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How many hierarchies, really?Evidence from several Algonquianlanguages

Fernando ZúñigaUniversity of [email protected]

Workshop on Scales, Leipzig, March 29-30, 2008

Roadmap

1. A vantage point: Cuzco Quechua2. Introduction to Algonquian languages3. Different hierarchies in Plains Cree: prefixes and suffixes4. Different hierarchies in Cree dialects: suffixes5. Different hierarchies in Algonquian: prefixes6. More on variation within Algonquian: suffixes7. Towards a reformulation of the issues

1 | Vantage point: Cuzco Quechua 3

Cuzco Quechua personal morphology I

Personal pronounsnoqa 1 noqa-y-ku 13

noqa-ni-chis 12qan 2 qan-kuna 23pay 3 pay-kuna 33

Intransitive (possessive) endings-ni (-y) 1 -y-ku 13

-ni-chis 12-nki (-yki) 2 -nki-chis 23-n (-n) 3 -n-ku 33

based on Cusihuamán (1976:108,169) and Cerrón-Palomino (1987:198f)

1 | Vantage point: Cuzco Quechua 4

Cuzco Quechua personal morphology II

Transitive verb endings (present)-y-ki 1→2 -wa-nki 2→1-y-ki-chis 1(3)→23 -wa-nki-chis 23→1-y-ki-ku 13→2 -wa-nki-ku 2→13-su-nki 3→2 -wa-n 3→1-su-nki-chis 3→23 -wa-n-chis 3→12-su-nki-ku 33→2 -wa-n-ku 3→13

based on Cusihuamán (1976:167-168)

-ku ‘PL:no2’-n/Ø ‘3’-wa ‘1O’

-chis ‘PL:2’-(n)ki ‘2’-su ‘3→2’TAM-y/ni ‘1S/A’

Slot 5(ranked)

Slot 4(ranked)

Slot 3Slot 2Slot 1(complementary)

2 > 1/3

2 | Introduction to Algonquian languages 5

Algonquian languages


Cree varieties


Classification of Algonquian languages

Layers of retention and innovation: the West-to-East cline Blackfoot Arapaho-Atsina and Cree-Montagnais Cheyenne and Menominee Great Lakes (Ojibwe, Potawatomi, Shawnee, Fox, Miami,...) Eastern Algonquian (Micmac, Abenakian, Delawaran, ...)

Areal grouping Plains (Blackfoot, Arapaho-Atsina, Cheyenne) Central (Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Great Lakes) Eastern

Goddard (1994, 1996)

3 | Different hierarchies in Plains Cree 8

Plains Cree basics: some prefixes and suffixes

a. ki-têm ni-têm o-têm-a2-horse 1-horse 3-horse-OBV‘your(sg) horse’ ‘my horse’ ‘his/her horse’

b. ki-tapi-n ni-tapi-n Ø-tapi-w2-sit-1/2 1-sit-1/2 3-sit-3‘you(sg) sit’ ‘I sit’ ‘s/he sits’

c. ki-têm-iwâw ki-têm-inaw ni-têm-inân2-horse-23 2-horse-12 1-horse-13‘’your(pl) horse’ ‘our(i) horse’ ‘our(e) horse’

d. ki-tapi-nâwâw ki-tapi-nânaw ni-tapi-nân2-sit-23 2-sit-12 1-sit-13‘you(pl) sit’ ‘we(i) sit’ ‘we(e) sit’

Wolfart (1996:417-421)


Plains Cree hierarchy I: verb prefixes (p)

a. ki-sêkih-â-w ki-sêkih-ikw-w2-frighten-DIR-3 2-frighten-INV-3‘you(sg) frighten him’ ‘he frightens you(sg)’

b. ki-sêkih-i-n ki-sêkih-iti-n2-frighten-2→1-1/2 2-frighten-1→2-1/2‘you(sg) frighten me’ ‘I frighten you(sg)’

c. ni-sêkih-â-w ni-sêkih-ikw-w1-frighten-DIR-3 1-frighten-INV-3‘I frighten him’ ‘he frightens me’

d. Ø-sêkih-ê-w Ø-sêkih-ikw-w3-frighten-DIR-3 1-frighten-INV-3‘I frighten him’ ‘he frightens me’

Dahlstrom (1986:69-70)


Plains Cree hierarchy II: verb suffixes (p+n)

a. ni-sêkih-â-nân ni-sêkih-iko-nân1-frighten-DIR-13 1-frighten-INV-13‘we(e) frighten him’ ‘he frightens us(e)’

b. ki-sêkih-i-nân ki-sêkih-iti-nân2-frighten-2→1-13 2-frighten-1→2-13‘you frighten us(e)’ ‘we(e) frighten you’

c. ki-sêkih-â-naw ki-sêkih-iko-naw2-frighten-DIR-12 2-frighten-INV-12‘we(i) frighten him’ ‘he frightens us(i)’

d. ki-sêkih-i-nâwâw ki-sêkih-iti-nâwâw2-frighten-2→1-23 2-frighten-1→2-23‘you(pl) frighten me/us’ ‘I/we frighten you(pl)’

Dahlstrom (1986:69-70)


Plains Cree morphology (simplified)

p+n suffix(ranked)

Theme suffix(complementary)

StemPrefix slot(ranked)

-n ‘1/2’

-w ‘3anim’-iti ‘1(3)→2(3)’

-wâw ‘23’-i ‘2(3)→1(3)’Ø/ot- ‘3’

-naw ‘12’-ikw/iko ‘INV’n(i)- ‘1’

-nân ‘13’-â/ê ‘DIR’k(i)- ‘2’

2 > 1 > 3 1PL > 2PL > 3anim > 1SG/2SG


Two conflicting hierarchies?

Prefixes Suffixes

AD (SP) (X) X SP ---- SP (X) X SP AD-- -- X X -- AD

X -- ---- (SP-) (-AD)

k-n-Ø-

-nân-naw-wâw-w-n

-âhk-ahkw-êkw-t-ân/an

4 | Different hierarchies in Cree dialects 13

Verb suffix variation in Cree

MacKenzie (1980:154) in Macaulay (2005:25); also Ellis (1971) and Dahlstrom (1986)

1(3)→231→2(3)-iti-nâ-wâw

13→213→2(3)-iti-nân

1→2-iti-n

23→1(3)23→1-i-nâ-wâw

2→132(3)→13-i-nân

2→1-i-n

Cree 2(Swampy, Moose,…)

Cree 1(Plains, Eastern,…)

5 | Different hierarchies in Algonquian 14

A progressive split in Micmac I

a. Plural SAPs on verbsg-...-eo g-...-nen2-...-23 2-...-13‘you(pl) ↔ me’ ‘we(e) ↔ you(sg/pl)’

b. Plural SAPs on nouns: First patterng-ig-uow g-ig-nu n-ig-nen2-home-23 2-home-12 1-home-13‘your(pl) home’ ‘our(i) home’ ‘our(e) home’

c. Plural SAPs on nouns: Second patternëgt-awgti-wow n’t-awgti-nu n’t-awgti-nen2-road-23 1-road-12 1-road-13‘your(pl) road’ ‘our(i) road’ ‘our(e) road’

Fidelholtz (1968:321f)


A progressive split in Micmac II

a. First pattern (“second person inclusive”)• “[H]istorically more conservative, and, as might be expected, the more

infrequent of the two.”

• Vowel-initial, obligatorily possessed stems: ‘hook’, ‘bow’, ‘sled’, ‘child’,…

b. Second pattern (“first person inclusive”)• Consonant-initial, obligatorily possessed stems: ‘foot’, ‘neck’, ‘barn’,…

• Most (?) alienable stems

c. Other deviant patterns (“prefix-less”)i. Some (unpredictable) stems take -m and do not take prefixes when

possessor is plural (SAP?)

ii. One stem (-nû- ‘Indian’) lacks prefixes in all forms: nûm ‘my Indian’

Fidelholtz (1968:320f)


Macaulay’s (2005) Algonquian survey

1>2SAP>31>2 2>12>1 ......

Micmac

2>1SAP>32>1Cree2

1>2(1>2)2>1Blackfoot

1>2(SAP>3)2>1Arapaho

1>2SAP>32>1Menominee

1>2SAP>32>1Cree1

Nominal/Verbalsuffix

Themesuffix

Nominal/Verbalprefix

6 | More on variation within Algonquian 17

Verb suffix variation in Ojibwa

(Default) Parry I. Walpole I.

13→2 -igoo -inimin13→23 -igoom -inimin1(2/3)→3 -aanaan -aamin1(2/3)→33 -aanaanig -aamin3→1(2/3) -igonaan -igomin33→1(2/3) -igonaanig -igomin

Valentine (2001:287)


Blackfoot morphology (simplified)

n(it)-…-(i)nnaan k(it)- … -(i)nnoon k(it)-…-oaawa13.PSR 12.PSR 23.PSR

based on Frantz (1991:51f,69f,147f)

‘1(3)→2(3)’-o(o)

‘2(3)→1(3)’-Oki‘3’‘12’

Ø-

‘33’-yi‘23’-oaawa‘INV’-Ok‘1’‘13’

nit-

‘3’-wa‘13’-nnaan‘DIR’-a(a)‘2’‘23’

kit-

p+n Sfx(ranked)

p+n Sfx(ranked)

Theme(complementary)

Pfx slot(ranked)


Suffixal morphology in Arapaho (simplified)

based on Francis (2006:316f)

-n ‘2’-ei ‘INV’‘2(3)→13’

-3i’ ‘33p’(-tii)

-o(o) ‘DIR’

-t ‘3p’-i ‘2(3)→1’‘3→1(2/3)’

-nee ‘23’-Ø ‘13→2(3)’

-no’ ‘12’-ee ‘13’-e3e ‘1→2(3)’

Sfx(ranked)

SfxTheme(complementary)

7 | Towards a reformulation 20

Where do we find variation?1. Forms for the plural SAP suffixes

three in some languages (Cree, Blackfoot)

two in others (Ojibwa, Miami-Illinois)

2. Ranking for the plural SAP suffixes if they occur in same slot

1PL > 2PL in most languages

2PL > 1PL in some Cree varieties

3. Behavior of, and number of slots for, 1PL suffixes

one slot for all plural SAP markers (Cree, Ojibwa)

no verbal 12 markers (Blackfoot)

separate slots for 13 and 12/23 markers (Arapaho)

4. Prefixes: 12 is basically a second person inclusive

but: no prefix on 12 verb forms in Blackfoot

but: split and more deviant patterns in Micmac (more details needed)


Bottom line I

“Purpose” of the affixal markers: specifying the values for thecategories expressed: Prefixes: person Suffixes: plurality and gender; most markers also specify person

Markers do compete for appearance in slots There are not two incompatible hierarchies

(2>1>3 opposed to 1>2>3)but two different ‘hierarchy families’ instead: Prefixes: 2 > 1 > 3 :: number irrelevant Suffixes: 1PL > 2PL > 3a (> 1SG/2SG) :: number crucial


Bottom line II (tentative and simplified)(I) Marker definition in Plains Cree

Prefixes SuffixesX SP AD X SP AD± ± + ± + +± + -- + + --+ -- -- + -- +

+ -- --

(II) Marker selection algorithm in Plains Cree (valid for both slots):1. take the marker with as less -- values as possible2. take the marker with a +SP value if available (“consciousness”)

Therefore: Complex (and surprisingly stable) interplay between what the markers actually mark how to choose between them

k-n-Ø-

-naw-nân-wâw-w

References

Bloomfield, Leonard. 1946. Algonquian. Linguistic Structures of Native America, ed. HarryHoijer, 85-129. New york: Viking Fund.

Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo. 1987. Lingüística quechua. Cuzco: Centro ‘Bartolomé de lasCasas’.

Cowell, Andrew, and Alonzo Moss. 2002. A reconstructed conjunct order participle inArapaho. IJAL 68(3): 341-365.

Cusihuamán, Antonio. 1976. Gramática quechua. Cuzco-Collao. Lima: Instituto deEstudios Peruanos.

Dahlstrom, Amy. 1986. Plains Cree morphosyntax. Ph.D. dissertation, University ofCalifornia at Berkeley.

Ellis, C. Douglas. 1971. Cree verb paradigms. IJAL 37: 76-95.Fidelholtz, James Lawrence. 1968. Micmac morphophonemics. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.Frantz, Donald. 1991. Blackfoot grammar. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Francis, Hartwell. 2006. Transitivity in Arapaho: A construction grammar approach. Ph.D.

dissertation, University of Colorado.Goddard, Ives. 1967. The Algonquian independent indicative. National Museum of

Canada Bulletin 214: 66-106.Goddard, Ives. 1974. Remarks on the Algonquian independent indicative. IJAL 40(4): 317-

327.

References (continued)

Goddard, Ives. 1994. The West-to East cline in Algonquian dialectology. Actes du Vingt-Cinquième Congrès des Algonquianistes, ed. W. Cowan, 187-211. Ottawa: CarletonUniversity.

Goddard, Ives. 1996. Introduction. Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 17:Languages, ed. I. Goddard, 11-16. Washington: Smithsonian Institution.

Heath, Jeffrey. 2004. Person. HSK 17(2): 998-1015.Macaulay, Monica. 2005. On the 2>1 prominence hierarchy of Algonquian. LSO Working

Papers in Linguistics 5: Proceedings of WIGL 2005, 1-24.MacKenzie, Marguerite. 1980. Towards a dialectology of the Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi

language. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto.Valentine, J. Randolph. 2001. Nishnaabemwin Reference Grammar. Toronto: University of

Toronto Press.Weggelaar, C. 1974. The Algonquian verb: another reconsideration. IJAL 40(3): 249-253.Wolfart, H.C. 1996. A sketch of Cree, an Algonquian language. Handbook of North

American Indians, Vol. 17: Languages, ed. I. Goddard, 390-439. Washington:Smithsonian Institution.

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