State of Black Midwest_Single Pages

2014-15 STATE OF THE BLACK MIDWEST│ 1

2 │MIDWEST BLACK LAW STUDENTS ASSOCIATION

15

MWBLSA 2015 CONTENTS MWBLSA

The Time for Justice is Now!

By Prof. Nekima Levy-Pounds, Esq.

08

State of the Black Midwest

By Zachariah Y. Oluwa Bankole

03

A Root Rotten Justice System (Excerpt)

By Grace Akinlemibola

06

11 What is Next?

By Dwight J. Lacy, Esq.

14 Final Destination

By Vincent Cunningham

12 Running for First Place

By Dr. Malika Carter

Commentary on “Race”

By Mahmoud El-Kati


STATE OF THE BLACK MIDWEST

A ttorney Murry was born in 1842

and yet his words are still as

applicable today. The state of

the black Midwest is no different than

that of the West, East, South, Caribbean,

Africa, South America as well as

throughout the diaspora. If we come to-

gether economically, we can solve the

problems that plague us, we can build

the dream we deserve to live, we can

finally emancipate ourselves without beg-

ging for our oppressor’s opinion. There is

a common adage that "those who don't

know history are doomed to repeat it"

and this is powerful to quote but even

more liberating to understand. When

thinking of “history” I am reminded of

“Black Wall-Street.”

In 1921 in Tulsa, Oklahoma, there exist-

ed a community which was called “Black

Wall-Street.” The economic community

of 600 businesses included 21 churches,

21 restaurants, 30 grocery stores, 2 mov-

ie theatres, 6 private airplanes as well as

schools, libraries, law offices, a bank, a

post office and a bus station. This

demonstration of group economics

where the dollar circulated 36 to 100

times resulted in it taking almost one

whole year for the dollar to leave the

community. This togetherness was such

a threat to “America” that on June 1,

1921 deputized whites looted and

burned 40 square blocks of 1,265 Afri-

can American homes, over 150 busi-

nesses and killed more than 300 Afri-

can Americans, while more than 6,000

black Tulsans were detained (only to

be released upon being vouched for by

a white employer or white citizen.”

In 2011 Huffington Post ran an article

entitled “Black Buying Power To Reach

$1.1 Trillion.” The estimated year of

this achievement would be 2015, the

year we now find ourselves. The article

states that African-Americans would be

the 10th largest nation in the world in

terms of GDP, which says a lot when

were constantly described and por-

trayed as “needing welfare”. The issue

isn’t our lack of wealth, but the lack of

group economics, the lack of financially

affluent institutions that are owned and

operated by people of color. When

these institutions are in place we have

means to solve our own unemploy-

ment, education and social trials. Do

we have organizations that are formed

and run by African-Americans, yes.

Do African-Americans support them?

Some do, but many are completely

unaware. Throughout this term as Mid-

By Zachariah Y. Oluwa Bankole

“Lay hold where you are; get together, put your dollars together like you put your

votes and see if the result will not bring more lands, houses and offices too, for the

enjoyment of the colored people. Financial unity will establish that bond of interest

that brings better social, personal and political harmony and power. Our oath-bound

organizations may be a strong tie, but an organization bound together by the “dollar”

wielded by businesses, girded by houses, trades, lands and manufactories, forms a

bond of general, political and personal , as well as financial union of which the obli-

gations of secret organizations appear but as a rope in sand” – Phillip H. Murry Esq.

CONTENTS


west Attorney General I was fortunate

to attend the 2015 NAACP National

Convention, various discussions on

“diversity” throughout the Midwest

and also held a national lobby day in

Washington D.C. The conclusion that

I arrived at was that we as a people

suffer from lack of our own institu-

tions, lack of togetherness, lack of

trust and we continue to suffer from

the constraints of “history” and its

depiction of our successes as well as

our failures. Have you ever wondered

the difference between "his-story" and

"my-story"? Well "history" is stated

like infallible truth, while "my-story" or

"mystery" is stated with vagueness,

“We...suffer from lack of our own institutions,

lack of togetherness, lack of trust…”

lack of believability, and inconsisten-

cy. Have you ever spoken to some-

one who felt like black history month

was a slap in the face, and asked

why? One elder shared “it is be-

cause we as a people didn't become

"black" until we were being loaded

onto slave ships. Thus black history

is everything post slavery, as if that

is all we have ever been. If we cele-

brated “Hebrew” or “Moorish” history,

that would be far more impactful,

however doing so would dismantle

the foundational lies that history has

told.” Can you see how all these

things come together to create the

"control" needed to maintain power?

I’d like to end this writing with an

analogy:

There are two people, one named

Agent, one named Principal. For 30

consecutive days when Principal

sees Agent, he beats him physically

and takes his money. Principal sees

Agent every single day, thus its 30

days of beating and money taking.

The next 30 days, when Principal

see’s Agent, he doesn’t physically

beat him up anymore, but he cuts

holes in Agents pockets so that all of

Agents money falls out. Principal

does this to Agent every single day

for 30 days. The next 30 days when

Principal sees Agent, he doesn’t

physically beat him up, or cut holes in

his pockets, he simply uses identity

theft to steal his money. He does this

for 30 consecutive days. At the end

of those 90 days Agent has a meet-

ing with his shareholders and Princi-

pal has a meeting with his sharehold-

ers. At Agents meeting he states “it

has been a rough first quarter, how-

ever we have made progress. We

are no longer physically beaten and

robbed, nor do we have are clothing

mutilated. We currently need to re-

search how to protect ourselves from

identity theft, but once we figure this

out, we feel we will really be where

we want to be.” At Principal’s meet-

ing he states “our gains this year

have been consistent and we have

continued to capture 100% of the


target market share. Our research and

development has allowed us to produce

consistent results and I don’t see any

reason why things should change in the

future.

We as a people speak of the progresses

that we have made and how far we

have come, what we use to endure, and

the benefits we now enjoy. Yet as af-

firmative action is being repealed, as

separate but equal schools have slowly

re-emerged, I wonder if we see where

we are headed. With the Trayvon Martin

case decision, I realized a precedent

had been established which has now

been affirmed true. Not only can you

take the life of an African-American, but

you can financially profit. In 2014 our

Midwest community dealt with the kill-

ing of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Jor-

dan Crawford, Tamir Rice and those are

just those which made national news.

We can create a hashtag Twitter move-

ment, we can Facebook, we can change

our Instagram profile pictures, but what

does that change?

When 12 lives of French journalists

were lost, the world mourned and na-

tional media rushed to address “what

would we do if such a terrorist attack

occurred in this country?” Ironically, the

NAACP building was bombed not 12

hours before, yet no media provided

coverage. Days later 3,000 Nigerians

were killed, yet this still didn’t receive

the amount of coverage that the Euro-

pean tragedy received, and why would

it?

In 2015, the state of the “Black Midwest”

is one in which we need to come togeth-

er. We need to understand that as

groups have been and continue to

come together and work together to

build economic and educational institu-

tions and political organizations, we as

a people are more divided than ever.

We have thrived academically and fi-

nancially when we worked together,

and we have suffered significant loss

when we have been divided. We will

not be able to enjoy and thrive as indi-

viduals, if we do not have the insulation

of a thriving and prosperous communi-

ty. The question we have to ask our-

selves is, do we want to be happy for a

moment, happy for a day, happy for a

year, or happy for a lifetime. There is a

Nigerian proverb which says “ in the

moment of crisis, the wise build bridges

and the foolish build dams.” If our chil-

dren and our children’s children are to

be able to live as free people and not

regress to enslavement, we must build

bridges with ourselves. We will need to

have strong institutions to educate,

report the news, bank with, grow and

deliver consumer goods, as well as

having think tanks and highly skilled

individuals to accelerate our research

and development. There are many

black organizations which help in build-

ing bridges and I pray that you feel

compelled to reach out and build, for as

another African proverb says “if you

want to go quickly go alone, if you want

to go far, go together.”

Zachariah Y. Oluwa Bankole

MWBLSA Attorney General 2014-2015

University of North Dakota JD/MBA

Candidate 2015


A ROOT ROTTEN JUSTICE SYSTEM (EXCERPT) By Grace Akinlemibola

Please note that the following is an excerpt from a larger paper.

I t was an injustice I could almost

not bear to witness. In 2014, I –

along with many African-

Americans – watched the recorded

video of an asthmatic, heavyset Afri-

can-American man struggling against

police officers. The man’s name was

Eric Garner. The video begins with

Garner visibly upset about two police

officers questioning him on whether

he was selling illegal cigarettes on the

corner. It was during the day in New

York, with a few private citizens pass-

ing by, some passing with fleeting

curiosity while others remained un-

concerned. Garner’s responses indi-

cated this was not the first time he

had been questioned by police offic-

ers about selling illegal cigarettes.

“Every time you see me, you want to

mess with me,” Garner exclaims loud-

ly, his arms moving with emphasis.

“I’m tired of it! It stops today!...I didn’t

do nothing! I did not sell nothing!...I’m

minding my business, officer! I’m

minding my business. Please just

leave me alone! I told you the last

time – please just leave me alone!” A

swarm of at least six police officers,

the majority of whom were white

males, then swarmed upon Garner,

with one of them placing him in a

chokehold. Prior to the chokehold,

Garner did not threaten police offic-

ers; he did not move to attack police

officers; it was unclear what exactly

the officers wanted to do with Garner,

whether they were just questioning

him or wanting to arrest him. While

placed in the chokehold and forced to

the ground in handcuffs, Garner

yelled multiple times: “I can’t breathe!

I can’t breathe!” His protests did not

hinder the officers as they continued

to maintain the ironclad grip around

Garner’s neck. After Garner stopped

breathing, not one officer attempted to

resuscitate Garner; rather, they all

looked uneasily at each other and the

man lying on the ground still in hand-

cuffs with his arms behind his back

not breathing. Medical examiners

found that Garner was killed by

“compression of neck (choke hold),

compression of chest and prone posi-

tioning during physical restraint by

police.”

On December 3, 2014, a grand jury

decided not to indict the officer who

placed Garner in the chokehold, ignit-

ing public protests and rallies across

the United States. In context, the

grand jury decision came just days

after another grand jury decision to

not indict an officer in another high-

“...conduct that ought to be pieced together are

instead fragmented and isolated into irrelevance.”


profile police brutality incident in Fergu-

son, Missouri. Riots and public outcry

from African-Americans were prevalent

across the nation as these verdicts

from cases revolving around black

males dying at the hands of police offic-

ers were released.

Speculation around the nation sparked

debate as to what would be required for

a police officer to be found responsible

for his actions against unarmed blacks.

The police departments that were un-

der public scrutiny either attempted to

justify their actions or color the event as

an isolated incident.

The issue arises when police brutality

and corruption is aided by the Supreme

Court when the Court fails to realize the

systematic nature of these incidents.

Police brutality is not only widespread

in certain police departments, it is a

result of systematic corruption within

these police departments, which has

not been recognized by the Courts. By

recognizing the systematic injustice as

necessary, the legal response as well

as the policy response will respectively

change for the better.

What do we find in society and the

Court decisions? In the Court deci-

sions, we find a narrow view of connec-

tion under which conduct that ought to

be pieced together are instead frag-

mented and isolated into irrelevance. In

society, we find the stirring anecdotes

of police brutality against unarmed civil-

ians at a more increasing pace, not

necessarily because of a rise in police

brutality but rather because of the in-

crease in documentation due to techno-

logical advancements over the years.

We find a society and an institutional

system unwilling to accept the humanity

in the victim unless the victim is

“perfect.”

I am Eric Garner; I am Mike Brown; I

am Amarou Dillou. But perhaps most

importantly, I am Grace Akinlemibola,

an unarmed African-American female

with no prior arrests or convictions and

still far from perfect. Don’t shoot.

Grace Akinlemibola

Chair, MWBLSA 2014-15

Chicago-Kent College of Law, J.D.

Candidate


THE TIME FOR JUSTICE IS NOW! By Prof. Nekima Levy-Pounds, Esq.

Nekima Levy-Pounds, Esq. is a Professor of Law at the University of St. Thom-

as and the founder and director of the Community Justice Project, an award-

winning civil rights legal clinic. Follow her on Twitter @nvlevy or visit her web-

site nekimalevypounds.com.

A CALL TO ACTION FOR BLACK LAW STUDENTS & LAWYERS

I was 9 years old when I decided

that I wanted to become a lawyer.

I did not have any lawyers in my

family; in fact no one in my family had

ever graduated from a four year col-

lege at that time. My desire to practice

law was borne out of a sense of frus-

tration and concern with the deplorable

conditions facing the African American

community in which I lived; which at

that time was South Central Los Ange-

les in the early 1980s. My community,

like so many around the country was

ravaged by intersecting issues of pov-

erty, gang violence, low quality educa-

tional institutions, poor policing, and

high rates of unemployment and under

-employment. In spite of the heroic,

incredible work of civil rights leaders

such as Malcolm X, Fannie Lou

Hamer, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Ella

Baker, and John Lewis during the

1950s and ‘60s, the struggle for free-

dom, justice, and equality for black

Americans continued long after public

attention to these matters faded away.

As a testament to this notion, African

Americans continue to suffer dispro-

portionately from high rates of poverty,

unemployment, low rates of home

ownership, difficulty gaining and keep-

ing wealth, along with high rates of

incarceration and contact with police;

due largely to the war on drugs. In-

deed, there are currently more than 2

million people incarcerated in the U.S.,

with 40% of those individuals being

African American, and the majority of

whom are poor. The heroes and hero-

ines of the Civil Rights Movement

would want us to acknowledge the

struggle that they endured, while also

keeping our eyes on the prize until we

receive equal treatment under the law,

through our institutions, and in society

at large.

In the aftermath of landmark legislation

such as the passage of the 1964 Civil

Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of

1965, African Americans received

much-needed advancements under

the law towards obtaining the full

promises of democracy; but we are still

many miles away from achieving the

fullness of the rights and guarantees

due us under the Constitution. Yes, the

Jim Crow laws reinforcing the notion of

“separate but equal” schools, facilities,

and accommodations were dismantled

through a series of legal challenges,

protests, nonviolent demonstrations,

and the blood, sweat, and tears of

those who marched, bled, and in some

cases died during the Civil Rights

Movement. And we must never forget

the depth and harshness of the strug-

gle in which our predecessors en-

gaged. However, at the same time, we

must acknowledge that much work


remains to be done to ensure that African

Americans and other people of color re-

ceive equal protection, due process, and

access to equal opportunity under law.

That’s where we all come in as the next

generation of lawyers who have the op-

portunity to pick up the mantle of leader-

ship that has been lying dormant for too

long and to run the next leg of the race

towards justice.

As many are aware, there have been

uprisings, protests, and peaceful demon-

strations happening across the nation in

the aftermath of the shooting deaths of

unarmed black men, women, and even

children at the hands of law enforcement.

The extra-judicial killings of unarmed

black people are a constant reminder that

our lives are still not fully valued in this

country and that the laws of the land and

those who administer them, do not al-

ways protect the most vulnerable within

our society. The protests, which arose in

the aftermath of the shooting death by

police of an unarmed, African American

teenager, Mike Brown in Ferguson, Mis-

souri, have set spurred a national move-

ment, known as #BlackLivesMatter. The

#BlackLivesMatter Movement is largely

driven by young people of color who in

the words of Fannie Lou Hamer, are “sick

and tired of being sick and tired” of injus-

tice and oppression facing our communi-

ty. They are working to catalyze their

frustration into a mass movement to raise

the consciousness of the American peo-

ple about the evils of racism, systemic

oppression, and injustice that are literally

and figuratively killing African Americans

in this country.

The activism of the young people today,

remind me of the children and college

students who put their lives on the line

during the Civil Rights Movement to fight

for justice. During the 1960s, school chil-

dren walked out of school with Dr. King,

marched, sang, protested, and jailed for

their engagement in civil disobedience.

Similarly, college students from across

the nation walked out of their classes, sat

in at segregated lunch counters, got on

buses and traveled across the country to

register black people to vote in places

like Mississippi, and were beaten, jailed,

and in some cases murdered for their

involvement in the movement. The cour-

age that was on display in the 1960s is

being demonstrated by young people all

around the country through the

#BlackLivesMatter Movement. When I

traveled to Ferguson, Missouri as a legal

observer for the National Lawyers Guild, I

witnessed firsthand how young people

were standing on the front lines, squaring

off with police forces, braving chemical

weapons, and arrests to stand up for

justice.

While in Ferguson, I was tear-gassed

right alongside those young people. That

experience was painful, jarring, and one

that I will never forget, as it helped me to

realize the depth of our police state and

how frightening it is to witness the milita-

rization of local law enforcement. These

were issues that I have written about as a

legal scholar in the past; but it was a

whole other situation to witness these

dynamics up close and personal. I recog-

nize that not all lawyers and law students

will be comfortable placing themselves in

dangerous situations and I can respect

that. However, even for those who might

not become physically engaged in the

Movement, there are still lots of roles that

individuals can play: 1) We need black

lawyers and law students to rise up and


challenge unjust laws and policies. The

Midwest has a poor reputation for hav-

ing high rates of racial disparities for

people of color in key indicators of qual-

ity of life, and particularly in areas such

as criminal justice, unemployment, and

education. Consider utilizing the intel-

lect, passion, and tenacity of BLSA

members, coupled with season profes-

sors, to take on a pressing issue and to

champion that cause until you obtain

results. 2) Become engaged in a legal

clinic that will provide you with the op-

portunity to work on behalf of indigent

clients and to gain a bird’s eye view of

how systems impact the most vulnera-

ble people within our society. 3) Use

your voice by writing a blog, utilizing

social media to develop a public plat-

form, or engaging in public speaking.

It’s never too early to begin exercising

your right to speak truth to power and

to raise awareness about issues that

impact the African American communi-

ty. Hone your thoughts and ideas

through the practice of writing and shar-

ing your perspective with those who will

provide honest feedback. 4) Travel to

your local legislature, sit in on hearings,

and watch how laws are made and the

negotiations that happen behind closed

doors. This will provide insights into the

importance of our presence as African

American lawyers and law students in

policy-making arenas. 5) Visit local

juvenile facilities, jails, and prisons to

gain a more intimate understanding of

what happens when race, poverty, poli-

cy, and marginalization intersect. Wit-

nessing the suffering behind prison

doors will help one to develop the em-

pathy that is necessary to be a purvey-

or of justice, as opposed to a being one

who merely reinforces the status quo.

Given all of the injustices that the Afri-

can American community is facing

across various systems, we need the

voices, creativity, and courage of black

law students and lawyers like never

before. The time to get involved is now.

Please answer the call and find your

role in the Movement.


WHAT IS NEXT? By Dwight J. Lacy, Esq.

What next! From, Freedom, to Equality, to Voting, now what do we want? Is the goal to defeat the oppressor or to defend from attacks to preserve life, happi-ness and sanity? To clarify the latter, in a sense to live with a thorn in our side and to just do what we can under our armor. I will declare this to the African American, the mis-educated Negro: If you have not left the United States of America, you have yet to truly live. Equality sufficed as a goal in 1950. Voting rights sufficed as a goal in 1960, but even these milestones are under siege in 2015, so I fret to ask, if they would pursue slavery once again, what is to stop them? Computers, bio-domes, digital agriculture, and genetically modified food? With the outsourcing, and dissipation of hard labor, then what apparatus shall sepa-rate the dominant and subservient? Can we predict the next iron fist, and literally beat them to the punch? The State of the Black Midwest rest not in these questions, but how you live your life to show you and yours the answers.

Dwight J. Lacy, Esq.


RUNNING FOR FIRST PLACE: By Dr. Malika Carter

T hroughout history, laws have been

created and perpetrated by and

within institutions to impede suc-

cessful entry and matriculation. Conse-

quently historical benefits thereof are be-

stowed to those who endure processes

relegated by those institutions. Originally

guilds, created to control industry-specific

knowledge of merchants and artists, were

the original organization of institutions,

which was criticized in the Communist

Manifesto as a system of domination and

subordination – creating oppressed and

oppressor.

Postsecondary education Institutions re-

sponsible for safeguarding intellectual fu-

ture of the USA continue to reify the “meta”

imagination of who should be included,

protected, celebrated.

Modern day, such like continuances and

recycling of the meta narrative lie find keen

attention from institutions addressing is-

sues of Title IX and the concurrent system-

ic overlook and non-acknowledgement of

racism and the effects thereof. Morrison

(2006) addresses this is her work Changing

the Domestic Violence (Dis)Course: Moving

from White Victim to Multi-Cultural Survivor.

She posits,

Those who participate in the con-

struction of the dominant domestic

violence discourse could be of any

race or ethnicity. It is the mindset

produced by the dominant culture

that is projected upon society and

used to dominate and manipulate

it that is racialized. Also true is

that white racialization, while ren-

dering color invisible, does not

eliminate it. Subordinate discours-

es can counter the dominant

mindset. Currently, the white

mindset controls the domestic

violence discourse, but that could

change (p. 1078).

In spite of Treyvon Martin, Mike Brown, and

countless other cases where people of col-

or have been maimed, killed, and impris-

oned, institutions yet fail to sympathize,

council, and guide students of color away

from the daily chronic and acute effects of

racism. Regardless of how one views ver-

dicts from the cases of Martin and Brown,

the effects of poverty, historical unequal

distribution of wealth and resultant residen-

tial segregation has resulted in people of

color not participating in postsecondary

education at the same rates as their white

counterparts. Therefore, they do not be-

come the decision-makers at the same

rates. Part of this reasoning is the bour-

geoning numbers of professionals within

those institutions that will not and/or cannot

relate.

American higher education is scrambling to

minimize litigation. It is no wonder then,

that the “It’s on Us” campaign via the White

House (with moral pressure from Senator

McCaskill) received funding in ways that

were unprecedented.

Could this be due to the “meta” narrative of

who a postsecondary campus aggressor or

survivor is? It is clear from the public fo-

rums on the issue of sexual assault that law

-makers perceive this to be an 18-21 year

old white female.

RACISM V. SEXISM IN POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION


The domestic violence victim

identity — the “battered wom-

an” — has been constructed in

direct opposition to the identi-

ties of other subordinated

groups. The essential victim of

domestic violence, the essen-

tial battered woman, is a white,

heterosexual, middle-class

woman. She is the essential

battered woman because soci-

ety imagines that it is she who

needs protection (Morrison,

2006, p. 1079).

Many woman, men, transgendered peo-

ple of color among the ranks of those

who have either inherited a culture of

poverty or who attend schools where

they face the residuals of racism each

day, probably cannot help but wonder if

racial discrimination will ever receive the

same attention internal and external to

postsecondary education. These who

experience sexual assault in the rawest

forms on urban streets each day, many

of whom are not in the ranks of postsec-

ondary environments also struggle with

sexual violence and the added violence

that accompanies black/brown/tan skin

on an everyday basis. But when their

pain is revealed, there is no “It’s on Us”

rhetoric to collectively support them.

There was no White House campaign to

minimize racial discrimination and histor-

ical animosity.

But the rhetoric is that race discrimina-

tion is more difficult to prove. In many

cases, is not also sexual assault or sex-

ual violence?

What are the ingredients to favoring a

solutions-based discussion at the na-

tional level and funding related solutions

at the institutional level? Is sexual as-

sault or sexual violence easier to prove

due to the physical and sometimes visi-

ble psychological effects of sexual as-

sault or sexual violence? At its base

level, could it be that institutions are only

guiding attention to the issue because of

fear of litigation?

I am of the opinion that the fear of litiga-tion causes institutions to act – rather than a moral high ground. We see this time and time again throughout the his-tory of litigation, ADA; racial discrimina-tion, gender discrimination. But the pow-er of these movements ebb and flow. Each movement was litigated in order to incite wide-spread change. And this is unfortunate, because environments of education should be the place where the countries’ issues come to rest as those

issues encounter the intelligentsia of the nation. Instead, campuses, once again, are turning into hotbeds of social change and activism by those who don’t admin-istratively control the fate. It is obvious that education pays. Higher

education gives rise to social and eco-

nomic benefits (Baum & Ma, 2007).

Benefits include, but are not limited to,

the following: graduates of higher edu-

cation are more likely to vote and value

civic engagement; are more likely to

have disposable income and increased

capacity for consumption; and are more

likely to assist with their children’s edu-

cational process, therefore having chil-

dren who are better prepared for school-

“As a woman of color who has served as a stenographer, I

saw the fallen of humanity on a regular basis.”

https://www.google.com/search?espv=2&biw=1008&bih=615&q=intelligentsia&spell=1&sa=X&ei=Z13CVNXuL4WWyQS0mYKACQ&ved=0CBoQvwUoAA


ing. Overall society and graduates ben-

efit from the funding of government via

income tax revenue gained from higher-

salaried jobs and experience decreased

reliance on government funding. Ac-

countability contributes to the longevity

of healthy societies (Baum & Ma, 2007).

Somehow, regardless of how education

rewards people of color during their

educational tenure within institutions, it

seems as there will always be a misun-

derstanding of who your nation per-

ceives you to be. Evidenced by the fi-

nancial backing of government and

institutions attempting to comply with

Title IX, it is irrefutable that one form of

discrimination/pain is receiving more

attention than another.

As a woman of color who has served as

a stenographer, I saw the fallen of hu-

manity on a regular basis. To feel as if I

was contributing something to the na-

tion, I choose to work within higher edu-

cation so as to prevent the mass incar-

ceration of minds and bodies. Because

females nurture the future of societies, I

solicit the help of my white female col-

leagues around the US who would not

have had the chance to lead in postsec-

ondary education, law, and other institu-

tions within our society had it not been

for our joint struggle. It was not that

long ago that race divided the women’s

movement. Women of color marched in

the back to address the same issue as

their white counterparts. Now laboring

in an academic environ, I ask the ques-

tion – shall such favor be returned? All

oppression hurts and serves to destroy

the humanity in each of us.

FINAL DESTINATION By Vincent Cunningham

Currently I feel the state of the Mid-West, particularly for African Americans, is struggling. I feel we as a region are struggling simply because once an individu-al obtains a level of success they usually move to a more popular region like the west coast (LA) or east coast (NYC). The Mid-West often seems to me to be an instrument for development, but is not really anyone’s desired final destination of residency. I hope that in the coming future that as young black professionals we will invest in the Mid-West and dissolve the notion of this region being transi-tional, but rather transcending with opportunities.

Vincent Cunningham Twitter: MindPHul_PR Instagram: MindPHul_PR Blog: MindPHulAdvice

Vincent Cunningham

Publicist - Ms. Ebony J (Radio Personality) ebonyjshow.com

Freelance Writer - B.O.S.S ( Be your Own Success Story) Magazine boss-emag.com

Advice Columnist: mindphuladvice.com Phone: 513-545-4060 E-Mail: [email protected]


COMMENTARY ON “RACE” By Mahmoud El-Kati

T he idea of “race” may be the

most fallacious and dangerous

idea in the history of myth and

human imagination. In the early 1940s,

Dr. Ashley Montagu, the eminent cultural

anthropologist at Princeton University,

titled his book “Man's Most Dangerous

Myth: The Fallacy of Race.” It is a work,

which both objectively critiques and mor-

ally attacks the false notion of “race” as

an indicator of individual ability and cul-

tural achievement. In many ways and by

many years, Dr. Montagu presaged the

emerging narrative on “race.” In contem-

porary American life, more and more, we

hear voices from a cross-section of

thought leaders viewing “race” as a

“social construction,” with no biological

reality. And so “the cat,” somewhat, is

finally “out of the bag,” e.g. there are no

super humans!

This fanciful belief that we, the human

species, belong to separate and discrete

aggregates has proved to be unscientific

that is to say, inconsistent with scientific

truth, and therefore a gross distortion of

who we are as human beings. Modern

science, e.g., anthropology, repudiates

the notion that to be Black, white, yellow,

real or otherwise, does not inherently

connect to one's native intelligence, mo-

rality, or sensibilities. When we say

“race,” it begins with a focus on physical

traits, e.g., skin color, hair form, eye col-

or, facial and body structure, and so

forth. These are physical facts, which can

be seen and measured. But it does not

end there. This is not quite what we

mean when we say “race.” We mean

something much deeper, which goes

beyond mere facts that can be observed.

According to structured “race” thinking to

which American society is enslaved, the

way one looks can tell you many things

about one's behavior, without actually

knowing anything about the person.

The paradigm goes like this: so-called

white people are organized, business-like

and intelligent (there are no idiots among

them) just because they are so-called

white. Black people are musical, athletic,

funny, emotional and unintellectual -

there are no geniuses among them - just

because they are Black. And so it goes,

Asians, all of them, are good in mathe-

matics and good with computers and

technical stuff - not a dull one among

them. Presumably, these traits come only

through genes, no matter what the envi-

ronmental circumstances. To believers in

“race,” questions of culture, history, and

collective experiences do not enter the

picture. A given group of people’s suc-

cess or failure is all due to genes. This is


called biological determinism, like pre-

destination, which is believed in certain

religious circles. One should not need

science, but common sense, to observe;

that there is something illogical and

wrong-headed with this type of thinking.

Genes may have something to do with,

but could not, in the generality, tell how

intelligent a given individual is. We must

hasten to eventually add that there are

multiple intelligences. There is no one

way to be intelligent, like there is no one

way to be human. This is as evident as

the music we make. “Race,” therefore, is

a myth. It is a powerful and pervasive

myth, which obstructs clear thinking. A

myth is a simple way to explain some-

thing that is complex. A myth is what

makes thinking unnecessary. Now let it

be said that all myth is grounded in some

reality. A myth is not simply an idle tale

from our folklore. Saying that “race” is a

myth is different than saying that it is an

outright lie. Myth is what the general soci-

ety believes is true, although the beliefs

are unfounded, shrouded in half-truths,

distortions and fantasy. A myth is very

close to superstition and indeed is an

intrinsic part of superstition. Belief in

witches, possession, and fetishes were

once widely believed, and thus governed

much, if not most, of that society's behav-

ior. There are however certain aspects of

“race” that are real. There is a predisposi-

tion of certain populations, not “races,” to

certain inherent diseases. Skin cancer

and acne are pronounced among so-

called white people with less melanin

(color) in their skin. African Americans

are disposed to contract sickle cell ane-

mia, which is rare among European pop-

ulations, and is equally rare among Afri-

cans in Africa. In short, Swedes do not

fall victim to sickle cell anemia, and nei-

ther does Nelson Mandela's people in

South Africa.

Human beings live in a material, man-

made, psycho-social world, as well as a

biological one. We must not confuse the

two. Don't expect an Eskimo to build a

skyscraper. Not because he is not capa-

ble, but because his culture does not

demand a skyscraper. A culture will do

what is demanded of it. “Race” and cul-

ture are two distinctly different phenome-

na, although too often we confuse the

two, one with the other. A part of what we

call “race” is nature, i.e. what one is born

with. Culture, on the other hand, is what

we acquire from our most immediate hu-

“Human beings live in a material, man-made, psycho-

social world, as well as a biological one. We must not

confuse the two.”


man surroundings, beliefs, knowledge, mores, habits, customs, and even certain

emotions. One thing is natural, the other artificial. A tree is natural. Humans do not

make trees. A wooden table is artificial (the opposite of natural) because it is wom-

an-man made. Culture is learned social heritages. We possess this, just as we

possess a biological heritage. We must never allow ourselves to confuse the two.

People have pale skin, very dark skin, blonde, red, black and brown hair. Some

hair is lank, some is frizzy, wooly, super curly, or wavy. People are short, tall, thick

and thin. People have different body builds and facial contours. We don’t need a

scientist to tell us this.

None of this has anything intrinsic to do with whether one is a Jew, Christian, or

Muslim, whether one is a Socialist, Democrat, Republican, Communist or Green

Party. These beliefs are acquired from one’s culture, or new exposure and experi-

ences that one might encounter. There is no such thing as being born a Christian

any more than one is born a Communist. It ought to be obvious why most people

in the West call themselves Christians and most people in the Near East and Far

East call themselves Muslims, Buddhists, Zoroastrians, Confucians, Taoists, and

Shintoists. Some of what we are is inborn. Most of what we do is learned. To wit:

there are not really any "purely" white, Black, or yellow people. Nor are there any

half-breeds, mullatos, Zambos, Meztuzos, or assimiladoes. The geneticists are

now telling us that the human family share 97% of the human gene pool. Only 3%

separates us.

What does a teaspoon of water in a gallon of milk make up?

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

-----

Mahmoud El-Kati, Professor Emeritus of History, Macalester College

[email protected]


THE ANTI-EVICTION WORK IN THE MIDWEST

T he Chicago Anti Eviction Campaign (CAEC) is a grassroots community organiza-

tion committed to enforcing the human right to housing and the abolition of eco-

nomically motivated evictions in Chicago. In the June 2013 edition of the NY

Times Magazine our work provided a cover story that illustrated our radical solutions to the

foreclosures, evictions, and homelessness in Chicago by taking over houses. The article

also showed the gravity of our work in its ability to influence the media and mainstream the

issues of housing and the redevelopment of Chicago’s African American communities. To

give people an understanding of our work, we have a CAEC promotional video with foot-

age from MSNBC, Fox News, Tavis Smiley, and PBS that illustrates the issue of housing,

showcases the work of the CAEC as solutionaries and how people respond. Our work has

inspired comments from former President Bill Clinton, who said in an interview with

MSNBC, that our work of taking over vacant and abandoned buildings to house people

without homes should be mainstreamed and legalized. President Clinton noted that it was

a great idea and the least expensive way to fix up these houses and put people to work.

Through the issue of housing, the CAEC is addressing a multitude of problems in Chica-

go. Not only are we enacting solutions to the housing crisis but we are addressing unem-

ployment and reducing blight in the community via on the job training with young men and

women who could obtain trade skills. President Obama said, to take some of these young

men and women and teach them how to fix up these vacant homes. By giving them skills

and a trade and bringing the community together with what works, we’ll extend more lad-

ders of opportunities and we’re reducing blight in our communities. President Clinton and

Obama referenced the work of the CAEC and so we are trying to connect both their state-

ments to create more opportunities for African American communities .

Legislative Efforts The CAEC has defeated legislation that was detrimental to the African American communi-

ty ie. Privatization of evictions-HB5395, Anti eviction ordinance and Keep Chicago Renting

Ordinance (KCRO). We were able to pressure the County Sheriff’s department by protest-

ing the Sheriff’s office to put into practice a moratorium on evictions during the holi-

days. The Sheriff was served a five day notice and five days later he issued a moratorium

on evictions due to fraud and also put in place a holiday moratorium. The CAEC has also

advocated for modifications successfully. One homeowner Ce Ce Edwards saved over

$200,000 on her own with Wells Fargo. The CAEC partners and allies work to get city

legislation that would ensure banks upon foreclosing on property with tenants would have

to pay a minimum of $10,000 dollars in relocation assistance or when offering cash for

keys. We are working with the Cook County Sheriff’s office whose vocational rehab im-

pact center will be training and certifying inmates for rehab and construction. These skills

earned by these inmates can be utilized for redevelopment of the communities in which

they live and provide an economic alternative to crime. The CAEC also supported legisla-

tion of the county sheriff’s department that would allow for alternative sentencing for non-

violent offenders in the county. This was also an opportunity for them to be productive

By the Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign


participants in their community.

Who CAEC Works With: Movement Building in the Midwest The CAEC works with multiple groups from Detroit, Minnesota, and Kentucky dealing

with issues around education, housing, water, unemployment, and mass incarcera-

tion. Most successfully the best collective practices have come from the housing sec-

tor. We utilize human rights mechanisms such as the United Nations’ reporting process-

es for civil society, NGO's and community groups and submitted various collective re-

ports as a region via the U.S. Human Rights Network. Our objective is to engage people

nationally and internationally on the issue of housing as a human right. These reports

were submitted under International Convention Against Torture (ICAT), International

Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), International Convention on Eliminating

Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the upcoming Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

What CAEC Works Towards The issue of unemployment amongst African American youth at a rate of over 90%

needs to be connected with on the job training in our community in vacant residential and

commercial spaces that teaches a rehab/construction trade. These spaces can be used

to house our growing homeless population amongst youth and adults. The rehabbed

commercial spaces can be utilized as community centers, feeding centers, training cen-

ters, and social centers. By organizing African American construction corporations, non-

profits, property management companies, attorneys, and brokers, the CAEC and the

Black Chicago Development Coalition (BCDC) identified community and cultural-

ly sensitive development solutions. The coalition partners agreed to hire inmates coming

out of the Sheriff’s program in addition to the unemployed youth and adults from the com-

munity. The BCDC exists to build collective work and utilize a cooperative economic

model and capitalizing on opportunities that are already available i.e. bank owned prop-

erty donations programs, national community stabilization trust (Fannie Mae and Freddie

Mac) Chicago Forfeiture program and leveraging rehab funds utilizing National Foreclo-

sure Settlement participants, Community Development Financial Institutions, the commu-

nity development divisions within banks. In addition, the CAEC works with a university

law clinic to establish a community land trust that will provide African Americans with

future access to various communities in Chicago.

What You Can Do This is an opportunity for African American attorneys to get involved in other cities

throughout the Midwest. African Americans have lost a lot of wealth due to foreclosure

related activities. For instance, the CAEC worked with attorneys to investigate the law

firm of Fischer and Shapiro and found 1700 foreclosure cases that could be reversed in

the city of Chicago and Cook County. If there were more attorneys available during this

investigation, we could’ve saved a lot more African American owned homes. There are

too many disparities when it comes to African American’s access to attorneys and a

great need for pro bono attorneys. Access to counsel for public housing residents and

further investigations into programs created from the National Foreclosure Settlement

designed to increase help for homeowners are also necessary.


2014-2015 REGIONAL EXECUTIVE BOARD

Grace Akinlemibola

Chair

Remington Jackson

Vice Chair

Jackie Newsome

Executive Director

Kendra Lee

Secretary

Gerena Gregory

Director of Corporate Rela-

tions

Briana Mayes

Treasurer

Kejai McNeal

Director of Community

Service

India Scarver

Legislative Advocacy

Specialist

Zachariah Y. Oluwa Bankole

Attorney General

Georgeanna Bien-Aime

Judicial Advocacy Specialist

Delante Thomas

Sub-Regional Director I

Ronald Madlock

Sub-Regional Director II

Dania Lofton

Membership Specialist

Tobi Omoleye

Director of Alumni Affairs

Antoinette Wall

Chief Editor of Midwest Law

Journal

Shantel Thompson

Director of Education &

Career Development

State of Black Midwest_Single Pages

Documents

Transcript of State of Black Midwest_Single Pages