Stephenson, 2002, Forging an Indigenous Counterpublic Sphere. The Taller de Historia Oral Andina in...

7/27/2019 Stephenson, 2002, Forging an Indigenous Counterpublic Sphere. The Taller de Historia Oral Andina in Bolivia.pdf

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Forging an Indigenous Counterpublic Sphere: The Taller de Historia Oral Andina in BoliviaAuthor(s): Marcia StephensonReviewed work(s):Source: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 37, No. 2 (2002), pp. 99-118Published by: The Latin American Studies AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2692150 .

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RESEARCH REPORTS AND NOTES

FORGING AN INDIGENOUSCOUNTERPUBLIC SPHERE:

TheTallerde HistoriaOral Andina in Bolivia*Marcia tephensonPurdueUniversity

Abstract:his ssay nalyzeshempactf n ndigenousounterpublicpherein ontemporaryolivia,rguinghatt unctionss an renaf ifferentialon-sciousnessor ymarantellectualsnd ctivists.n examiningheworkarriedout y he ymaraongovernmentalrganizationnowns the allereHistoriaOralAndinaTHOA), he ssay ighlightshisphere'smportances bothdiscursivend territorialrenawheregencysexpressednthe ollaborativespirit f ommunity.HOA'sworkssignificantn trategicallyormulatingmethodologyf ecolonizationased nrevisionistndeanistoriography,erri-torialemands,nd ollectiveoliticalction.

In recent years, academics, human rights ctivists, nternationalwomen's organizations, nd othergroups have analyzed the pressing s-sues ofdemocratic truggle nd the practice f citizenship. articular on-siderationhas beenpaid to urbangrassroots rganizations nd topopular

*Earlierversionsof this essay were read at the Helen Kellogg Institute or nternationalStudiesat theUniversity fNotre Dame and at the Ohio StateUniversity. he authorwishesto thankMaria Eugenia Choque Quispe, GuillermoDelgado, JillKuhnheim,Carlos MamaniCondori,NancyPeterson,AparajitaSagar,Josefa alm6n, nd FernandoUnzueta for heirn-sightful eedbackon the manuscript.Researchwas supportedby the Kellogg Institute ndPurdue University.LatinAmerican esearcheview olume 7 number ? 2002 99


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LatinAmerican esearch eviewsocial movements nd the ways theyhave shaped incipient emocracies.These crucialdebatesalso form he centerpiece f manycontemporaryn-digenousmovements.n an insightfultudyofrecent ndigenousmobiliza-tion n Mexico,Guatemala,Ecuador, nd Bolivia,Deborah Yashar xaminedhow indigenousorganizations challenging oththe"practice nd terms fcitizenshipnLatinAmerica'snewdemocracies"Yashar1998,23).Althoughpolitical iberalizationn the 1980s and 1990s egalizedtheright orgroupsto organize, tatereforms ave limited ccess to the financialwherewithalto maintain hepolitical nd cultural utonomy hatmany ndigenous om-munities ad established verpastdecades (Yashar1998,24).Finding hem-selves disenfranchiseds individual and collective olitical ctors,ndige-nous peoples havemobilized round thequestionof dentity.ashar ssertsthat heresurgence f ndigenousorganizationn LatinAmericaflies ntheface of liberaland Marxistassumptionsthatthe modern mpulsewouldrender politicized ndigenous dentity bsolete 1998,27; ee also Delgado1994; Stephenson1999).With he beginning f the new millennium,hen,indigenouspeoples are claiming ositionalitys socialactors nd demand-ing greater epresentationnd say-so n the politicalpractices fthe state.Theyare also insisting n theright o participate s Indians.This collective,identity-basedtancerequires edefinitionfthe nation-statend the nsti-tutionst encompasses Delgado 1998, 12-13). This stancethuschallengesdemocracy o acknowledgetheexistence f plurality fgroups, ncludingthosetraditionallymarginalized r excluded.The nterface etweencontestatoryndigenousmovements ndpro-cessesofdemocratizationuggests hat istinctconceptual esources"mustenable theexpressionofoppositionalcultural dentitiesFraser1997, 0).One such conceptualresourceusefulto understanding ow oppositionalgroups critically ngage thepracticeofdemocracy s thepublic sphere.Jiirgenabermasdescribedhepublic phere s "the phere fprivate eoplecome togethers a public" (Habermas 1991, 7).Thissphere s a discursivearena eparate romhe tate, "sphere f riticismfpublic uthority,"herecitizens andebate ssues ofcommon nterestHabermas1991, 1). Funda-mental oHabermas'swork s theassumption hat itizenship as alreadybeen universally mplemented nd fully xtendedto individuals.But asalreadyobserved, n LatinAmerican tates, hepractices fcitizenship ndliberaldemocracyhave helped consolidatecriollo nd mestizohegemonyand erase ethnicdifferenceshroughouthe atenineteenth nd twentiethcenturies. ased on a seriesof"legal and ideologicalfictions,"itizenshipin these countries ontinually hreatensmarginalizedgroupswith exclu-sion evenas itproclaims hem o be equals (Varese1996,18-19).Critical fforts evoted to rethinkinghepublic spherehave givenrise othe heorization fcounterpublicpheres, rwhatNancyFraser ermssubalternounterpublicpheresin order osignal hat hey reparalleldiscur-100


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINAsive arenaswhere members f subordinated ocial groups nvent nd cir-culate counterdiscourses, hich n turnpermit hem o formulate pposi-tional nterpretationsf heir dentities,nterests,ndneeds" Fraser 997,81).The counterpublicphere s thus an arena where subordinatedgroupsbe-come subjectsrather han objectsofdiscourse.As such,the counterpublicsphere an be a sitefor ormulatingnd expressing lternatewaysofknow-ing, herebyegitimizinghecultural nd political ight odifference.raw-ingfromChandra Mohanty'sdiscussionofthirdworldwomen's opposi-tional struggles,t canbe said that he ndigenouscounterpublicphere san activist ommunityf ndigenouspeoples "withdivergent istoriesndsocial ocations,woven togetherythepoliticalhreads fopposition o formsofdomination hat re notonlypervasivebutalso systemic"Mohanty 991,4, emphasis noriginal).What distinguishes he ndigenouscounterpublicspherefrom ther ontestatoryublics,however, s the mportance fterri-torial emands ndthe truggleo achieve utonomyndself-determination.A Brief istory f n Indigenous ounterpublicphere: heTaller e HistoriaOral Andina

Within hehemisphericontext f ndigenous truggles,t s impor-tant ounderscore heBoliviancase. Approximately0 percent fthecoun-try's million nhabitantsre ndigenouspeoples living n rural nd urbanareas (Rivera 1993, 52). On the heels of devastatingneoliberal economicpolicies mplemented uring he early1980s came a resurgence f ndige-nous organizationn both theAndeanhighlands nd theAmazonianlow-lands. To mention usta fewexamples, n 1982 n Santa Cruz, indigenouspeoples from he lowlands organizedthe PrimerEncuentrode PueblosIndigenasdel OrienteBoliviano.At thismeeting,ndigenouspeoples pub-liclydenouncedfor hefirst ime n recenthistory he njustices hatwerebeing committedgainst hem.As a result fthis ssembly,heparticipantsformed regionalassociationknownas the Confederacionde Indigenasdel OrienteBoliviano CIDOB), an associationthathas called for he rightto territorynd autonomy.Soon after he establishment f CIDOB, theAva-Guarani rom heCordillera rovince ormed heAsambleadel PuebloGuarani Healy2001,74-82). nthehighlands fewyears ater,eadersandrepresentativesrom ndigenouscommunities ame together o create heFederacionde Ayllusdel Sur de Oruroand the Federacionde AyllusdeNortede Potosi.

While t s beyondthe cope of hisresearch oteto provide historyof ndigenousorganizationnd movementsnBolivia, t s importantocallattention o the significantvent thattookplace in October1990,whenmore thaneighthundredAmazonian Indians began the arduous seven-hundred-kilometer archfrom rinidad o La Paz todemand humanand101


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LatinAmerican esearch eviewterritorialights rom hegovernment.ccording o sociologist ilvia Rivera,the March forTerritorynd Dignityencapsulated the complex historicaldimensions f the ndigenousmovement y callingfor heright f ndige-nous peoples to be treatedwith dignity nd respectedfor heirhistorical,cultural, nd political specificitiesRivera 1993, 53). When the marchersreachedthe mountainpass that s both a physical nd symbolic orderbe-tweenthe highlands nd the owlands, theywere welcomed by thousandsofAymaras,Qhichwas,and Urus and also by non-Indianswho had comeoutto meetthem.Thosepresent eclared the eventto be the restoration fthe body of the eighteenth-centuryymara eader Tupak Katari,whoseviolentdeath at the hands of Spanish colonial authoritiesymbolizedthedisintegration f the nca Empire Tawantinsuyu.Rivera described the n-tenseemotional hargeof thishistoricallyignificantncounter: La unionde las partesfragmentadas el cuerpo ndfgena-union ctonica,desde lasprofundidadesdel tiempo-espacio-parecio vislumbrarse, al menos asilo percibimos a mayorfa e los presentes, omo un pachakuti,n vuelcocosmico, ue irrumpia uevamente omo un rayo en el cielo despejado deltiempo ineal" (1993,53).1This momentous coming together f indigenous peoples from lloverBolivia heralded the formation f a new arena ofpublic debate andcontestation.n theyearssincethe1990 march, hiscounterpublic pherehas created forum or ndigenouspeoples to oin together rom ifferentareas of thecountry o pursue commoninterests,lthoughnot withoutserious deologicaldifferencesetweengroups.This counterpublic phereunderscores hehistoricalgencyof ndigenouspeoplesand challenges re-vailing dehumanizingpractices hatfor verfivehundredyears had rele-gatedthem o thecategory fpremodern ther.As CharlesMerewether asarguedin another ontext, The public spherecan thus be reclaimed s acritical itefor ifferentommunities, hichhavepreviously eenexcludedfromt.This leads to the creation f a new space in which to address ex-periences constitutinghe foundation orotherforms f social affiliationand ofrights o the difference nd sharingofdemocracy" Merewether1996,113-14).The work ofthepioneeringAymaranongovernmentalrganizationknown as the Taller de Historia Oral Andina (THOA) has contributedn

1. Historian nd cultural riticMichel de Certeau has argued that he history frepressionand resistancehas been written n the native body. The body thus figures s a site of mem-ory forLatinAmerican ndigenouspeoples. He observed,"This torturedody and anotherbody,the altered arth, epresent beginning, rebirth fthe will toconstruct political sso-ciation.A unity orn of hardship nd resistance o hardship s the historicalocus, the collec-tive memory fthe social body,wherea will thatneither onfirms or denies thiswriting fhistory riginates. t deciphersthe scars on the body proper[le corpsproper]-orthe fallen'heroes' and 'martyrs'who correspond o them nnarrative-as the ndex of a history ettobe made" (Certeau1986,227, mphases inoriginal).102


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINAkeywaystotheformationf he ndigenous ounterpublicphere n Bolivia.While t may not be as well knownabroad as otherpoliticalorganizationslike heConfederacionindicalUnica de Trabajadores ampesinosde Bolivia(CSUTCB), THOA has conducted an ongoing critiqueof Western piste-mologies throughwritingsnd activism or lose to twodecades. THOA isnot the only organization n Bolivia to undertakethe difficult ask of re-examiningprevailinghistoriographicnd intellectual aradigms from hepointofviewof ndigenouspeoples. The seminalworkofAymarahistorianRobertoChoque Canqui represents ne of the first ustained effortsn thisarea. FollowingChoque Canqui's lead, other enters' ournalsand centerssuch as Mink'a,Qhantati, hitakolla,nd CentroPusisuyuhave publishedstudiesexpressing rofound ommitmentoan alternate orm f historicalconsciousness Mamani Condori 2001, 51-52). THOA's emphasis on thesignificantoleofcommunitylders s well as the nfluentialontributionsofwomentothestruggle or utonomy nd self-determinationxemplifiestheeffortsf thisnew generation f ndigenous ntellectuals. nderstand-ing the accomplishments f THOA in lightof recent tudies of the publicsphere sparticularlypt becausethegroup'stheoryndmethod f truggleconsistentlyoreground uestionsof ndigenous ubjectivitynd agency sexpressed nthe collaborative ontext f a community.

As itsfirst ritical ndeavor,THOA has fosteredheelaboration ndexpression fAndean cultural dentities y collecting nd circulating is-torical, olitical, nd testimonial ocumentsdisseminatedmainly n bilin-gual (Aymara and Spanish) publications,videos, and radio programsorradionovelas.he deployment fbilingualdocumentsgenerates n opposi-tional forumwhere nativepeoples can explore theirown identities ndvoices,experience fpoliticaldisenfranchisement,nd cultural islocation(see Felski1989,167).At the same time, hisculturalproduction resumesnative inguistic gency by rewritingBolivianhistory." he alternate n-derstanding fBolivianhistorys one n whichpre-nationalulture srooted.In thismanner, HOA has defined tsgoals in oppositiontothehomoge-nizing logic of criollo political and social culture.And yet because thesedocuments re also in Spanish, theyreach outward to society s a whole.DrawingfromRitaFelski'sworkon thefeministublic sphere,t spossibletoarguethatTHOA's strategic se ofSpanish"seeks to convince ociety sa whole ofthevalidity f [indigenous]claims,challenging xisting truc-tures fauthority hrough olitical ctivitynd theoreticalritique" Felski1989,168).

In a second undertaking, HOA helps organizeand promotethemovement oreconstitutehe Andean communitytructure nown as theayllu. t is the fundamental ocial organization ooselybased on kinshipgroupsand communally eldterritoryhat ncompasses ands located n avariety fecosystems. hroughout he ong historyfcolonialism, hefrag-mentation f ndigenous erritoryas ledtodevastatingmaterial nd social103


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LatinAmerican esearch eviewconsequences formanyAndean communities. he geopoliticalmovementto reconstitutehe yllu calls for ecognizing olonial territorialoundariesbetweencommunities nd reestablishingraditional ndean forms f gov-ernance.Although ragmented,he yllu continues o be thedynamic paceof ndigenous ocialand cultural ractices hat re intimatelyinkedto na-ture nd the community's ncestral elationships Mamani Condori 1992,9-10). Therefore,hisessay underscores he significance f the ndigenouscounterpublic phere n Bolivia as not only a discursive rena but also anautonomous spatial or territorial rena where oppositional culturalandpolitical dentities an be enactedand legitimated.Autonomy nd self-determinationo not mply solationism, ow-ever.THOA's effortso reconstituteheayllu have forged tronginkswithother ignificant ymaraorganizations avingcommonobjectives uch astheright o territorynd dignity s well as respect or ndigenouspolitical,social,and cultural raditions. HOA collaborateswithnongovernmentalorganizations NGOs) such as theCentroAndino de Desarrollo Agrope-cuario CADA) andtheCentrodeDiscusion deologicade laMujerAymara(CDIMA), cosponsoringvarious workshops and meetings ncludingthePrimer ncuentro obreDerechos de los Pueblos y Naciones Originariasn1994.THOA also maintains lose associationwithCONAMAQ (Consejo deAyllusy Markasdel Qullasuyu),an indigenousfederation reated n 1997by ayllusfrom hedepartmentsfLa Paz, Oruro,Potosi,Cochabamba, andChuquisaca. THOA also participatesn projects nd exchanges organiza-tionalexperiencewith ndigenouspeoples from heBolivian owlands.Forexample, nJune 998,THOA hosted theSegunda Conferencia e Organi-zaciones e Instituciones ue Apoyan a la Reconstitucion el Ayllu.Thisgathering ncludedAmalioSiye, hepresident f CIDOB.On the nternational ront,HOA's work s increasingly roundedin the widertransnationalndigenousmovement, growing ndianrightsnetwork hat ecognizes both he urrentimits fpurely omestic ttemptsat democratizationnd thepotential orgrass-rootseverage throughact-ing globally"' Brysk 994,30).2THOA hasparticipatednseveralmeetingsand exchangeswithCONAIE (theConfederacion e Nacionalidades Indi-genasdel Ecuador).These internationalmeetings acilitate heexchangeoforganizational xperiences nd provide opportunitiesodemonstrateoli-darity nd supportfor haredpoliticalobjectives.THOA was established s a research ollective n 13 November1983.Thegroup designated hisdate to commemoratehedeath ofSantosMarkaT'ula, an influential ymara eaderand activist uring he1920sand 1930s.Most of THOA's ten or so originalmemberswere born and raised nayllucommunities. avingbenefitedrom he mplementationfmandatoryural

2. For more on the transnationalndigenous movement, ee Brysk 1994), Comisi6n nter-nacional de Juristas t al. (1996), Maiguashca (1994), Varese 1991), and Varese, d. (1996).104


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINAprimary ducation, heywere part ofthe first eneration f Aymarastu-dentsattending he San AndresUniversityn La Paz in the 1970s Harris1992,101). Many obtainedbachelor's degrees n history nd sociology,ndsomecompletedmaster'sdegrees n Andean historyt FLACSO in Quito.The students'nterestn Andean history rewout oftheir ife xperience sAymara ndians,their oursework nder the directorshipf SilviaRivera,and their ctive participationn the burgeoning ndian movementof the1980sas leaders or malikus f the MovimientoUniversitario ulianApasa(MUJA)and the Partido ndio.3 The group's initial ntentwas to studyacrucial imeperiod nAndeanhistory,eginningn 1866with herepublic'saggressive nd sustainedassault on the indigenousayllu and endingin1950,priorto state-institutedgrarianreform. uringtheseyears, he re-publicanregimes ntensifiedffortsofragment he aylluthrough and re-formegislation mphasizing iberalnotionsofprivatepropertynd indi-vidualismat theexpense oftraditional ommunal practicesof exchangeand reciprocity. aria EugeniaChoque Quispe explainedthatTHOA's de-cisionto concentraten this imeperiodarosefrom he demandsof the n-digenousmovementsof the 1980s and the desire to understandhistoryfrom he pointof view of the oppressedas a way of contestinghe argerculture'sdehumanizing reatmentf ndigenouspeoples (Choque Quispen.d.,1).THOA members eganwith workinghypothesis ositing hatde-spitetheongoinghistory fcolonialismand repression, n autonomousindigenoushistoricalmemory nd subjectivity ersistedthroughout henineteenthnd early wentiethenturies. hisnativehistoricalmemorywasfundamentalo ndigenousresistance o ntensifyingffortsytheradical-ized workifig lass to assimilate ndians as campesinosnd by the MNR(MovimientoNacionalistaRevolucionario) otransformndians nto ccul-turatedmestizos.4 his research roject equired xtensive rchival nvesti-gationthatprovidedTHOA memberswith a catalogof names and ayllusof mportant ymara eadersfrom hebeginning f the twentieth entury.Whiletheir nitial nquiriesdid not turnup muchdetailed nformation,hedata they uncoveredpointedto the existenceof an ongoingindigenousmovement hroughoutheBolivianAndes to retain ommunal ands. Asthey earnedmore about thisnetwork f ndigenous eaders,THOA mem-bers were able to identifyhecommonstruggleunderlying heseriesofuprisings raditionallydentified ycriollohistoriographys isolated andirrational ebellionsRivera1986,83).The research eamsubsequently rav-

3. Many THOA membershave obtainedsome university ducation,and the majority fthemreside nEl Alto. Forthesereasons, ome social scientists iewthem s urban mestizos.Yet THOA members elf-identifys Indians,and mostmaintainfamilial ies and labor oblig-ations withtheir yllu communities.4. CarlosMamani Condori, personalcommunication ia E-mail,2 Oct. 1998.105


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LatinAmerican esearch evieweled to these ayllus and conducted engthy ral interviewswith commu-nity lders and their amilieswho had participatedn the struggles f the1920s and 1930s. The oralhistories ollectedconfirmed oth the existenceand themagnitudeof ndigenousorganization. his original nvestigationresulted n several mportant ublications, ncluding hebilingualbookletEl indio antosMarkaT'ula (1984) and theAymararadionovela of the samename. In her ntroductiono the Englishtranslation f the booklet,OliviaHarris called the reader's attention o the text's ignificancend innova-tion, dentifyingtas "probably he firstmodernexperience f writing is-torynAymara" 1992,101).THOA's groundbreakingublication n SantosMarka T'ula represents rethinkingf traditionalWestern istoriographicpracticeswithin framework hatcombines tradition f writing n exis-tence among many Andean indigenous communities ince the colonialperiodwith lternativemethodologies nd techniques ssociatedwithcol-lectingoral histories n the native language (see Mamani Condori 1989,1991). One of THOA's fundamental eliefswas that his knowledge mustbe returned othe ndigenouscommunities o that fortifiedense of col-lective dentity nd unitymightenable indigenous peoples to face theircommon problemsand empowerthem to move togetherntothefuture(Mamani Condori 1989,23). To accomplishthisobjective,THOA had tomake the text inguisticallyccessibleand affordable. arris described herelationship etweentheformat fthebooklet nd its contents: The uxta-positionofAymara nd Spanish ntheoriginalvividly llustratedhewaythatBolivia is a divided country.Writtenn accessible anguage,with theoraltestimonies ranscribedn theoriginalAymara ccompaniedbya Span-ishtranslation,twas publishedas a cheap mimeographedpamphlet ndwas easilyaccessible to rural choolteachers nd theyounger iterate en-erations f ndianpeasants" (Harris 1992,101-2).Thepopular successen-joyed bythis nitialwork, videncedby tswidespreaduse in rural chools,demonstrateshow the recovery nd decolonization of native historicalknowledgecanempowera communityo reclaim ts dentity.he transfor-mationalrelationship hatforges inksbetween thepast and thefuturesbestexpressed n theAymarasaying "Qhiparu nayraruufitas artantani"(Looking back,we will move forward) Mamani Condori 1992,14;Rivera1986). Both the booklet and the radionovela recount he ifeand work ofSantosMarkaT'ula (?-1939),a legendaryAymara eader dedicated to or-ganizing ndigenousresistance othepervasiveeffectsf colonialism.Likethemimeographedpamphlet, heradionovelawas such a success that n1986 theseriesofninety pisodes was broadcastthree imes nAymara ocommunitieshroughouta Paz, Oruro, ndparts fPotosi nd Cochabamba(TiconaAlejoandAlbo1996,255).KevinHealyobserved, theSantosMarkaT'ula story limbed to thetop ofthepopularity harts fruralradio pro-106


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINAgramming n the ltiplano owns andhamlets" Healy 2001,87). Accordingto MariaEugenia Choque Quispe, the how ran Mondaysthrough ridays,with the Saturday slot reserved for public discussion and commentary,thereby acilitatingnteraction iththewider Aymara ommunity.eoplelistening o the program ontactedTHOA's officeswith additionaldocu-ments n thecacique,whileothers alledinto offer orrectionsothenarra-tive.These collaborative xchangesenabled Aymara ommunities o learnmore about the historical nd symbolic epercussions ftheman's life ndwork and thepeoplewho struggledwithhim.5Yet the success of theradioprogram nd publication estson morethan heparticipatoryctofrememberingnd retelling.HOA's work ausedspecificAymara eaders and "sites of experience"to become visible to awide Aymaranterpretativeommunitysee Merewether996,108).EstebanTicona Alejo and XavierAlbo commented imilarly hat he mpactoftheradio program no fueun simple acto de recordacion ino el iniciodel pro-ceso de revaloracion e la identidadhistorica difusion e la luchade cien-tos de comunidades originarias ex-haciendas" 1996,255).Through heseinteractiveroadcasts,THOA was able tocreate legitimatepace open tothe presenceof marginalized therswithin he public sphere.THOA's in-vestigation onsequently et ntomotion n extensive rocess of collectivereevaluation fthehistory fnative dentityhat nitiated seriesof similarprojects n various communities hroughout he altiplano. s a result, hefigure fSantosMarkaT'ula who personified large-scale ndigenousmove-ment nthefirstorty earsof he wentiethentury,lso becamethe haredsymbolof FirstNation identity as pueblos riginarios)or generation fAymarayoungpeople living t the end ofthecentury Ticona,Rojas, andAlbo 1995,199-200; also Ticona Alejo andAlbo 1996,254-55).6These early publications nd radio broadcastsbyTHOA membersinsistedon the significance f identity nd land as interlockinglementsvital othedialogics of n oppositionalAndean cultural olitics.nthis on-text, heaylluor traditional ndean community cquiredcritical ymbolicvalue because itencompassed threebasic characteristics:poblacion,go-biernoy territorio"Federacionde Ayllus 1993, 12). Designatedas "jatha"(seed), thecommunity onstituteshe model space "where Andean civi-lizationsand political tructuresuch as Tawantinsuyuhave germinated"(THOA 1995,11).THOA's workemphasizing he mportance fthe ylluasa symbolic nd material pace has underscored herelationship etweenterritorynd identity see also Choque Canqui and Ticona Alejo 1996;Callisaya Cuentas 1996; Conde Mamani 1996; Rivera and THOA 1992;

5.Luisa Limachi, Tenemos ue aprender e la experiencia e losviejos:Con Maria EugeniaChoque Quispe, directora el THOA." Interview ublished nPresencia, 0Aug. 1996.6. My use of theterm irstNation s a translation f the phrase pueblos riginariostilizedby Andean indigenouspeoples whenreferringo themselves.107


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LatinAmerican esearch eviewRasnake 1988). The operationsof nativehistoricalmemory form keychannelof dentity hat n this case is built on a seriesof spatially onfig-uredsocial and cultural elationships. he de-structuringfthe ayllu thusbrings bout the de-structuringf memory seeWachtel1986,215).Carlos Mamani Condori foregroundedhis reciprocal elationshipamong territory,dentity,nd social memory n his seminalpublicationTaraqu, 866-1935:Masacre, uerra Renovacion'n a biograffae Eduardo .Nina Qhispi 1991).For Mamani Condori, whatbegan as a plan to writebiography f the ife nd thought fthe eading Aymara ntellectual ndleader, duardoNina Qhispi (1887-1936), contemporaryfSantosMarkaT'ula, soon turned nto a largerepistemological nd methodologicalun-dertaking. ecause his initial nvestigations ncovered ittle ecorded n-formationn this mportanteader's career,Mamani Condoriwas obligedto ask: "SEnque documentospodriamos nvestigara vida de un indio? Lounicoconque contabamosdesde el principio rala fechade su nacimientoy ade su muerte" MamaniCondori1991,160).Toexplore urtherhe ventsand circumstancesurroundingheAymara eader's life,Mamani Condorihad tocombinearchival nvestigationwith the collection f oral histories,much as the argerresearch eamdid when working n the Santos MarkaT'ula project. his alternatemethodology esulted nthe discovery hathecould notwrite boutNinaQhispiwithout irst riting boutNina Qhispi'sayllu and subsequently bout surrounding yllus.Mamani Condori ex-plainedthathisapproachbroughthimback to a traditional ndeanbelief:"'quela historiade un individuo no es sino un hilo en el tejidode la his-toriacolectiva" 1991, 12). Thus the project hatbegan as a Western-stylebiography entered n a unitary ubjectbecame insteadan extensive ol-lectivehistory f thealtiplanoregion MamaniCondori1991,9-11).Byde-centeringhe ndividualsubject,Mamani Condoriwas able touncoveranalternative istoryhat riollo fficial istories ad ignored r dismissedasirrelevant.Mamani Condoriconcludedthatrevisionaryndigenoushisto-riographynos permite econocera historia e la personaen la historia elayllu,de lamarka,7 de losotros ndiosde la reputblica,asi abordar a otracarade la historia riolla, an cuidadosamente cultadapor a historiografiatradicional"1991,160).Mamani Condori'spublication rought litehistoriographyo a crisisby ayingbare its nvestmentncreating nd maintaining riollo uthorityandpower.8Writingmoregenerallyn therelationshipetween ndigenous

7.A marka s the urisdiction ormed y a groupof ayllus.8. In her ntroductoryssay to Selected ubalterntudies,Gayatri pivak argued,"It is theforce f a crisis hatoperates functional isplacementsn discursivefields. n my readingofthevolumes of Subalterntudies, hiscritical orce r bringing-to-crisisan be located in theenergy fthequestioning f humanism n thepost-Nietzschean ectorofWestern uropeanstructuralism,orour group Michel Foucault,Roland Barthes, nd a certainLevi-Strauss.108


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINAhistoricismnd colonialism,ArifDirlik noted, It may be out of thisdeepsense ofthehistorical estructionf their ocieties hat ndigenouswritersinsist nrecoveringheprocess fhistoryas itreallywas'-for them. ecauseindigenouspeople were written ut of history orbeing unhistorical,' tbecomes all the more necessaryto documentmeticulously he processwherebyheywereerasedfrom istorynorder o recover istoricity"Dirlik1996, 3-24).Not ong afterhepublication fTaraqu, HOA andtheTaraquAgrar-ian Centerorganizeda weekend seminar ntitled La Lucha Anticolonialde los Comunariosde Taraqu." It was based on Mamani Condori's bookand was held in theTaraqu community. he seminarhad two objectives.Thefirst as to"return" hebooktothecommunity,nd the econdwas toreflect n thehistory fFirstNationpeoples,thereby pening"a conversa-tionwithoutpaternalistic riollo-mestizomediation."9Topics fordiscus-sion includedthe mportance ftheAymara anguage in history,olonialland titles, nd Andean women.This experience ndicates hat he mpactofTHOA's work goes beyondmerely upplementing raditionalwrittenhistories.NathanWachtel, peakingon the mportance foralhistory,ug-gested hat ucha process from hebottom p" questions heofficial ecordand uncovers a counterhistorynd a countermemoryt the same time(Wachtel 986,207-8). orMamani Condori,however,his nduring ounter-historyhould notbe understoodmerely n terms f tsrepetition. ontinu-ation s also "cambio,maduracion, enovacion"MamaniCondori1991,159).RevisionistAndeanhistoriographyhusbecomes a powerful atalystnre-claiming collective dentitynd thedignity fbeinghuman: "Si partimosdel problemade la colonizacion, o primero ue nos ha sido afectadoporese hecho es nuestra dentidad,nuestro rgullo tnico.Nuestra autoestimafuepisoteada por el colonialismoy lo que nosotroshemos tratadoes pre-cisamenterestituirsa autoestimamediante esta primeraexperienciadeinvestigacion istorica."10THOA's trailblazingpublicationsbrought he organization o theattentionfmany.Dissemination fthegroup'sresearchwas facilitatednpartbythepublishinghouseHistoriaSocialBoliviana HISBOL) and laterbytheformationn1991 ofEditorialAruwiyiri.11ntheir iscussionsofthe

These structuralists uestion humanismby exposing its hero-the sovereign subject asauthor, hesubjectof authority,egitimacy,nd power.There s an affinityetweenthe m-perialist ubject nd the subjectof humanism" Spivak1988,10).9. "Seminario obre Lucha anticolonialde los comunariosde Taraqu,"' Presencia,5May1992.10. WilsonGarcia M6rida, "Intelectuales ndigenas en la mira: AurolynLuykxy CarlosMamani Condori,dos enfoquessobre una 'novedad' social,"interviewn Datosy Andlisis ,no. 4, 11Dec. 1994 published n Cochabamba).11. See Healy (2001) forhis discussionofthe inkbetween THOA and HISBOL.

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LatinAmerican esearch eviewcounterpublic phere, othNancy Fraser nd RitaFelskihave emphasizedthe mportance f massmedia and publicforms f communicationn cre-ating contestatoryiscursive rena.When subordinated roups ackequalaccess to the means of equal participation, political economy enforcesstructurallyhat culture ccomplishes nformally"Fraser1997,79). raserand Felskihave pointedout the ways in which feministounterpublicsntheUnitedStates have benefited rom wide rangeof discursive nfra-structureshat nclude ournals, ookstores, lternative ublishing ompa-nies,research enters,nd academicprograms. o too MichaelDawson hasexpressed he mportance fdiverse nstitutionalases for heformationfa blackpublicsphere: throughout lack history multiplicityf Black n-stitutions ave formed hematerial asis for subaltern ounterpublic. nindependentBlack press,the production nd circulation f socially andpolitically harp popularBlack music and the Black churchhave providedinstitutionalases for heBlackcounterpublicincetheCivil War" Dawson1995,210).Recently,he Internet as facilitated etworking nd collaborationamong some ndigenous ocieties venas ithasreinforcedreexistingocialstructuresn places where a lack of resources nd technologymakeselec-tronic ommunication rohibitivelyxpensive Delgado and Becker1998).Forexample,THOA acquired nternetccessonly bout sixyears go. More-over, s thememory ftheColumbian Quincentenaryn 1992 slowlyfades,supportfor ndigenous organizationsfrom"granting gencies" in theso-calleddevelopedworld hasgraduallydeclined.AlthoughTHOA has re-ceivedgrants romnternationalrganizations uchas OXFAM,the nter-AmericanFoundation, nd Fondo Indigena,resourcesfor qual access toequal participationreexceedingly ifficultoacquire. Following n exter-nal evaluation ofTHOA in 1993,VirginiaAyllonnotedin herreport hatTHOA's accomplishmentsnpublishingonstitutene of tsgreatestchieve-ments Ayllon 1993, 21). She also praisedTHOA's rigorousmethodologyand professional resentation, hich make thegroup'spublications cces-sible to a broad audience. Ayllonwas concernedat first hat the writtentextsmight e directedmoretoward n academicaudience than oward heindigenous ommunities. hese fearswere dispelledafter nterviewing ep-resentatives rom ifferentommunitieswho statedcategoricallyhatthematerialswerebothvery learand useful.Ayllon lso spokewithProfessorFelixApala of the Proyectode Educacion Intercultural ilingue (PEIB),who reported hatrural teachersfound THOA's publicationswell suitedfor he classroom Ayllon1993,22-23). n additiontothepamphlet n San-tos Marka T'ula, publicationswidelyused by indigenouscommunitiesn-clude RobertoSantosEscobar's Fechashisto'ricasndfgenas1992),THOA'sAyllu: asadoyfuturoe ospueblos riginarios1995),Roberto hoque Canquiandhiscoauthors' ducacionndz'genaCiudadanfacolonizacion?1992),TomiasHuanca's Jilirinaksanrsuiwipa:estimoniose nuestros ayores1991), nd the110


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINAFederacionde Ayllus-Provinciangavi's Estructurarganica1993).Notwith-standingthe excellent ualityof all THOA publications, heirdissemina-tion to indigenouscommunities emains n ongoing challenge due to in-sufficientunds.And the materialdisadvantagesthatTHOA faces meansthat ts analysisand critique xpand slowly throughout olivian society.Overtheyears, HOA hasincreasinglyoordinated ts ctivities ithotherNGOs, grassroots rganizations,nd academics. But as Kevin Healyhas pointedout, "THOA's risingprofilen the academic communitywasdue not onlyto ts unconventional ndean themes nd methodologies utalso to the off-beatintercultural' vents sponsoredby theorganization.Aymarawas spoken along withSpanishfor he firstime t public univer-sity vents, nd on occasionthe ndigenousrural ocialetiquette f cullicu,a communal haring fcoca leaves for olidaritynd friendship,ookplacein ieu of ervingwine" (Healy 2001,87).THOA's impressive chievementsin formingcounterpublicpheregavenew prominence o a dynamic roupofyoungAymara ntellectuals, othmenand women.As thegroupsub-stantiated hetheoreticalnd methodological nderpinnings f an indige-nous historiographynthe early1980s, talso laid the groundwork or hegroup's participationnthe ayllu movement f the 1980s and 1990s.TheMovementoReconstituteheAyllu

Even intheearlyyearsoforganization, HOA's effortsncreasinglycoalesced aroundthe movement o reconstituteheayllu,which had beengrowingduring the early 1980s following usteritymeasures introducedby neoliberalreform nd terrible evastationfrom ngoingdrought.Res-toration f thetraditional ndean community,nd with t theright o self-governance and self-determination, as perceived as a vital means ofmitigatinghecatastrophicffects f economic nd naturaldisasters.Con-sequently, HOA members ecognizedreconstitutionf theaylluas a po-litical ct of decolonization.Maria Eugenia Choque Quispe explainedthatTHOA did not decide alone, in vertical top-down fashion,to work onreconstitutingheayllu.Rather, hegroup's involvement ame about as aresult f repeatedrequestson thepartofayllucommunities hemselves.12Under the administrationf PresidentGonzalo Sainchezde Lozada andVicePresident ictorHugo Cardenas 1993-1997), nprecedentedtate eg-islationrecognized, t least on paper,therights f ndigenous peoples toterritorynd nativeforms fgovernance. oughtoutby ndigenous eaderswho understood he mportance fthispolitical onjuncture,HOA mem-bershad to assumeorganizational nd advisoryroles s they ccompaniedthe communities n theirefforts o reconstitute hemselves officiallysayllus.THOA's newdirection ncludedassisting ommunitieswith he de-

12.Limachi nterviewwithMaria Eugenia Choque, Presencia, 0 Aug. 1996.ill


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LatinAmerican esearch eviewvelopment f eadershipworkshops,devising strategies orreconstitutingand strengtheningheayllu, nd researchingrchives o compilehistoricaldocuments,ncluding olonial and titles Choque Quispe 1998).In 1987 nd1988, ndigenous eoplesformed woregional ederations:theFederaciondeAyllusdel Surde Oruro nd theFederacionde AyllusdelNortede Potosi.Atthe same time,THOA beganworkingwith ndigenousorganizations rom heprovinceof Ingavi in thedepartment fLa Paz.These effortsesulted n the Federacionde Ayllus y Comunidades Origi-narias de la Provincia ngavi FACOPI) in 1993.LaterfederationsncludedtheFederacion eAyllusy MarkasAymara-Qhichwase la ProvinciaMufie-cas (1995),theCentralde Ayllus y Comunidades Originariasde Umala(CACOU) (1995),and theFederacionde Comunidades Originariasde laMarkade Achacachi FEDECOMA) (1996).In 1997theayllusand markasofthePacajes Province fficiallyormed s the"Jach'a uyu Pakajaqi" (theGreatNation ofPakajaqi). These reconstitutedyllus serve as model ex-amplesfor thers ofollow,s is occurringntheprovinces fVillarroelndLoayza (THOA n.d., 1-2; Choque Quispe 1998).The processof reconstitutingheayllu can be initiated n differentways.Thehistory ftheFederaciondeJesus e Machaqa in theprovince fIngavioffersne representativexample. n theirmultivolume tudy fJesu'sde Machaqa, RobertoChoque Canqui, EstebanTiconaAlejo, and XavierAlbo traced the complex dialecticthatevolved throughouthe twentiethcenturys theorganizational radition f theaylluhad to confrontariousformsof state ntervention,otablythat of ruralsyndicalism.While theroots fthismovement an be found n theperiod following heChaco War(1932-1935),rural yndicalism lourishedubsequent to theRevolutionof1952with hedesireoftheMovimientoNacionalistaRevolucionarioMNR)to reorganize hestate nd "modernize" ndigenouscommunities. evolu-tionary litesperceived he syndicate ystem s a usefulwayof ncorporat-ing ndigenous eoples nto henational conomy s peasantsor campesinosby promotingand reform,he universalright ovote, nd replacement ftraditionalndigenous positionsofauthoritywithelectedoffices. he in-tentwas to alignthe ruralcommunitymorecloselywiththeminers'andworkers'movement nd thus bolster hepoliticalbase of theMNR.13Theyear1992 marked watershed, s thetransnationalndigenousmovementgathered orces ocelebrate ivehundredyearsofresistance o colonialism.Indigenous peoples inBolivia oinedthe call to come together yformingtheAsamblea de las Nacionalidades. In theprovince f ngavi, ndigenouspeoples reclaimed hestructure ftheaylluand markawhileturningwayfromheorganizational rrangementetforthy syndicalismTiconaAlejoandAlbo 1996,266).

13. For moreanalysisof rural yndicalism, ee Calder6nand Dandler (1984) and MamaniCondori 2001).112


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINAAn importantesource esulting rom his xperience freorganiza-tion s thebookletEstructurarga'nica,ompiledby theFederacionde Ayllus

y ComunidadesOriginarias e la Provincia ngavi FACOPI) and publishedbyTHOA. Mallku leader)Florentino omez Callisayaoutlined n thepro-loguethemajor vents s they ookplace. According ohis account, n Janu-ary1993 some seven hundredrepresentativesrom heprovince f ngavi'seight antonsparticipatedn the PrimerMagno CongresoOrgainico e De-saguadero.Therepresentativesame togetherostrategizewaysoffortify-ing organizational tructurestdifferentevels, ncluding he ocal levelofthe ayllu, the regional evel ofgroups of ayllus sharing ommonculturaland linguistic ies, nd the provincial evel incorporatingll the ayllusinthedistrict. hey ppointeda commission o study hecommunities' radi-tions and ways of ife nd thendraft tatutes fgovernance hat ould beimplemented t each organizationalevel (Federacionde Ayllus 1993, -6).As Ticona Alejo and Albo noted,thestatutes eintroduce he use oftradi-tionalAymaranamesfor ifferenteadership ositions,making nlyobliquereferences o the titles nd ranksestablishedby ruralsyndicalism 1996,266). Estructurarga'nicaays out the statutes s theywere approved byFACOPI threemonths ater.Disseminatedwidely by THOA, thisbooklethas servedas a usefulguide forother ommunitieswanting o strengthentheir raditions nd reconstituteustomary orms f governance.14Followingtheexampleof the Federacionde Ayllusy ComunidadesOriginarias e la Provincia ngavi,other ommunities eeking o strengthenthe yllutradition reconsulting esources uch as Estructurarganica hilecarryingut sustaineddiscussionsanalyzing raditions fthepastand thematerial ircumstances fthepresent.n thetownofUmala,theorganizingmethodoriginatedwith the collective eadingand analysisofthe colonialtitles nd the 1718 and 1883boundary urveys.This nitial tagehelpedre-inforce hecultural nd historicaldentity f the nhabitantswho, in com-parisonwithother reasof theprovince fAroma,have preservedmoreoftheirtraditions f organization.On the cobblestonesofUmala's centralplaza, one can see the nscription atingfrom 878 ofthenamesof all theayllus that make up theUmala marka.This register fnames became apowerful atalyst orreclaiming hecontrol fterritorynd asserting heright o self-determinationTHOA n.d., 3-4). The collective eremonial ct

14. THOA maintains n its archivescopies of thefounding tatutesof communities hathave reconstitutedhemselves s ayllus. ncluded are the statutes or heComunidad Origi-naria,AylluColqueAlta,Provincia acajes 1994); heFederaci6n e Ayllusy MarkasQhichwas-Aymarasde la ProvinciaMufiecas 1995); the Centralde Ayllusy Comunidades Originariasde Umala (1995);theComunidad OriginariaLaura Jayuma1995); the Federaci6nde Comu-nidades Originariasy Ayllus de la Marka Achacachi (1996); the Federaci6n de Ayllus yMarkasdel GranSuyu Pakajaqi (1996); and the Federaci6nde Comunidades Originariasdela ProvinciaLoayza-Tupaj Katari-Bartolina isa (1997).

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LatinAmerican esearch eviewof readingtheofficial ocuments nd the register f ayllu names enablesthe community o reenactAndean and Spanish "categories of meaning"(Digges and Rappaport 1992, 150).According to Maria Eugenia ChoqueQuispe, performativeituals uch as walkingtheaylluboundaries or read-ingthecolonial and titles re effective eans ofmonitoringhe ndigenouscommunity's erritoryChoque Quispe 1998).15These rituals lso under-score thedynamicrelationship etween the community's erritorialxten-sionand its bility o provide he nfrastructurehat ustainshumanity,es-ignated by the nterdependent xpressions sumamanq'afia" eatingwell)and "sumaakafia"livingwell).In spiteof considerable chievements, heefforto reconstituteheAndean body politic, esignated s theright o and and dignity, as comeup againstnumerous bstacles,manyof hem n outgrowthfcolonialism.Marginalization,nequality,nd exclusion rebut three actorshat ontinueto weaken theayllu's vulnerable ocioeconomic tructures. ost recently,the state'sredistrictingrocess and theformationf new ruralmunicipali-ties threatens o fragment he traditional ommunity urther.ndigenouspeoples areexperiencing deep sense of frustration,ocial discontent,nddistrust fthe government nd itsrepresentativesTHOA n.d.,5).It s precisely his ense offrustrationnd discontent esulting romthe ongstanding xperience fpoliticaldisenfranchisementhathas led tothe recentmobilization f ndigenous peoples throughout atinAmerica.Indigenousmovementsfor elf-determinationnd autonomy re directlycontesting hepolicies and practicesof neoliberalreformnd resisting"singlerelationship etween the state and itscitizens" Yashar1998, 39).According to Yashar, ndigenous organizations challenge policymakersand statesto recognizeboth ndividual and communal rightsn an ideo-logicallymeaningful, ractically easible, nduringway.Such recognitionrequires hat he aw be configured n thebasis of universal laimsto citi-zenshipand differentiatedlaims todifference"1998,39). In thiscontext,the mportance f nternationaliesamong indigenous organizations an-notbe overestimated. tefanoVaresehas arguedthat ndigenous peoplesthroughoutheAmericasareengagedin "un desnacionalismode estado,"looking o nterlocutorseyondthenation-state ith hedesire oconstructalternate orums fpolitical nd cultural dentificationVarese 1996,23).16

15. As Diana Digges and JoanneRappaportsuggestively rgued in the case of the nativecommunity fCumbal, Colombia, "Words, cts, nd imagesall come together ere to formsignifyingystem; heycannot simplybe translated nto the dominantdiscourse ofwrittenlaw. They are mediated by political power that s itself eremonially, istorically,nd geo-graphically alidated. t s theunity fwords, cts, nd images n a particular ontext r eventthatgives themmeaning" Digges and Rappaport1992,150).16. According o StefanoVarese, No solamente as organizacionesndigenas nternacional-izan la confrontaci6n,ino que abren simultaneamente rentes e acci6nen variosniveles de114


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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINABy drawingon a diverserange of nationaland internationallle-giances and critical itesofopposition, n indigenous ounterpublic phere

like the one that THOA has helped forge n Bolivia challenges nchoatedemocratic nstitutions o acknowledgethe existence nd legitimacy faplurality fgroupswithin he tate'sdecision-makingrocess.THOA servesas a compellingmodel for therndigenous rganizations recisely ecausedespite imited esources, hegrouphas strategicallyombinedrevisionistAndeanhistoriographyith erritoriallaims nd collective olitical ction.

la sociedad global: con la 'sociedad civil transnacional,'as organizacionesno-gubernamen-talesde ambientalistas, erechoshumanosy defensa egal; al mismo tiempose dirigen losorganismosntergubernamentalesinancieros t6cnicos e desarrollo ... Finalmente, esdehace casi diez afios, os indigenashan llevado el debate y su lucha a las Naciones Unidas alas que le reclaman,mayordemocratizaci6n posturasmenosnacionalistas maspro-pueblossin estados" (Varese1996,24-25).115


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LatinAmerican esearch eviewREFERENCESAYLLON S., VIRGINIA1993 "Evaluaci6nexterna el Tallerde HistoriaOral yAndina.Proyecto:nvestigacion,formaci6n, difusi6n. SextaEnmienda)."Reportpresented o the nter-AmericanFoundationand Semilla,La Paz.BRYSK, ALISON1994 "ActingGlobally: ndian Rightsand International olitics n LatinAmerica." InIndigenous eoples ndDemocracyn LatinAmerica,dited by Donna Lee Van Cott,29-51. New York: t.Martin's.CALDERON, FERNANDO, AND JORGE DANDLER1984 "Movimientoscampesinos y estado en Bolivia." In Bolivia:La fuerzahist6rica elcampesinado,dited by FernandoCalder6nand Jorge andler,15-50. Geneva andLa Paz: UnitedNationsResearch nstitute or ocial Development UNRISD) andCentrode Estudios de la Realidad Econ6micay Social (CERES).CALLISAYA CUENTAS, FELIX1996 "El territorio,n dilema para los pueblos originarios indigenas."Arusa, upple-mentof PostMeridium, Oct. 1996,p. 3.CERTEAU, MICHEL DE1986 Heterologies:iscourse n theOther, ranslated yBrianMassumi.Minneapolis:Uni-versity f Minnesota Press.CHOQUE CANQUI, ROBERTO, AND ESTEBAN TICONA ALEJO, WITH FELIX LAYME PAIRUMANIAND XAVIER ALBO1996 Jesus eMachaqa:La marka ebelde. ol.2:Sublevacio'nmassacre e 1921.La Paz: Centrode Investigaci6n Promoci6n el Campesinado (CIPCA) andCentrode Documen-taci6ne Informaci6n e Bolivia (CEDOIN).CHOQUE CANQUI, ROBERTO, ET AL.1992 Educacion ndigena:Ciudadaniao colonizaci6n?a Paz: Aruwiyiri.CHOQUE QUISPE, MARIA EUGENIA1998 "Reconstituci6n fortalecimientoel ayllu:Una experiencia e participaci6n esdeel pueblo aymara." n-housedocument,THOA, La Paz.n.d. "Memoria hist6ricayreconstituci6nel ayllu." Manuscript.COMISION INTERNACIONAL DE JURISTAS, COMISION ANDINA DE JURISTAS, AND CENTRO DEASESORAMIENTO LEGAL Y DESARROLLO SOCIAL1996 Derechos umanos: erechos e lospueblosndigenas. brax-Chen6ve, rance: Comi-si6n Internacional e Juristas.CONDE MAMANI, RAMON1996 "Lucha porel territorio,osderechospoliticosy a autodeterminaci6ne lospueblos

originarios e los Andes." Arusa, upplementof PostMeridium. Oct.,p. 2.DAWSON, MICHAEL C.1995 "ABlack Counterpublic? conomicEarthquakes,RacialAgenda(s),and Black Poli-tics." n TheBlack ublic phere,ditedbytheBlackPublicSphereCollective, 99-227.Chicago and London:University fChicagoPress.DELGADO P., GUILLERMO1994 "Ethnic olitics nd thePopularMovement." n LatinAmerica acesthe wenty-FirstCentury:econstructingSocialJustice genda, ditedbySusanneJonas nd EdwardJ.McCaughan,77-88.Boulder,Colo.: Westview.1998 "El globalismo y los pueblos indios:De la etnicidad a la agresionbenevolentedela biomedicina." n Procesosulturalesefin emilenio,ditedby Jos6ManuelValen-zuela Arce,183-218.Tijuana,B.C.: CentroCulturalTijuana,ConsejoNacional para

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THE TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINADIRLIK, ARIF1996 "The Past as Legacy and Project:PostcolonialCriticism n the Perspectiveof In-digenousHistoricism."AmericanndianCulture nd Research ournal0, no. 2:1-31.FEDERACION DE AYLLUS, PROVINCIA INGAVI1993 Estructurargdnica.a Paz: Aruwiyiri.FELSKI, RITA1989 Beyond eminist esthetics:eminist iteraturend Social Change. ambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversity ress.FRASER, NANCY1997 "RethinkinghePublic Sphere:A Contributiono the CritiqueofActuallyExistingDemocracy." n Fraser,Justicenterruptus:riticalReflectionsn the "Postsocialist"Condition,9-98. New York nd London:Routledge.HABERMAS, JURGEN1991 TheStructural ransformationf he ublicSphere: n Inquirynto Category fBour-geoisSociety, ranslated y Thomas Burger,with Frederick awrence. Cambridge,Mass.: MIT Press.HARRIS, OLIVIA1992 "Introduction" o "The Indian Santos Marka T'ula, Chief of theAyllusofQallapaand GeneralRepresentative f the ndian CommunitiesofBolivia,"Andean OralHistoryWorkshop, ranslated y Emma Gawne-Cain.HistoryWorkshop4:101-3.HEALY, KEVIN2001 Llamas,Weavings,ndOrganicChocolate: ulticultural rassroots evelopmentntheAndes nd Amazon fBolivia.Notre Dame, Ind.: University f Notre Dame Press.HUANCA L., TOMAS1991 Jilirinaksanrsiiwipa: estimoniosenuestrosmayores. a Paz: Tallerde HistoriaOralAndina.MAIGUASHCA, BICE1994 "The Transnational ndigenousMovement in a Changing WorldOrder." GlobalTransformation:hallengeso he tate ystem,ditedby YoshikazuSakamoto, 56-82.Tokyo,New York, nd Paris: United Nations University ress.MAMANI CONDORI, CARLOS1989 Metodologiae ahistoria ral.Chukiyawu La Paz): Ediciones del THOA.1991 Taraqu, 866-1935:Masacre, uerra "Renovaci6n"n a biograffaeEduardo . NinaQhispi.La Paz: Aruwiyiri.1992 Losaymaras rente la historia: os ensayosmetodol6gicos.uadernos de Debate no.2. Chukiyawu-La Paz: Aruwiyiri.2000 "El intelectual ndigena hacia un pensamientopropio." Paper presentedto theLatin AmericanStudies Association,Miami, 16-18March.2001 "Memoria y politica aymara." ARUSKIPASIPXANASATAKI:El sigloxxiy elfu-turodelpuebloAymara,ditedby WaskarAri Chachaki,47-65. La Paz: EditorialAmuyafiataki.MEREWETHER, CHARLES1996 "Zones of Marked Instability:Woman and the Space ofEmergence." RethinkingBorders,ditedby John . Welchman, 01-24.Minneapolis:Universityf MinnesotaPress.MOHANTY, CHANDRA TALPADE1991 "Introduction: artographies fStruggle." n ThirdWorldWomen ndthe olitics fFeminism,dited byChandra Talpade Mohanty,AnnRusso, and Lourdes Torres,1-47.Bloomington:ndianaUniversity ress.RASNAKE, ROGER1988 Dominationnd CulturalResistance: uthoritynd Power mong n AndeanPeople.Durham,N.C.: Duke University ress.RIVERA, SILVIA1986 "Taller de Historia Oral Andina: Proyectode investigaci6n obre el espacio ide-ol6gicode las rebeliones ndinasa travesde la historia ral 1900-1950)." n Estadosynaciones n osAndes:Haciaunahistoriaomparativa,olivia, olombia, cuador, eru,edited by J.P. Deler and Y. Saint-Geours,1:83-88. Lima: Institutode EstudiosPeruanos (IEP) and Instituto rances de Estudios Andinos (IFEA).

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SANTOS ESCOBAR, ROBERTO1992 Fechashist6ricasndigenas: uchas nticolonialese aymaras,hischwas tupiguaranisen Bolivia. a Paz: Aruwiyiri.SPIVAK, GAYATRI CHADRAVORTY1988 "Subalterntudies:Deconstructingistoriography."electedubalterntudies,ditedby RanajitGuha and GayatriChakravorty pivak, 3-32. New York: OxfordUni-versity ress.STEPHENSON, MARCIA1999 Gender nd Modernityn AndeanBolivia.Austin:University f TexasPress.THOA (TALLER DE HISTORIA ORAL ANDINA)1988 El indio Santos MarkaT'ula: Cacique principal e los ayllusde Qallapa y apoderadogeneral e as comunidadesriginariase a republica. hirdedition.La Paz: THOA.1995 Ayllu: asado yfuturo e ospueblos riginarios.a Paz: Aruwiyiri.n.d. "Del ayllu y la markaal fortalecimientoel poder local (municipal) Propuesta)."In-housedocument,THOA, La Paz.TICONA ALEJO, ESTEBAN, AND XAVIER ALBO, WITH ROBERTO CHOQUE CANQUI1996 Jesus eMachaqa:La marka ebelde.ol. 3, La lucha or lpoderomunal. a Paz: CIPCAand CEDOIN.TICONA ALEJO, ESTEBAN, GONZALO ROJAS O., AND XAVIER ALBO1995 Votosy wiphalas:Campesinos pueblos riginariosn democracia. IPCA Cuadernos

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