspectives. It is for those whobelieve that much might be learnt from the variety ofperspectives on what constitute significant problems andsignificant responses to them. In particular it is for thosewho recognize the possible dangers and limitations ofattempting to filter this variety down to a handful of"essential" problems which can be appropriately contai-ned by a single policy, strategy or blueprint based on asingle conceptual framework guided by a single set ofvalues.

The users of this volume will therefore include:- International relations institutes;- Policy research institutes and "think-tanks";

- International organizations (governmental and non-governmental) concerned with the potential range ofproblems and programmes and with the design of newprogrammes;

- University departments (international relations,environment, law, social science) concerned with interdis-ciplinary issues and ways of presenting to students thevariety of the global problématique and potential respon-ses to it;

National government departments designingprogrammes which need to be sensitive to problems andpossibilities in other sectors;- Futures research institutes;

- University departments responsible for designinggeneral studies programmes for students;

- Ministries of foreign affairs concerned with training orbriefing diplomats and members of delegations;

- Students in many fields needing an overview of therange of global issues, how they may relate and the diffi-culties of ordering such information within one conceptualframework;

- Change agents promoting the creation of new organi-zations or programmes, whether at the international or thelocal level;

- People concerned with paradigm change andconceptual breakthroughs in responding to the globalproblématique;

- Foundations requiring a sense of context withinwhich they can assess new proposals;

- Corporations concerned with navigating in a complexand turbulent social environment;

- Researchers grappling with the ill-defined fields ofvalues, human development and states of consciousnessand their relationship to global problem-solving.

It is expected that the majority of readers will use thisbook to locate specific items or groups of information.Some users will respond to the challenge of ordering,comprehending and presenting such a range of informa-tion in new ways, because of the extent to which it reflectsthe variety of issues with which people and groups identifyand by which they are motivated. It is hoped that some willalso be further stimulated to explore the possibility ofpatterned dynamic relationships between incompatibleconceptual languages, encompassing the discontinuitybetween them, in order to develop a dynamic conceptualfoundation appropriate to the global order of the future.


Intended use

The principal strength of this publication lies in the

range of information presented, often derived frominaccessible documents, reflecting a broad spectrum ofcultures, ideologies, disciplines and belief systems. Manyof the topics are little-known, however vitally relevant theymay appear to those specially sensitive to them. A signifi-cant proportion of the information is of a kind which isnormally avoided or ignored by institutions and academicdisciplines, because there are no adequate procedures orframeworks for handling it. Many of the topics are there-fore of a kind not to be found in available reference bookswhether because they fall between conventionallyrecognized categories, or because they threaten them insome way (as with some types of problem).

A second strength lies in the juxtaposition of seeminglyunrelated kinds of information (e.g. problems, values,human development) which emerge as complementaryand call for the recognition of a pattern of relationshipsbetween them. The organization of the volume is designedto permit very extensive cross-referencing of varioustypes. It allows relationships, whether logical or functional,to be indicated in a much more precise manner than inother contexts.

A third strength is the deliberate presentation of infor-mation so as to confront opposing viewpoints, whetherthrough the arguments supporting or denying the exis-tence of a particular problem, by matching constructiveand destructive values, or by opposing strategies andcounter-strategies. Wherever possible entries indicate thelimitations of the perspective presented. The structure ofthe volume therefore guards against dependence on anyone particular perspective. Each may indeed be appro-priate in particular circumstances, but it is more probablethat it is only on the whole "gene-pool" of perspectivesthat humanity can safety depend in a turbulent socialenvironment during a period of vulnerability to nuclear,ecological and food crises of an unpredictable nature.

A fourth strength is the exploration, both through thevariety of information and through a number of editorialexperiments, of the limitations of language in distin-guishing both problems and responses to them (values,modes of awareness, strategies). The approach used hasmade it possible to present sets of fuzzy categories, suchas values, in a way which allows them to be usefullyrelated to harder categories of information. Many neglec-ted categories have been "opened up" in a manner whichallows the significance of such distinctions to be explored.The approach usefully questions assumptions about the

adequacy of language in responding to the global problé-matique and designing integrative strategies.

The principal weakness of the publication lies in theinadequacy of information on particular items. Whilst manyof the entries are adequate, or more than adequate, thereare exceptions where more appropriate information couldusefully have been included. This is a direct consequenceof the method which was oriented to culling informationfrom many sources but did not permit (because of limita-tions on editorial resources) follow-up on particular items.This defect is also partly a consequence of the bias infavour of "opening up" neglected topics as opposed toextending information on well-documented topics.

A second weakness for many is the absence of anyscheme through which the large amount of information isordered. To this extent it may appear as a "grab-bag"collection of disordered information of varying quality andsignificance. As is pointed out however, the absence of aclassification scheme is deliberate because one of thefundamental challenges is the design of an adequatescheme which would be non-trivial and minimize distor-tion. The method used minimizes distortion and providesan information structure with which classification experi-ments can be undertaken, some of which are presented inthis volume.

A third weakness is the absence of any adequatebibliography or indication of sources, particularly since inrecognizing the existence of a perspective in the interna-tional community it would be desirable to indicate whatgroup or constituency holds that view. In the 1976 editionconsiderable effort was in fact expended in preparingextensive bibliographies on human development and oninterdisciplinarity. These have not been included here. Thedifficulty in including bibliographical references comesagain from the method used. In the case of United Nationsmaterial, for example, literally tons of documents werescanned for the rare paragraphs defining a problem. Inpreparing the final entry, the file used might contain photo-copies of many such paragraphs. It was not consideredfeasible to allocate scarce resources to time-consumingbibliographic work when the objective was to cross-reference the entry to the international body directlyconcerned with an topic, whether or not that body provi-ded information on it. Indeed one of the basic difficulties inobtaining information on world problems, for example, layin the fact that the bodies most concerned with an issuewere frequently unable to supply a succinct description ofit. More useful texts often came from other sourcescommenting in summary form on the issue.

Future improvementsIn the introduction to each sub-section, indications are

given as to possible future improvements for subsequenteditions. These mainly focus on refinement of the entriesand extending the range of cross-references betweenthem.

Now that all the sub-sections exist in text databasefiles on an in-house local area computer network, manypossibilities emerge for enriching the information, its orga-nization and its presentation. Of special concern is thepossibility of linking entries to specific international bodies

and, in the case of the United Nations, to resolutions ofthose bodies.

The in-house computer facility should finally enable thenetworks of cross-references to be presented in map formas was originally envisaged in 1976. Although this stepwas planned for this edition, priority could not be accordedto it. It is believed however that experimenting with suchvisual presentation will lead to significant breakthroughsin ordering information on the global problématique and onways of responding to it (see Appendix YF).


Assessment

World Problems* :Commentary1. Significance

In the paragraphs which follow, and with the aid ofquotations from a variety of authors, an attempt is made tojustify a problem-focused approach. By this is meant anapproach which focuses on problems in all their negativityrather than on solutions to problems. The basic pointbeing that only by knowing more about the nature ofproblems and how they combine together will it be possi-ble to conceive of more adequate solutions which haveany hope of widespread support.1. Multiplicity and gravity of problems

There is widespread recognition of the number andseriousness of the problems faced by mankind, asacknowledged in texts such as the following:

"It is unforgivable that so many problems from the pastare still with us, absorbing vast energies and resourcesdesperately needed for nobler purposes: a horrid and futilearmaments race instead of world development; remnants ofcolonialism, racism and violations of human rights instead offreedom and brotherhood; dreams of power and dominationinstead of fraterna! coexistence; exclusion of great humancommunities from world co-operation instead of universality;extension of ideological domains instead of mutual enrich-ment in the art of governing men to make the world safe fordiversity; local conflicts instead of neighbourly co-operation.While these antiquated concepts and attitudes persist, therapid pace of change around us breeds new problems whichcry for the world's collective attention and care: the increa-sing discrepancy between rich and poor nations; the scienti-fic and technological gap; the population explosion; thedeterioration of the environment; the urban proliferation; thedrug problem; the alienation of youth; the excessiveconsumption of resources by insatiable societies and institu-tions. The very survival of a civilized and humane societyseems to be at stake. " (U. Thant, Secretary-General of theUnited Nations on the occasion of United Nations Day,1970).

Although there is agreement that there are manyproblems and that many are serious, little concerted efforthas been made to determine how many problems thereare. Such efforts as have been made have generally beenlimited to identifying major or critical problems, usuallyguided either by political expediency or by the particularobjective of a major agency. For example one study, resul-ting in 6 problems analyzed in detail, was based on aprocedure whereby 1000 problems were deliberatelyfiltered through a succession of phases down to 100, to* Extract from Section XP of "The Encyclopedia of World Problems ana HumanPotential. " UAI ed .K.G. Saur. München 1986.

50, to 20 before the "final sort and aggregation". (Assess-ment of Future National and International Problems. USNational Science Foundation. 1977, NSF/STP 76-02573),Only the final 6 were submitted to the President. Nofurther mention is made of the 994, whatever their impor-tance to particular constituencies. At that time UNESCOengaged in an exercise to identify the "major worldproblems" with which it was concerned and identified 12(Medium-Term Plan 1977-1982. UNESCO, 19C/4).2. Interrelationships between problems

It is becoming increasingly evident, and increasinglyaccepted, that problems interact with one another. Thissituation is illustrated by the following;

"In spite of much publicity, the complexity and magnitudeof the problems faced by man if he is to survive as a socialanimal is still only adequately conceived by specialists, andit derives not so much from the mere multiplicity and gravityof problems awaiting a solution in our technological society,or in what the Battelle Institute has described as the "frighte-ning series of problems now appearing over the horizon", asfrom the fact that between these multiple problems thereexists an incalculable number of inter-relationships which,whether ascertained or not, greatly restrict the range ofaction open to the policy-maker. It is this situation which hasbrought about the tendency for the solution of one problemto create a number of new ones, often in fields only distantlyrelated at first sight to the original matter. In particular, thisnot being fully understood, there is a general disposition toenvisage and treat the symptoms of trouble, particularly themore obvious ones such as the various forms of pollution ofthe environment, rather than to deal with the root causewhich is to be found in the inadequacy of the decision-making machinery of human society under any form ofgovernment at present known. Serious errors in decision-making with regard to the Tennessee Valley or the riversfeeding the Caspian Sea or the application of DDT haveproduced disastrous consequences which cannot be reme-died by going back to the starting point. It is necessary tostart from the position as it now exists, and necessary tofully understand it, for which purpose full and processedinformation is required." (Sir Peter Smithers. GovernmentalControl; a prerequisite for effective relations between theUnited Nations and non-UN regional organizations. NewYork, United Nations Institute for Training and Research,1972. p.45-46).

"The systems of international trade, payments and finan-ce are component parts of an interdependent world eco-nomy. The functioning of each is intimately related to that ofthe others; and present or prospective arrangements in thethree spheres must be viewed in terms of the requirementsfor economic expansion and structural change in the world as


a whole. The interrelationships have many facets and maytake 3 number of forms. Examples are not hard to find:inadequacies in the flow of finance, long-term or short-term,may obstruct a mutually advantageous international divisionof labour; an improperly working adjustment process mayexert deflationary or inflationary pressures, and encouragerestrictions on flows of goods and finance; rigidities in tradepatterns may generate chronic instability in currencymarkets; the capacity to service accumulated debt may beimpaired by an inadequate rate of growth in the exportmarkets of debtor countries. Any tension between the esta-blished international economic mechanism and the dynamicsof economic growth will be reflected in difficulties in themonetary, financial and commençai spheres. A malfunctio-ning in any one of these spheres will generally producestresses in the others also. Acute problems, when they arise,may emerge in the form of commercial, financial or monetaryimbalances that appear to be localized in particular coun-tries or groups of countries. Deeper analysis will, however,often show that the problems of one country or group ofcountries in one sphere are intimately related to concomitantproblems in other countries and in other spheres and thatadequate overall solutions depend on parallel and consistentmeasures in several different fields, having regard to theinterests of all countries. What may appear to be a problemunique to one sphere may be symptomatic of wider and morefar-reaching tensions in the international economic systemas a whole." (United Nations Conference on Trade andDevelopment. Interdependence of problems of trade,development, finance and the international monetarysystem; report by the Secretary-General. Geneva,UNCTAD, 6 July 1 973, TD/B/459. para. 1 -3).

Not only are there many interrelationships betweenproblems, but in some cases the combined presence orinteraction of two or more problems can lead to theemergence of new problems. Thus workers in factoriesare often exposed simultaneously to different physical orchemical agents which interact and which have acombined effect significantly different to the sum of theeffects of the various agents encountered independently.

Another example is the synergistic relationship betweenmalnutrition and infection which in its combined formconstitutes a major problem in developing areas.

"There is, then, no such thing as the food crisis. Similarly,there is no such thing, in isolation, as the population crisis,the urbanisation crisis, the pollution crisis, the armamentscrisis, the oil crisis, the energy crisis . the fertiliser crisis, theresources crisis, the water crisis, the soil crisis, the fishcrisis, the technology crisis or the trade crisis. Each of thesecrises acts on the others, and while it may be useful to focusattention on them one at a time, none of them can be solvedunless the others are taken into account. This hydra-headedworld crisis is difficult to comprehend... The dilemma atRome, as at Stockholm, Caracas, Bucharest and elsewhere,is that the poor and hungry nations sense that the isolatedcrisis on the agenda is but a part of a wider population-resources-development crisis which unless resolved in totowill condemn them for good to the status of second-classcitizens on their own planet...the present series of internatio-nal conferences suffers from a universal catch-22, whichstates that any problem we can solve is part of a largerproblem which we cannot" (Jon Tinker. The Green Revolu-tion is over. New Scientist, 7 November 1974, p.388-393).

Although there is agreement that there are interrela-tionships between problems, little concerted effort hasbeen made to identify how many there are and betweenwhich problems. Such efforts as have been made havegenerally been limited to determining adequate descrip-tions (in mathematical terms) for the nature of the rela-tionships between a handful of major or critical problems.The relationships between other problems have only beenexplored within the various specialized domains, irrespec-tive of any wider significance. Communication betweensuch domains is generally agreed to be poor or non-existent.3. Complexity of the inter-problem network

By the manner in which the simple interactionsbetween the problems combine together, a new condition,namely a problem system or problem network is identifia-ble, as illustrated by the following:

"Many of the problems we experience today have beenwith us for a long time and those of recent vintage do notseem insurmountable, of themselves. The feature that iswholly new in the problematic aspects of our situation israther a frightening growth in the size of the issues and atendency toward congealment whose dynamics appears tobe irreversible. The congruence of events appears suddenlypossessed of a direction and a total meaning which empha-sizes the insufficiency of all the proposed solutions increa-singly and reveals rigidities that are not stable or set, that donot confine the problems but enlarge them, while alsodeepening them. This suggests that our situation has aninner momentum we are unable fully to comprehend; or,rather, that we are trying to cope with it by means ofconcepts and languages that were never meant to penetratecomplexities of this kind; or, again, that we are trying tocontain it with institutions which were never intended forsuch use. Therefore, even to be able to talk meaningfullyabout these problems (or, is it a single problem that is facingus?) we need first to develop a conceptual approach and alanguage we can use, which correspond better than what wenow have to the essence of the situation)." (HasanOzbekhan. Toward a general theory of planning. In: EricJantsch (Ed). Perspectives of Planning. Paris, OECD.1969, p.144).


" Problems misbehave. Instead of neatly slipping intoclean-cut categories that correspond with the names ofministries, scientific disciplines, and problem-solvingprograms, they tend to fuse with each other and become atangled web. Thus, as a society becomes more complex,analysis of the housing problem leads one into industriallocation, transportation, technological development, fiscalpolicy and intergovernmental relations. Any serious analysisof the population problem leads one into the consideration ofthe resource base for supporting any given population level,appropriate technologies in the use of such resources aswell as in birth control, social security, opportunities forfemale education and employment, and a variety of culturaland motivational Questions. Any problem of ethnic orgeographic imbalance within a country cuts across allproblems and programs that affect any ethnic or regionalsubdivision of the country. " (Bertram M Gross. Strategy foreconomic and social development. Policy Sciences, 2,1971. P.353).

The Club of Rome uses the term "world problémati-que" to denote the current situation in which mankind isno longer confronted by identifiable, discrete problems,each one amenable to being dealt with on its own terms,but by an intricate and dynamic maze of situations,mechanisms, phenomena, and dysfunctions, which, evenwhen they are apparently disjointed, interfere and interactwith one another, creating a veritable problem system."Our present situation is so complex and is so much areflection of man's multiple activities, however, that nocombination of purely technical, economic, or legal measu-res and devices can bring substantial improvement. Entirelynew approaches are required to redirect society towardsgoals of equilibrium rather than growth. Such a reorganiza-tion will involve a supreme effort of understanding, imagina-tion, and political and moral resolve." (Commentary by TheClub of Rome Executive Committee on The Limits toGrowth. New York, Universe Books, 1973, p.193).

Although there is agreement that interrelationshipsbetween problems are so numerous as to constitute acomplex network or system, little concerted effort hasbeen made to map this complexity. Such tentative effortsas have been made have generally been limited to theproduction of simple maps of the relationships betweenmajor or critical problems, or (in a few cases) the produc-tion of more detailed maps for some particular problemarea.4. Increasing inadequacy in response to the problemnetwork

The traditional and planned approaches to problemsare recognized as increasingly incapable of containing theproblem complex as it is now emerging. This situation isillustrated by the following:

"Evidence is mounting that the environment which mana-gers seek to control - or, at least, to guide or restrain - isincreasing in turbulence and complexity at a rate that farexceeds the capacity of management researchers to providenew and improved methodologies to affect management'sintentions. Faced with the consequences of force-fed tech-nological change, and the concomitant changes in thesocial, political, psychological, and theological spheres,there is real danger that the process by which new conceptsof management control are invented and developed mayitself be out of control relative to the demands that are likelyto be imposed upon it." (Introduction to a 1968 manage-ment conference session of the College of ManagementControl Systems, The Institute of Management Sciences)

"While the difficulties and dangers of problems tend toincrease at a geometric rate, the knowledge and manpowerqualified to deal with those problems tend to increase at anarithmetical rate." (Yehezkel Dror. Prolegomenon to policysciences, AAAS symposium, Boston, 1 969)

"Social institutions face growing difficulties as a result ofan ever increasing complexity which arises directly andindirectly from the development and assimilation of techno-logy. Many of the most serious conflicts facing mankindresult from the interaction of social, economic, technological,political and psychological forces and can no longer besolved by fractional approaches from individual disciplines."(Bellagio Declaration on Planning. In: Erich Jantsch (Ed)Perspectives on Planning. Paris, OECD, 1969).

"What finally makes all of our crises still more dangerousis that they are now corning on top of each other. Mostadministrations...are not prepared to deal with...multiplecrises, a crisis of crises all at one time...Every problem mayescalate because those involved no longer have time to thinkstraight." (John Platt. What we must do. Science, 28November 1969, p.1115-1121).

"Scientists and business and political leaders in virtuallyevery country are becoming increasingly aware thai thehuman race is facing more crises than its social and politicalinstitutions can handle adequately. Proposed ...Many impor-tant steps are now being taken to meet these problems.These steps, however, are often shaped to fit existing insti-tutional patterns or to be politically or commerciallyexpedient, while other measures of perhaps equal or greaterimportance have not yet been started. Moreover, the multi-tude of crises and their complexity and interactions sooverburden the mechanisms that have been designed tohandle them that there is a valid fear that these mechanismswill break down at the critical moment and make the disas-ters worse." (R A Cellarius and John Platt. Councils ofUrgent Studies. Science, 25 August 1972. p.670-676).

"...the world is becoming so complex and changing sorapidly and dangerously and the need for anticipatingproblems is so great, that we may be tempted to sacrifice (ormay not be able to afford) democratic political processes."


(H Kahn and J Wiener. Faustian powers and human choi-ces, in: W R Ewald. Jr (Ed). Environment and Change.Bloomington. Indiana University Press, 1968).5. Inadequacy of institutional response to problems

The weaknesses of the organized response toproblems are best illustrated by the following:

"The map of organizations or agencies that make up thesociety is, as it were, a sort of clear overlay against a pageunderneath it which represents the reality of the society. Andthe overlay is a/ways out of phase in relation to what'sunderneath: at any given time there's always a mis-matchbetween the organizational map and the reality of theproblems that people think are worth solving...There's basic-ally no social problem such that one can identify and controlwithin a single system all the elements required in order toattack that problem. The result is that one is thrown back onthe knitting together of elements in networks which are notcontrolled and where network functions and the networkroles become critical." (Donald Schon. Beyond the StableState; public and private learning in a changing society.London. Temple Smith. 1971 )

"Since problems were for so long deemed to be immuta-ble, functions already assumed became more important thanaims. Thus the attainment of major national goals, such asthe elimination of illiteracy or the improvement of agriculturalyields, called for the development of the relevant governmentfunctions, such as education and agricultural policy. In thesequel, within each of these functions, new goals were infer-red from extrapolations of goals already achieved; the func-tions defined the problems to be met, and reassessment ofthe problems at hand did not lead to the redefinition of thefunction...The rigidity, fragmentation, and institutionalcompetitiveness of bureaucratic practices are obviously bothcauses and consequences of this state of affairs. Bureaucra-tic development is partly a result, of the vagueness of aimspursued. The determination of new aims is often not suffi-cient, however, to overcome these weaknesses, which alsostem from the inclination of bureaucracies to resist innova-tion. For these reasons, contemporary societies are calledupon to challenge certain forms of organisation that can nolonger render the services they require, because in thesesocieties, change and uncertainty have become the constantcompanions of prosperity. Thus, it has become a common-place that many new problems, over the last quarter of acentury, have been recognized too late by the governmentmachine, which has often been moved to action only by theadvent of a crisis...Any attempt to assess dissatisfactions,define opportunities, and formulate new goals inevitably runscounter to established policies that have been instrumentalin the emergence of new problems. It will therefore alwaysbe difficult to look to operational agencies and policies for anobjective effort to redefine aims that may involve agonisingreappraisals, challenge existing interests, or simply call for asense of perspective incompatible with the responsibilities ofday-to-day action. For this reason the identification of emer-ging problems is a function that tends to be overlooked bytraditional public administration and therefore cannot bewholly integrated with it..." (Organisation for EconomicCooperation and Development. Science, Growth andSociety. Paris, OECD, 1971, p.60-61)

"Consider the problem of poverty among minority groups.Our nation is committed to reducing poverty. We do not knowhow to approach solving the problem without creating otherundesirable conditions in the process. Our governmentcomes at a problem, like minority group poverty, from manydirections: some officials are convinced that all that is

necessary is to stimulate economic growth, others call lorbetter education, still others advocate a direct transfer ofincome, and of welfare. This is much like many blind menfeeling parts of an elephant and then being asked to descri-be it The man who describes the trunk is as right as the manwho describes a leg; both are partially right. Division ofproblems into subproblems without knowing their overalldimensions hardly ever contributes to a situation." (JohnCrecine and R D Brunner. A fragmented society; hard togovern democratically. In: Information Technology; somecritical implications for decision makers. New York. TheConference Board, 1972, p.178)

"Institutions, firms and (thanks to television) privatecitizens today receive critical information very quicklyindeed; the aggregate picture at federal level is slow bycomparison to materialize. To put the point the other wayround, then, the body politic has wildly over-active reflexes. Inthe body physiologic this is the condition of clonus - it is asymptom of spasticity. If we live, as I suspect, in a spasticsociety it is because of clonic response. And by the expecta-tions of these arguments, the clonus will get worse."(Stafford Beer. Managing modern complexity. In: Commit-tee on Science and Astronautics, US House of Represen-tatives. The Management of Information and Knowledge.Washington, US Government Printing Office, 1970, p.45).

"...increasing specialization makes all problems moredifficult With more economic and social development, thesubdivision of labor is carried to extremes never dreamt of inprevious historic periods. The more effective and efficientorganizations and planning bodies are those that operate fornarrow and segmental purposes, thereby rendering muchmore difficult any effort to achieve mutual adjustment orcoordination. The more able, honored and highly valuedexpert is the one who works within an increasingly narrowsphere and who has great difficulty in communicating withother experts as well as laymen." (Bertram M Gross.Strategy for economic and social development. PolicyScience, 2, 1971, p.353)

The relationships and significance of each of thelesser-known problems may well be recognized in theappropriate sectors of the available scientific literature,but may thus only influence a limited sector of society.This means that information systems, organizations andprogrammes often recognise only one particular set ofproblems and over-identify with them. This results in amultiplicity of candidates for "the key problem" requiringmaximum allocation of resources to bodies, which may notintercommunicate even though each may stress theimportance of defining its own problem in relationship toother problems. Hasan Ozbekhan makes the point: "Thisalmost subconsciously motivated attempt, that of a sector toexpand over the whole space of the system in its own parti-cular terms and in accordance with its own particularoutlooks and traditions, compounds the problem by furtherfragmenting the wholeness of the system. For sectorscannot become systems, they can only dominate them; andwhen they do they warp them. Hence this tendency towardthe spreading of sectoral primacies over the full social spacemust be viewed with alarm. It is a portent, and an ominousone, of the conflicts and dislocations that await us unless asystem-wide integrative approach is worked out..." (HasanOzbekhan. Toward a general theory of planning. In: EricJantsch (Ed). Perspectives of Planning. Paris. OECD.1969. p.83-84). There is also the suspicion that thenetwork of problems may be better integrated than thenetworks of organizational and conceptual resourceswhich could be brought to bear upon them.


The "Bertrand Report", a recent major internal reviewof the difficulties afflicting the United Nations system(Maurice Bertrand. Some Reflections on Reform of theUnited Nations. Geneva. UN Joint Inspection Unit. 1985,JIU/REP/85/9) notes: "In short, it is the sectoralized,decentralized and fragmented structures of the System thatare the reason lor its failure to adapt to the solution of devel-opment problems." (para 104) "The countries concernedneed a World Organization capable of facilitating syntheses,organizing co-ordination, helping to find long-term financialarrangements, and granting many-sided aid to solve themost urgent problems. What the United Nations Systemoffers them is a series of divergent and contradictory recom-mendations, some 30 bodies whose action has to be co-ordi-nated with that of some 20 sources of bilateral aid, but itdoes not help them to solve their medium and long-termfinancial problems." (para 106)

"In other words, since the Organization here is confron-ting the essential mission it should fulfil, we have to askourselves whether it is properly equipped to do so; whetherthe results obtained so far are satisfactory or negligible; andwhether the Organization really does possess the organscapable of reflecting upon and identifying the problems andthe framework of negotiations which the modern worldneeds. The replies to these questions are inevitably nega-tive; the machinery of negotiation is not easily identifiableand separable from the rest of the activities under thevarious sectoral programmes and does not constitute acoherent system. The results achieved relate only to a fewlimited fields and do not represent solid progress in thedirection of changing world consensus. This situation has itspolitical reasons, which are well known, but they do notexplain everything. Actually, it is the structure of negotia-tions offered by the World Organization that is ill-adapted tosolving the problems of the modern world. " (paras 107-8)

"They call for considerable preliminary efforts to identifythe problems which are susceptible to negotiation beforeany negotiations can begin. This work of identification iscomplex, and it comes up against difficulties of a cultural,technical, ideological and semantic kind; it can often only beconcluded when a preliminary agreement is beginning totake shape on a given concept; so that it is no longer surpri-sing that it implies attempt after attempt at formulation, oftenclumsily done, and that it is a source of endless talk. Nego-tiation among 160 parties presents specific technical diffi-culties other than those of the size of the meeting chamberor the organization of simultaneous interpretation. It involvesthe definition of interest groups whose composition anddimensions vary according to the subjects dealt with, andthe method of representation of these groups." (para 109}6. Absence of consensus concerning problem priorities

In 1974 Jan Tinbergen noted that only two years afterthe (Pearson) report of the International Commission ofDevelopment suggested accelerated growth for the devel-oping world, the results of the Club of Rome study indica-ted the necessity for decelerating world growth. HeSuggests that these two objectives are not necessarilyirreconcilable, but are very close to being incompatible.The two sets of recommendations clearly emerged fromstudies which detected different problems as being ofmajor importance. Robin Clarke, in demonstrating thepressing need for alternative technology, examined 9problems (from pollution to alienation) and showed howfive different functionally significant constituenciesperceived the problems and the necessary solutions.Consensus appeared to be minimal (33).

It is a fact of political and social life that there is nogeneral consensus on the relative priority of problems. Asnoted in the first report of the Social Indicator Develop-ment Programme of the Organisation for EconomicCooperation and Development (3): "Commonality of socialconcerns among Member countries tends to be greatest atthe highest level of generality, diminishing as the definitionbecomes more specific." The degree of consensus alsoincreases when the problem is perceived as being soextensive that it can only be solved by some improbablecombination of institutions or "everyone acting together".7. Framework for interrelating incompatible perspecti-ves

Before achieving consensus for purposes of action,some framework needs to be developed within which thedifferent problems can be interrelated prior to the determi-nation of their relative importance. Geoffrey Vickersargues that: "The changes that will flow from all of theseimpacts are unpredictable and perhaps unimaginable, butwe can prepare to recognize and understand them morequickly as they emerge, by finding some common framewithin which to comprehend them."

Consensus does not have to be total for effectiveaction to take place. Different constituencies can pursuedifferent problems provided that there is some generalunderstanding of how the different problems being tackledby different groups are interrelated, at least in the terms ofeach perspective.

From the previous paragraphs, such a frameworkshould be able to contain:problems which are incompatible in the light of theconclusions of different kinds of scientific analysisproblems which may be perceived by one group to beirrelevant or trivial, and by another to be of majorimportanceproblems which are normally unmentionable in inter-governmental circles for political reasons, namelywholesale massacres, torture, political imprisonment,and other sensitive problems, whether current or inrecent historyproblems which are potentially, but not currently,important as political issues (such as environmentalpollution prior to the 1972 UN Conference in Stock-holm)problems, recognized as such by the United Nations,but which catch many others unprepared because ofthe strength of the counter-claim (eg the 1975 UNvote to recognize Zionism as a form of racism)problems, recognized as fundamental as a result ofvery sophisticated analysis, which are extremelysubtle and essentially beyond the capability of exis-ting institutions (eg Kenneth Boulding's identificationof the reduction of psychosocial variety as being amajor threat to society's ability to respond success-fully to future crises)

As things stand no existing framework even attemptsto reflect such incompatible perspectives. And yet thedynamics of their interaction are the reality of social life.Just as in the case of the arms race, it is the action-reac-tion phenomenon between the protagonists which contri-butes directly to its continuation. In this connection it isvaluable to recall the technique used, in very difficulttimes, by Diderot and d'Alembert, the editors of TheEncyclopaedia (1751-1772). "The editors of The Encyclo-


paedia were well aware of the dangers they faced, and sothey cleverly maintained an air of innocence throughout. Bya brilliant device of cross-reference, however, they wereable to annihilate the effect of an orthodox view in onearticle with the arguments expressed in another article towhich the reader was referred."

In contrast to those times, the right view cannot besimply brought to light by a brilliant argument (or otherdevice) cross-referencing the outmoded incorrect view.Nowadays, there are many intellectual and other authori-ties, each with its own set of arguments. It is no longereasy to determine which set of arguments protects anoutmoded view, or by which view it should be replaced,since all the functionally significant groups (even amongstthe sciences) compete in advocating their own perspecti-ves and in criticizing every other perspective. The argu-ments of many of the groups may be well-documented,although the absence of evidence in the case of the othersdoes not curb their advocacy or the sincerity of belief intheir particular perspective.

It is however possible to envisage a framework inwhich the problems perceived by each group could becombined, or registered separately if there is disagree-ment, accompanied by their supporting arguments and therelationships perceived to other problems. The problemsemerging from each perspective can be handled in thisway. So can the focal points of disagreement. If the claimsby one group for the existence or importance of a problemare contested by another, then the arguments of the coun-ter-claim can be recorded with the claim.

In contrast to the example of The Encyclopaedia, insuch a case each group supplies its own brilliantarguments, annihilating or ignoring the competing groups.The functions of any editorial group are then limited tolocating the best formulated argument for each positionand for the problem inter-relationships which they consi-der significant. This task can best be performed with thecollaboration of the interested groups, preferably throughtheir representatives at the international level, whetherinter-governmental, nongovernmental, or informal bodies.

Clearly the results of such an exercise would notsatisfy those with a thirst for the immediate and finalanswer on any particular problem, because when anysuch final answer is contested, the aim would be to reflectthe dissent, even of a minority group. As Abraham Kaplanhas explained in discussing methodology in the behaviou-ral sciences:

"The demand for exactness of meaning and for precisedefinition of terms can easily have a pernicious effect, as Ibelieve it often has had in behavioral science, it results inwhat has been aptly named the premature closure of ourideas. That the progress of science is marked by successiveclosures can be stipulated; but it is just the function ofinquiry to instruct us how and where closure can best beachieved.... That a cognitive situation is not as well structu-red as we would like does not imply that no inquiry made inthat situation is really scientific... Tolerance of ambiguity isas important for creativity in science as it is anywhere else. "(1)

But irrespective of the scientific value of such a frame-work, it is a necessity to policy formulation. In discussingthe problems of developing contextual knowledge John PCrecine and R D Brunner note: "It is not enough for themasses and the government to understand one another andto be able to communicate effectively. Knowing what the

problems are. in and of themselves, seldom proves sufficientto improve situations. A different kind of knowledge andability is required concerning the context of public-sectordecisions and the workings of those societal mechanismsthe public sector attempts to alter. Uncovering necessarycontextual knowledge to support public policy moves is diffi-cult at present and likely to becomes more so.....Little effortis made to determine the content or the timing of research tomaximize its contribution to the solving of social problems.The means of achieving full employment of minorities in anurban ghetto, for example, is not a problem which an econo-mist, a politicai scientist, or a sociologist alone is likely tosolve. To the extent thai scholars focus their attention onincreasingly narrow details without relating the results io amore comprehensive map of society, they are not likely toprovide public officials with the knowledge necessary tograpple effectively with the problems of society." (2)2. Against a problem-focused approach

A number of arguments against a problem-focusedapproach have been encountered during the course of thisproject. Although the arguments overlap, in that they arebased on common conceptions, they are examined sepa-rately below.1. Major problems versus minor problems

It may be argued that the major problems are well-known and have been adequately described and that allother problems are either components of the majorproblems or unimportant. This raises the question as tohow the importance of the major problems was determi-ned. Was the problem of the environment important beforethe United Nations conference in Stockholm in 1972?Some international organizations have been working onthis problem since the 1950's, but a book produced in1967 by the well-respected Hudson Institute (HermanKahn and A J Wiener. The Year 2000; a framework forspeculation on the next thirty-three years) makes nomention of either pollution or environment. Importance inthis sense means simply as a political issue, since all theinformation concerning the problem was available whilstthe problem was still unimportant. There are howeverother ways in which a problem can be important. Aproblem may not be of importance in its own right butprimarily by virtue of its relationship to other problems inthe problem complex or network. Consider the case whereno significant impact has been achieved by the allocationof considerable resources to the mutually reinforcingproblems A, B, D and E, considered to be of greatestimportance because of their immediate tangible effects. Ifit can be shown that A, B, D, and E are all dependent onreinforcement from the seemingly insignificant and little-known problems C and F, then C and F may acquire consi-derable importance in any policy relating to the problemcomplex. Their relationships to the other problems, andthe possibility that they may lend themselves more easilyto available remedies, makes them of vital importance inany general strategy, since any positive results will havebeneficial multiplier effects which may alleviate the moretangible problems. Furthermore, if it can be shown thataction on problems C and F is impeded by problems G, Mand Q, then the latter may acquire even greater signifi-cance because of they way in which they obscure criticalleverage points in the problem network at which actionand research may be most beneficial with a minimum ofresources. The difficulty at this time is that it is apparentlynot possible to determine which problems are like C and F,


and which are like G, M and Q. since alt attention isdevoted to A, B, D and E, except in the plaintive reportsfrom those attempting to implement the solutions to thelatter. Only by exploring the networks of interrelationshipsbetween problems of all degrees of importance and visibi-lity will it be possible to locate the critical leverage points,as opposed to those action areas which can continue toabsorb resources without any significant result.2. Major problems versus subproblems

It may be argued that once the major problems havebeen identified it is unnecessary to attempt to identify thecomponent subproblems with any degree of precision,whether because the precision is illusory or because thesubproblems are merely aspects of the major problemwithout any significant degree of autonomy. In contrast tothis view, the OECD Social Indicator DevelopmentProgramme in identifying 24 fundamental social concernsstated that each of these "...may be viewed as the summitof a vertically linked hierarchy of an indefinite number ofsubconcerns representing the important aspects and meansof influencing the fundamental concern. A t the same time,there are various kinds of horizontal linkages or relation-ships among these hierarchies; a particular concern orsubconcem may have simultaneous effects on a number ofother social concerns." (3) On this point John Crecine andR D Brunner note: "Division of problems into subproblemswithout knowing their overall dimensions hardly ever contri-butes io a solution. But, it is precisely this division intosubproblems that must be achieved, however badly, if anorganization is to effectively pursue an objective or executea program. Without knowing the structure of a problem, it isdifficult, if not impossible, to efficiently design solutions orgovernment organization." Also: "The sad fact of the matteris that we know very little about dividing the social problemswith which government must deal into component sub-problems. Without effective division of overall problems andsubséquent assignment of the parts to specific units,government is likely to remain the blunt instrument it now is.All the information, communication, computer capability, allthe coordination in the world is useless if not properly mobi-lized." (2) The difficulty in identifying subproblems is todetermine down to what level of detail it is useful to go indifferent problem areas. This project explores this diffi-culty in a number of different problem areas where manylevels of subproblem exist (eg commodity problems,endangered species).3. Irresponsibility of drawing attention away from majorproblems

It may be argued that drawing attention away from the5 to 10 problems currently in favour as "major", and givinga comparatively greater amount of attention to seemingly"minor" problems, serves to dilute the already inadequateeffort to solve the major problems. In order to understandthe major problems better it is however necessary tofocus on the minor problems through which they may beconnected in unforeseen ways. It is by analyzing thenetwork of all problems that it becomes possible to deter-mine what the major problems are under any particular setof conditions. But perhaps of greatest importance, peoplemay identify more easily with non-major problems andunless the interrelationship of all problems can bedemonstrated such people cannot be convinced of themerit of allocating resources to the major problems. Itcould also be argued that programmes to mobilize publicopinion in support of the major problems have been inoperation for sufficient time to have been able to make any

significant impact possible. In the report of the UnitedNations Secretary-General reviewing the Dissemination ofInformation and Mobilization of Public Opinion Relative toProblems of Development (E/5358. 21 May 1973) it isnoted that: "... it is difficult to escape the conclusion that...the state of public opinion on matters of development, parti-cularly in the industrialized countries, is generally lessfavourable today than it has been in the past. " It also notes:"It would probably be unfair to conclude that a suddencallousness had overcome public opinion in the developedcountries. It is more like a closing of the gates to a pattern ofgeneralizations perceived as outworn by over-use. " Since ahigh proportion of available resources will continue to beallocated to the major problems, experiment with alterna-tive approaches is justified to see whether it is possible tobreak out of the pattern of out-worn generalization. Thegreatest danger lies in the probability that the UnitedNations system's public relations and public informationprogrammes will lead the informed public and many deci-sion-makers to believe that the U.N. is doing all that can orneed be done and has the attack on every world problemwell-coordinated. This automatically devalues the activi-ties of other bodies, reduces the allocation of resourcesand support to them, dampens initiative from the local andnational level which is not channelled through governmen-tal and U.N. channels against U.N.-perceived problems,and effectively nullifies the type of constructive criticismwhich can lead to renewal of effort, new approaches, andgalvanization of the political will necessary to the accom-plishment of all international programme objectives.4. Problems versus values

It may be argued that it is a mistake to focus on thenegative features of society, namely problems, rather thanon the positive features, namely values or goals, which area basis for consensus formation and the coherence ofsociety. And yet it is the irony of the times that problemshave greater currency than values and would often appearto be the focal point for greater consensus. People canagree about problems and they lend themselves to action-oriented debate. To an important degree, with the loss ofcommon positive symbols and the absence of a universalethic, common problems perform a unifying function. Inaddition they are easier to identify with precision. TheOrganisation for Economic Cooperation and Development,through its Secretary-General's Ad Hoc Group on NewConcepts of Science Policy (4), in discussing the formula-tion of problems, notes that: "The systematic identificationand formulation of new problems are the more necessarybecause the distinguishing characteristic of many of thepresent social demands is that they are defined more by thedissatisfactions they engender than by a precise formulationof the satisfactions looked for: existence of dissatisfaction, inother words, does not automatically imply a recognition ofpreferable alternatives. The complexity of society and thelimitations of knowledge make it difficult or impossible toenvisage realistic alternatives. This is one of the frustrationsof modern society: today's "hungers" are not easily defined.Thus, environmental pollution, the chaos of city life, and theinadequacies of the universities arouse discontent that is notexpressed in precise alternative concepts of the types ofenvironment, city, or university desired. Although in manycases these discontents may be based on misperceptions ofthe objective situation, we must recognise that the percep-tion is itself part of reality. Thus the discontent cannot bealleviated by physical measures alone: it requires an under-standing of the total situation. "


The emergence of problems may therefore be conside-red as the actualization of hitherto unrecognized values. Aproblem is in some ways a value in disguise and maysignal the presence of new values. In the DEMATELProject of the Battelle Institute, one element of the defini-tion of a problem was that it related implicitly to a valuesystem (5). A problem is an instance of value-dissonance.5. Problems versus solutions

It may be argued that at a time when everyone is awareof the problems, and many are suffering from excessiveawareness, any further emphasis on problems rather thansolutions is unconstructive. From this perspective, what islacking at this time are collections of information on solu-tions, not collections of information on problems. As will beseen below, however, most of the available informationtends to be either on the major problems or on conventio-nal solutions to existing problems. Unless a clear pictureof the range of problems is available, and it is not, thesolutions proposed may either be solutions to non-criticalproblems or solutions which will simply aggravate otherproblems as a result of their successful implementation.There is also the point that solutions envisaged for today'sproblems are already inadequate by the time they areimplemented because of the evolution of the problemenvironment. A focus must therefore be maintained ontomorrow's problems in the light of current predictions.This approach does not preclude cross-referencing theproblems identified here to a parallel collection of informa-tion on solutions.6. Unmanageable number of problems

It may be argued that once any attempt is made to lookbeyond the 5 to 10 currently favoured major problemsthere is no limit to the number of problems which can beidentified and described. Any problem area can be brokendown into subproblem areas which can in turn be brokendown further. The exercise then becomes impossiblebecause of the amount of information, and of questionablevalue for the same reason. This argument could, however,also be applied to the activities of the botanist and zoolo-gist who now recognize some million species of plants andanimals respectively. But zoologists, for example, havefound ways of handling this degree of diversity withoutneeding to limit themselves to such basic categories asmammals, reptiles, birds, fish, and insects. The question iswhether some similar approach can be made to the rangeof problems. Only a deliberate attempt to collect suchinformation can provide a basis for any response. Thissection is itself a demonstration that it is possible tocollect information on more than 10 problems without thedata becoming uncontrollable.7. Multiplicity of problem interrelationships

It may be argued that any attempt to record the poten-tial interrelationships between a large number of problemsleads to such a large number of interrelationships as to beunmanageable. Thus 1,000 problems could give rise toover 990,000 interrelationships. If however the informationcollection is limited to those relationships which havebeen recognized, the number of actual interrelationshipsis much more limited and therefore quite manageable.Again only a deliberate attempt to collect such informationcan prove whether such an approach is impractical.8. General, unstructured approach versus particular,structured approach

It may be argued that any such project is only mana-geable and of significance if it is conducted in terms of

some particular viewpoint such as the policy requirementsof a given organization. Or else, it may be argued that aparticular classification scheme or model must first bedeveloped to guide the subsequent collection and presen-tation of information. These are however precisely thedifficulties at this time. There is a multiplicity of orientedprojects and models with no effort at interrelating them orsuggesting that they should be interrelated. And yet it isthe disagreement amongst the advocates of differentapproaches which hinders the formation of any consensusor general strategy and the mobilization of adequateresources. The challenge is to develop a project which isas general and minimally structured in its approach as isfeasible without losing coherence and utility. This projectis an experiment in that direction.9. Erroneous conception of a problem as a well-definedentity

It may be argued that problems, by their very nature,are nebulous and poorly defined, and that therefore anumeric identifier cannot be usefully and meaningfullyallocated to a problem. Any such treatment of the problemin fact distorts the nature of the problem and gives it aprecision which it lacks and implies that it possessescharacteristics which it may not have. It is thereforeimpossible to make a )ist of world problems because whatis a problem is in fact a cultural variable. Any such attempttherefore forces all problems into the same mold andimplies that they can all be conceived as having commonfeatures particularly when embedded in a network ofproblems. The notion of a relationship as a simple linkbetween two problems may also be considered unsatis-factory for similar reasons. This project is however not somuch concerned with what a problem is as a problem butrather with how a problem is perceived and discussed interms of the labels given to it. It is in denoting the variety ofphenomena "problems" that the above errors may beencountered, but once this has been done and has achie-ved the present acceptability it then becomes permissableto identify the semantic domain in question by a numericidentifier and to attempt a summary description of theprocesses believed to be associated with that domain.10. Sufficiency of information on problems

It may be argued that there is already a very largeamount of information available on most problems. Someproblems have one or more books describing them: somehave whole specialized libraries devoted to them; manyare covered by specialized periodicals and abstractingsystems. Under such circumstances a summary descrip-tion could not do justice to the complexity of the subjectmatter and the available knowledge. Against this it mustbe said that only specialists can afford the time to scansuch quantities of information, and only well-endowedinstitutes can afford to obtain even a small proportion ofthe available material. In addition, as was discoveredduring this project, the information is rarely structured insuch a way as to make evident the nature of the problem,let alone the relationships between one problem andanother. Such information is scattered through a multitudeof documents, except in a few isolated cases. Whilst manydocuments exist, they may well be effectively unobtaina-ble during the time they are needed. Current internationalinformation systems do not facilitate access to many vitaldocuments. Such documents may be quickly out of print,and normal booktrade delays may be up to two monthsbetween Europe and America and up to six months in thecase of some developing countries. But whether availableor not, the widening gap between the exponentially


increasing quantity of data available for consumption andman's very limited capacity for acquiring and processinguseful information needs to be bridged by new methods ofpresenting information. The attempt in this project to holdproblem information in networks of relationships whichcan be plotted on maps or displayed on computer graphicsdevices is an experiment at reducing the current difficulty.11. Project approach as instance of the key problem

It may be argued that the allocation of resources to thecollection of information on problems is in itself anexample of the general tendency to substitute actionabout a problem for action on the problem. The problemsare denatured by the process and lose the potency thatthey have in the real world. Worse still, any attempt todraw attention away from the key problem (such ascapitalism or communism) to a multiplicity of pseudo-problems, which at best are symptoms of the Key problem,merely serves to aggravate current difficulties, whilstprofiting from them. Ail action can however be criticized inthis way. particularly when there is disagreement on whatthe key problem is or what problem components should betackled in what order in any strategy. This project is anexperiment in alleviating both the difficulties from whichsuch disagreement arises and those to which it gives rise.3. Definition

There is no generally accepted definition of a worldproblem and there is considerable debate about thenature of a social problem. No attempt is therefore madeaï a final definition of a world problem at this stage. Inorder to build up as comprehensive a data base as possi-ble, the criteria for problem inclusion and exclusion wereinitially kept to a minimum. The emphasis during the selec-tion procedure was not on whether adequate proof existedthat a problem was a valid and significant one accordingto some objective standard. The emphasis was placed onincluding those "problems" which well-establishedconstituencies indicated as significant in terms of theirown frame of reference - even when the validity andexistence of the problem is challenged by the perspectivefrom some other frame of reference. In effect, all problemsare sought which are identified as being of importance bysome functionally significant collectivity which manifestsitself in some way at the international level (whether as anorganization or through self-selected groups of spokes-men).

This open-ended approach permits the registration ofall the problems perceived as real whether or not, as Staf-ford Beer suggests (6), most of the problems with whichsociety believes it is faced, are bogus problems generatedby theories about social progress and the way societyworks. The existence of information questioning the vali-dity of a perceived problem is treated as information aboutthat problem. Each perceived problem is envisaged ashaving a certain probability of existence for some groupsin society and is therefore treated like a propositioncarrying annotations commenting on its validity - but it isincluded.Two basic techniques were used to simplify the task:(a) Problems registered had to be based on publisheddocuments. The documents preferred were thosearising from the work of international organizations,which cover most matters which have emerged asbeing of more than national significance. However,use was also made of material from other publica-

tions. Individual responses to a questionnaire sentmainly to international organizations were used onlyas an indication of the existence of a problem forwhich published documents were required.(b) Criteria were progressively elaborated to reduce theinclusion, in this first series, of very detailed problemswhich were nested within other problems. In otherwords, when a distinct hierarchy of problems wasencountered (eg problems relating to commodities, orto the extinction of species) suitable cut-off pointswere selected within the hierarchy below which moredetailed problems were not considered (eg a commo-dity class level within a classification of commodities).

This approach led to the elaboration of: (a) a list oftentative positive definitions as a guideline for problemidentification: (b) a list of general criteria for inclusion ofproblems identified; (c) a more specific set of criteria forthe exclusion of certain kinds of problem. These are listedbelow.1. Tentative positive definitions

1. Any condition believed to threaten the balancedphysical and psycho-social development of the individualin society, whether the threat is directly to his personalwell-being, to the values which he upholds, or to featuresof his environment on which he is dependent.

2. Any condition believed to cause or constitute socialregression or degradation.

3. Any condition before which society is currentlybelieved to be in some way helpless, because resourcescannot be brought to bear upon the problem.

4. Any condition believed to render social changeuncontrollable or discontinuous, or which so increases thecomplexity of society that it becomes incomprehensible inits totality and consequently unmanageable as a whole.2. General inclusion criteria

Geographical spread: The problem should be recogni-zed in at least three countries or considered to exist in atleast three countries. Resources should preferably beallocated to its solution in at least three countries. Theproblems relating specifically to one country only includedare when they are the subject of a United Nations resolu-tion (eg apartheid, Zionism). Problems can be consideredas "world" problems, either because they require solu-tions on a global scale (eg the international monetarycrisis), or because they are present in a number of diffe-rent countries even if only local solutions are required (egurban problems).

Disciplinary spread: The problem should be common to,or with implications for, more than one discipline andshould preferably have implications for different classes ofdiscipline (eg natural and social science disciplines). Thisexcludes problems internal to a discipline.

Experi recognition: The problem should be recognizedby more than one expert, and preferably by experts indifferent countries, and if possible by an internationalgovernmental or nongovernmental body. In other words,the problem should have an adequate "constituency".

Expert documentation: The problem should be thesubject of serious articles, scholarly studies, officialreports, or reports of international meetings. The problemmust be adequately documented, or its recognition mustbe adequately argued. This does not however imply theneed for any check on the validity of the argument.

TRANSNATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS. 4/1986 2O5

Time period: The problem should have been the subjectof documents during the period 1970-1985. Problems nolonger considered to be active are not included (althoughthis could be done in a later phase).

Duration: Short-term calamities, natural disasters,man-made disasters, or calamitous events in generalshould not be treated as individual problems, althoughappropriate groups of such disasters (eg earthquakes ingeneral as contrasted with an individual earthquakedisaster) can be so treated.

Potential problems: The problem can be a potential orfuture problem, even a "vulnerability": namely a problemwhich does not currently exist because some thresholdhas not yet been passed but whose emergence is predic-ted for some foreseeable future time and for whichpreventive action is advocated now.

Autonomous problems: The problem should preferablybe in some way distinct and clearly isolate able. But wherethe relation between a sub-problem and the problem ofwhich it is a part is not immediately apparent, or thedependence of one on the other is questionable or ambi-guous, sub-problems should be treated as problems intheir own right, particularly where the sub-problem isperceived as having distinct relationships with otherproblems. (The nature of the problem-subproblem rela-tionship is indicated by cross-references within eachentry.)

Seriousness: There should be some indication that theproblem, if not solved, will aggravate or cause some socialtension, or alternatively is a key factor in preventing thesolution to other problems which result in such tensions.This means that seemingly trivial problems may be inclu-ded if relatively large amounts of resources are allocatedto their solution rather than to the solution of what othersmay consider to be more serious problems.

Secret problems: The documentation available whichlegitimates concern with the problem should not be classi-fied or secret material, for obvious reasons. (Clearly,however, such secret problems may exist and, for thatvery reason, be of special importance.) For thoseproblems for which secrecy and cover-up policies arebelieved by significant constituencies to be in operation,isolated examples of problems may be considered suffi-cient evidence for the existence of the problem as a worldproblem. (Counter-arguments refuting the claims for theexistence of the problem would then be sought from thepublished documents of the institutions held to be respon-sible for such policies.)3. Specific exclusion criteria

General problems: Very general problems, such as theinadaptability of man to change, have been considered forinclusion if they have been precisely formulated. A numberof widespread problems common to any form of organizedaction are also considered as general problems, as will beclear from the points below. These include problems ofinadequate finance, training, knowledge, etc.

Operational problems (routine): The normal operationalproblems of a problem-solving organizational system havenot been included. This means that no problems whicharise (are encountered and solved) as part of normal tech-nical, academic, research, legal, administrative, or politicalactivity (namely "contained" problems) have been consi-dered. This includes: institutional development, techno-logy development, programme or process implementation,

and operation and maintenance of equipment and servi-ces. However, whilst the problem of obtaining spare partsfor maintaining a particular machine or group of machines(eg agricultural machinery) would normally not be consi-dered, it may be considered if, as in the developing coun-tries, this is recognized as an important obstacle toindustrialization. In which case it would be considered asa general problem for developing countries. Normal opera-tional constraints, such as political problems, humanresource problems, resource availability problems, andproblems of public acceptance, have also been excluded,except as general problems. In the case of problems of thesupply of resources, these have only been considered ifthe resource in question was a basic item (eg cereals,construction materials, etc) and not a luxury item.

Operational problems (insoluble): Insoluble operationalproblems, whether institution, technology, or conceptdependent have not been considered as such.

Institutional change problems: Problems of institutionbuilding, management (including intra-organizationalcoordination), financing, and adaptation have not beenconsidered as such. However, some consideration hasbeen given to problems relating to inadaptability of institu-tions, or the inadequacy of financing, or the lack of mana-gement skills, but only as genera! problems. Althoughproblems of building specific institutions have not beenconsidered, some consideration has been given to theproblems of specific institutions of world importance (suchas the United Nations) or to types of institutions (such astransnational coporations).

Structural modification problems: Problems of changingattitudes, technology, institutions, or legislation have beenconsidered only as general problems.

Coordination problems: Problems of coordinationbetween institutions, between disciplines, betweenregions, or between sectors have been considered only asgeneral problems and not in relation to specific discipli-nes, institutions, regions, or sectors. The exception madefor institutions concerned the major international systems(eg United Nations, intergovernmental organizations ingeneral, and international nongovernmental organizationsin general). The exceptions made for regions concernedthe relation between developed and developing countries,and between the major power blocs.

Planning problems: Problems of evaluation of objecti-ves, strategy formulation, and resource allocation havebeen considered only as general problems. Problems ofchoosing between alternative courses of action have notbeen considered.

Compatibility problems: Problems of equipment stan-dardization, compatibility of procedures and legislation, orproblems of lan-guage in this context, have not been considered except asgeneral problems.

Interaction problems: Problems of an inter-cultural,inter-ethnic, inter-faith, inter-ideology, or similar kind, haveonly been consi-dered as general problems.

Consensus-formation problems: Problems such as thatof mobilizing opinion, freedom of information, freedom ofassociation, and over-simplification of issues, have onlybeen considered as general problems.

Knowledge storage problems: Problems of language,technology, semantics, and cost, in relation to knowledge

206 ASSOCIATIONS TRANSNATIONALES. 4/198G

Storage, retrieval and dissemination have only been consi-dered as general problems.

Communication problems: Problems of language, tech-nology, semantics, and cost, in relation to communicationin general and public information in particular have onlybeen considered as general problems.

Date usage problems: Problems of undemocraticcontrol of data, invasion of privacy, and commercial abuseof collected data have only been considered as generalproblems.

Natural environment problems: Problems of pollution,resources, population, and the reduction of environmentalvariety have been considered in detail with an effort tolocate suitable cut-off points for nested problems.

Operational side effects: Problems arising from thedeterioration of the natural environment and the normaloperations of institutions and industries have been consi-dered in detail with an effort to locate suitable cut-offpoints for nested problems.

Structural violence problems: Problems relating to anyforms of discrimination, imbalance in resource usage,social injustice, or unparticipative decision-making havebeen considered in detail.

Emotions as problems: Emotions such as anger, hate,jealousy, fear, and anxiety have been considered for inclu-sion as general problems.

Professional problems: The problems internal to aprofession, as perceived by its members, have not beenconsidered. However, those problems created by its acti-vities, as perceived by outsiders, have.

Problems of belief: Problems of belief as such have notbeen considered although general problems such as evil,superstition and animism have been included, as well asextremes of belief such as fundamentalism and fanatism.Problems of protecting or promoting a particular beliefwere not considered unless the belief related to humanrights or other beliefs relating directly to societalproblems.

Institutional protection problems: Problems of protectingexisting procedures or institutions (other than the generalproblem of security) have not been considered unlesssuch procedures were designed to protect human rightsor other matters relating directly to societal problems.(Thus school absenteeism was not considered as aproblem for schools but rather as a problem for the child orfor society.)

Conflict problems: Territorial, political, and industrialdisputes (including war) have not been considered indivi-dually (eg civil war has been considered as a problem butnot individual civil wars).

Anti-group problems: Problems documented by onegroup of bodies as being caused by the dangerous activityof another group have not been considered unless reco-gnized by the United Nations. Thus the problem of theexistence and activity of a particular named capitalist orcommunist institution, for example, have not been consi-dered, although the general problem of capitalism andcommunism to which they relate have been considered.

Moral and ethical problems: In contrast to the previousedition, clearly defined problems of this type have beenincluded. The emphasis has been on problems experien-

ced in practice, not on those which emerge as distinctionsin philosophical or theological debate.

For-profit problems: Technical problems defined as anopen challenge, with prize money offered to the solver (asin the case of man-powered flight, for example) have notbeen included. However "sponsored" problems, delibera-tely created in secret by a group in order to derivecommercial or political profit from "solving" them would beincluded (eg bugging and bomb attacks by security firms,new diseases by pharmaceutical corporations, semi-addictive additives by food and beverage corporation,vulnerable varieties of seed by seed coporations).

Action obstacles arising from specific objectives: Pro-blems are perceived as obstacles to its achievement whena specific programme or objective is defined. Suchproblems have not been included, unless they arecommon to many programmes or objectives. Examples ofthose excluded are:Problems affecting the progress of tourism in thedeveloping countries are not included if they only rela-te to tourism.Problems of river development, such as improvinghydrological services, improving analytical tools inwater resource utilization, and encouraging scientificand technical investigation are not included.

The following quotations illustrate some kinds ofproblems that were not, for the purposes of this volume,considered as such:An immediate problem was the most-favoured-nationprinciple...One basic problem is to break with the traditionalbelief that a national policy for children should beconfined to dealing with the under-privileged andhandicappedEEC spending and expansion problemsThe importance of the problem of the relationshipbetween over-all and industrial programming derivesfrom certain essential considerationsThe problem of intermittence (of power demand) may,however, be over-stressed and with it the storage ofenergy...

Technological problems: Problems of application ofresearch to solve some urgent technical problem have notbeen considered. For example:The problem of economic desalination of sea-waterThe problems of adapting man to space travelThe problem of machine translation of textsThe problem of extraction of energy from the fusionprocess

Measurement problems: Problems of quantifiability,data collection and comparability have not been conside-red. This means that problems such as the following havebeen excluded:The problem of measuring poverty

- Problems of quantifying the effects of special prefe-rencesProblems of the lack of suitable monitoring instru-ments for environmental pollutants- The only exception is the general problem of comparabilityof statistics.

Research or scientific problems: Problems of research,methodology, and analysis have not been considered, as


with theoretical problems in general (eg Hubert's list of 23outstanding unsolved problems for mathematicians in1900). and problems of paradigm change. However someattention has been given to the general problems of inade-quate concepts, logical or semantic fallacies, irresponsi-ble research, or research which legitimates some abuse ofhuman rights.Different kinds of research have in fact been distinguishedby Gunnar Boalt (7) on the basis of the relationshipbetween the problems considered and the theory in ques-tion:the problem independent, not associated with thetheorythe problem independent, with a secondary associa-tion with theory, which is of lesser importancethe problem is of about equal importance with thetheory usedthe problem is of some interest, but the theory is ofmore interestthe problem consists of the testing of a theoryOnly the first two categories would merit consideration forinclusion here as problems of possible world importance.

A useful distinction between in-house researchproblems and social systemic problem is illustrated by theremarks of T S Kühn (see quotation in paragraph 5.2below on "Problem disguises").4. Identification procedureThe following approaches were used in parallel:

1. A request for documents on specific problems wassent to the secretariats of international organizationsselected from the companion Yearbook of InternationalOrganizations. This requested either that specificproblems be identified and described within a question-naire framework, or that the organizations send any docu-ments or other material from which the required informa-tion could be obtained. With the questionnaire was sent apreliminary list of criteria by which suitable problems couldbe identified, with the request that additional or alternativecriteria be supplied. Where appropriate a proof of an entryfrom the previous edition was included for amendment orcomment. The mainly mainly served to increase the flow ofproblem-oriented documents already received from inter-national organizations in connection with other informa-tion processing activities of the Union of InternationalAssociation (see below). The value of the replies in bothcases lay mainly in (a) their identification of new problemsfor which documentation was either supplied or had to beobtained, and in (b) their identification of problems cate-gories which it was not useful to include.

2. International organizations send a stream of docu-ments to the Union of International Associations to facili-tate the production of reference books on their activities.The relevant publications are the 3-volume Yearbook ofInternational Organizations, and the quarterly InternationalCongress Calendar, for both of which supplements areincluded in the bi-monthly periodical Transnational Asso-ciations. This incoming stream and the documents alreadyfiled were scanned for problem descriptions.

3. The United Nations and its Specialized Agenciesproduce considerable quantities of material about worldproblems. The relevant documents and publications wereobtained or photocopied, partly as a result of research inthe appropriate libraries.

4. Many other sources were investigated and used tothe extent feasible. They include: journal series, commer-cially available publications, research institutes, encyclo-pedias and other general reference books.

5. Once the bulk of the material had been filed byproblem, the filed documents were re-examined to locatedescriptions of other problems which were then made thesubject of new files. This was an integral part of theprocess of identifying relationships between problems. Avariety of techniques were used, depending on the mate-rial available and the nature of the macro-problem area inquestion, to clarify such problem networks and to locateadequate problem descriptions.

6. Although all statements used in building up problemdescriptions are, in almost every case, very closely basedon existing published documents, no explicit link is esta-blished between statement and source documents. Thiswas avoided for two reasons. Firstly, resources onlypermitted problem statements to be located and did notnecessarily permit the location of the best document(s)devoted to that problem. Consideration has been given tothe inclusion of references in future editions Secondly, theeditorial process of selecting and restructuring of textsfrom different sources may have unintentionally distortedthe meanings in the original contexts (particularly whenthe original statements did not constitute clear descrip-tions). Any such misinterpretations will be corrected infuture editions.

7. Particular attention was given to the relationshipsbetween problems. Various series of problems necessi-tated some regrouping of problems into problem groups toavoid inclusion of too many problems at too great a level ofdetail. Different methods of handling this matter and esta-blishing cut-off points were used on an experimentalbasis. Constructing such problem hierarchies was consi-derably facilitated when the available documents hadattempted some such categorization of the problems.Relationships between problems, other than hierarchicalones, were included either where they were specificallymentioned in the available documents or where they couldbe reasonably inferred from such material. It is rare fordocuments to be systematic in their description of therelationships between problems. Relationship networkshave to be built up from several different sources. Often itwas not clear whether the relationship applied for thewhole of a problem hierarchy or for only some componentpart. Some effort was made to "tidy up" such networks,but in general the practice adopted was to include rela-tionships at this time in order that the networks could bemore thoroughly criticized with a view to improvement. It isgeneral easier to criticize errors of commission than toundertake the extra effort to remedy errors of omission.

8. When the editorial process was complete, the file ofproblems numbering over 15,000 items was split intothree parts: those with descriptions or a minimum of twocross-references (which form the 4700 entries of SectionPP), those which had inadequately formulated names oroverlapped existing problems to an excessive degree(excluded from the publication), and the remainingproblems (which form the 5533 entries of Section PQ).5. Preliminary comment on results1. Problem conception and denotation

There seems to be a general lack of precision inthinking about and naming problems. A recent major inter-

208 ASSOCIATIONS TRANSNATIONALES. 4/ 1986

na) review of the United Nations notes, for example, that:"The United Nations System does not possess precise crite-ria for defining problems which have some chance of beingtaken seriously by the international community as a whole.The identification of problems which should be the subject of"major conferences", for example, is done mainly on thebasis of the existing sectoral schedule of problems: indus-trialization, science and technology, agrarian reform, popu-lation, women, environment, water resources, etc. Butfrequently the subjects chosen do not represent really newproblems, or they are only repetitive devices for driving homethe claims of the Group of 77 (increased aid from the indus-trialized countries, etc). Hence major conferences of thistype often culminate in "action programmes" which in spiteof their title do not embody anything concrete and do notcontribute to any change in the respective attitudes of theparticipants...." (para 127). Elsewhere the report states:"The task of identifying world problems when the time hasnot yet come for negotiating but only for recognizing as awhole the existence of elements of a "problématique"common to all countries, but without any suggestion of goingbeyond the analysis stage. These problems are dealt with atall levels. In virtually all programmes of all organizationsthere is a research and identification component of this type.However, only a few problems gradually emerge from all thiscorpus...and they are gradually identified as suitable forpossible discussion on the convergence of national policiesor the negotiation of common standards. Thus the questionsof the environment, population, certain social problems,economic and monetary problems are at various stages ofidentification within the world forum." (para 112). (MauriceBertrand. Some Reflections on the Reform of the UnitedNations. Geneva, UN Joint Inspection Unit, 1985,JIU/REP/85/9).

The lack of precision in thinking about problems arisesin part from shorthand usages by which issues are identi-fied in the media and in political debate. As an example,the Director-General of UNESCO produced a report to the18th General Conference (Paris 1974) concerning the"Analysis of problems and table of objectives to be usedas a basis for medium-term planning (1977-1982)". It wasspecified that this should include "all major worldproblems-coming within UNESCO's purview and relevant toits goals." The major world problems identified as suchare:1. Human rights; 2. Peace; 3. The advance of know-ledge - scientific and artistic creativity; 4. Exchange ofinformation; 5. Communication between persons andbetween peoples; 6. Concepts and methodologies ofdevelopment; 7. Policies and strategies for devel-opment; 8. Infrastructures and training for devel-opment; 9, Greater participation by certain groups indevelopment; 10. Man's natural environment and itsresources; 11. Man in his environment, 12. Population.

None of the names given by UNESCO to the problemswould be considered acceptable as problem names forentries in this section. It is the lack of human rights, ortheir infringement, which constitutes the problem. Simi-larly, it is the presence of conflict, or the instability of anyperiod of peace, which are the problems. (Human rightsand peace, as such, are goals or values) Exchange ofinformation is the name of a process, which if it operatedinadequately, as it does, would constitute a problem. Manin his environment does not denote a problem but asubject of study or debate. Population denotes the(number of people living in a place, country, etc, or a

special section of them. Only when this number is toohigh, too low, or increasing too rapidly, etc. can problemsbe considered, to exist. An effort has therefore been madein this section to locate an appropriately negative name toclarify and make evident the supposedly negative natureof the societal problems for which entries are included.With respect to the population issue therefore, it may bemade up of overpopulation, underpopulation, inadequatebirth control, and similar problems. Peace as a positiveand desirable condition cannot also be the name for aproblem. War, conflict and other tensions are what ispresumably meant. The only problem which could justifia-bly bear the name "peace" is that arising from any nega-tive features of peace as a condition (eg lack of stimulus.etc), and even then some negative qualifier should besupplied for clarity.

For an organizational system to consider the problemand the objective as identical can only lead to considera-ble confusion. It is even counter-productive because theorganization is then motivated to perpetuate problem-solving activity irrespective of whether or not the problempersists as originally perceived. It is presumably for suchreasons that the Batelle Institute's DEMATEL Projectrequired that problems had to be stated not as goals to beattained but as unacceptable situations for which thereare numerous perceived solutions (5).

It may be argued that the UNESCO document does notsuggest that "human rights" is a problem, but rather thatthe problem is "the problem of human rights". In othercases this technique of adding "problem" to the descrip-tor is widely used when no adequate term is available (egthe urban problem, the youth problem, the drug problem).This technique has been avoided in this section because ittends to blur (and even discourage) any focus on compo-nent problems. As the report of the UNESCO ExecutiveBoard (93 EX/4, 31 July 1973, para 51) notes: "There areno youth problems as such, but only problems that affectyouth." What problems make up the issue areas known as"the youth problem" and "the urban problem"? Summari-zing, therefore, it was found that only by requiring that anegative name or phrase be found for the problem, and byavoiding the use of "problem", that problems could besatisfactorily isolated from issue areas and programmeobjectives. The question is also discussed in the Appendixon Language-determined distinctions, (see Appendix YC)2. Problem disguises

Considerable difficulty was experienced because theavailable material, from whatever source, rarely provides acomprehensive and succinct description of a problem as aproblem. There seem to be a variety of ways by whichsocietal problems are transformed and diluted by proces-ses in society with different perspectives.

1. Assemblies, conferences: Such occasions are usual-ly highly structured by agenda item. If societal problemsare to be discussed they are reconceived as items in theconference process. As such it is their procedural featu-res and disturbance to the current activities of existingbodies which come to the fore. In this context problemsare distinguished with difficulty from routine meetingagenda items. This is especially so when the main func-tion of the assembly is to review the work of other bodieswhich implement its directives.

Agenda items may give rise to resolutions. Again thesemay concern societal problems, but it is only by carefulexamination that problem-oriented resolutions are distin-


guished from other types of resolution. For example,research on UN ECOSOC resolutions by UNITAR catego-rized resolutions and their paragraphs according to 10categories: recognition of issues ("identifying, defining,assessing importance of. and commenting upon substantiveproblems, facts, conditions, events and causal connectionsexternal to the UN"), delineating potential UN participationin world problems, setting standards and goals, creatingor modifying UN organization, establishing programmesand strategies, detailed implementation, informationtransfer and coordination, monitoring and evaluation,exhorting governments, and internal administration.

Only 5% to 7% (depending on the level of analysis)were concerned with recognition of issues, and even thispercentage included "restating, reiterating or making refe-rence to information on substantive problems, needs, facts,states, and conditions. "

The report of the Director-General of UNESCO (men-tioned above, paragraph 5.1) identifying world problemsand supplying each "with a brief and general description"typifies the confused nature of problem descriptionscurrently available. Thus with respect to the first problem,human rights, the nearest equivalent to a description isthe statement that: "The Organization's constitutionalresponsibilities with regard to human rights may be summedup as follows: (a) to assist in combatting all forms of discri-mination; (b) to promote certain fundamental rights, such asthe right to education; (c) to extend the opportunities forleading a more satisfactory life, at the individual and commu-nity levels, through participation in scientific advancementand in cultural life and access to full and objective informa-tion. "

The societal problem under (a) is "discrimination", butit is embedded in a concern with UNESCO's own constitu-tion, which surely is irrelevant to any description of theproblem. In addition the problem is described in terms ofcombatting such discrimination. Again what UNESCOdoes about the problem is surely irrelevant to any descrip-tion of it, unless the problem is in fact that of "combattingdiscrimination", namely the strategic, tactical, and logisti-cal problem of combatting discrimination. This is not theexternal problem of discrimination but a problem interna!to the organizational system in some way related to theundefined external problem.

Similar difficulties could be brought to light withrespect to the eleven other problems. The descriptions areall embedded in preoccupations with organizational andprogram goals (or, in some cases, with the theoreticalpreoccupations of the predominant discipline, or of thedepartment responsible for formulating the description).

2. Political arena, government: In the political arenasocietal problems are merged into the maze of issueswhich galvanize the political process. Issues, as withnews, may be very short-term, highly personalized orconcerned with threats to the credibility or image of someestablishment unit. Problems only become identified asissues when they excite a significantly powerful pressuregroup. The extent to which issues become issues, or getlost in limbo, is to a large extent fortuitous. Many issuesare deliberately projected as problems when in fact theyare only pseudo-problems, which may nevertheless besufficiently magnetic to attract short-term electoralsupport. Power groups appropriate issues as a means ofestablishing relevance to a constituency. Once the drama-tic appeal and novelty is lost relative to other issues, aproblem issue is discarded.

3. Administrations. agencies, secretariats: Administrativebodies and agencies tend to work in terms of programmeand budget items. The problems, supposedly defined at aplenary or planning meeting, are here disguised anddefined by the action programmes agreed upon. Just asintelligence has been defined as "what is measured by anIQ test", the problem becomes "that which the programmeis designed to combat". A secretariat official of one majorintergovernmental agency, questioned about material onilliteracy, put the point very simply by stating: "Illiteracy isnot our business; we are concerned with literacy program-mes." At any stage up to or following its full recognition,the problem may be absorbed into some section of theadministrative apparatus. It is internalized so that it isalmost impossible to distinguish (from the organization'sperspective) between action to solve the problem and theroutine activity of the administrative section, or evenbetween the external problem and the internal administra-tive or political difficulties in solving it.

4. Public relations, public information: A problem has tobe transmuted by a public relations operation into asymbol in order for it to permeate the world of images.There are many symbols which do not represent problems.The process of conversion into a symbol involves a simpli-fication, a dramatization and a humanization. This maystrip the problem of subtle cross-linking relationships toother problems, introduce ambiguity, and may even distortit beyond recognition by those who originally defined it.The symbol of the problem is designed to incite to specificaction, not to facilitate new thinking about the nature ofthe problem or whether or how to act against it. Where thepublic information is disseminated by an organization oragency with programmes designed to reduce or eliminatethe problem, it is in the agency's interest to concentrateits information on the success (however partial) of itsprogrammes, rather than the gravity (however great) ofthe problem. This is best demonstrated by an examinationof the catalogues of photographs available to the pressfrom intergovernmental agencies. Only a very smallpercentage attempt to illustrate the problems, most illus-trate actions to solve the problems.

5. Journalism, newsmedia: Here there is a tendency tofocus on events, news items and stories, possibly builtaround a core societal problem. But more often than not,the problem is interpreted to give meaning to a personali-zed event rather than vice versa. Nevertheless this sectoris possibly least reluctant to record, if in over-dramatizedform, the announcement of an unforeseen problem.

6. Legal system: Legislation is concerned to proscribecertain activities (abuses, offenses, etc) which create orconstitute societal problems. A body of legislation may beconceived as a set of contained problems - problems"behind bars". All crimes may be considered problems.The societal problems of interest are those that escapefrom these constraints to a significant degree - beyondthe threshold level up to which the legislation may beconsidered adequate. An international agreement maysignal the presence of a world problem, and may of coursecontain it, if properly implemented. The difficulty is todetermine when legislation disguises the presence ofuncontained problems.

7. insurance: The insurance sector of the economy isnot concerned with problems as such but is concernedwith risks. Risks may however be considered as potentialproblems. In this sense the insurance sector is the mostexplicitely concerned with the definition of problems.


However these problems are in most cases defined interms of the financial interests of the insurers. The insu-rance sector may however prove to be a rich source ofinformation on the incidence of many problems.

8. Religion: Historically religions have played a majorrole in clarifying the values in the light of which socialproblems such as poverty or injustice are perceived. Butsuch problems tend to be perceived by religions as beinga consequence of sins and vices (Judeo-Christianity) orafflictions (Buddhism), which are not usually consideredas problems in their own right. There is a distinctionbetween what a religion perceives as a sin and whatsecular society chooses to perceives as a problem,especially in the case of sins or afflictions of the mindhaving little recognizable impact on society.

9. Conflicts: Conflicts, whether violent or not, may beconsidered as a definite manifestation of a problem. Theturbulence of the conflict, in its very concreteness with allthe visible side effects, tends to obscure the underlyingproblem. Those involved in a particular border conflictnaturally tend to resist interpretation of their conflict as aninstance of the general problem of border conflicts.

10. Documentation: Clearly all problems which form thesubject of an article or book should be detected by thedocumentation, library and abstracting system. This is so,but only as "subjects" completely merged into the multi-tude of other subjects which are the preoccupation ofclassification systems. Unfortunately, subject headingsand descriptions do not detect problems which are not yetlabelled by a term - namely those at present defined by aphrase or a mathematical relationship (eg betweenresource flows). Nor do the documentation systemsdetect problems noted in the body of a text.

11. Research disciplines: The problems detected bydisciplines are normally intimately bound up with thecharacteristics of the theory or model used to researchthem. T S Kühn clarifies the relationship betweenresearch problems and societal problems in the followingquotation (8): "Bringing the normal research problem to aconclusion is achieving the anticipated in a new way, and itrequires the solution of all sorts of complex instrumental,conceptual, and mathematical puzzles... It is no criterion ofgoodness in a puzzle that its outcome be interesting orimportant. On the contrary, the really pressing problems, ega cure for cancer or the design of a lasting peace, are oftennot puzzles at all, largely because they may not have anysolution... One of the things that a research communityacquires with a paradigm is a criteria for choosing problemsthat, while the paradigm is take for granted, can be assumedto have solutions. To a great extent these are the onlyproblems that the community will admit as scientific or willpermit, its members to undertake. Other problems, includingmany that had previously been standard are rejected asmetaphysical, as the concern of another discipline, or some-times as just too problematic to be worth the time. A para-digm can, for that matter, even insulate the community fromthose socially important problems that are not reducible topuzzle form, because they cannot be stated in terms of theconceptual and instrumental tool the paradigm supplies-One of the reasons why normal science seems to progressso rapidly is that its practitioners concentrate on problemsthat only their own lack of ingenuity should keep them fromsolving. "

An external societal problem may be internalized bythe discipline, as is the case with administrative agencies,

such that it is impossible to distinguish (from within thediscipline) between action to solve the problem and thenormal advance of theoretical knowledge within the disci-pine, or even between the external problem and the inter-nal theoretical or practical difficulties in solving it.

In contrast to these views, scientist-activists such asJohn Platt and Richard A Cellarius suggest the creation ofinternational councils to focus on and legitimize researchon solutions of major crises: "Until recently, many scientistshave wanted only to pursue basic research and have avoidedproblems of practical or social significance - except whenpaid to act as consultants to government or industry." (9)They identify 210 areas for urgent research studies, manyof which are intimately related, by definition, to worldproblems.

The situation is further complicated by the relationshipbetween the problem as researched and the problem asperceived by the body concerned with the formulation ofpolicy. Yassin EI-Ayouty makes the point (10): "There arecertain misconceptions held by the operational official asregards what research should do for him. An importantmisconception is the operator's assumption that the solutionof his problem would be primarily advanced through themere collection of facts. In this regard, the operator mayerroneously conceive of the research process as an exer-cise aimed at providing him with specific replies or answersto questions or problems which he has selected for research.As a result of this misconception, the operator finds theproblems, as researched, appear different from those inwhich he, the action man, is interested. The disappointmentof the operator does not stop only at finding that he is nonearer to the answers he is seeking through research thanwhen he began. It is compounded by the fact that the wholeresearch process may appear to be a complicated way ofsaying the obvious. As to the researcher, he may have hisown frustrations in responding to the demands of policythrough research. As his research proceeds, his convictionmay grow that the action official has asked the wrong ques-tions, and that the concepts and categories in which thepolicy problem has been posed are neither meaningful noruseful. If he reformulates the problem or restates the ques-tions, the result may be that his customer, the action official,makes little or no use of his investigations."3. Problems as boundary phenomena

Domains such as those noted above each haveproblems of vital internal concern. The problems of inte-rest in this section are however those which appear tohave some existence "out beyond" the various concep-tual frameworks which society has evolved to respond tounforeseen social change of an unexpected nature. Suchproblems overflow and are not contained by such frame-works. They define the presence of an "outside" withrespect to society - uncontained processes. It is almost asthough the layers of problems and matching proceduresinternal to organizations, disciplines, legal systems, poli-tics, etc, constituted a distorting factor hindering and evenblocking the perception of a problem. Every attempt ismade to perceive the problem within some familiar frame-work, if it is not possible to deny its existence. There is aparallel between the following statements about theproblem X:(a) X has no theoretical significance

(b) X is not on the current agenda of our general assem-bly(c) X is not the subject of any existing legislation


(d) X is not an issue of political importance(e) X is not a matter of concern within the current two-

year programme of our organization(f) X is not of interest to our readership (or viewers)

Each such sector experiences great difficulty andreluctance in grasping the problem as a negative conditionin its own right. Each sector rapidly separates its atten-tions from the social and human impacts of the problem,reinterpreting it and transforming it. This reduces thesignificance of its particular content and diverts attentionto the various formalistic features of the manner by whichthe original problem is contained and encapsulated. Theproblem is converted into: a story, an issue, a case, aprogramme focus, an agenda item, etc. This is accompa-nied by an effort to concentrate more upon what is beingdone to remedy the problem situation than to clarify thenature of that problem.4. Nebulous characteristics of problems

Problems are strange nebulous entities having ashadowy existence. They may be described or boundedby negatives - as "the substantial, unwanted discrepanciesbetween what exists in a society and what a functionallysignificant collectivity within that society seriously (ratherthan in fantasy) wants to exist in it." (11). They areartefacts of concerned human minds. There is even thesuggestion of Kuang-ming Wu that they are the artefactsof Western minds (36). For him the supposition of "proble-maticalness", with its attendant implications for reason,for principles, and for history, is so deeply ingrained inWestern consciousness that its déniai seems absurd. But,in the light of his interpretation of Chuang Tzu, to conceiveof life as presenting problems to be solved is a miscon-ception of life, if there are indeed major problems ofculture, and cultural attempts to respond, then history isnot merely a chronicle of episodes but allows of interpre-tation as a form of drama. With a problem-oriented vision itis possible to speak of the rise and fall of civilizations, of adialectic of progress or devolution, and of the importanceof roles in history in relation to problems. But if it is notnecessary to see life as presenting problems or to under-stand life in relation to problems, then these features of

historical consciousness are not as important as theypresently seem. Alternative views are then also possibleand may even prove more appropriate (36).

1. Subjectivity: The shadowy nature of problems deri-ves from the fact that they represent in part an objectivestate of affairs and in part a subjective state of mind. Thusa UNESCO expert meeting on violence reporting on itsdefinition notes: "What do we mean by violence. Thatdepends on who "we" are." But even this objective qualitymay be questioned. "Problems and solutions are, however,based on the perceptions of individuals. They are not objec-tive conditions of the real world. They are subjectiveconstructions - what Kenneth Boulding would call "images"of the real world - although such perceptions may be andoften are shared in roughly the same form by many people.Nevertheless, problems may appear in different forms todifferent people. What is a critical problem to one personmay appear unimportant, or even noi a problem at all, toanother person. To paraphrase Boulding, a problem is whatsomebody perceives as a problem; and, without somebody orsomething to perceive it, a problem is an absurdity." (29)The emergence or disappearance of the discrepanciesnoted above may be affected by raising or loweringstandards or by the improvement or deterioration of socialconditions. "We must therefore be prepared to find thai thesame social conditions and behaviors will be defined bysome as a social problem and by others as an agreeable andfitting state of affairs. For the latter, indeed, the situation maybegin to become a problem only when the presumed remedyis introduced by the former.....There is no paradox then infinding that some complex, industrial societies, having acomparatively high plane of material life and rapid advance-ment of cultural values, may nevertheless be regarded bytheir members as more problem-ridden than other societieswith substantially less material wealth and cultural achieve-ment. Nor is there any longer a paradox in finding that asconditions improve in a society (as gauged by widespreadvalues), popular satisfaction may nevertheless decline."(11)

2. Solutions as problems: Even the distinction betweenproblems and solutions is blurred and confused. A suppo-sedly less desirable state of affairs is conveniently calleda problem situation and the more desirable situation istermed the solution situation. But as Bertram Gross notes:"..alt solutions create problems. Adequate solutions lead tolarge problems. Good solutions create fantastic problems."(30) and he cites the consequences of successful agricul-tural development in developing countries. Frank Trippettnotes: "The Politician can appeal solely to the boundlessand inextinguishable nostalgia of the human race. So hetalks about "problems" for which he proposes "solutions"...But he does not solve these problems, simply because fromthe folkloric world he can scarcely see, let alone touch, theactual world. His is a phantom reality. The very things hecalls problems are, in fact, solutions in the real world." (31)He cites the unemployment problem as a conventionalsolution to economic problems, and the urban problem ofovercrowding as a solution to the problems of housingincreasing numbers of people.

3. Structural necessities: In the spirit of the Iron Moun-tain Report (32), the supply of an adequate number andvariety of problems will be necessary as a structuringdevice for a complex society since it provides a sufficientnumber of "sinks" (perhaps the psycho-social equivalentto the astronomers' "black holes") to absorb the excessenergy generated by social processes. In many respects


problems fulfil the criteria for "substitutes for the function ofwar" identified in that report. The presence of adequatelycomplex problem-situations is also essential to effectivesocial learning.

4. Fable and superstition: Seen in the light of the abovepoints, any attempt to collect information on problemsbears some resemblance to the compilation in medievaltimes of reference books on monsters noted by travellersin distant parts. A bestiary is in fact "a medieval, often illus-trated, work in verse or prose describing with an allegoricalmoralizing commentary the appearance and habits of realand fabled animals". The magical element is also presentin a certain reluctance of people to direct attention to theclarification of understanding about problems in all theirnegativity. There seems to be a superstitious feeling thatthere is an element of bad luck about doing so, whichmight attract the attention of unwelcome supernaturalpowers. ("Problemology" then comes to resemble demo-nology). In the same vein, however, problems, as evils,escaped long ago from Pandora's box. If the latter isviewed as a conceptual framework, the collective humantask is to find a way of getting them back in again.5. Problem metaphors

The nebulous, shadowy nature of problems discussedabove suggests the value of trying to understand themthrough metaphors. Not only can valuable insights beobtained, but this helps to comprehend how peoplefavouring problems as understood through one metaphorhave difficulty in attaching significance to problems asunderstood through another metaphor. The favouredmetaphor may render problems even more evanescent.There is also the possibility of considering problems asmetaphors in their own right (see Section CM).

1. Atoms, molecules: Problems may be considered asdiscrete entities, like atoms, having relationship to oneanother, like molecular bonds. This resembles the mostsimplistic form of portraying atoms and molecular (thesolar system and billiard ball models) and is still in use forteaching and in graphic displays for research (see Appen-dix YF), The structure of this volume is based on thismetaphor. But although such models are useful, it is theimplied discreteness of atoms which obscures otherproperties, of atoms as field effects (which are less easyto visualize), leading to alternative descriptions. Problemsalso have non-discrete characteristics which can betterbe understood as field effects.

2. States of matter It is useful to compare problemsusing the metaphor of the different states of matter. Solid:problems can be described as solid barriers, and rock-likeobstacles. Liquid: the fluid, shifting, interconnected natureof problems can be understood using liquid metaphors. (InSection CM, a chemical metaphor of problems dissolvinginto solutions and being precipitated out as solids ismentioned). Air: the manner in which problems "clamourfor attention" or people are "bombarded by problems" canbe understood in terms of the pressure exerted by mole-cules in a gaseous state.

3. Geography and weather The previous metaphors areoften understood in terms of geography and weathereffects. Problems may be compared to mountain barriers,earthquakes, volcanoes, landslides, avalanches. Crisescan also be described in terms of storms and hurricanes,whether of wind or accompanied by waves (as in thephrase "making waves"), or in terms of severe extremesof temperature.

4. Ecology: Problems can be described in terms ofecosystems (jungle, desert, ice-field), wild beasts, insectpests, plagues or virus.

5. Disorders: Problems may be considered to be insome way the social equivalent of foreign bodies circula-ting in the human bloodstream (requiring the action ofantibodies), or of different diseases affecting the differentstructures and processes of the human body. They bear aresemblance to "negative theories" (or "anti-theories"),namely they exist in the same way that theories exist(bearing the same relationship to data and values), butinstead of providing explanatory and predictive power tolink related phenomena within a coherent framework, theymark the presence of confusion and unpredictable rela-tionships between seemingly unrelated phenomena. Tothe extent that they involve a comprehension vortex, withsome form of "event horizon", they resemble black holesin the universe of information.

It may also be the case that the increasing recognitionof problems in an increasingly sophisticated societybased on communications media, is to some extent asocial equivalent of individual hallucination under condi-tions of prolonged sensory deprivation. The increasingproportion of the population living and interacting with, andthrough, a world of images reduces the collective dailynecessity to relate directly to traditional grounded reali-ties, but in so doing creates a generalized sense ofeventless-ness which provokes the emergence of compen-satory collective hallucinations to which the collectivitycan respond with positive activity.6. Evaluation of problem importance

No effort has been made to determine the relativeimportance of problems for which entries have beenincluded. In this preliminary exercise, effort has beenlimited to locating problem descriptions and relationshipsbetween problems, which would then permit further atten-tion to be given to the question of the relative importance


of the problems. Different minority groups and interestgroups approach the universe of problems from differentperspectives and with different value preferences. Suchdifferences are reflected in the very wide variety of inter-national organizations representing such views. Theresulting differences in the weighting of the relative impor-tance of problems leads to different: priorities for action;time-scales within which action must take place; relativeamounts of resources to be allocated; and hence to diffe-rent perceived critical paths through the problem network.The evaluation of the relative importance of problems isitself a major task beyond the scope or immediate inten-tions of this section, particularly since a large number ofreputable authors and organizations have devoted effortto isolating the 5 to 10 key problems which merit imme-diate attention. It is the fact that these authors and organi-zations are not in agreement which is of interest here.

In deciding what is a valid problem for inclusion, the"objective importance" according to experienced analystswas considered not so significant as the "subjectiveimportance" to those who perceive a particular problemas of major importance from their place in the socialsystem. The social response to eclipses is interesting inthis respect.

Thus a relatively "trivial" or "irrelevant" problem(according to some "objective" analysis) which loomslarge in the daily preoccupations of an individual or anorganization may from that perspective appear to be ofmuch greater importance than some "major" problem.Whether a "major" problem is held to be major because ofthe results of some specialized, up-to-the-minute methodof analysis, or because it looms large in the daily preoccu-pations of some other segment of society, is immaterial.Any segment of society may legitimately attempt toconvince other segments of the importance of thoseproblems to which it is sensitive. Whether or not itsucceeds, if it is free to do so, it will allocate resources toremedy those problems which it considers to be of relati-vely greater importance, in the light of its own standards ofobjectivity, social justice, etc. Such resources are not thenavailable to allocate to the solution of other problems,judged by other segments of society to be the majorproblems.

The question raised is where the line should be drawn.Does the allocation of hundreds of million dollars annuallyto the reduction of personal facial and physical defects (totake an extreme example) justify the inclusion of "unmen-tionable" but widespread conditions such as ugliness,halitosis, obesity, excess body hair, and the like, as worldproblems? The point being that such funds are currentlynot available for the better legitimated problems such asunderdevelopment.

The relative importance of problems is therefore notclear. Any attempt to clarify the matter can proceed eitherby first excluding all "irrelevant" problems in order toisolate those of "major" importance which merit furtheranalysis, or by first collecting information on as compre-hensive a range of problems as is feasible as a basis forclarifying the debate as to the relative merit of the pro-blems. The first alternative immediately alienates all thoseindividuals and groups whose problems are not admittedas being of major importance by the body responsible forthe selection procedure. Being alienated and excluded,and perceived as misinformed or motivated by self-inte-rest, they will continue to allocate the resources overwhich they have control to the problems which they

perceive to be of importance. This is one reality behind thecurrent shortage of funds for "worthy" problem areas. Thesecond alternative opens up the possibility that bydemonstrating the interrelationships between theproblems (including the direct or indirect relationshipsbetween the problems perceived by the different groups tobe either of "major" or of "trivial" importance), a clearerunderstanding of the merit of the opposing viewpoints maybe achieved by all concerned - with the consequence thatthe psychosocial needs acknowledged by policy-makersmay become more subtle and the value of allocatingresources to less popular problems may be recognized.it is important to include problems with which peopleidentify. Major problems are in danger of acquiring thesame status in people's minds as governmental agencies,namely that they are perceived as being too vast andimpersonal to be related to in any meaningful way. So thateven though a problem may only be a symptom (accordingto some method of analysis), if a significant group believesit to be a problem, and relates to it as such, then it shouldbe registered as such because such people many notidentify with or understand the nature of the underlying orcausative problem. The relationship between the sympto-matic problem and the underlying problem can be identi-fied and registered as a particular kind of relationshipappropriately labelled.7. Questions for consideration

Interesting questions that emerged during the courseof work on this project include:

1. How can networks of relationships be analyzedsystematically as networks to determine what are themost important focal points for action, and what differentmeanings could then be attached to "importance"?

2. How can comprehension of complexity be improvedwithout artificially forcing relationships into (definitive)hierarchical groupings thus doing violence to any inter-hierarchical linkages?

3. Might it not be useful to investigate the result ofusing the mathematical technique to convert relationshipsbetween points into points in a network? Useful insightsmay then emerge from being able to switch between theperception of problems as linked in a network of relation-ships and the perception of problems as relationshipswhich intersect at certain points.

4. Given that the number, variety and relationships ofhuman diseases, and the nature of their effects on theindividual are now well understood, do they not suggestways for organizing thought about the range and variety ofpsycho-social problems and their impact on the psycho-social system?

5. Is it as ecologically inappropriate to ask the question"What are the five most important problems (organiza-tions, etc) in the social system" as it is to ask the question"What are the five most important animals (plants, etc) inthe natural environment"?

6. Can the relationships between problems (orbetween organizations) be usefully conceived as analo-gous to the food webs and trophic levels within whichanimals are embedded? Does this help to suggest whydifferent kinds of problems emerge as being of majorimportance at different times? How might the evolution ofproblems and problem systems be conceived in this light?

7. From what is the stability of a "problem ecosystem"(as it might emerge from the previous point) derived? Is it


useful to distinguish between degrees of (negative) matu-rity of problem ecosystems and to attempt to determinethe amount of energy required to maintain them? Is any-thing suggested for better understanding of problemsystems by the fact that a highly diversified ecosystemhas the capacity for carrying a high amount of organiza-tion and information and requires relatively little energy tomaintain it. whereas, conversely, the lower the maturity ofthe system, the less the energy required to disrupt it (asemphasized by R Margalef)? Thus anything that keeps anecosystem oscillating (or "spastic"), retains it in a state oflow maturity, whence the possible danger of simplisticreorganization of organizational, conceptual, or valuesystems. Is the problem of understanding and organizingthe maturation of natural ecosystems of a similar form tothat of understanding and organizing the disruption ofproblem ecosystems?

8. Given the absence of sufficient comparable informa-tion to produce sensitive, widely-acceptable, quantitativeworld models covering all aspects of the psycho-socialsystem, to what extent can increasing the number andvariety of non-quantitative relationships and entities docu-mented lead to valuable insights of greater acceptability?In other words, to what extent can knowing less aboutmore (and organizing that knowledge) compensate for notbeing able to know more about less? Can any relation-ships be established between the amount of information,the type (quantitative, structured or unstructured qualita-tive), the manner of representation, and its degree ofacceptability?

9. To what extent is the complexity of the problemsystem with which humanity is faced greater than thatwhich its organizational and intellectual resources arecapable of handling? Worse, is there a widespread unack-nowledged preference for simplifying the representation ofcomplex problem (and other) systems down to less than10 elements so that they lend themselves to easy debatein public and in a policy-making environment (as might besuggested by some work of communication psychologistGeorge Miller)? Are organizational and conceptual resour-ces then marshalled and structured to match the problemsystem as simplified rather than to handle it in its moredangerous complexity, thus running the (unacknowled-ged) risk of leaving the problems uncontained and uncon-tainable by the resources available? Does this suggest acorollary to Ashby's Law of Requisite Variety which mightread: That any attempt to control a psycho-social systemwith a control system of less complexity (ie of less variety)than that of the psycho-social system itself can only bemade to succeed by suppressing or ignoring the variety (;'ereducing the diversity) in the psycho-social system sothat it is less than the relative simplicity of the controlsystem? Such suppression tends to breed violence,however.6. Possible future improvements

1. Revision of information included in each entry, withaddition of information where appropriate to produce amore complete description.2. Inclusion of new problem entries.

3. Revision and extension of the system of relation-ships between problems to include such features as (a)relationships arising from a situation in which one problemis perceived as having displaced another, as a result ofnew understanding of the nature of the problem (whether

or not this understanding is widespread); (b) relationshipsarising from recognition, as a result of analysis, that aproblem is a symptom of a more fundamental problem (asdistinct from cause-effect relationships between problemsof equivalent level); (c) relationships arising from educa-tional considerations, namely indicating the next morecomplex problem, in which the nature of the problem isreformulated in more sophisticated terms; and (d) relation-ships arising from the historical order in which problemswere perceived and displaced by other later problemperceptions,

4. Extension of the system of relationships betweenproblems to other series to include such features as: (a)international organization sub-units specifically concer-ned with the problem; (b) resolutions of major UnitedNations bodies dealing specifically with the problem; (c)qualification of relationships, such as those with interna-tional bodies, to specify whether they are concerned withpolicy, research, a programme management, public infor-mation, or information exchange.

5. Inclusion in entry descriptions, where appropriateand where such information is available, of statementscriticizing the existence of the problem as described(namely counter-arguments or counter-claims).

6. Inclusion in the entries, where appropriate, of othersubheadings such as (a) details of how the problem hasdeveloped over time and how it is expected to develop inthe future; (b) list of countries in which the problem isknown to occur; (c) information centres which keep trackof the problem (other than international organizations); (d)standard reference books dealing with the problem; (e)international meetings dealing with the problem.

7. Development of several alternative classificationsystems for the problems.

8. Identification of key people who are closely associa-ted with action against particular problems by functioningas catalysts for the generation of new organizations,programmes, or other initiatives. A separate section listingsuch people could be cross-referenced to the problemsseries,

9. Development of computer programmes to drawattention to errors in the ways in which the hierarchies ofcross-references for particular problem-areas have beenindicated.

10. Development of computer programmes to plot outonto "maps" certain problem networks around core pro-blems. Such maps could be included as illustrationsaccompanying the descriptions of such problems in futureeditions. More complicated maps could also be construc-ted showing how the network of organizations matches, orfails to match, the network of problems. Collections ofsuch problem-based maps could be published in a form ofatlas accompanying future editions of this volume (seediscussion in Appendix YF).Previous, parallel or related initiatives

1. Several of the Specialized Agencies of the UnitedNations publish reference books which include descrip-tions of many world problems. The World Health Organiza-tion publishes Health Hazards of the Human Environment.The International Labour Organisation publishes Encyclo-paedia of Occupational Health and Safety. The World Bankhas published Environmental. Health and Human Ecological


Considerations in Economic Development Projects. Indivi-dual divisions within the United Nations system produce avery large range of document series which presentsummaries of the current state of a particular world pro-blem area, eg the periodic Report on the World Social Situa-tion produced by the UN Department of Economic andSocial Affairs. Statistical yearbooks or reviews are produ-ced by the major agencies.

2. Apart from the United Nations system, many of the300 other intergovernmental organizations produce detai-led analyses, summaries, or statistical surveys relating tothe world problems in their domain. For example, theEnvironment Directorate of the Organisation for EconomicCooperation and Development produces a series ofreports on individual environmental problems. The 3.Some major international organizations periodicallyattempt to review the range of world problems with whichthey are concerned, in an effort to redefine their prioritiesfor the future. Thus, for example, UNESCO has producedan Analysis of problems and table of objectives to be usedas a basis for medium-term planning (1977-1982). Thisexercise resulted in the identification of 12 major worldproblems which were linked to 59 objectives. The Organi-sation for Economic Cooperation and Development produ-ced in 1973 a List of Social Concerns Common to MostOECD Countries (3).

4. A large number of research-oriented institutes haveprogrammes which attempt to identify and focus on one ormore of the most critical world problems. Such institutesare usually related to some aspect of planning, fore-casting, futures, technology assessment, or policy scien-ces. Overviews of this activity may be obtained from suchpublications as W W Simmons Exploratory Planning Briefs(13) which describes the activities in this field of 48corporations, 58 governmentent and civil bodies, and 107service institutes of many kinds.

A number of institutes maintain the results of extensivesurveys of current activities around the world in their owndata banks. Such a survey, in the field of future studies,has been conducted for the United Nations Institute forTraining and Research (UNITAR) by the Center for Inte-grative Studies. The World Future Society produces adirectory of future-related resources and a periodicalsurveying them.

Most institutes are primarily concerned with a limitedrange of major problems, such as population, resources,or environment (within which are of course grouped manyother problems although usually not distinguished assuch). An exception is the Hudson Institute which hasidentified 78 technological crises in 7 groups. Many insti-tutes necessarily conduct such research to identify theproblems which will affect the body or area from whichtheir funding is derived, eg Europe 2000, Hawaii Commis-sion on the Year 2000, or individual corporations inte-rested in predicting the environment within which theirproducts must be profitable. There is a well-recognizedtendency for institutes to switch programmes from year toyear as new problems appear on the horizon of fundingbodies.

5. There is a tendency for special institutes to becreated in each country for the comprehensive analysis ofpolicy alternatives, national goals, and national priorities.These necessarily involve a focus on the world problemcontext. An example is the Institute for the Analysis ofPublic Choices established by the Aspen Institute forHumanistic Studies.

6. There is of course an unknown amount of govern-ment-sponsored classified research as well as corpora-tion-sponsored proprietary research. This may well besuperior to anything that is publicly available, although it islikely to suffer from the disadvantage of being oriented interms of the sponsoring body.

7. The Club of Rome (created in 1968 by a group of 30individuals and limited in membership to 100) initiated in1970 a Project on the Predicament of Mankind with theobjective of examining the complex of problems in theworld, conceived as a world problématique in that; theproblems occur to some degree in all societies; theycontain technical, social, economic and political elements;and that they all interact. The project is being conducted inphases. The first phase led in 1972 to the very well-publicised study under Dennis Meadows entitled TheLimits to Growth. This examined the interaction of fivebasic factors (or problem areas) that determine and limitgrowth on the planet. The second phase resulted in 1974in the production of a report Mankind at the Turning Pointby M D Mesarovic and E Pestel in which the global systemoutlined in the previous phase was disaggregated into tenmajor interacting geographical regions and analyzed withnew methods. The third phase in 1976 led to the produc-tion of a report on Goals for Global Society (under thedirection of Ervin Laszlo) which identified sociological,psychological and cultural inner limits which could givepositive direction to human aspirations. The Club of Romeworld system modelling exercise has stimulated manyemulators and rectifiers. A survey of these has recentlybeen produced (15).

8. Encyclopaedias and similar general reference workscontains descriptive information concerning a wide rangeof problems, although the problem is generally notrecognized as a problem but rather as a phenomenon.Important problems may be omitted. Thus although Dide-rot's Encyclopaedia in the 18th century includes an entryon torture, the 1975 edition of the Encyclopaedia Britan-nica does not, nor does the International Encylopaedia ofthe Social Sciences.

9. A World Design Science Decade (1965-1975) wasproposed by R Buckminster Fuller to the InternationalUnion of Architects at their 6th World Congress in 1961.This proposal called for the initiation, by schools of archi-tectural and environmental planning around the world, of acontinuing survey of the total chemical and energy resour-ces available to man on a global scale, and of humantrends and needs in relation to these resources, and ofhow the use of these resources may be redesigned toserve all humanity. This proposal led to the creation of theWorld Resources Inventory at Southern Illinois University(Carbondale) and to the production of a series of docu-ments by Buckminster Fuller and John McHale relating toeach phase of the programme. Phase 1 was entitled WorldLiteracy are World Problems, for which one of the docu-ments produced in 1963 was Inventory of World Resources,Human Trends and Needs.

10. In the period 1970-72. the Institute of CulturalAffairs and the associated Ecumenical Institute (Chicago)undertook an extremely comprehensive survey of therange of contradictions with which society was confron-ted. This material was ordered in various ways in a seriesof unpublished studies one of which identified 385 contra-dictions grouped into 77 categories. These contradictionswere perceived as underlying problems in many sectors(economic, cultural, social, etc). From 1974-78 this mate-


rial was used to guide 50 community dialogues in some 30countries. Each of which gave rise to further sets ofcontradictions described in a series of internal reports.

11. Numerous books and articles by individual resear-chers identify specific world problems or groups ofproblems and propose taxonomies for them. However thenumber of problems taken into consideration is usuallyless than 10. An exception is Hasan Ozbekhan's series of28 Continuous Critical Problems (16). During his period asExecutive Director of the Club of Rome (prior to the Limitsto Growth exercise) this was extended in an internaldocument to approximately 50 problems. These problemsare system-wide and are characterized by the fact thatthey cannot be solved independently of the rest of the set.

12. The Battelle Memorial Institute, through its GenevaResearch Centre, conducted the DEMATEL project(namely DEcision-MAking Trial and Evalutaion Labora-tory). The objectives were to help find better solutions toworld and generalized problems based on a better under-standing of the problem structure or so-called worldproblématique, in order to avoid the selection of solutionswhich are in fact problem-generating. A survey ofproblems perceived by about 100 responsible and know-ledgeable persons was prepared in 1972, and led to theproduction of a list of 48 problems in 14 groups. The initialquestionnaire and proposed follow-up questionnaire weredesigned to determine the perceived relative importanceof problems and their affect on each other. Mathematicaltechniques for the analysis of these systems of interrela-tionships were then developed. An objective was to produ-ce a map of the world problématique (5).

13. The Federal Republic of Germany, through its Envi-ronment Programme, is developing a computer-basedEnvironment Planning Information System (UMPLIS) to beoperated by the Bundesamt. One subsystem of thisconsists of a referral service and "problem bank". Experi-ments have been conducted with an Issue Based Informa-tion System (IBIS) to document the "landscape" of variousenvironmental issues, together with their state of treat-ment and the relationships established between thevarious topics and issues of concern to environmentalpolitics.

14. A number of initiatives by isolated individuals haveled to the collection of information on world problems orrelated matters but have not attracted funding to permitthe production of some form of publication. For this reasonthey are difficult to trace. Such is the case with UlfChristensen (Oslo), who from the early 1950s developeda reference system of 10,000 items as a preliminary to adirectory of Contacts for Survival, namely people who areacting to solve problems. Similarly, Bennet Skenwes-Cox,President of the Academy of World Studies (San Fran-cisco) has developed a system of 60,000 referencesgiving a synoptic approach to a range of world problems,

15. A number of universities have courses on problem-solving. For example, the Mershon Center Program ofTransnational Intellectual Cooperation in the Policy Scien-ces (directed by Chadwick Alger) at Ohio State Universityhas a graduate course in problem-solving in internationalorganizations. In addition to identifying and comparing thevarious problem networks of organizations concerned withthe networks of problems. At Swarthmore College there isa programma on problem complexes in public technology.

Southern Illinois University, through a programme original-ly directed by R Buckminster Fuller, operates a WorldGame which introduces students to interactions betweenproblems and resources.

16. There is a very extensive literature on socialproblems and social issues. An Encyclopedia of SocialReform was even produced at the end of the 19th Century(17). There appears however to be an important differencebetween what are currently included under the term worldproblems and what is currently meant by a social problem,although even amongst sociologists there is disagreementas to the definition of a social problem. Thus in Contempo-rary Social Problems edited by R K Merton and R Nisbet.15 major social problems are identified. The exclusion ofother possible problems is justified by the statement:"Sociology is a special science characterized by conceptsand conclusions, which are based on analysis and research,yielding in turn perspectives on society and its centralproblems. For many decades now, sociologists have workedcarefully and patiently on these problems." (18) Socialproblems would therefore appear to be those problemsperceived by sociologists as being the central problems ofsociety.

17. The Worldwatch Institute (Washington DC) direc-ted by Lester Brown produces an annual State of the World(19) report since 1984. This reviews current problems infields such as ecology, resources, hunger, population andenergy. The International Institute for Environment andDevelopment produces Earthscan reports periodically andis proposing to present similar information in a globalreport. Jacques Cousteau and the Cousteau Society haveproduced The Cousteau Almanac; an inventory of life on ourwater planet (20) which reviews many problems.

18. The United Nations University is chartered todevote its work to research into the pressing globalproblems of human survival, development and welfare thatare the concern of the United Nations and its agencies.This is done through a network of research and post-graduate training centres and programmes located aroundthe world and coordinated by a central body. Its project onGoals, Processes and Indicators of Development(1978-82) strongly influenced the content of a number ofsections of this publication. The United Nations Institutefor Training and Research directs research into problemswhich are of interest to the Secretariat and the Assemblyof the United Nations and which is primarily of interest tonational officials and diplomats. UNITAR has undertaken afuture studies programme, particularly in terms of impacton the United Nations. The United Nations Research Insti-tute for Social Development conducts research intoproblems and policies of social development during diffe-rent phases of economic growth. The United NationsSocial Defence Research Institute undertakes researchinto the field of prevention and control of juvenile delin-quency and adult criminality. Many other such specializedinternational research units exist.

19. A number of school textbooks and teachers guideshave been produced on world problems: World Problems inthe Classroom; a teacher's guide to some United Nationstasks, which gives information on 12 problems (21); OneWorld; sources and study guide, which gives information on5 problems (22); World Problems, which gives informationon 6 problems (23); and World Problems: a topic geography(24), which gives information on 36 problems in 8 groups.


More recently Norman Myers has produced a The GaiaAtlas of Planet Management (25) which reviews and illus-trates problems and possibilities in relation to land, ocean,elements, evolution, humankind, civilization and manage-ment.

20. Numerous studies of world order have been madein which the focus is placed on the political-social-legalforms, organizations and institutions envisaged as beingrelevant to the solution of world problems, especiallythose connected with organized violence. The most exten-sive of these is the World Order Models Project (sponso-red by the Institute for World Order), which has given riseto a series of publications (26).

21. A proposal was made in 1972, by Richard Cellariusand John Platt for the creation of International Councils ofUrgent Studies to seek out and support the kind ofresearch effort on world problems that would be inappro-priate (or suspect) if sponsored by national governments.They identified some 210 areas of urgent research under25 headings within 6 main groups (9).

22. Numerous surveys have been conducted ofcommunity attitudes towards local problems and pro-blem-solving. An example is the Benchmark programme ofthe Academy of Contemporary Problems (Ohio StateUniversity). Other surveys have been made of somespecial-interest membership organization concerning therelative importance of current problems or those that theyperceive as emerging in the foreseeable future. A fewnation-wide surveys of this type have been conducted.Thus, for example, in 1968 the Sunday Times in the UnitedKingdom requested that readers write in to draw attentionto problems or suggested remedies, and then published acompilation of the results. In 1984-85 the BBC sponsoreda Domesday Project in which 10,000 British schools parti-cipated. The results will be made available to the schoolson laser disk. An international equivalent is envisaged.The Institut Français d'Opinion Publique conducted asurvey in France concerning 40 problems to determinetheir relative probability, gravity, and ability to stimulateindividuals to activity. (The results were reported at aColloque International sur la Perception Nouvelle desMenaces in 1973). The Center for Integrative Studies, onbehalf of the World Academy of Art and Science, questio-ned 3000 international organizations concerning the rela-tive importance of 25 problem areas in an effort to identifyworld priorities; the survey respondents added 196 otheritems. (The results were reported at the second Conferen-ce on Environment and Society in Transition in 1974).

23. A major study was commissioned by PresidentCarter and resulted in the production of the Global Report2000; a report to the President by the US Council on Envi-ronmental Quality.

24. The International Federation of Institutes forAdvanced Study (whose member bodies must have aminimum of $100 million annual expenditure) is a mecha-nism for transdisciplinary and transnational initiatives toassist society to cope with an increasingly complex,rapidly changing and interdependent world. The Interna-tional Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (whosemembers are the principal scientific academies in eachcountry) initiates and supports collaborative and individualresearch in relation to problems of modern societiesarising from scientific and technological development. TheInstitute sponsors global modelling activities.

25. Within the United Nations system efforts are beingmade by the various statistical units to move towards the

implementation of a System of Social and DemographicStatistics which could serve as the principal data base onmany social problems, but particularly for the preparationof social indicators by which many problems are identifiedand tracked (27).

26. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation andDevelopment, as the result of the first phase of its SocialIndicator Development Programme, has produced a List ofSocial Concerns Common to Most OECD Countries (3) withthe object of identifying the social demands, aspirationsand problems which are or will likely be major concerns ofsocio-economic planning processes. The social concernsidentified are those "which are of sufficient importance,present or potential, to the governments of those countriesfor them to want to have indicators available on a compara-ble basis." A social concern is defined as "an identifiableaspiration or concern of fundamental and direct importanceto human well-being as opposed to a matter of instrumentalor indirect importance to well-being. " Social concernsinvolving means rather than ends are excluded. The listidentifies 24 concerns in 8 groups; 14 of the concernsalso have a total of 56 sub-concerns indicated againstthem. Each of the 24 fundamental social concerns "maybe viewed as the summit of a vertically linked hierarchy of anindefinite number of sub-concerns representing the impor-tant aspects and menas of influencing the fundamentalconcern. At the same time, there are various kinds of hori-zontal linkages or relationships among these hierarchies: aparticular concern or sub-concern may have simultaneouseffects on a number of other social concerns... It wilt remainwith the planners for specific sectors to extend the hierarchyfurther downwards to suit their more detailed sector plan-ning, evaluation and programme needs and to establish hori-zontal relationships between the diverse components of thehierarchies." The document notes that "Commonality ofsocial concerns among Member countries tends to begreatest at the highest level of generality, diminishing as thedefinition becomes more specific, "

27. The Educational Policy Research Center of theStanford Research Institute, produced a study in 1971 onContemporary Societal Problems. This attempted "to iden-tify and to interrelate the driving problems of our time, bothnational and international, to develop a useful perspectivefrom which to better understand these problems, and tothereby identify crucial dilemmas whose understandingseems necessary if societal continuity is to be ensured."(28) The report explored the use of resource allocationanalysis as a tool for the identification of neglectedsocietal problems and presented it as part of a moregenera! problem analysis procedure. The study made "acomprehensive attempt to list all relevant societalproblems." Three overlapping procedures were used: (a) aselection of prominent (mainly American) persons ofknown divergence in both ideology and professional back-ground were asked to nominate other persons whom theyregarded as having the best grasp of current problems, toidentify key materials on current problems, and to identifythey key problems they saw as being most crucial at thattime and in the future; (b) published results of previoussystematic attempts to identify, categorize, or list societalproblems were collected; (c) using the information collec-ted a core sample of texts was collected for detailedanalysis. The body of the report (27 pages) distinguishesbetween substantive, process, normative, and conceptualproblems, and then compared the conventional and aproposed transformational view of societal problems. Theappendix (46 pages) listing societal problem descriptions


and taxonomies, consists of six items: Ralph Borsodi'sSeventeen Problems of Man and Society: the US NationalIndustrial Conference Board's Perspectives for the 70sand 80's. Karl Deutsch's Issues which the proposed centerfor national goals and alternatives should address: the Insti-tute for the Future's Future Opportunities for FoundationSupport: and John Platt's What we must do. These identify17, 118. 35. 64. and 8 problem areas, respectively. Thesixth item, resulting from the literature search and theleading thinker survey, lists 46 problem areas in sevengroups.

28. A series of "independent commissions", looselyrelated to the United Nations system, have producedreports on broad ranges of issues. The first of these wasthe Independent Commission on International Develop-ment (Brandt Commission) (29,30) meeting from1977-82. This was followed by the Independent Commis-sion on Disarmament and Security Issues (PalmeCommission) (31) and more recently by the IndependentCommission on International Humanitarian Issues and bythe currently operating World Commission on Environmentand Development. The UNESCO International Commis-sion on Communication Problems (MacBride Commission)may be considered as part of this series.

29. The Union of International Associations, an interna-tional non-governmental organization founded in Brusselsin 1907 partly on the initiative of two Nobel Peace Prizelaureates (Henri La Fontaine, 1913; Auguste Beernaert.1909), had activities prior to 1939 which are of historicalinterest in relation to the current project: Annuaire de la VieInternational, Vol I (1908-1909, 1370 pages), Vol II(1910-1911), 2652 pages) which included information onproblems with which international organisations wereconcerned at that time; Code des Voeux Internationaux;codification générale des voeux et résolutions des organis-mes internationaux (1923, 940 pages, under the auspicesof the League of Nations), which listed those portions ofthe texts of international organisation resolutions whichcovered substantive matters, including what are nowregarded as world problems. It covers 1216 resolutionsadopted at 151 international meetings. The subject indexlists some 1200 items. Paul Otlet, co-founder of the UIA,produced in 1916 a book entitled Les Problèmes Internatio-naux et la Guerre (32) which identified many problemsgiving rise to and caused by war, and proposing thecreation of a League of Nations. In 1935 he attempted asynthesis which touched upon many problems and theirsolution within a society in transformation. The prefacebore the title "The Problem of Problems" (33). He also dealtwith this question in 1918 (34). The different series ofpublications of the UIA since 1949 constitute a usefulsource of information on problems recognized by interna-tional organizations, especially the Yearbook of Internatio-nal Organizations.

30- The General Conference of UNESCO adopted arésolution at its 23rd Session (1983). creating a majorprogramme concerned with reflection on world problemsand future studies. This was reconfirmed at its 24thSession (1985). During the first two-year period a sympo-sium was held on the creation of a decentralized networkfor analysis and research on world problems (35). Duringthe second two-year period, with a budget of $1.8 million,it is proposed to track the evolution of the global problé-matique and its perception by different schools of thought,encourage research on it and promote exchanges of infor-mation and ideas on world problems through the network.

References1. Abraham Kaplan. The Conduct of Inquiry. San Francisco. Chandler1964. p.70-71.2. J P Crecine and R Brunner. A fragmented society; hard to governdemocratically. In: Information Technology; some critical implications tordecision makers. New York. Conference Board. 1972.3. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. List of SocialConcerns common to OECD Countries. Pans. OECD. 1973.4. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. Science.Growth and Society: report of the Secretary-General's Ad Hoc Group oriNew Concepts of Science Policy. Paris. OECD. 1971. p.59-63.5. A Gabus. Les problèmes mondiaux: analyse de perception (Paperpresented to the Thrid World Futures Research Conference. Bucharest1972): also: The purpose of contemporary society and the DEMATELresearch project (Extracts of a presentation to the Japan section of theClub Of Rome. Tokyo. 1973).6. Stafford Beer. Managing modern complexity. Futures 2 June 1970p.114-122.7. Gunnar Boalt. The Sociology of Research. Carbondale. Southern IllinoisUniversity Press. 1969.8. T S Kuhn. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions Chicago UniversityPress, 1962. p.36-37.9. R A Cellarius and John Platt. Councils of urgent studies. Science 17725 August 1972. p.670-676.10. Yassin EI-Ayouty. The dissimination, use and impact of knowledgerelevant to UNITAR: a program for research and action. Social ScienceInformation. 10. October 1971, p.55-72.11. Robert K Merton. Social problems and sociological theory. In: R KMerton and R Nisbet (Ed). New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovichp.793-845.12. Union of International Associations. Yearbook of InternationalOrganizations. Brussels. UIA, 1974, 15th edition.13. W W Simmons. Exploratory Planning Briefs.14. Institute for Futures Research and Education (IRADES). Directory ofSocial and Human Forecasting. Roma, Edizioni Previsionali, 1975, 633p.15. Donella Meadows, John Richardson and Gerhart Bruckmann. Gropingin the Dark: the first decade of global modelling. New York, Wiley. 1982.16. Hasan Ozbekhan. Toward a general theory of planning. In: ErichJantsch (Ed). Perspectives on Planning. Paris. OECD, 1969.17. William D Bliss (Ed). The Encyclopedia of Social Reform. New York,Greenwood, reprint of 1897 edition (a reprint also exists of the 1908edition).18. R K Merton and R Nisbet (Ed). Contemporary Social Problems. NewYork, Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1971. p.2.19. Lester R Brown et al. State of the World. Washington DC. WorldwatchInstitute, annual. 1984. ("A report on progress toward a sustainablesociety").20. Jacques-Yves Cousteau (and the staff of the Cousteau Society). TheCousteau Almanac: an inventory of life on our watery planet. New York,Doubleday. 1979.21. H J Abraham. World Problems in the Classroom; a teacher's guide tosome United Nations tasks. Pans. Unesco, 1973, 223p.22. C B Tonkin and P J Pledge. One World; sources and study guide.Australia. Cassell. 1971. 281 p.23. Sheila Gordon. World Problems. London, Batsford, 1971, 96p.24. M Long and B S Roberson. World Problems; a topic geography.London, English Universities Press. 1973. 216p.25. Norman Myers (General Ed). The Gaia Atlas of Planet Management(for today's caretakers of tomorrow's world). London, Pan. 1985.26. Saul H Mendlovitz (General Ed). Preferred Worlds for the 1990's. NewYork. Free Press. 6vols. (1972-79),27. United Nations, Economic and Social Council, Statistical Commission.System of Social and Demographic Statistics; potential uses andusefulness. New York. 19 June 1974, E/CN.3/449.28. Educational Policy Research Center. Contemporary SocietalProblems. MenloPark, Stanford Research Institute, 1971.134p.29. Brandt Commission. North-South; a programme for survival. London.Pan, 1980.30. Brandt Commission. Common Crisis; North-South: cooperation forworld recovery. London. Pan, 1983.31. Palme Commission. Common Security; a programme for disarmement.London. Pan, 1982.32. Paul Otlet. Les Problèmes Internationaux. Genève. Librairie Kundig.1916. 503p.33. Paul Otlet. Monde; essai d'universalismo. Bruxelles, EditionsMundaneum, 1935.467p.34. Paul Otlet. An introduction to the study of international problems;opening lecture at the Interallied School for Advanced Education. Paris. 18December 1919. Revue Internationale de Sociologie. September 1918.35. UNESCO. Colloque international sur la création d'un reseaudécentralisé d'analyses et de recherches sur la problématique mondiale.(Paris, juin 1984). Paris, UNESCO, 1984 (BEP/802/4 Prov.).36. Kuang-ming Wu. Chuang Tzu: world philosopher at play. New York,Crossroad Publishing, 1982.


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