Speech on Conciliation With America

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Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America

Edmund Burke

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Title7 Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America

Author7 Edmund Burke

1elease ate7 8a) 9::; <EBook "=>==?<+es) we are more than one ear ahead of schedule?<This file was first posted on August =) 9::9?

Edition7 3:

@anguage7 English

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P1E.ACE

The introduction to this edition of Burke's speech on Conciliation with Americais intended to suppl the needs of those students who do not ha%e access to awellFstocked librar) or who) for an reason) are unable to do the collateralreading necessar for a complete understanding of the te0t&

The sources from which information has been drawn in preparing this edition arementioned under (Bibliograph&( The editor wishes to acknowledge indebtedness toman of the e0cellent older editions of the speech) and also to 8r& A& P&-inston) of the 8anual Training 2igh School) for %aluable suggestions&

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*n 3>=3 originated the polic which caused the American 1e%olution& That policwas one of ta0ation) indirect) it is true) but none the less ta0ation& The firstDa%igation Act reHuired that colonial e0ports should be shipped to England in American or English %essels& This was followed b a long series of acts)

regulating and restricting the American trade& Colonists were not allowed toe0change certain articles without paing duties thereon) and custom houses wereestablished and officers appointed& pposition to these proceedings wasineffectualI and in 3>4>) in order to e0pedite the business of ta0ation) and toestablish a better method of ruling the colonies) a board was appointed) calledthe @ords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations& The roal go%ernors found inthis board read smpathiJers) and were not slow to report their grie%ances) andto insist upon more stringent regulations for enforcing obedience& Some of theretaliati%e measures emploed were the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus)the abridgment of the freedom of the press and the prohibition of elections& Butthe colonists generall succeeded in ha%ing their own wa in the end) and werenot wholl without encouragement and smpath in the English Parliament& *t ma

be that the war with .rance) which ended with the fall of Kuebec) had much to dowith this rather generous treatment& The Americans) too) were fa%ored b the-higs) who had been in power for more than se%ent ears& The polic of thisgreat part was not opposed to the sentiments and ideas of political freedomthat had grown up in the coloniesI and) although more than half of theDa%igation Acts were passed b -hig go%ernments) the leaders had known how towink at the %iolation of nearl all of them&

*mmediatel after the close of the .rench war) and after George ***& hadascended the throne of England) it was decided to enforce the Da%igation Actsrigidl& There was to be no more smuggling) and) to pre%ent this) -rits of Assistance were issued& Armed with such authorit) a ser%ant of the king might

enter the home of an citiJen) and make a thorough search for smuggled goods& *tis needless to sa the measure was resisted %igorousl) and its reception b thecolonists) and its effect upon them) has been called the opening scene of the American 1e%olution& As a matter of fact) this sudden change in the attitude of England toward the colonies) marks the beginning of the polic of George ***&which) had it been successful) would ha%e made him the ruler of an absoluteinstead of a limited monarch& 2e hated the Tories onl less than the -higs) andwhen he bestowed a fa%or upon either) it was for the purpose of weakening theother& The first task he set himself was that of crushing the -higs& Since the1e%olution of 3>LL) the had dictated the polic of the English go%ernment) andthrough wise leaders had become supreme in authorit& The were particularlobno0ious to him because of their republican spirit) and he regarded their

ascendenc as a constant menace to his kingl power& .ortune seemed to fa%or himin the dissensions which arose& There grew up two factions in the -hig part&There were old -higs and new -higs& George plaed one against the other)ad%anced his fa%orites when opportunit offered) and in the end succeeded informing a ministr composed of his friends and obedient to his will&

-ith the ministr safel in hand) he turned his attention to the 2ouse of Commons& The old -higs had set an e0ample) which George was shrewd enough tofollow& -alpole and Dewcastle had succeeded in gi%ing England one of the mostpeaceful and prosperous go%ernments within in the pre%ious histor of thenation) but their methods were corrupt& -ith much of the judgment) penetrationand wise forbearance which marks a statesman) -alpole's distincti%e Hualities of

mind eminentl fitted him for political intrigueI Dewcastle was still worse) andhas the distinction of being the premier under whose administration the re%oltagainst official corruption first recei%ed the support of the public&



.or near a hundred ears) the territorial distribution of seats in the 2ouse hadremained the same) while the centres of population had shifted along with thoseof trade and new industries& Great towns were without representation) whileboroughs) such as ld Sarum) without a single %oter) still claimed) and had) aseat in Parliament& Such districts) or (rotten boroughs)( were owned andcontrolled b man of the great landowners& Both -alpole and Dewcastle resortedto the outright purchase of these seats) and when the time came George did not

shrink from doing the same thing& 2e went e%en further& All preferments of whatsoe%er sort were bestowed upon those who would do his bidding) and thebusiness of briber assumed such proportions that an office was opened at theTreasur for this purpose) from which twentFfi%e thousand pounds are said toha%e passed in a single da& Parliament had been for a long time onl partiallrepresentati%e of the peopleI it now ceased to be so almost completel&

-ith) the support which such methods secured) along with encouragement from hisministers) the king was prepared to put in operation his polic for regulatingthe affairs of America& -rits of Assistance !35>3$ were followed b the passageof the Stamp Act !35>=$& The ostensible object of both these measures was tohelp pa the debt incurred b the .rench war) but the real purpose la deeper)

and was nothing more or less than the ultimate e0tension of parliamentar rule)in great things as well as small) to America& At this crisis) so momentous for the colonists) the 1ockingham ministr was formed) and Burke) together withPitt) supported a motion for the unconditional repeal of the Stamp Act& After much wrangling) the motion was carried) and the first blunder of the mother countr seemed to ha%e been smoothed o%er&

nl a few months elapsed) howe%er) when the Huestion of ta0ing the colonies wasre%i%ed& Pitt la ill) and could take no part in the proposed measure& Throughthe influence of other members of his part)FFnotabl Townshend)FFa series of acts were passed) imposing duties on se%eral e0ports to America& This wasfollowed b a suspension of the Dew +ork Assembl) because it had disregarded

instructions in the matter of supplies for the troops& The colonists werefurious& 8atters went from bad to worse& To withdraw as far as possible withoutielding the principle at stake) the duties on all the e0ports mentioned in thebill were remo%ed) e0cept that on tea& But it was precisel the principle for which the colonists were contending& The were not in the humor for compromise)when the belie%ed their freedom was endangered) and the strength anddetermination of their resistance found a clima0 in the Boston Tea Part&

*n the meantime) @ord Dorth) who was absolutel obedient to the king) had becomeprime minister& .i%e bills were prepared) the tenor of which) it was thought)would o%erawe the colonists& f these) the Boston Port Bill and the 1egulating Act are perhaps the most famous) though the ultimate tendenc of all was blindl

coerci%e&

-hile the king and his friends were bus with these) the opposition proposed anunconditional repeal of the Tea Act& The bill was introduced onl to beo%erwhelmingl defeated b the same Parliament that passed the fi%e measures of @ord Dorth&

*n America) the effect of these proceedings was such as might ha%e been e0pectedb thinking men& The colonies were as a unit in their support of 8assachusetts&The 1egulating Act was set at defiance) public officers in the king's ser%icewere forced to resign) town meetings were held) and preparations for war werebegun in dead earnest& To a%ert this) some of England's greatest statesmenFFPitt

among the numberFFasked for a reconsideration& n .ebruar the first) 355=) abill was introduced) which would ha%e gone far toward bringing peace& ne monthlater) Burke deli%ered his speech on Conciliation with the Colonies&



E8D B1E

There is nothing unusual in Burke's earl life& 2e was born in ublin) *reland)in 3594& 2is father was a successful lawer and a Protestant) his mother) a

Catholic& At the age of twel%e) he became a pupil of Abraham Shackleton) aKuaker) who had been teaching some fifteen ears at Ballitore) a small townthirt miles from ublin& *n after ears Burke was alwas pleased to speak of his old friend in the kindest wa7 (*f * am anthing)( he declares) (it is theeducation * had there that has made me so&( And again at Shackleton's death)when Burke was near the Jenith of his fame and popularit) he writes7 (* had atrue honor and affection for that e0cellent man& * feel something like asatisfaction in the midst of m concern) that * was fortunate enough to ha%e himunder m roof before his departure&( *t can hardl be doubted that the oldKuaker schoolmaster succeeded with his pupil who was alread so fa%orablinclined) and it is more than probable that the dail e0ample of one who li%edout his precepts was strong in its influence upon a oung and generous mind&

Burke attended school at Ballitore two earsI then) at the age of fourteen) hebecame a student at Trinit College) ublin) and remained there fi%e ears& Atcollege he was unsstematic and careless of routine& 2e seems to ha%e doneprett much as he pleased) and) howe%er methodical he became in after life) hisstud during these fi%e ears was rambling and spasmodic& The onl definiteknowledge we ha%e of this period is gi%en b Burke himself in letters to hisformer friend 1ichard Shackleton) son of his old schoolmaster& -hat he did wasdone with a Jest that at times became a fe%erish impatience7 (.irst * wasgreatl taken with natural philosoph) which) while * should ha%e gi%en m mindto logic) emploed me incessantl& This * call m .11 8AT2E8AT*CS&( .ollowingin succession come his .11 @G*CS) .11 2*ST1*CS) and .11 PET*CS) each

of which absorbed him for the time being& *t would be wrong) howe%er) to thinkof Burke as a trifler e%en in his outh& 2e read in the librar three hourse%er da and we ma be sure he read as intelligentl as eagerl& *t is morethan probable that like a few other great minds he did not need a rigid sstemto guide him& *f he chose his subjects of stud at pleasure) there is e%erreason to belie%e he mastered them&

f intimate friends at the ni%ersit we hear nothing& Goldsmith came one ear later) but there is no e%idence that the knew each other& *t is probable thatBurke) alwas reser%ed) had little in common with his oung associates& 2is ownmusings) with occasional attempts at writing poetr) long walks through thecountr) and freHuent letters to and from 1ichard Shackleton) emploed him when

not at his books&

Two ears after taking his degree) Burke went to @ondon and established himself at the 8iddle Temple for the usual routine course in law& Another long periodpasses of which there is ne0t to nothing known& 2is father) an irascible) hotFtempered man) had wished him to begin the practice of law) but Burke seems toha%e continued in a rather irregular wa prett much as when an undergraduate atublin& 2is inclinations were not toward the law) but literature& 2is father)angered at such a turn of affairs) promptl reduced his allowance and left himto follow his natural bent in perfect freedom& *n 35=>) si0 ears after hisarri%al in @ondon) and almost immediatel following the rupture with his father)he married a 8iss Dugent& At about the same time he published his first two

books) <.ootnote7 A /indication of Datural Societ and Philosophical *nHuirinto the rigin of our *deas of the Sublime and Beautiful? and began in earnestthe life of an author&



2e attracted the attention of literar men& r& ohnson had just completed hisfamous dictionar) and was the centre of a group of writers who accepted him athis own %aluation& Burke did not want for compan) and wrotecopiousl&<.ootnote7 2ints for an Essa on the rama& Abridgement of the 2istorof England? 2e became associated with odsle) a bookseller) who beganpublishing the Annual 1egister in 35=4) and was paid a hundred pounds a ear for writing upon current e%ents& 2e spent two ears !35>3F>#$ in *reland in the

emploment of -illiam 2amilton) but at the end of that time returned) chagrinedand disgusted with his wouldFbe patron) who utterl failed to recogniJe Burke'sworth) and persisted in the most unreasonable demands upon his time and energ&

.or once Burke's independence ser%ed him well& *n 35>= @ord 1ockingham becameprime minister) and Burke) widel known as the chief writer for the Annual1egister) was free to accept the position of pri%ate secretar) which @ord1ockingham was glad to offer him& 2is ser%ices here were in%aluable& The newrelations thus established did not end with the performance of the immediateduties of his office) but a warm friendship grew up between the two) whichlasted till the death of @ord 1ockingham& -hile et pri%ate secretar) Burke waselected to Parliament from the borough of -endo%er& *t was through the influence

of his friend) or perhaps relati%e) -illiam Burke) that his election wassecured&

nl a few das after taking his seat in the 2ouse of Commons) Burke made hisfirst speech) anuar 95) 35>>& 2e followed this in a %er short time withanother upon the same subjectFFthe Ta0ation of the American Colonies&Dotwithstanding the great honor and distinction which these first speechesbrought Burke) his part was dismissed at the close of the session and theChatham ministr formed& 2e remained with his friends) and emploed himself inrefuting <.ootnote7 bser%ations on the Present State of the Dation? the chargesof the former minister) George Gren%ille) who wrote a pamphlet accusing hissuccessors of gross neglect of public duties&

At this point in his life comes the muchFdiscussed matter of Beaconsfield& 2owBurke became rich enough to purchase such e0pensi%e propert is a Huestion thathas ne%er been answered b his friends or enemies& There are msterious hints of successful speculation in East *ndia stock) of mone borrowed) and Burkehimself) in a letter to Shackleton) speaks of aid from his friends and (all <themone? he could collect of his own&( 2owe%er much we ma regret the air of mster surrounding the matter) and the opportunit gi%en those e%er read tosmirch a great man's character) it is not probable that an one e%er realldoubted Burke's integrit in this or an other transaction& Perhaps the truee0planation of his seemingl reckless e0tra%agance !if an e0planation isneeded$ is that the con%entional standards of his time forced it upon himI and

it ma be that Burke himself smpathiJed to some e0tent with these standards)and felt a certain satisfaction in maintaining a proper attitude before thepublic&

The celebrated case of -ilkes offered an opportunit for discussing the narrowand corrupt polic pursued b George ***& and his followers& -ilkes) outlawedfor libel and protected in the meantime through legal technicalities) wasreturned to Parliament b 8iddlese0& The 2ouse e0pelled him& 2e was repeatedlelected and as man times e0pelled) and finall the returns were altered) the2ouse %oting its appro%al b a large majorit& *n 355: Burke published hispamphlet <.ootnote7 Present iscontents? in which he discussed the situation&.or the first time he showed the full sweep and breadth of his understanding&

2is tract was in the interest of his part) but it was written in a spirit far remo%ed from narrow partisanship& 2e pointed out with absolute clearness thecause of dissatisfaction and unrest among the people and charged George ***& andhis councillors with gross indifference to the welfare of the nation and



corresponding de%otion to selfish interests& 2e contended that Parliament wasusurping pri%ileges when it presumed to e0pel an one) that the people had aright to send whomsoe%er the pleased to Parliament) and finall that (in alldisputes between them and their rulers) the presumption was at least upon a par in fa%or of the people&( .rom this time until the American 1e%olution) Burkeused e%er opportunit to denounce the polic which the king was pursuing athome and abroad& 2e doubtless knew beforehand that what he might sa would pass

unnoticed) but he ne%er faltered in a steadfast adherence to his ideas of go%ernment) founded) as he belie%ed) upon the soundest principles& Bristolelected him as its representati%e in Parliament& *t was a great honor and Burkefelt its significance) et he did not flinch when the time came for him to takea stand& 2e %oted for the remo%al of some of the restrictions upon *rish trade&2is constituents) representing one of the most prosperous mercantile districts)angered and disappointed at what the held to be a betraal of trust) refused toreelect him&

@ord Dorth's ministr came to an end in 35L9) immediatel after the battle of +orktown) and @ord 1ockingham was chosen prime minister& Burke's past ser%iceswarranted him in e0pecting an important place in the cabinet) but he was

ignored& /arious things ha%e been suggested as reasons for this7 he was poorIsome of his relations and intimate associates were objectionableI there weredark hints of speculationsI he was an *rishman& *t is possible that an one of these facts) or all of them) furnished a good e0cuse for not gi%ing him animportant position in the new go%ernment& But it seems more probable thatBurke's abilities were not appreciated so justl as the ha%e been since& Themen with whom he associated saw some of his greatness but not all of it& 2e wasassigned the office of Pamaster of .orces) a place of secondar importance&

@ord 1ockingham died in three months and the part went to pieces& Burke refusedto work under Shelburne) and) with .o0) joined @ord Dorth in forming thecoalition which o%erthrew the -hig part& Burke has been se%erel censured for

the part he took in this& Perhaps there is little e0cuse for his desertion) andit is certainl true that his course raises the Huestion of his sincere de%otionto principles& 2is personal dislike of Shelburne was so intense that he ma ha%eielded to his feelings& 2e felt hurt) too) we ma be sure) at the dispositionmade of him b his friends& *n repling to a letter asking him for a place inthe new go%ernment) he writes that his correspondent has been misinformed& (*make no part of the ministerial arrangement)( he writes) and adds) (Something inthe official line ma be thought fit for m measure&(

As a supporter of the coalition) Burke was one of the framers of the *ndia Bill&This was directed against the wholesale robber and corruption which the East*ndia Compan had been guilt of in its go%ernment of the countr& Both .o0 and

Burke defended the measure with all the force and power which a thorough masterof facts) a keen sense of the injustice done an unhapp people) and a splendidrhetoric can gi%e& But it was doomed from the first& The people at large wereindifferent) man had profitable business relations with the compan) and theking used his personal influence against it& The bill failed to pass) thecoalition was dismissed) and the part) which had in Burke its greatestrepresentati%e) was utterl ruined&

The failure of the *ndia Bill marked a %ictor for the king) and it alsoprepared the wa for one of the most famous transactions of Burke's life&8acaula has told how impressi%e and magnificent was the scene at the trial of -arren 2astings& There were political reasons for the impeachment) but the chief

moti%e that stirred Burke was far remo%ed from this& 2e saw and understood thereal state of affairs in *ndia& The mismanagement) the brutal methods) and thecrimes committed there in the name of the English go%ernment) mo%ed himprofoundl) and when he rose before the magnificent audience at -estminster) for



opening the cause) he forced his hearers) b his own might passion) to see withhis own ees) and to feel his own righteous anger& (-hen he came to his twonarrati%es)( sas 8iss Burne) (when he related the particulars of thosedreadful murders) he interested) he engaged) he at last o%erpowered meI * feltm cause lost& * could hardl keep m seat& 8 ees dreaded a single glancetoward a man so accused as 8r& 2astingsI * wanted to sink on the floor) thatthe might be sa%ed so painful a sight& * had no hope he could clear himselfI

not another wish in his fa%or remained&( The trial lasted for si0 ears andended with the acHuittal of 2astings& The result was not a surprise) and leastof all to Burke& The fate of the *ndia Bill had taught him how completelindifferent the popular mind was to issues touching deep moral Huestions& Thougha seeming failure) he regarded the impeachment as the greatest work of his life&*t did much to arouse and stimulate the national sense of justice& *t made clear the cruel methods sometimes pursued under the guise of ci%iliJation andprogress& The moral %ictor is claimed for Burke) and without a doubt the claimis %alid&

The second of the great social and political problems) which emploed Englishstatesmen in the last half of the eighteenth centur) was settled in the

impeachment of -arren 2astings& The affairs of America and *ndia were nowo%ershadowed b the .rench 1e%olution) and Burke) with the farFsighted %ision of a %eteran statesman) watched the progress of e%ents and their influence upon theestablished order& *n 355# he had %isited .rance) and had returned displeased&*t is remarkable with what accurac he pointed out the ultimate tendenc of muchthat he saw& A close obser%er of current phases of societ) and on the alert toe0plain them in the light of broad and fundamental principles of human progress)he had e%er opportunit for studing social life at the .rench capital& nlikethe ounger men of his times) he was doubtful) and held his judgment insuspense& The enthusiasm of e%en .o0 seemed premature) and he held himself aloof from the popular demonstrations of admiration and appro%al that were e%erwheregoing on& The fact is) Burke was growing old) and with his ears he was becoming

more conser%ati%e& 2e dreaded change) and was suspicious of the wisdom of thosewho set about such widespread inno%ations) and made such brilliant promises for the future& But the time rapidl approached for him to declare himself) and in354: his 1eflections on the 1e%olution in .rance was issued& 2is friends hadlong waited its appearance) and were not wholl surprised at the position taken&-hat did surprise them was the eagerness with which the people seiJed upon thebook) and its effect upon them& The Tories) with the king) applauded long andloudI the -higs were disappointed) for Burke condemned the 1e%olutionunreser%edl) and with a bitterness out of all proportion to the cause of hisan0iet and fear& As the 1e%olution progressed) he grew fiercer in hisdenunciation& 2e broke with his lifelong associates) and declared that no onewho smpathiJed with the work of the Assembl could be his friend& 2is other

writings on the 1e%olution <.ootnote7 @etter to a 8ember of the Dational Assembl and @etters on a 1egicide Peace&? were in a still more %iolent strain)and it is hard to think of them as coming from the author of the Speech onConciliation&

Three ears before his death) at the conclusion of the trial of -arren 2astings)Burke's last term in Parliament e0pired& 2e did not wish office again andwithdrew to his estate& Through the influence of friends) and because of hiseminent ser%ices) it was proposed to make him peer) with the title of @ordBeacons field& But the death of his son pre%ented) and a pension of twentFfi%ehundred pounds a ear was gi%en instead& *t was a signal for his enemies) andduring his last das he was bus with his repl& The (@etter to a Doble @ord)(

though written little more than a ear before his death) is considered one of the most perfect of his papers& Saddened b the loss of his son) and broken inspirits) there is et left him enough oldFtime energ and fire to answer hisdetractors& But his wonderful career was near its close& 2is last months were



spent in writing about the .rench 1e%olution) and the third letter on a 1egicidePeaceFFa fragmentFFwas doubtless composed just before his death& n the 4th of ul) 3545) he passed awa& 2is friends claimed for him a place in -estminster)but his last wish was respected) and he was buried at Beaconsfield&

B1E AS A STATES8AD

There is hardl a political tract or pamphlet of Burke's in which he does notstate) in terms more or less clear) the fundamental principle in his theor of go%ernment& (Circumstances)( he sas in one place) (gi%e) in realit) to e%erpolitical principle) its distinguishing color and discriminating effect& Thecircumstances are what renders e%er ci%il and political scheme beneficial or obno0ious to mankind&( At another time he e0claims7 (This is the true touchstoneof all theories which regard man and the affairs of menI does it suit his naturein general) does it suit his nature as modified b his habitsM( And again hee0tends his sstem to affairs outside the realm of politics& (All go%ernment)(

he declares) (indeed) e%er human benefit and enjoment) e%er %irtue and e%erprudent act) is founded on compromise and barter&(

*t is clear that Burke thought the State e0isted for the people) and not thepeople for the State& The doctrine is old to us) but it was not so in Burke'stime) and it reHuired courage to e0pound it& The great parties had forgotten thereason for their e0istence) and one of them had become hardened and blinded bthat corruption which seems to follow long tenure of office& The affairs of *ndia) *reland) and America ga%e e0cellent opportunit for an e0hibition of English statesmanship) but in each case the polic pursued was dictated) not ba clear perception of what was needed in these countries) but b narrowselfishness) not unmi0ed with dogmatism of the most challenging sort& The

situation in *ndia) as regards climate) character) and institutions) counted for little in the minds of those who were growing rich as agents of the East *ndiaCompan& 8uch the same ma be said of America and *reland& The sense of Parliament) influenced b the king) was to use these parts of the British Empirein raising a re%enue) and in strengthening part organiJation at home& *nopposing this polic) Burke lost his seat as representati%e for Bristol) thenthe second cit of EnglandI spent fourteen of the best ears of his life inconducting the impeachment of -arren 2astings) Go%ernorFGeneral of *ndiaI and)greatest of all) deli%ered his famous speeches on Ta0ation and Conciliation) inbehalf of the American colonists&

Dotwithstanding the distinctl modern tone of Burke's ideas) it would be wrong

to think of him as a thoroughgoing reformer& 2e has been called the GreatConser%ati%e) and the title is appropriate& 2e would ha%e shrunk from a purelrepublican form of go%ernment) such as our own) and it is) perhaps) a fact thathe was suspicious of a go%ernment b the people& The trouble) as he saw it) lawith the representati%es of the people& pon them) as guardians of a trust)rested the responsibilit of protecting those whom the were chosen to ser%e&-hile he bitterl opposed an measures in%ol%ing radical change in theConstitution) he was no less ardent in denouncing political corruptions of allkinds whatsoe%er& *n his Economical 1eform he sought to curtail the enormouse0tra%agance of the roal household) and to withdraw the means of wholesalebriber) which offices at the disposal of the king created& 2e did not belie%ethat a more effecti%e means than this la in the proposed plan for a

redistribution of seats in the 2ouse of Commons& *n one place) he declared itmight be well to lessen the number of %oters) in order to add to their weightand independenceI at another) he asks that the people be stimulated to a morecareful scrutin of the conduct of their representati%esI and on e%er occasion



he demands that the legislators gi%e their support to those measures onl whichha%e for their object the good of the whole people&

*t is ob%ious) howe%er) that Burke's polic had grie%ous faults& 2is re%erencefor the past) and his respect for e0isting institutions as the heritage of thepast) made him timid and o%ercautious in dealing with abuses& Although he stoodwith Pitt in defending the American colonies) he had no confidence in the

thoroughgoing reforms which the great Commoner proposed& -hen the Stamp Act wasrepealed) Pitt would ha%e gone e%en further& 2e would ha%e acknowledged theabsolute injustice of ta0ation without representation& Burke held tenaciousl tothe opposing theor) and warml supported the eclarator Act) which (assertedthe supreme authorit of Parliament o%er the colonies) in all cases whatsoe%er&(2is support of the bill for the repeal of the Stamp Act) as well as his plea for reconciliation) ten ears later) were not prompted b a firm belief in theinjustice of England's course& 2e e0pressl states) in both cases that toenforce measures so repugnant to the Americans) would be detrimental to the homego%ernment& *t would result in confusion and disorder) and would bring) perhaps)in the end) open rebellion& All of his speeches on American affairs show hiswillingness to (barter and compromise( in order to a%oid this) but nowhere is

there a hint of fundamental error in the Constitution& This was sacred to him)and he resented to the last an proposition looking to an organic change in itsstructure& (The lines of moralit)( he declared) (are not like ideal lines of mathematics& The are broad and deep) as well as long& The admit of e0ceptionsIthe demand modifications& These e0ceptions and modifications are made) not bthe process of logic) but the rules of prudence& Prudence is not onl first inrank of all the %irtues) political and moral) but she is the director) theregulator) the standard of them all&(

The chief characteristics) then) of Burke's political philosoph are opposed tomuch that is fundamental in modern sstems& 2is doctrine is better than that of George ***) because it is more generous) and affords opportunit for superficial

readjustment and adaptation& *t is this last) or rather the proof it gi%es of his insight) that has secured Burke so high a place among English statesmen&

A G1P . -1*TE1S C8*DG *88E*ATE@+ BE.1E B1E

Addison& & & & 3>59F3534Steele & & & & 3>59F3594efoe& & & & & 3>>3F35#3Swift& & & & & 3>>5F35;=

Pope & & & & & 3>LLF35;;1ichardson & & 3>L4F35>3

A G1P . -1*TE1S CDTE8P1A1+ -*T2 B1E

ohnson & & & & 35:4F35L;Goldsmith & & & 359LF355;.ielding& & & & 35:5F35=;Sterne& & & & & 353#F35>L

Smollett& & & & 3593F3553Gra& & & & & & 353>F3553Boswell & & & & 35;:F354=



B1E *D @*TE1AT1E

*t has become almost trite to speak of the breadth of Burke's smpathies& -eshould e0amine the statement) howe%er) and understand its significance and see

its justice& -hile he must alwas be regarded first as a statesman of one of thehighest tpes) he had other interests than those directl suggested b hisoffice) and in one of these) at least) he affords an interesting and profitablestud&

To the student of literature Burke's name must alwas suggest that of ohnsonand Goldsmith& *t was eight ears after Burke's first appearance as an author)that the famous @iterar Club was formed& At first it was the intention to limitthe club to a membership of nine) and for a time this was adhered to& Theoriginal members were ohnson) Burke) Goldsmith) 1enolds) and 2awkins& Garrick)Po0) and Boswell came in later& 8acaula declares that the influence of the clubwas so great that its %erdict made and unmade reputationsI but the thing most

interesting to us does not lie in the consideration of such literardictatorship& To Boswell we owe a biograph of ohnson which has immortaliJedits subject) and shed lustre upon all associated with him& The literar historof the last third of the eighteenth centur) with ohnson as a central figure)is told nowhere else with such accurac) or with better effect&

Although a Tor) ohnson was a great one) and his lasting friendship for Burkeis an enduring e%idence of his generosit and greatFmindedness& .or twentears) and longer) the were eminent men in opposing parties) et their mutualrespect and admiration continued to the last& To Burke) ohnson was a writer of (eminent literar merit( and entitled to a pension (solel on that account&( Toohnson) Burke was the greatest man of his age) wrong politicall) to be sure)

et the onl one (whose common con%ersation corresponded to the general famewhich he had in the world(FFthe onl one (who was read) whate%er subject waschosen) to meet ou on our own ground&( 2ere and there in the @ife areallusions to Burke) and admirable estimates of his manFsided character&

Coming directl to an estimate of Burke from the purel literar point of %iew)it must be borne in mind that the greater part of his writings was prepared for an audience& @ike 8acaula) his pre%ailing stle suggests the speaker) and hismethods throughout are suited to declamation and orator& 2e lacks the ease anddelicac that we are accustomed to look for in the best prose writers) andoccasionall one feels the justice of ohnson's stricture) that (he sometimestalked partl from ostentation() or of 2aJlitt's criticism that he seemed to be

(perpetuall calling the speaker out to dance a minuet with him before hebegins&(

There ma be passages here and there that warrant such censure& Burke iscertainl ornate) and at times he is e0tremel selfFconscious) but the dominantHualit of his stle) and the one which fore%er contradicts the idea of mereshowiness) is passion& *n his method of approaching a subject) he ma be) andperhaps is) rather tedious) but when once he has come to the matter reall inhand) he is no longer the rhetorician) dealing in fine phrases) but the greatseer) clothing his thoughts in words suitable and becoming& The most magnificentpassages in his writingsFFthe Conciliation is rich in themFFowe their charm andeffecti%eness to this emotional capacit& The were e%identl written in moments

of absolute abandonment to feelingFFin moments when he was absorbed in thecontemplation of some great truth) made luminous b his own unri%alled powers&

Closel allied to this intensit of passion) is a splendid imaginati%e Hualit&



.ew writers of English prose ha%e such command of figurati%e e0pression& *t mustbe said) howe%er) that Burke was not entirel free from the faults whichgenerall accompan an e0cessi%e use of figures& @ike other great masters of adecorati%e stle) he freHuentl becomes pompous and grandiloHuent& 2is thought)too) is obscured) where we would e0pect great clearness of statement)accompanied b a dignified simplicitI and occasionall we feel that he forgetshis subject in an an0ious effort to make an impression& Though there are

passages in his writings that justif such obser%ations) the are few in number)when compared with those which are reall masterpieces of their kind&

Some great crisis) or threatening state of affairs) seems to furnish thenecessar condition for the e0ercise of a great mind) and Burke is ne%er soeffecti%e as when thoroughl aroused& 2is imagination needed the chasteningwhich onl a great moment or critical situation could gi%e& Two of his greatestspeechesFFConciliation) and *mpeachment of -arren 2astingsFFwere deli%ered under the restraining effect of such circumstances) and in each the figurati%ee0pression is subdued and not less beautiful in itself than) appropriate for theoccasion&

.inall) it must be obser%ed that no other writer of English prose has a better command of words& 2is ideas) as multifarious as the are) alwas find fittinge0pression& 2e does not grope for a termI it stands read for his thought) andone feels that he had opportunit for choice& *t is the e0uberance of his fanc)alread mentioned) coupled with this richness of %ocabular) that helped to makeBurke a tiresome speaker& 2is mind was too comprehensi%e to allow an phase of his subject to pass without illumination& 2e followed where his subject led him)without an great attention to the patience of his audience& But he recei%esfull credit when his speeches are read& *t is then that his master of thesubject and the splendid Hualities of his stle are apparent) and appreciated attheir worth&

*n conclusion) it is worth while obser%ing that in the stud of a greatcharacter) joined with an attempt to estimate it b con%entional standards)something must alwas be left unsaid& 8uch ma be learned of Burke b knowinghis record as a partisan) more b a minute inspection of his stle as a writer)but beond all this is the moral tone or attitude of the man himself& To astudent of Burke this is the greatest thing about him& *t colored e%er line hewrote) and to it) more than anthing else) is due the immense force of the manas a speaker and writer& *t was this) more than Burke's great abilities) that justifies r& ohnson's famous eulog7 (2e is not onl the first man in the2ouse of Commons) he is the first man e%erwhere&(

A G1P . -1*TE1S C8*DG *88E*ATE@+ A.TE1 B1E

-ordsworth & & & & 355:F3L=:

Coleridge & & & & & 3559F3L#;

Bron & & & & & & & 35LLF3L9;

Shelle & & & & & & 3549F3L99

eats & & & & & & & 354=F3L93

Scott & & & & & & & 3553F3L#9



TP*CS .1 SPEC*A@ 1EP1TS

3& (@ike Goldsmith) though in a different sphere) Burke belongs both to the oldorder and the new&( iscuss that statement&

9& Burke and the @iterar Club& !Boswell's @ife of ohnson&$

#& @i%es of Burke and Goldsmith& Contrast&

;& An interpretation of ten apothegms selected from the Speech on Conciliation&

=& A stud of figures in the Speech on Conciliation&

>& A definition of the terms7 (colloHuialism( and (idiom( *nstances of their usein the Speech on Conciliation&

B*B@*G1AP2+

3& Burke's @ife& ohn 8orle& English 8en of @etters Series&

9& Burke& ohn 8orle& An 2istorical Stud&

#& Burke& ohn 8orle& Encclopaedia Britannica&

;& 2istor of the English People& Green& /ol& */&) pp 34#F953&

= 2istor of Ci%iliJation in England& Buckle& /ol *) pp& #9>F##L

>& The American 1e%olution& .iske& /ol& *) Chaps& *&) **&

5& @ife of ohnson& Boswell& !se the *nde0$

E8D B1E

D 8/*DG 2*S 1ES@T*DS .1 CDC*@*AT*D -*T2 T2E C@D*ES& 2SE .C88DS)8A1C2 99) 355=

* hope) Sir) that notwithstanding the austerit of the Chair) our good naturewill incline ou to some degree of indulgence towards human frailt& +ou willnot think it unnatural that those who ha%e an object depending) which stronglengages their hopes and fears) should be somewhat inclined to superstition& As *came into the 2ouse full of an0iet about the e%ent of m motion) * found) to minfinite surprise) that the grand penal bill) <.ootnote7 3? b which we hadpassed sentence on the trade and sustenance of America) is to be returned to us

from the other 2ouse& * do confess * could not help looking on this e%ent as afortunate omen& * look upon it as a sort of pro%idential fa%or) b which we areput once more in possession of our deliberati%e capacit upon a business so %erHuestionable in its nature) so %er uncertain in its issue& B the return of



this bill) which seemed to ha%e taken its flight fore%er) we are at this %erinstant nearl as free to choose a plan for our American Go%ernment as we wereon the first da of the session& *f) Sir) we incline to the side of conciliation) we are not at all embarrassed !unless we please to make oursel%esso$ b an incongruous mi0ture of coercion and restraint& -e are thereforecalled upon) as it were b a superior warning %oice) again to attend to AmericaIto attend to the whole of it togetherI and to re%iew the subject with an unusual

degree of care and calmness&

Surel it is an awful subject) or there is none so on this side of the gra%e&-hen * first had the honor <.ootnote7 9? of a seat in this 2ouse) the affairs of that continent pressed themsel%es upon us as the most important and mostdelicate object of Parliamentar attention& 8 little share in this greatdeliberation oppressed me& * found mself a partaker in a %er high trustI and)ha%ing no sort of reason to rel on the strength of m natural abilities for theproper e0ecution of that trust) * was obliged to take more than common pains toinstruct mself in e%erthing which relates to our Colonies& * was not lessunder the necessit of forming some fi0ed ideas concerning the general polic of the British Empire& Something of this sort seemed to be indispensable) in order)

amidst so %ast a fluctuation of passions and opinions) to concentre m thoughts)to ballast m conduct) to preser%e me from being blown about b e%er wind of fashionable doctrine& * reall did not think it safe or manl to ha%e freshprinciples to seek upon e%er fresh mail which should arri%e from America&

At that period * had the fortune to find mself in perfect concurrence with alarge majorit in this 2ouse& Bowing under that high authorit) and penetratedwith the sharpness and strength of that earl impression) * ha%e continued e%er since) without the least de%iation) in m original sentiments& <.ootnote7 #?-hether this be owing to an obstinate perse%erance in error) or to a religiousadherence to what appears to me truth) and reason) it is in our eHuit to judge&

Sir) Parliament ha%ing an enlarged %iew of objects) made) during this inter%al)more freHuent changes in their sentiments and their conduct than could be justified in a particular person upon the contracted scale of pri%ateinformation& But though * do not haJard anthing approaching to a censure on themoti%es of former Parliaments to all those alterations) one fact is undoubtedFFthat under them the state of America has been kept in continual agitation&<.ootnote7 ;? E%erthing administered as remed to the public complaint) if itdid not produce) was at least followed b) an heightening of the distemperIuntil) b a %ariet of e0periments) that important countr has been brought intoher present situationFFa situation which * will not miscall) which * dare notname) which * scarcel know how to comprehend in the terms of an description&

*n this posture) Sir) things stood at the beginning of the session& About thattime) a worth member <.ootnote7 =? of great Parliamentar e0perience) who) inthe ear 35>>) filled the chair of the American committee with much abilit)took me asideI and) lamenting the present aspect of our politics) told me thingswere come to such a pass that our former <.ootnote7 >? methods of proceeding inthe 2ouse would be no longer tolerated7 that the public tribunal !ne%er tooindulgent to a long and unsuccessful opposition$ would now scrutiniJe our conduct with unusual se%erit7 that the %er %icissitudes and shiftings of 8inisterial measures) instead of con%icting their authors of inconstanc andwant of sstem) would be taken as an occasion of charging us with apredetermined discontent) which nothing could satisfI whilst we accused e%er

measure of %igor as cruel) and e%er proposal of lenit as weak and irresolute&The public) he said) would not ha%e patience to see us pla the game out withour ad%ersariesI we must produce our hand& *t would be e0pected that those whofor man ears had been acti%e in such affairs should show that the had formed



some clear and decided idea of the principles of Colon go%ernmentI and werecapable of drawing out something like a platform of the ground which might belaid for future and permanent tranHuillit&

* felt the truth of what m honorable friend representedI but * felt msituation too& 2is application might ha%e been made with far greater proprietto man other gentlemen& Do man was indeed e%er better disposed) or worse

Hualified) for such an undertaking than mself& Though * ga%e so far in to hisopinion that * immediatel threw m thoughts into a sort of Parliamentar form)* was b no means eHuall read to produce them& *t generall argues some degreeof natural impotence of mind) or some want of knowledge of the world) to haJardplans of go%ernment e0cept from a seat of authorit& Propositions are made) notonl ineffectuall) but somewhat disreputabl) when the minds of men are notproperl disposed for their receptionI and) for m part) * am not ambitious of ridiculeFFnot absolutel a candidate for disgrace

Besides) Sir) to speak the plain truth) * ha%e in general no %er e0altedopinion of the %irtue of paper go%ernmentI <.ootnote7 5? nor of an politics inwhich the plan is to be wholl separated from the e0ecution& But when * saw that

anger and %iolence pre%ailed e%er da more and more) and that things werehastening towards an incurable alienation of our Colonies) * confess m cautionga%e wa& * felt this as one of those few moments in which decorum ields to ahigher dut& Public calamit is a might le%ellerI and there are occasions whenan) e%en the slightest) chance of doing good must be laid hold on) e%en b themost inconsiderable person&

To restore order and repose to an empire so great and so distracted as ours) is)merel in the attempt) an undertaking that would ennoble the flights of thehighest genius) and obtain pardon for the efforts of the meanest understanding&Struggling a good while with these thoughts) b degrees * felt mself more firm&* deri%ed) at length) some confidence from what in other circumstances usuall

produces timidit& * grew less an0ious) e%en from the idea of m owninsignificance& .or) judging of what ou are b what ou ought to be) *persuaded mself that ou would not reject a reasonable proposition because ithad nothing but its reason to recommend it& n the other hand) being totalldestitute of all shadow of influence) natural or ad%entitious) * was %er surethat) if m proposition were futile or dangerousFFif it were weakl concei%ed)or improperl timedFFthere was nothing e0terior to it of power to awe) daJJle)or delude ou& +ou will see it just as it isI and ou will treat it just as itdeser%es&

The proposition is peace& Dot peace through the medium of warI not peace to behunted through the labrinth of intricate and endless negotiationsI not peace to

arise out of uni%ersal discord fomented) from principle) in all parts of theEmpire) not peace to depend on the juridical determination of perple0ingHuestions) or the precise marking the shadow boundaries of a comple0go%ernment& *t is simple peaceI sought in its natural course) and in itsordinar haunts& *t is peace sought in the spirit of peace) and laid inprinciples purel pacific& * propose) b remo%ing the ground of the difference)and b restoring the former unsuspecting confidence of the Colonies in the8other Countr) to gi%e permanent satisfaction to our peopleI and !far from ascheme of ruling b discord$ to reconcile them to each other in the same act andb the bond of the %er same interest which reconciles them to Britishgo%ernment&

8 idea is nothing more& 1efined polic <.ootnote7 L? e%er has been) the parentof confusionI and e%er will be so) as long as the world endures& Plain goodintention) which is as easil disco%ered at the first %iew as fraud is sureldetected at last) is) let me sa) of no mean force in the go%ernment of mankind&



Genuine simplicit of heart is an healing and cementing principle& 8 plan)therefore) being formed upon the most simple grounds imaginable) ma disappointsome people when the hear it& *t has nothing to recommend it to the pruriencof curious ears& There is nothing at all new and capti%ating in it& *t hasnothing of the splendor of the project <.ootnote7 4? which has been latel laidupon our table b the noble lord in the blue ribbon& <.ootnote7 3:? *t does notpropose to fill our lobb with sHuabbling Colon agents) <.ootnote7 33? who

will reHuire the interposition of our mace) at e%er instant) to keep the peaceamongst them& *t does not institute a magnificent auction of finance) wherecapti%ated pro%inces come to general ransom b bidding against each other) untilou knock down the hammer) and determine a proportion of paments beond all thepowers of algebra to eHualiJe and settle&

The plan which * shall presume to suggest deri%es) howe%er) one great ad%antagefrom the proposition and registr of that noble lord's project& The idea of conciliation is admissible& .irst) the 2ouse) in accepting the resolution mo%edb the noble lord) has admitted) notwithstanding the menacing front of our address) <.ootnote7 39? notwithstanding our hea% bills of pains and penaltiesFFthat we do not think oursel%es precluded from all ideas of free grace and

bount&

The 2ouse has gone fartherI it has declared conciliation admissible) pre%ious toan submission on the part of America& *t has e%en shot a good deal beond thatmark) and has admitted that the complaints of our former mode of e0erting theright of ta0ation were not wholl unfounded& That right thus e0erted is allowedto ha%e something reprehensible in it) something unwise) or something grie%ousIsince) in the midst of our heat and resentment) we) of oursel%es) ha%e proposeda capital alterationI and in order to get rid of what seemed so %ere0ceptionable) ha%e instituted a mode that is altogether newI one that is)indeed) wholl alien from all the ancient methods and forms of Parliament&

The principle of this proceeding is large enough for m purpose& The meansproposed b the noble lord for carring his ideas into e0ecution) * think)indeed) are %er indifferentl suited to the endI and this * shall endea%or toshow ou before * sit down& But) for the present) * take m ground on theadmitted principle& * mean to gi%e peace& Peace implies reconciliationI andwhere there has been a material dispute) reconciliation does in a manner alwasimpl concession on the one part or on the other& *n this state of things) *make no difficult in affirming that the proposal ought to originate from us&Great and acknowledged force is not impaired) either in effect or in opinion) ban unwillingness to e0ert itself& The superior power ma offer peace with honor and with safet& Such an offer from such a power will be attributed tomagnanimit& But the concessions of the weak are the concessions of fear& -hen

such a one is disarmed) he is wholl at the merc of his superiorI and he losesfore%er that time and those chances) <.ootnote7 3#? which) as the happen to allmen) are the strength and resources of all inferior power&

The capital leading Huestions on which ou must this da decide are these two7.irst) whether ou ought to concedeI and secondl) what our concession ought tobe& n the first of these Huestions we ha%e gained) as * ha%e just taken thelibert of obser%ing to ou) some ground& But * am sensible that a good dealmore is still to be done& *ndeed) Sir) to enable us to determine both on the oneand the other of these great Huestions with a firm and precise judgment) * thinkit ma be necessar to consider distinctl the true nature and the peculiar circumstances of the object which we ha%e before usI because after all our

struggle) whether we will or not) we must go%ern America according to thatnature and to those circumstances) <.ootnote7 3;? and not according to our ownimaginations) nor according to abstract ideas of rightFFb no means according tomere general theories of go%ernment) the resort to which appears to me) in our



present situation) no better than arrant trifling& * shall therefore endea%or)with our lea%e) to la before ou some of the most material of thesecircumstances in as full and as clear a manner as * am able to state them&

The first thing that we ha%e to consider with regard to the nature of the objectisFFthe number of people in the Colonies& * ha%e taken for some ears a gooddeal of pains on that point& * can b no calculation justif mself in placing

the number below two millions of inhabitants of our own European blood andcolor) besides at least fi%e hundred thousand others) who form no inconsiderablepart of the strength and opulence of the whole& This) Sir) is) * belie%e) aboutthe true number& There is no occasion to e0aggerate where plain truth is of somuch weight and importance& But whether * put the present numbers too high or too low is a matter of little moment& Such is the strength with which populationshoots in that part of the world) that) state the numbers as high as we will)whilst the dispute continues) the e0aggeration ends& -hilst we are discussingan gi%en magnitude) the are grown to it& -hilst we spend our time indeliberating on the mode of go%erning two millions) we shall find we ha%emillions more to manage& +our children do not grow faster from infanc tomanhood than the spread from families to communities) and from %illages to

nations&

* put this consideration of the present and the growing numbers in the front of our deliberation) because) Sir) this consideration will make it e%ident to ablunter discernment than ours) that no partial) narrow) contracted) pinched)occasional sstem will be at all suitable to such an object& *t will show outhat it is not to be considered as one of those minima which are out of the eeand consideration of the lawI not a paltr e0crescence of the stateI not a meandependent) who ma be neglected with little damage and pro%oked with littledanger& *t will pro%e that some degree of care and caution is reHuired in thehandling such an objectI it will show that ou ought not) in reason) to triflewith so large a mass of the interests and feelings of the human race& +ou could

at no time do so without guiltI and be assured ou will not be able to do itlong with impunit&

But the population of this countr) the great and growing population) though a%er important consideration) will lose much of its weight if not combined withother circumstances& The commerce of our Colonies is out of all proportionbeond the numbers of the people& This ground of their commerce indeed has beentrod some das ago) and with great abilit) b a distinguished person at our bar& This gentleman) after thirtFfi%e earsFFit is so long since he firstappeared at the same place to plead for the commerce of Great BritainFFhas comeagain before ou to plead the same cause) without an other effect of time) thanthat to the fire of imagination and e0tent of erudition which e%en then marked

him as one of the first literar characters of his age) he has added aconsummate knowledge in the commercial interest of his countr) formed b a longcourse of enlightened and discriminating e0perience&

Sir) * should be ine0cusable in coming after such a person with an detail) if agreat part of the members who now fill the 2ouse had not the misfortune to beabsent when he appeared at our bar& Besides) Sir) * propose to take the matter at periods of time somewhat different from his& There is) if * mistake not) apoint of %iew from whence) if ou will look at the subject) it is impossiblethat it should not make an impression upon ou&

* ha%e in m hand two accountsI one a comparati%e state of the e0port trade of

England to its Colonies) as it stood in the ear 35:;) and as it stood in theear 3559I the other a state of the e0port trade of this countr to its Coloniesalone) as it stood in 3559) compared with the whole trade of England to allparts of the world !the Colonies included$ in the ear 35:;& The are from good



%ouchersI the latter period from the accounts on our table) the earlier from anoriginal manuscript of a%enant) who first established the *nspectorFGeneral'soffice) which has been e%er since his time so abundant a source of Parliamentarinformation&

The e0port trade to the Colonies consists of three great branches7 the AfricanFFwhich) terminating almost wholl in the Colonies) must be put to the account of

their commerce)FFthe -est *ndian) and the Dorth American& All these are sointerwo%en that the attempt to separate them would tear to pieces the conte0tureof the wholeI and) if not entirel destro) would %er much depreciate the %alueof all the parts& * therefore consider these three denominations to be) what ineffect the are) one trade& <.ootnote7 3=?

The trade to the Colonies) taken on the e0port side) at the beginning of thiscentur) that is) in the ear 35:;) stood thus7FF

E0ports to Dorth America and the -est *ndies& @;L#)9>= To Africa& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&& L>)>>= FFFFFFFF

@=>4)4#:

*n the ear 3559) which * take as a middle ear between the highest and lowestof those latel laid on our table) the account was as follows7FF

To Dorth America and the -est *ndies &&&&&& @;)543)5#; To Africa& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&& L>>)#4L To which) if ou add the e0port trade from Scotland) which had in 35:; no e0istence && #>;)::: FFFFFFFFFF @>):99)3#9

.rom fi%e hundred and odd thousand) it has grown to si0 millions& *t hasincreased no less than twel%eFfold& This is the state of the Colon trade ascompared with itself at these two periods within this centurIFFand this ismatter for meditation& But this is not all& E0amine m second account& See howthe e0port trade to the Colonies alone in 3559 stood in the other point of %iewIthat is) as compared to the whole trade of England in 35:;7FF

The whole e0port trade of England) including that to the Colonies) in 35:;& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&& @>)=:4)::: E0port to the Colonies alone) in 3559 &&&&&&&&& >):9;)::: FFFFFFFFFF ifference) @;L=):::

The trade with America alone is now within less than @=::)::: of being eHual towhat this great commercial nation) England) carried on at the beginning of thiscentur with the whole world6 *f * had taken the largest ear of those on our table) it would rather ha%e e0ceeded& But) it will be said) is not this Americantrade an unnatural protuberance) that has drawn the juices from the rest of thebodM The re%erse& *t is the %er food that has nourished e%er other part intoits present magnitude& ur general trade has been greatl augmented) andaugmented more or less in almost e%er part to which it e%er e0tendedI but withthis material difference) that of the si0 millions which in the beginning of thecentur constituted the whole mass of our e0port commerce) the Colon trade wasbut oneFtwelfth part) it is now !as a part of si0teen millions$ considerabl

more than a third of the whole& This is the relati%e proportion of theimportance of the Colonies at these two periods) and all reasoning concerningour mode of treating them must ha%e this proportion as its basis) or it is areasoning weak) rotten) and sophistical&



8r& Speaker) * cannot pre%ail on mself to hurr o%er this great consideration&<.ootnote7 3=? *T *S G .1 S T BE 2E1E& <.ootnote7 3>? -e stand where weha%e an immense %iew of what is) and what is past& Clouds) indeed) and darkness)rest upon the future& @et us) howe%er) before we descend from this nobleeminence) reflect that this growth of our national prosperit has happenedwithin the short period of the life of man& *t has happened within si0tFeight

ears& There are those ali%e whose memor might touch the two e0tremities& .or instance) m @ord Bathurst might remember all the stages of the progress& 2e wasin 35:; of an age at least to be made to comprehend such things& 2e was then oldenough acta parentum jam legere) et Huae sit potuit cognoscere %irtus&<.ootnote7 35? Suppose) Sir) that the angel of this auspicious outh) foreseeingthe man %irtues which made him one of the most amiable) as he is one of themost fortunate) men of his age) had opened to him in %ision that when in thefourth generation the third Prince of the 2ouse of Brunswick had sat twel%eears on the throne of that nation which) b the happ issue of moderate andhealing counsels) was to be made Great Britain) he should see his son) @ordChancellor of England) turn back the current of hereditar dignit to itsfountain) and raise him to a higher rank of peerage) whilst he enriched the

famil with a new oneFFif) amidst these bright and happ scenes of domestichonor and prosperit) that angel should ha%e drawn up the curtain) and unfoldedthe rising glories of his countr) and) whilst he was gaJing with admiration onthe then commercial grandeur of England) the genius should point out to him alittle speck) scarcel %isible in the mass of the national interest) a smallseminal principle) rather than a formed bod) and should tell him7 (+oung man)there is AmericaFFwhich at this da ser%es for little more than to amuse ouwith stories of sa%age men) and uncouth mannersI et shall) before ou taste of death) <.ootnote7 3L? show itself eHual to the whole of that commerce which nowattracts the en% of the world& -hate%er England has been growing to b aprogressi%e increase of impro%ement) brought in b %arieties of people) bsuccession of ci%iliJing conHuests and ci%iliJing settlements in a series of

se%enteen hundred ears) ou shall see as much added to her b America in thecourse of a single life6( *f this state of his countr had been foretold to him)would it not reHuire all the sanguine credulit of outh) and all the fer%idglow of enthusiasm) to make him belie%e itM .ortunate man) he has li%ed to seeit6 .ortunate) indeed) if he li%es to see nothing that shall %ar the prospect)and cloud the setting of his da6

E0cuse me) Sir) if turning from such thoughts * resume this comparati%e %iewonce more& +ou ha%e seen it on a large scaleI look at it on a small one& * willpoint out to our attention a particular instance of it in the single pro%inceof Pennsl%ania& *n the ear 35:; that pro%ince called for @33);=4 in %alue of our commodities) nati%e and foreign& This was the whole& -hat did it demand in

3559M -h) nearl fift times as muchI for in that ear the e0port toPennsl%ania was @=:5)4:4) nearl eHual to the e0port to all the Coloniestogether in the first period&

* choose) Sir) to enter into these minute and particular details) becausegeneralities) which in all other cases are apt to heighten and raise thesubject) ha%e here a tendenc to sink it& -hen we speak of the commerce with our Colonies) fiction lags after truth) in%ention is unfruitful) and imaginationcold and barren&

So far) Sir) as to the importance of the object) in %iew of its commerce) asconcerned in the e0ports from England& *f * were to detail the imports) * could

show how man enjoments the procure which decei%e the burthen of lifeI howman materials which in%igorate the springs of national industr) and e0tend andanimate e%er part of our foreign and domestic commerce& This would be a curioussubject indeedI but * must prescribe bounds to mself in a matter so %ast and



%arious&

* pass) therefore) to the Colonies in another point of %iew) their agriculture&This the ha%e prosecuted with such a spirit) that) besides feeding plentifulltheir own growing multitude) their annual e0port of grain) comprehending rice)has some ears ago e0ceeded a million in %alue& f their last har%est * ampersuaded the will e0port much more& At the beginning of the centur some of

these Colonies imported corn from the 8other Countr& .or some time past the ld-orld has been fed from the Dew& The scarcit which ou ha%e felt would ha%ebeen a desolating famine) if this child of our old age) with a true filialpiet) with a 1oman charit) <.ootnote7 34? had not put the full breast of itsouthful e0uberance to the mouth of its e0hausted parent&

As to the wealth which the Colonies ha%e drawn from the sea b their fisheries)ou had all that matter full opened at our bar& +ou surel thought thoseacHuisitions of %alue) for the seemed e%en to e0cite our en%I and et thespirit b which that enterprising emploment has been e0ercised ought rather) inm opinion) to ha%e raised our esteem and admiration& And pra) Sir) what inthe world is eHual to itM Pass b the other parts) and look at the manner in

which the people of Dew England ha%e of late carried on the whale fisher&-hilst we follow them among the tumbling mountains of ice) and behold thempenetrating into the deepest froJen recesses of 2udson's Ba and a%is'sStraits) whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle) we hear thatthe ha%e pierced into the opposite region of polar cold) that the are at theantipodes) and engaged under the froJen Serpent of the south& .alkland *sland)which seemed too remote and romantic an object for the grasp of nationalambition) is but a stage and restingFplace in the progress of their %ictoriousindustr& Dor is the eHuinoctial heat more discouraging to them than theaccumulated winter of both the poles& -e know that whilst some of them draw theline and strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa) others run the longitude andpursue their gigantic game along the coast of BraJil& Do sea but what is %e0ed

b their fisheriesI no climate that is not witness to their toils& Deither theperse%erance of 2olland) nor the acti%it of .rance) nor the de0terous and firmsagacit of English enterprise e%er carried this most perilous mode of hardindustr to the e0tent to which it has been pushed b this recent peopleI apeople who are still) as it were) but in the gristle) and not et hardened intothe bone of manhood& -hen * contemplate these thingsI when * know that theColonies in general owe little or nothing to an care of ours) and that the arenot sHueeJed into this happ form b the constraints of watchful and suspiciousgo%ernment) but that) through a wise and salutar neglect) a generous nature hasbeen suffered to take her own wa to perfectionI when * reflect upon theseeffects) when * see how profitable the ha%e been to us) * feel all the pride of power sink) and all presumption in the wisdom of human contri%ances melt and die

awa within me& 8 rigor relents& * pardon something to the spirit of libert&

* am sensible) Sir) that all which * ha%e asserted in m detail is admitted inthe grossI but that Huite a different conclusion is drawn from it& America)gentlemen sa) is a noble object& *t is an object well worth fighting for&Certainl it is) if fighting a people be the best wa of gaining them& Gentlemenin this respect will be led to their choice of means b their comple0ions<.ootnote7 9:? and their habits& Those who understand the militar art will of course ha%e some predilection for it& Those who wield the thunder of the state<.ootnote7 93? ma ha%e more confidence in the efficac of arms& But * confess)possibl for want of this knowledge) m opinion is much more in fa%or of prudentmanagement than of forceI considering force not as an odious) but a feeble

instrument for preser%ing a people so numerous) so acti%e) so growing) sospirited as this) in a profitable and subordinate connection with us&

.irst) Sir) permit me to obser%e that the use of force alone is but temporar&



*t ma subdue for a moment) but it does not remo%e the necessit of subduingagainI and a nation is not go%erned <.ootnote7 99? which is perpetuall to beconHuered&

8 ne0t objection is its uncertaint& Terror is not alwas the effect of force)and an armament is not a %ictor& *f ou do not succeed) ou are withoutresourceI for) conciliation failing) force remainsI but) force failing) no

further hope of reconciliation is left& Power and authorit are sometimes boughtb kindnessI but the can ne%er be begged as alms b an impo%erished anddefeated %iolence&

A further objection to force is) that ou impair the object b our %erendea%ors to preser%e it& The thing ou fought for is not the thing which oureco%erI but depreciated) sunk) wasted) and consumed in the contest& Dothingless will content me than -2@E A8E1*CA& * do not choose to consume its strengthalong with our own) because in all parts it is the British strength that *consume& * do not choose to be caught b a foreign enem at the end of thise0hausting conflictI and still less in the midst of it& * ma escapeI but * canmake no insurance against such an e%ent& @et me add) that * do not choose wholl

to break the American spiritI because it is the spirit that has made thecountr&

@astl) we ha%e no sort of e0perience in fa%or of force as an instrument in therule of our Colonies& Their growth and their utilit has been owing to methodsaltogether different& ur ancient indulgence <.ootnote7 9#? has been said to bepursued to a fault& *t ma be so& But we know if feeling is e%idence) that our fault was more tolerable than our attempt to mend itI and our sin far moresalutar than our penitence&

These) Sir) are m reasons for not entertaining that high opinion of untriedforce b which man gentlemen) for whose sentiments in other particulars * ha%e

great respect) seem to be so greatl capti%ated& But there is still behind athird consideration concerning this object which ser%es to determine m opinionon the sort of polic which ought to be pursued in the management of America)e%en more than its population and its commerceFF* mean its temper and character&

*n this character of the Americans) a lo%e of freedom is the predominatingfeature which marks and distinguishes the wholeI and as an ardent is alwas a jealous affection) our Colonies become suspicious) resti%e) and untractablewhene%er the see the least attempt to wrest from them b force) or shuffle fromthem b chicane) what the think the onl ad%antage worth li%ing for& Thisfierce spirit of libert is stronger in the English Colonies probabl than inan other people of the earth) and this from a great %ariet of powerful causesI

which) to understand the true temper of their minds and the direction which thisspirit takes) it will not be amiss to la open somewhat more largel&

.irst) the people of the Colonies are descendants of Englishmen& England) Sir)is a nation which still) * hope) respects) and formerl adored) her freedom& TheColonists emigrated from ou when this part of our character was mostpredominantI and the took this bias and direction the moment the parted fromour hands& The are therefore not onl de%oted to libert) but to libertaccording to English ideas) and on English principles& Abstract libert) likeother mere abstractions) is not to be found& @ibert inheres in some sensibleobjectI and e%er nation has formed to itself some fa%orite point) which b waof eminence becomes the criterion of their happiness& *t happened) ou know)

Sir) that the great contests <.ootnote7 9;? for freedom in this countr werefrom the earliest times chiefl upon the Huestion of ta0ing& 8ost of thecontests in the ancient commonwealths turned primaril on the right of electionof magistratesI or on the balance among the se%eral orders of the state& The



Huestion of mone was not with them so immediate& But in England it wasotherwise& n this point of ta0es the ablest pens) and most eloHuent tongues)ha%e been e0ercisedI the greatest spirits ha%e acted and suffered& *n order togi%e the fullest satisfaction concerning the importance of this point) it wasnot onl necessar for those who in argument defended the e0cellence of theEnglish Constitution to insist on this pri%ilege of granting mone as a drpoint of fact) and to pro%e that the right had been acknowledged in ancient

parchments and blind usages to reside in a certain bod called a 2ouse of Commons& The went much fartherI the attempted to pro%e) and the succeeded)that in theor it ought to be so) from the particular nature of a 2ouse of Commons as an immediate representati%e of the people) whether the old recordshad deli%ered this oracle or not& The took infinite pains to inculcate) as afundamental principle) that in all monarchies the people must in effectthemsel%es) mediatel or immediatel) possess the power of granting their ownmone) or no shadow of libert can subsist& The Colonies draw from ou) as withtheir lifeFblood) these ideas and principles& Their lo%e of libert) as withou) fi0ed and attached on this specific point of ta0ing& @ibert might be safe)or might be endangered) in twent other particulars) without their being muchpleased or alarmed& 2ere the felt its pulseI and as the found that beat) the

thought themsel%es sick or sound& * do not sa whether the were right or wrongin appling our general arguments to their own case& *t is not eas) indeed) tomake a monopol of theorems and corollaries& The fact is) that the did thusappl those general argumentsI and our mode of go%erning them) whether throughlenit or indolence) through wisdom or mistake) confirmed them in theimagination that the) as well as ou) had an interest in these commonprinciples&

The were further confirmed in this pleasing error b the form of their pro%incial legislati%e assemblies& Their go%ernments are popular in an highdegreeI some are merel popularI in all) the popular representati%e is the mostweightI and this share of the people in their ordinar go%ernment ne%er fails

to inspire them with loft sentiments) and with a strong a%ersion from whate%er tends to depri%e them of their chief importance&

*f anthing were wanting to this necessar operation of the form of go%ernment)religion would ha%e gi%en it a complete effect& 1eligion) alwas a principle of energ) in this new people is no wa worn out or impairedI and their mode of professing it is also one main cause of this free spirit& The people areProtestantsI and of that kind which is the most ad%erse to all implicitsubmission of mind and opinion& This is a persuasion not onl fa%orable tolibert) but built upon it& * do not think) Sir) that the reason of thisa%erseness in the dissenting churches from all that looks like absolutego%ernment is so much to be sought in their religious tenets) as in their

histor& E%er one knows that the 1oman Catholic religion is at least coFe%alwith most of the go%ernments where it pre%ailsI that it has generall gone handin hand with them) and recei%ed great fa%or and e%er kind of support fromauthorit& The Church of England too was formed from her cradle under thenursing care of regular go%ernment& But the dissenting interests ha%e sprung upin direct opposition to all the ordinar powers of the world) and could justifthat opposition onl on a strong claim to natural libert& Their %er e0istencedepended on the powerful and unremitted assertion of that claim& AllProtestantism) e%en the most cold and passi%e) is a sort of dissent& But thereligion most pre%alent in our Dorthern Colonies is a refinement on theprinciple of resistanceI it is the dissidence of dissent) and the protestantismof the Protestant religion& This religion) under a %ariet of denominations

agreeing in nothing but in the communion of the spirit of libert) ispredominant in most of the Dorthern Pro%inces) where the Church of England)notwithstanding its legal rights) is in realit no more than a sort of pri%atesect) not composing most probabl the tenth of the people& The Colonists left



England when this spirit was high) and in the emigrants was the highest of allIand e%en that stream of foreigners which has been constantl flowing into theseColonies has) for the greatest part) been composed of dissenters from theestablishments of their se%eral countries) who ha%e brought with them a temper and character far from alien to that of the people with whom the mi0ed&

Sir) * can percei%e b their manner that some gentlemen object to the latitude

of this description) because in the Southern Colonies the Church of Englandforms a large bod) and has a regular establishment& *t is certainl true& Thereis) howe%er) a circumstance attending these Colonies which) in m opinion) fullcounterbalances this difference) and makes the spirit of libert still more highand haught than in those to the northward& *t is that in /irginia and theCarolinas the ha%e a %ast multitude of sla%es& -here this is the case in anpart of the world) those who are free are b far the most proud and jealous of their freedom& .reedom is to them <.ootnote7 9=? not onl an enjoment) but akind of rank and pri%ilege& Dot seeing there) that freedom) as in countrieswhere it is a common blessing and as broad and general as the air) ma be unitedwith much abject toil) with great miser) with all the e0terior of ser%itudeIlibert looks) amongst them) like something that is more noble and liberal& * do

not mean) Sir) to commend the superior moralit of this sentiment) which has atleast as much pride as %irtue in itI but * cannot alter the nature of man& Thefact is soI and these people of the Southern Colonies are much more strongl)and with an higher and more stubborn spirit) attached to libert than those tothe northward& Such were all the ancient commonwealthsI such were our GothicancestorsI such in our das were the PolesI and such will be all masters of sla%es) who are not sla%es themsel%es& *n such a people the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom) fortifies it) and renders itin%incible&

Permit me) Sir) to add another circumstance in our Colonies which contributes nomean part towards the growth and effect of this untractable spirit& * mean their

education& *n no countr perhaps in the world is the law so general a stud& Theprofession itself is numerous and powerfulI and in most pro%inces it takes thelead& The greater number of the deputies sent to the Congress were lawers& Butall who read) and most do read) endea%or to obtain some smattering in thatscience& * ha%e been told b an eminent bookseller) that in no branch of hisbusiness) after tracts of popular de%otion) were so man books as those on thelaw e0ported to the Plantations& The Colonists ha%e now fallen into the wa of printing them for their own use& * hear that the ha%e sold nearl as man of Blackstone's Commentaries in America as in England& General Gage marks out thisdisposition %er particularl in a letter on our table& 2e states that all thepeople in his go%ernment are lawers) or smatterers in lawI and that in Bostonthe ha%e been enabled) b successful chicane) wholl to e%ade man parts of one

of our capital penal constitutions& The smartness of debate will sa that thisknowledge ought to teach them more clearl the rights of legislature) their obligations to obedience) and the penalties of rebellion& All this is mightwell& But m honorable and learned friend on the floor) who condescends to markwhat * sa for animad%ersion) will disdain that ground& 2e has heard) as well as*) that when great honors and great emoluments do not win o%er this knowledge tothe ser%ice of the state) it is a formidable ad%ersar to go%ernment& *f thespirit be not tamed and broken b these happ methods) it is stubborn andlitigious& Abeunt studia in mores& <.ootnote7 9>? This stud readers men acute)inHuisiti%e) de0terous) prompt in attack) read in defence) full of resources&*n other countries) the people) more simple) and of a less mercurial cast) judgeof an ill principle in go%ernment onl b an actual grie%anceI here the

anticipate the e%il) and judge of the pressure of the grie%ance b the badnessof the principle& The augur misgo%ernment at a distance) and snuff the approachof trann in e%er tainted breeJe&



The last cause of this disobedient spirit in the Colonies is hardl lesspowerful than the rest) as it is not merel moral) but laid deep in the naturalconstitution of things& Three thousand miles of ocean lie between ou and them&Do contri%ance can pre%ent the effect of this distance in weakening go%ernment&Seas roll) and months pass) between the order and the e0ecution) and the want of a speed e0planation of a single point is enough to defeat a whole sstem& +ouha%e) indeed) winged ministers of %engeance) <.ootnote7 95? who carr our bolts

in their pounces to the remotest %erge of the sea& But there a power steps inthat limits the arrogance of raging passions and furious elements) and sas) S.A1 S2A@@ T2 G) AD D .A1T2E1& -ho are ou) that ou should fret and rage)and bite the chains of natureM Dothing worse happens to ou than does to allnations who ha%e e0tensi%e empireI and it happens in all the forms into whichempire can be thrown& *n large bodies the circulation <.ootnote7 9L? of power must be less %igorous at the e0tremities& Dature has said it& The Turk cannotgo%ern Egpt and Arabia and urdistan as he go%erns ThraceI nor has he the samedominion in Crimea and Algiers which he has at Brusa and Smrna& espotismitself is obliged to truck and huckster& The Sultan gets such obedience as hecan& 2e go%erns with a loose rein) that he ma go%ern at allI and the whole of the force and %igor of his authorit in his centre is deri%ed from a prudent

rela0ation in all his borders& Spain) in her pro%inces) is) perhaps) not so wellobeed as ou are in ours& She complies) tooI she submitsI she watches times&This is the immutable condition) the eternal law of e0tensi%e and detachedempire&

Then) Sir) from these si0 capital sourcesFFof descent) of form of go%ernment) of religion in the Dorthern Pro%inces) of manners in the Southern) of education) of the remoteness of situation from the first mo%er of go%ernmentFFfrom all thesecauses a fierce spirit of libert has grown up& *t has grown with the growth of the people in our Colonies) and increased with the increase of their wealthI aspirit that unhappil meeting with an e0ercise of power in England which)howe%er lawful) is not reconcilable to an ideas of libert) much less with

theirs) has kindled this flame that is read to consume us&

* do not mean to commend either the spirit in this e0cess) or the moral causeswhich produce it& Perhaps a more smooth and accommodating spirit of freedom inthem would be more acceptable to us& Perhaps ideas of libert might be desiredmore reconcilable with an arbitrar and boundless authorit& Perhaps we mightwish the Colonists to be persuaded that their libert is more secure when heldin trust for them b us) as their guardians during a perpetual minorit) thanwith an part of it in their own hands& The Huestion is) not whether their spirit deser%es praise or blame) butFFwhat) in the name of God) shall we do withitM +ou ha%e before ou the object) such as it is) with all its glories) withall its imperfections <.ootnote7 94? on its head& +ou see the magnitude) the

importance) the temper) the habits) the disorders& B all these considerationswe are strongl urged to determine something concerning it& -e are called uponto fi0 some rule and line for our future conduct which ma gi%e a littlestabilit to our politics) and pre%ent the return of such unhapp deliberationsas the present& E%er such return will bring the matter before us in a stillmore untractable form& .or) what astonishing and incredible things ha%e we notseen alread6 -hat monsters ha%e not been generated from this unnaturalcontention6 -hilst e%er principle of authorit and resistance has been pushed)upon both sides) as far as it would go) there is nothing so solid and certain)either in reasoning or in practice) that has not been shaken& ntil %er latelall authorit in America seemed to be nothing but an emanation from ours& E%en)the popular part of the Colon Constitution deri%ed all its acti%it and its

first %ital mo%ement from the pleasure of the Crown& -e thought) Sir) that theutmost which the discontented Colonies could do was to disturb authoritI wene%er dreamt the could of themsel%es suppl itFFknowing in general what anoperose business it is to establish a go%ernment absolutel new& But ha%ing) for



our purposes in this contention) resol%ed that none but an obedient Assemblshould sit) the humors of the people there) finding all passage through thelegal channel stopped) with great %iolence broke out another wa& Some pro%incesha%e tried their e0periment) as we ha%e tried oursI and theirs has succeeded&The ha%e formed a go%ernment sufficient for its purposes) without the bustle of a re%olution or the formalit of an election& E%ident necessit and tacitconsent ha%e done the business in an instant& So well the ha%e done it) that

@ord unmoreFFthe account is among the fragments on our tableFFtells ou thatthe new institution is infinitel better obeed than the ancient go%ernment e%er was in its most fortunate periods& bedience is what makes go%ernment) and notthe names b which it is calledI not the name of Go%ernor) as formerl) or Committee) as at present& This new go%ernment has originated directl from thepeople) and was not transmitted through an of the ordinar artificial media of a positi%e constitution& *t was not a manufacture read formed) and transmittedto them in that condition from England& The e%il arising from hence is thisIthat the Colonists ha%ing once found the possibilit of enjoing the ad%antagesof order in the midst of a struggle for libert) such struggles will nothenceforward seem so terrible to the settled and sober part of mankind as thehad appeared before the trial& Pursuing the same plan <.ootnote7 #:? of

punishing b the denial of the e0ercise of go%ernment to still greater lengths)we wholl abrogated the ancient go%ernment of 8assachusetts& -e were confidentthat the first feeling if not the %er prospect) of anarch would instantlenforce a complete submission& The e0periment was tried& A new) strange)une0pected face of things appeared& Anarch is found tolerable& A %ast pro%incehas now subsisted) and subsisted in a considerable degree of health and %igor for near a twel%emonth) without Go%ernor) without public Council) without judges) without e0ecuti%e magistrates& 2ow long it will continue in this state)or what ma arise out of this unheardFof situation) how can the wisest of usconjectureM ur late e0perience has taught us that man of those fundamentalprinciples) formerl belie%ed infallible) are either not of the importance thewere imagined to be) or that we ha%e not at all ad%erted to some other far more

important and far more powerful principles) which entirel o%errule those we hadconsidered as omnipotent& * am much against an further e0periments which tendto put to the proof an more of these allowed opinions which contribute so muchto the public tranHuillit& *n effect we suffer as much at home b thisloosening of all ties) and this concussion of all established opinions as we doabroadI for in order to pro%e that the Americans ha%e no right to their liberties) we are e%er da endea%oring to sub%ert the ma0ims which preser%e thewhole spirit of our own& To pro%e that the Americans ought not to be free) weare obliged to depreciate the %alue of freedom itselfI and we ne%er seem to gaina paltr ad%antage o%er them in debate without attacking some of thoseprinciples) or deriding some of those feelings) for which our ancestors ha%eshed their blood&

But) Sir) in wishing to put an end to pernicious e0periments) * do not mean topreclude the fullest inHuir& .ar from it& .ar from deciding on a sudden or partial %iew) <.ootnote7 #3? * would patientl go round and round the subject)and sur%e it minutel in e%er possible aspect& Sir) if * were capable of engaging ou to an eHual attention) * would state that) as far as * am capableof discerning) there are but three was <.ootnote7 #9? of proceeding relati%e tothis stubborn spirit which pre%ails in our Colonies) and disturbs our go%ernment& These areFFto change that spirit) as incon%enient) b remo%ing thecausesI to prosecute it as criminalI or to compl with it as necessar& * wouldnot be guilt of an imperfect enumerationI * can think of but these three& Another has indeed been started)FFthat of gi%ing up the ColoniesI but it met so

slight a reception that * do not think mself obliged to dwell a great whileupon it& *t is nothing but a little sall of anger) like the forwardness of pee%ish children who) when the cannot get all the would ha%e) are resol%ed totake nothing&



The first of these plansFFto change the spirit) as incon%enient) b remo%ing thecausesFF* think is the most like a sstematic proceeding& *t is radical in itsprincipleI but it is attended with great difficulties) some of them littleshort) as * concei%e) of impossibilities& This will appear b e0amining into theplans which ha%e been proposed&

As the growing population in the Colonies is e%identl one cause of their resistance) it was last session mentioned in both 2ouses) b men of weight) andrecei%ed not without applause) that in order to check this e%il it would beproper for the Crown to make no further grants of land& But to this scheme thereare two objections& The first) that there is alread so much unsettled land inpri%ate hands as to afford room for an immense future population) although theCrown not onl withheld its grants) but annihilated its soil& *f this be thecase) then the onl effect of this a%arice of desolation) this hoarding of aroal wilderness) would be to raise the %alue of the possessions in the hands of the great pri%ate monopolists without an adeHuate cheek to the growing andalarming mischief of population&

But if ou stopped our grants) what would be the conseHuenceM The people wouldoccup without grants& The ha%e alread so occupied in man places& +ou cannotstation garrisons in e%er part of these deserts& *f ou dri%e the people fromone place) the will carr on their annual tillage) and remo%e with their flocksand herds to another& 8an of the people in the back settlements are alreadlittle attached to particular situations& Alread the ha%e topped the Appalachian 8ountains& .rom thence the behold before them an immense plain) one%ast) rich) le%el meadowI a sHuare of fi%e hundred miles& %er this the wouldwander without a possibilit of restraintI the would change their manners withthe habits of their lifeI would soon forget a go%ernment b which the weredisownedI would become hordes of English TartarsI and) pouring down upon our unfortified frontiers a fierce and irresistible ca%alr) become masters of our

go%ernors and our counsellors) our collectors and comptrollers) and of all thesla%es that adhered to them& Such would) and in no long time must be) the effectof attempting to forbid as a crime and to suppress as an e%il the command andblessing of pro%idence) *DC1EASE AD 8@T*P@+& Such would be the happ result of the endea%or to keep as a lair of wild beasts that earth which God) b ane0press charter) has gi%en to the children of men& .ar different) and surelmuch wiser) has been our polic hitherto& 2itherto we ha%e in%ited our people)b e%er kind of bount) to fi0ed establishments& -e ha%e in%ited the husbandmanto look to authorit for his title& -e ha%e taught him piousl to belie%e in themsterious %irtue of wa0 and parchment& -e ha%e thrown each tract of land) as itwas peopled) into districts) that the ruling power should ne%er be wholl out of sight& -e ha%e settled all we couldI and we ha%e carefull attended e%er

settlement with go%ernment&

Adhering) Sir) as * do) to this polic) as well as for the reasons * ha%e justgi%en) * think this new project of hedgingFin population to be neither prudentnor practicable&

To impo%erish the Colonies in general) and in particular to arrest the noblecourse of their marine enterprises) would be a more eas task& * freel confessit& -e ha%e shown a disposition to a sstem of this kind) a disposition e%en tocontinue the restraint after the offence) looking on oursel%es as ri%als to our Colonies) and persuaded that of course we must gain all that the shall lose&8uch mischief we ma certainl do& The power inadeHuate to all other things is

often more than sufficient for this& * do not look on the direct and immediatepower of the Colonies to resist our %iolence as %er formidable& *n this)howe%er) * ma be mistaken& But when * consider that we ha%e Colonies for nopurpose but to be ser%iceable to us) it seems to m poor understanding a little



preposterous to make them unser%iceable in order to keep them obedient& *t is)in truth) nothing more than the old and) as * thought) e0ploded problem of trann) which proposes to beggar its subjects into submission& But remember)when ou ha%e completed our sstem of impo%erishment) that nature stillproceeds in her ordinar courseI that discontent will increase with miserI andthat there are critical moments in the fortune of all states when the who aretoo weak to contribute to our prosperit ma be strong enough to complete our

ruin& Spoliatis arma supersunt& <.ootnote7 #;?

The temper and character which pre%ail in our Colonies are) * am afraid)unalterable b an human art& -e cannot) * fear) falsif the pedigree of thisfierce people) and persuade them that the are not sprung from a nation in whose%eins the blood of freedom circulates& The language in which the would hear outell them this tale would detect the impositionI our speech would betra ou&<.ootnote7 #=? An Englishman is the unfittest person on earth to argue another Englishman into sla%er&

* think it is nearl as little in our power to change their republican religionas their free descentI or to substitute the 1oman Catholic as a penalt) or the

Church of England as an impro%ement& The mode of inHuisition and dragooning isgoing out of fashion in the ld -orld) and * should not confide much to their efficac in the Dew& The education of the Americans is also on the sameunalterable bottom with their religion& +ou cannot persuade them to burn their books of curious scienceI to banish their lawers from their courts of lawsI or to Huench the lights of their assemblies b refusing to choose those persons whoare best read in their pri%ileges& *t would be no less impracticable to think of wholl annihilating the popular assemblies in which these lawers sit& The arm)b which we must go%ern in their place) would be far more chargeable to us) notHuite so effectual) and perhaps in the end full as difficult to be kept inobedience& -ith regard to the high aristocratic spirit of /irginia and theSouthern Colonies) it has been proposed) * know) to reduce it b declaring a

general enfranchisement of their sla%es& This object has had its ad%ocates andpanegristsI et * ne%er could argue mself into an opinion of it& Sla%es areoften much attached to their masters& A general wild offer of libert would notalwas be accepted& 2istor furnishes few instances of it& *t is sometimes ashard to persuade sla%es <.ootnote7 #>? to be free) as it is to compel freemen tobe sla%esI and in this auspicious scheme we should ha%e both these pleasingtasks on our hands at once& But when we talk of enfranchisement) do we notpercei%e that the American master ma enfranchise too) and arm ser%ile hands indefence of freedomMFFa measure to which other people ha%e had recourse more thanonce) and not without success) in a desperate situation of their affairs&

Sla%es as these unfortunate black people are) and dull as all men are from

sla%er) must the not a little suspect the offer of freedom from that %ernation which has sold them to their present mastersMFFfrom that nation) one of whose causes of Huarrel <.ootnote7 #5? with those masters is their refusal todeal an more in that inhuman trafficM An offer of freedom from England wouldcome rather oddl) shipped to them in an African %essel which is refused anentr into the ports of /irginia or Carolina with a cargo of three hundred Angola negroes& *t would be curious to see the Guinea captain attempting at thesame instant to publish his proclamation of libert) and to ad%ertise his saleof sla%es&

But let us suppose all these moral difficulties got o%er& The ocean remains& +oucannot pump this drI and as long as it continues in its present bed) so long

all the causes which weaken authorit b distance will continue&

(+e gods) annihilate but space and time) And make two lo%ers happ6(



was a pious and passionate praerI but just as reasonable as man of the seriouswishes of gra%e and solemn politicians&

*f then) Sir) it seems almost desperate to think of an alterati%e course for changing the moral causes) and not Huite eas to remo%e the natural) whichproduce prejudices irreconcilable to the late e0ercise of our authoritFFbut

that the spirit infallibl will continue) and) continuing) will produce sucheffects as now embarrass usFFthe second mode under consideration is to prosecutethat spirit in its o%ert acts as criminal&

At this proposition * must pause a moment& The thing seems a great deal too bigfor m ideas of jurisprudence& *t should seem to m wa of concei%ing suchmatters that there is a %er wide difference) in reason and polic) between themode of proceeding on the irregular conduct of scattered indi%iduals) or e%en of bands of men who disturb order within the state) and the ci%il dissensions whichma) from time to time) on great Huestions) agitate the se%eral communitieswhich compose a great empire& *t looks to me to be narrow and pedantic to applthe ordinar ideas of criminal justice to this great public contest& * do not

know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people& * cannotinsult and ridicule the feelings of millions of m fellowFcreatures as Sir Edward Coke insulted one e0cellent indi%idual !Sir -alter 1aleigh$ at the bar& *hope * am not ripe to pass sentence on the gra%est public bodies) intrusted withmagistracies of great authorit and dignit) and charged with the safet of their fellowFcitiJens) upon the %er same title that * am& * reall think that)for wise men) this is not judiciousI for sober men) not decentI for mindstinctured with humanit) not mild and merciful&

Perhaps) Sir) * am mistaken in m idea of an empire) as distinguished from asingle state or kingdom& But m idea of it is thisI that an empire is theaggregate of man states under one common head) whether this head be a monarch

or a presiding republic& *t does) in such constitutions) freHuentl happenFFandnothing but the dismal) cold) dead uniformit of ser%itude can pre%ent itshappeningFFthat the subordinate parts ha%e man local pri%ileges and immunities&Between these pri%ileges and the supreme common authorit the line ma bee0tremel nice& f course disputes) often) too) %er bitter disputes) and muchill blood) will arise& But though e%er pri%ilege is an e0emption) in the case)from the ordinar e0ercise of the supreme authorit) it is no denial of it& Theclaim of a pri%ilege seems rather) e0 %i termini) <.ootnote7 #L? to impl asuperior powerI for to talk of the pri%ileges of a state or of a person who hasno superior is hardl an better than speaking nonsense& Dow) in suchunfortunate Huarrels among the component parts of a great political union of communities) * can scarcel concei%e anthing more completel imprudent than for

the head of the empire to insist that) if an pri%ilege is pleaded against hiswill or his acts) his whole authorit is deniedI instantl to proclaimrebellion) to beat to arms) and to put the offending pro%inces under the ban&-ill not this) Sir) %er soon teach the pro%inces to make no distinctions ontheir partM -ill it not teach them that the go%ernment) against which a claim of libert is tantamount to high treason) is a go%ernment to which submission iseHui%alent to sla%erM *t ma not alwas be Huite con%enient to impressdependent communities with such an idea&

-e are) indeed) in all disputes with the Colonies) b the necessit of things)the judge& *t is true) Sir& But * confess that the character of judge in m owncause is a thing that frightens me& *nstead of filling me with pride) * am

e0ceedingl humbled b it& * cannot proceed with a stern) assured) judicialconfidence) until * find mself in something more like a judicial character& *must ha%e these hesitations as long as * am compelled to recollect that) in mlittle reading upon such contests as these) the sense of mankind has at least as



often decided against the superior as the subordinate power& Sir) let me add)too) that the opinion of m ha%ing some abstract right <.ootnote7 #4? in mfa%or would not put me much at m ease in passing sentence) unless * could besure that there were no rights which) in their e0ercise under certaincircumstances) were not the most odious of all wrongs and the most %e0atious of all injustice& Sir) these considerations ha%e great weight with me when * findthings so circumstanced) that * see the same part at once a ci%il litigant

against me in point of right and a culprit before me) while * sit as a criminal judge on acts of his whose moral Hualit is to be decided upon the merits of that %er litigation& 8en are e%er now and then put) b the comple0it of humanaffairs) into strange situationsI but justice is the same) let the judge be inwhat situation he will&

There is) Sir) also a circumstance which con%inces me that this mode of criminalproceeding is not) at least in the present stage of our contest) altogether e0pedientI which is nothing less than the conduct of those %er persons who ha%eseemed to adopt that mode b latel declaring a rebellion in 8assachusetts Ba)as the had formerl addressed to ha%e traitors brought hither) under an Act of 2enr the Eighth) <.ootnote7 ;:? for trial& .or though rebellion is declared) it

is not proceeded against as such) nor ha%e an steps been taken towards theapprehension or con%iction of an indi%idual offender) either on our late or our former AddressI but modes of public coercion ha%e been adopted) and such as ha%emuch more resemblance to a sort of Hualified hostilit towards an independentpower than the punishment of rebellious subjects& All this seems rather inconsistentI but it shows how difficult it is to appl these juridical ideas toour present case&

*n this situation) let us seriousl and cooll ponder& -hat is it we ha%e got ball our menaces) which ha%e been man and ferociousM -hat ad%antage ha%e wederi%ed from the penal laws we ha%e passed) and which) for the time) ha%e beense%ere and numerousM -hat ad%ances ha%e we made towards our object b the

sending of a force which) b land and sea) is no contemptible strengthM 2as thedisorder abatedM Dothing less& -hen * see things in this situation after suchconfident hopes) bold promises) and acti%e e0ertions) * cannot) for m life)a%oid a suspicion that the plan itself is not correctl right& <.ootnote7 ;3?

*f) then) the remo%al of the causes of this spirit of American libert be for the greater part) or rather entirel) impracticableI if the ideas of criminalprocess be inapplicableFFor) if applicable) are in the highest degreeine0pedientI what wa et remainsM Do wa is open but the third and last)FFtocompl with the American spirit as necessarI or) if ou please) to submit to itas a necessar e%il&

*f we adopt this mode)FFif we mean to conciliate and concede)FFlet us see of what nature the concession ought to be& To ascertain the nature of our concession) we must look at their complaint& The Colonies complain that theha%e not the characteristic mark and seal of British freedom& The complain thatthe are ta0ed in a Parliament in which the are not represented& *f ou mean tosatisf them at all) ou must satisf them with regard to this complaint& *f oumean to please an people ou must gi%e them the boon which the askI not whatou ma think better for them) but of a kind totall different& Such an act mabe a wise regulation) but it is no concessionI whereas our present theme is themode of gi%ing satisfaction&

Sir) * think ou must percei%e that * am resol%ed this da to ha%e nothing at

all to do with the Huestion of the right of ta0ation& Some gentlemen startFFbutit is trueI * put it totall out of the Huestion& *t is less than nothing in mconsideration& * do not indeed wonder) nor will ou) Sir) that gentlemen of profound learning are fond of displaing it on this profound subject& But m



consideration is narrow) confined) and wholl limited to the polic of theHuestion& * do not e0amine whether the gi%ing awa a man's mone be a power e0cepted and reser%ed out of the general trust of go%ernment) and how far allmankind) in all forms of polit) are entitled to an e0ercise of that right bthe charter of natureI or whether) on the contrar) a right of ta0ation isnecessaril in%ol%ed in the general principle of legislation) and inseparablefrom the ordinar supreme power& These are deep Huestions) where great names

militate against each other) where reason is perple0ed) and an appeal toauthorities onl thickens the confusionI for high and re%erend authorities liftup their heads on both sides) and there is no sure footing in the middle& Thispoint is the great

(Serbonian bog) Betwi0t amiata and 8ount Casius old) -here armies whole ha%e sunk&( <.ootnote7 ;9?

* do not intend to be o%erwhelmed in that bog) though in such respectablecompan& The Huestion <.ootnote7 ;#? with me is) not whether ou ha%e a right to

render our people miserable) but whether it is not our interest to make themhapp& *t is not what a lawer tells me * 8A+ do) but what humanit) reason) and justice tell me * G2T to do& *s a politic act the worse for being a generousoneM *s no concession proper but that which is made from our want of right tokeep what ou grantM r does it lessen the grace or dignit of rela0ing in thee0ercise of an odious claim because ou ha%e our e%idenceFroom full of titles)and our magaJines stuffed with arms to enforce themM -hat signif all thosetitles) and all those armsM f what a%ail are the) when the reason of the thingtells me that the assertion of m title is the loss of m suit) and that * coulddo nothing but wound mself b the use of m own weaponsM

Such is steadfastl m opinion of the absolute necessit of keeping up the

concord of this Empire b an unit of spirit) though in a di%ersit of operations) that) if * were sure the Colonists had) at their lea%ing thiscountr) sealed a regular compact of ser%itudeI that the had solemnl abjuredall the rights of citiJensI that the had made a %ow to renounce all ideas of libert for them and their posterit to all generationsI et * should holdmself obliged to conform to the temper * found uni%ersall pre%alent in m ownda) and to go%ern two million of men) impatient of ser%itude) on the principlesof freedom& * am not determining a point of law) * am restoring tranHuillitIand the general character and situation of a people must determine what sort of go%ernment is fitted for them& That point nothing else can or ought todetermine&

8 idea) therefore) without considering whether we ield as matter of right) or grant as matter of fa%or) is to admit the people of our Colonies into aninterest in the ConstitutionI and) b recording that admission in the journalsof Parliament) to gi%e them as strong an assurance as the nature of the thingwill admit) that we mean fore%er to adhere to that solemn declaration of sstematic indulgence&

Some ears ago the repeal of a re%enue Act) upon its understood principle) mightha%e ser%ed to show that we intended an unconditional abatement of the e0erciseof a ta0ing power& Such a measure was then sufficient to remo%e all suspicion)and to gi%e perfect content& But unfortunate e%ents since that time ma makesomething further necessarI and not more necessar for the satisfaction of the

Colonies than for the dignit and consistenc of our own future proceedings&

* ha%e taken a %er incorrect measure of the disposition of the 2ouse if thisproposal in itself would be recei%ed with dislike& * think) Sir) we ha%e few



American financiers& But our misfortune is) we are too acute) we are tooe0Huisite <.ootnote7 ;;? in our conjectures of the future) for men oppressedwith such great and present e%ils& The more moderate among the opposers of Parliamentar concession freel confess that the hope no good from ta0ation)but the apprehend the Colonists ha%e further %iewsI and if this point wereconceded) the would instantl attack the trade laws& <.ootnote7 ;=? Thesegentlemen are con%inced that this was the intention from the beginning) and the

Huarrel of the Americans with ta0ation was no more than a cloak and co%er tothis design& Such has been the language e%en of a gentleman of real moderation)and of a natural temper well adjusted to fair and eHual go%ernment& * am)howe%er) Sir) not a little surprised at this kind of discourse) whene%er * hear itI and * am the more surprised on account of the arguments which * constantlfind in compan with it) and which are often urged from the same mouths and onthe same da&

.or instance) when we allege that it is against reason to ta0 a people under soman restraints in trade as the Americans) the noble lord in the blue ribbonshall tell ou that the restraints on trade are futile and uselessFFof noad%antage to us) and of no burthen to those on whom the are imposedI that the

trade to America is not secured b the Acts of Da%igation) but b the naturaland irresistible ad%antage of a commercial preference&

Such is the merit of the trade laws in this posture of the debate& But whenstrong internal circumstances are urged against the ta0esI when the scheme isdissectedI when e0perience and the nature of things are brought to pro%e) and dopro%e) the utter impossibilit of obtaining an effecti%e re%enue from theColoniesI when these things are pressed) or rather press themsel%es) so as todri%e the ad%ocates of Colon ta0es to a clear admission of the futilit of theschemeI then) Sir) the sleeping trade laws re%i%e from their trance) and thisuseless ta0ation is to be kept sacred) not for its own sake) but as acounterguard and securit of the laws of trade&

Then) Sir) ou keep up re%enue laws which are mischie%ous) in order to preser%etrade laws that are useless& Such is the wisdom of our plan in both its members&The are separatel gi%en up as of no %alue) and et one is alwas to bedefended for the sake of the otherI but * cannot agree with the noble lord) nor with the pamphlet from whence he seems to ha%e borrowed these ideas concerningthe inutilit of the trade laws& .or) without idoliJing them) * am sure the arestill) in man was) of great use to usI and in former times the ha%e been of the greatest& The do confine) and the do greatl narrow) the market for the AmericansI but m perfect con%iction of this does not help me in the least todiscern how the re%enue laws form an securit whatsoe%er to the commercialregulations) or that these commercial regulations are the true ground of the

Huarrel) or that the gi%ing wa) in an one instance of authorit) is to loseall that ma remain unconceded&

ne fact is clear and indisputable& The public and a%owed origin of this Huarrelwas on ta0ation& This Huarrel has indeed brought on new disputes on newHuestionsI but certainl the least bitter) and the fewest of all) on the tradelaws& To judge which of the two be the real radical cause of Huarrel) we ha%e tosee whether the commercial dispute did) in order of time) precede the dispute onta0ationM There is not a shadow of e%idence for it& De0t) to enable us to judgewhether at this moment a dislike to the trade laws be the real cause of Huarrel)it is absolutel necessar to put the ta0es out of the Huestion b a repeal& Seehow the Americans act in this position) and then ou will be able to discern

correctl what is the true object of the contro%ers) or whether an contro%ersat all will remain& nless ou consent to remo%e this cause of difference) it isimpossible) with decenc) to assert that the dispute is not upon what it isa%owed to be& And * would) Sir) recommend to our serious consideration whether



it be prudent to form a rule for punishing people) not on their own acts) but onour conjecturesM Surel it is preposterous at the %er best& *t is not justifing our anger b their misconduct) but it is con%erting our illFwillinto their delinHuenc&

But the Colonies will go further& Alas6 alas6 when will this speculation againstfact and reason endM -hat will Huiet these panic fears which we entertain of the

hostile effect of a conciliator conductM *s it true that no case can e0ist inwhich it is proper for the so%ereign to accede to the desires of hisdiscontented subjectsM *s there anthing peculiar in this case to make a rulefor itselfM *s all authorit of course lost when it is not pushed to thee0tremeM *s it a certain ma0im that the fewer causes of dissatisfaction are leftb go%ernment) the more the subject will be inclined to resist and rebelM

All these objections being in fact no more than suspicions) conjectures)di%inations) formed in defiance of fact and e0perience) the did not) Sir)discourage me from entertaining the idea of a conciliator concession founded onthe principles which * ha%e just stated&

*n forming a plan for this purpose) * endea%ored to put mself in that frame of mind which was the most natural and the most reasonable) and which was certainlthe most probable means of securing me from all error& * set out with a perfectdistrust of m own abilities) a total renunciation of e%er speculation of mown) and with a profound re%erence for the wisdom of our ancestors who ha%e leftus the inheritance of so happ a constitution and so flourishing an empire) and)what is a thousand times more %aluable) the treasur of the ma0ims andprinciples which formed the one and obtained the other&

uring the reigns of the kings of Spain of the Austrian famil) whene%er thewere at a loss in the Spanish councils) it was common for their statesmen to sathat the ought to consult the genius of Philip the Second& The genius of Philip

the Second might mislead them) and the issue of their affairs showed that thehad not chosen the most perfect standardI but) Sir) * am sure that * shall notbe misled when) in a case of constitutional difficult) * consult the genius of the English Constitution& Consulting at that oracleFFit was with all duehumilit and pietFF* found four capital e0amples in a similar case before meIthose of *reland) -ales) Chester) and urham&

*reland) before the English conHuest) <.ootnote7 ;>? though ne%er go%erned b adespotic power) had no Parliament& 2ow far the English Parliament itself was atthat time modelled according to the present form is disputed among antiHuariesIbut we ha%e all the reason in the world to be assured that a form of Parliamentsuch as England then enjoed she instantl communicated to *reland) and we are

eHuall sure that almost e%er successi%e impro%ement in constitutional libert)as fast as it was made here) was transmitted thither& The feudal baronage andthe feudal knighthood) the roots of our primiti%e Constitution) were earltransplanted into that soil) and grew and flourished there& 8agna Charta) if itdid not gi%e us originall the 2ouse of Commons) ga%e us at least a 2ouse of Commons of weight and conseHuence& But our ancestors did not churlishl sitdown alone to the feast of 8agna Charta& *reland was made immediatel apartaker& This benefit of English laws and liberties) * confess) was not atfirst e0tended to all *reland& 8ark the conseHuence& English authorit andEnglish liberties had e0actl the same boundaries& +our standard could ne%er bead%anced an inch before our pri%ileges& Sir ohn a%is shows beond a doubtthat the refusal of a general communication of these rights was the true cause

wh *reland was fi%e hundred ears in subduingI and after the %ain projects of amilitar go%ernment) attempted in the reign of Kueen EliJabeth) it was soondisco%ered that nothing could make that countr English) in ci%ilit andallegiance) but our laws and our forms of legislature& *t was not English



arms) but the English Constitution) that conHuered *reland& .rom that time*reland has e%er had a general Parliament) as she had before a partialParliament& +ou changed the peopleI ou altered the religionI but ou ne%er touched the form or the %ital substance of free go%ernment in that kingdom& +oudeposed kingsI <.ootnote7 ;5? ou restored themI ou altered the succession totheirs) as well as to our own CrownI but ou ne%er altered their Constitution)the principle of which was respected b usurpation) restored with the

restoration of monarch) and established) * trust) fore%er) b the glorious1e%olution& This has made *reland the great and flourishing kingdom that it is)and) from a disgrace and a burthen intolerable to this nation) has rendered her a principal part of our strength and ornament& This countr cannot be said toha%e e%er formall ta0ed her& The irregular things done in the confusion of might troubles and on the hinge of great re%olutions) e%en if all were donethat is said to ha%e been done) form no e0ample& *f the ha%e an effect inargument) the make an e0ception to pro%e the rule& Done of our own libertiescould stand a moment) if the casual de%iations from them at such times weresuffered to be used as proofs of their nullit& B the lucrati%e amount of suchcasual breaches in the Constitution) judge what the stated and fi0ed rule of suppl has been in that kingdom& +our *rish pensioners would star%e) if the had

no other fund to li%e on than ta0es granted b English authorit& Turn our eesto those popular grants from whence all our great supplies are come) and learnto respect that onl source of public wealth in the British Empire&

8 ne0t e0ample is -ales& This countr was said to be reduced b 2enr theThird& *t was said more trul to be so b Edward the .irst& But though thenconHuered) it was not looked upon as an part of the realm of England& *ts oldConstitution) whate%er that might ha%e been) was destroed) and no good one wassubstituted in its place& The care of that tract was put into the hands of @ords8archers <.ootnote7 ;L?FFa form of go%ernment of a %er singular kindI a strangeheterogeneous monster) something between hostilit and go%ernmentI perhaps ithas a sort of resemblance) according to the modes of those terms) to that of

CommanderFinFchief at present) to whom all ci%il power is granted as secondar&The manners of the -elsh nation followed the genius of the go%ernment& Thepeople were ferocious) resti%e) sa%age) and unculti%atedI sometimes composed)ne%er pacified& -ales) within itself) was in perpetual disorder) and it kept thefrontier of England in perpetual alarm& Benefits from it to the state there werenone& -ales was onl known to England b incursion and in%asion&

Sir) during that state of things) Parliament was not idle& The attempted tosubdue the fierce spirit of the -elsh b all sorts of rigorous laws& Theprohibited b statute the sending all sorts of arms into -ales) as ou prohibitb proclamation !with something more of doubt on the legalit$ the sending armsto America& The disarmed the -elsh b statute) as ou attempted !but still with

more Huestion on the legalit$ to disarm Dew England b an instruction& Themade an Act to drag offenders from -ales into England for trial) as ou ha%edone !but with more hardship$ with regard to America& B another Act) where oneof the parties was an Englishman) the ordained that his trial should be alwasb English& The made Acts to restrain trade) as ou doI and the pre%ented the-elsh from the use of fairs and markets) as ou do the Americans from fisheriesand foreign ports& *n short) when the Statute Book was not Huite so much swelledas it is now) ou find no less than fifteen acts of penal regulation on thesubject of -ales&

2ere we rub our hands&FFA fine bod of precedents for the authorit of Parliament and the use of it6FF* admit it fullI and pra add likewise to these

precedents that all the while -ales rid this ingdom like an incubus) that itwas an unprofitable and oppressi%e burthen) and that an Englishman tra%elling inthat countr could not go si0 ards from the high road without being murdered&



The march of the human mind is slow& Sir) it was not until after two hundredears disco%ered that) b an eternal law) pro%idence had decreed %e0ation to%iolence) and po%ert to rapine& +our ancestors did howe%er at length open their ees to the illFhusbandr of injustice& The found that the trann of a freepeople could of all trannies the least be endured) and that laws made against awhole nation were not the most effectual methods of securing its obedience& Accordingl) in the twentFse%enth ear of 2enr the Eighth the course was

entirel altered& -ith a preamble stating the entire and perfect rights of theCrown of England) it ga%e to the -elsh all the rights and pri%ileges of Englishsubjects& A political order was establishedI the militar power ga%e wa to theci%ilI the 8arches were turned into Counties& But that a nation should ha%e aright to English liberties) and et no share at all in the fundamental securitof these libertiesFFthe grant of their own propertFFseemed a thing soincongruous that) eight ears after) that is) in the thirtFfifth of that reign)a complete and not illFproportioned representation b counties and boroughs wasbestowed upon -ales b Act of Parliament& .rom that moment) as b a charm) thetumults subsidedI obedience was restoredI peace) order) and ci%iliJationfollowed in the train of libert& -hen the daFstar of the English Constitutionhad arisen in their hearts) all was harmon within and withoutFF

(FFsimul alba nautis Stella refulsit) efluit sa0is agitatus humorI Concidunt %enti) fugiuntHue nubes) Et mina0 !Huod sic %oluere$ ponto nda recumbit&( <.ootnote7 ;4?

The %er same ear the Count Palatine of Chester recei%ed the same relief fromits oppressions and the same remed to its disorders& Before this time Chester was little less distempered than -ales& The inhabitants) without rights

themsel%es) were the fittest to destro the rights of othersI and from thence1ichard the Second drew the standing arm of archers with which for a time heoppressed England& The people of Chester applied to Parliament in a petitionpenned as * shall read to ou7

(To the ing) our So%ereign @ord) in most hunible wise shewen unto our e0cellent 8ajest the inhabitants of our Grace's Count Palatine of Chester7 !3$ That where the said Count Palatine of Chester is and hath been alwas hitherto e0empt) e0cluded) and separated out and from our 2igh Court of Parliament) to ha%e an nights and Burgesses within the said CourtI b reason whereof

the said inhabitants ha%e hitherto sustained manifold disherisons) losses) and damages) as well in their lands) goods) and bodies) as in the good) ci%il) and politic go%ernance and maintenance of the commonwealth of their said countI !9$ And forasmuch as the said inhabitants ha%e alwas hitherto been bound b the Acts and Statutes made and ordained b our said 2ighness and our most noble progenitors) b authorit of the said Court) as far forth as other counties) cities) and boroughs ha%e been) that ha%e had their nights and Burgesses within our said Court of Parliament) and et ha%e had neither night ne Burgess there for the said Count Palatine) the said

inhabitants) for lack thereof) ha%e been oftentime touched and grie%ed with Acts and Statutes made within the said Court) as well derogator unto the most ancient jurisdictions) liberties) and pri%ileges of our said Count Palatine)



as prejudicial unto the commonwealth) Huietness) rest) and peace of our Grace's most bounden subjects inhabiting within the same&(

-hat did Parliament with this audacious addressMFF1eject it as a libelM Treat itas an affront to Go%ernmentM Spurn it as a derogation from the rights of legislatureM id the toss it o%er the tableM id the burn it b the hands of

the common hangmanMFFThe took the petition of grie%ance) all rugged as it was)without softening or temperament) unpurged of the original bitterness andindignation of complaintFFthe made it the %er preamble to their Act of redress) and consecrated its principle to all ages in the sanctuar of legislation&

2ere is m third e0ample& *t was attended with the success of the two former&Chester) ci%iliJed as well as -ales) has demonstrated that freedom) and notser%itude) is the cure of anarchI as religion) and not atheism) is the trueremed for superstition& Sir) this pattern of Chester was followed in the reignof Charles the Second with regard to the Count Palatine of urham) which is mfourth e0ample& This count had long lain out of the pale of free legislation&

So scrupulousl was the e0ample of Chester followed that the stle of thepreamble is nearl the same with that of the Chester Act) and) without affectingthe abstract e0tent of the authorit of Parliament) it recogniJes the eHuit of not suffering an considerable district in which the British subjects ma act asa bod) to be ta0ed without their own %oice in the grant&

Dow if the doctrines of polic contained in these preambles) and the force of these e0amples in the Acts of Parliaments) a%ail anthing) what can be saidagainst appling them with regard to AmericaM Are not the people of America asmuch Englishmen as the -elshM The preamble of the Act of 2enr the Eighth sasthe -elsh speak a language no wa resembling that of his 8ajest's Englishsubjects& Are the Americans not as numerousM *f we ma trust the learned and

accurate udge Barrington's account of Dorth -ales) and take that as a standardto measure the rest) there is no comparison& The people cannot amount to abo%e9::):::I not a tenth part of the number in the Colonies& *s America inrebellionM -ales was hardl e%er free from it& 2a%e ou at tempted to go%ern America b penal statutesM +ou made fifteen for -ales& But our legislati%eauthorit is perfect with regard to America& -as it less perfect in -ales)Chester) and urhamM But America is %irtuall represented& -hat6 does theelectric force of %irtual representation more easil pass o%er the Atlantic thanper%ade -ales)FFwhich lies in our neighborhoodFFor than Chester and urham)surrounded b abundance of representation that is actual and palpableM But) Sir)our ancestors thought this sort of %irtual representation) howe%er ample) to betotall insufficient for the freedom of the inhabitants of territories that are

so near) and comparati%el so inconsiderable& 2ow then can * think it sufficientfor those which are infinitel greater) and infinitel more remoteM

+ou will now) Sir) perhaps imagine that * am on the point of proposing to ou ascheme for a representation of the Colonies in Parliament& Perhaps * might beinclined to entertain some such thoughtI but a great flood stops me in mcourse& pposuit natura& <.ootnote7 =: ?FF* cannot remo%e the eternal barriersof the creation& The thing) in that mode) * do not know to be possible& As *meddle with no theor)<.ootnote7 =3? * do not absolutel assert theimpracticabilit of such a representationI but * do not see m wa to it) andthose who ha%e been more confident ha%e not been more successful& 2owe%er) thearm of public bene%olence is not shortened) and there are often se%eral means to

the same end& -hat nature has disjoined in one wa) wisdom ma unite in another&-hen we cannot gi%e the benefit as we would wish) let us not refuse italtogether& *f we cannot gi%e the principal) let us find a substitute& But howM-hereM -hat substituteM



.ortunatel * am not obliged) for the was and means of this substitute) to ta0m own unproducti%e in%ention& * am not e%en obliged to go to the rich treasurof the fertile framers of imaginar commonwealthsFFnot to the 1epublic of Plato)<.ootnote7 =9? not to the topia of 8ore) <.ootnote7 =9? not to the ceana of 2arrington& *t is before meFFit is at m feet)

(And the rude swain Treads dail on it with his clouted shoon&( <.ootnote7 =#?

* onl wish ou to recogniJe) for the theor) the ancient constitutional policof this kingdom with regard to representation) as that polic has been declaredin Acts of ParliamentI and as to the practice) to return to that mode which auniform e0perience has marked out to ou as best) and in which ou walked withsecurit) ad%antage) and honor) until the ear 35>#& <.ootnote7 =;?

8 1esolutions therefore mean to establish the eHuit and justice of a ta0ationof America b G1ADT) and not b *8PS*T*DI to mark the @EGA@ C8PETEDC+<.ootnote7 ==? of the Colon Assemblies for the support of their go%ernment in

peace) and for public aids in time of warI to acknowledge that this legalcompetenc has had a T*.@ AD BEDE.*C*A@ EE1C*SEI and that e0perience hasshown the BEDE.*T . T2E*1 G1ADTS and the .T*@*T+ . PA1@*A8EDTA1+ TAAT*D asa method of suppl&

These solid truths compose si0 fundamental propositions& There are three more1esolutions corollar to these& *f ou admit the first set) ou can hardlreject the others& But if ou admit the first) * shall be far from solicitouswhether ou accept or refuse the last& * think these si0 massi%e pillars will beof strength sufficient to support the temple of British concord& * ha%e no moredoubt than * entertain of m e0istence that) if ou admitted these) ou wouldcommand an immediate peace) and) with but tolerable future management) a lasting

obedience in America& * am not arrogant in this confident assurance& Thepropositions are all mere matters of fact) and if the are such facts as drawirresistible conclusions e%en in the stating) this is the power of truth) andnot an management of mine&

Sir) * shall open the whole plan to ou) together with such obser%ations on themotions as ma tend to illustrate them where the ma want e0planation& Thefirst is a 1esolutionFF

(That the Colonies and Plantations of Great Britain in Dorth America) consistingof fourteen separate Go%ernments) and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants) ha%e not had the libert and pri%ilege of electing and sending

an nights and Burgesses) or others) to represent them in the 2igh Court of Parliament&(

This is a plain matter of fact) necessar to be laid down) and) e0cepting thedescription) it is laid down in the language of the ConstitutionI it is takennearl %erbatim from Acts of Parliament&

The second is like unto the firstFF

(That the said Colonies and Plantations ha%e been liable to) and bounden b)se%eral subsidies) paments) rates) and ta0es gi%en and granted b Parliament)though the said Colonies and Plantations ha%e not their nights and Burgesses in

the said 2igh Court of Parliament) of their own election) to represent thecondition of their countrI b lack whereof the ha%e been oftentimes touchedand grie%ed b subsidies gi%en) granted) and assented to) in the said Court) ina manner prejudicial to the commonwealth) Huietness) rest) and peace of the



subjects inhabiting within the same&(

*s this description too hot) or too coldI too strong) or too weakM oes itarrogate too much to the supreme legislatureM oes it lean too much to theclaims of the peopleM *f it runs into an of these errors) the fault is notmine& *t is the language of our own ancient Acts of Parliament&

(Don meus hic sermo) sed Huae praecepit fellus) 1usticus) abnormis sapiens&( <.ootnote7 =>?

*t is the genuine produce of the ancient) rustic) manl) homebred sense of thiscountr&FF* did not dare to rub off a particle of the %enerable rust that rather adorns and preser%es) than destros) the metal& *t would be a profanation totouch with a tool the stones which construct the sacred altar of peace& * wouldnot %iolate with modern polish the ingenuous and noble roughness of these trulConstitutional materials& Abo%e all things) * was resol%ed not to be guilt of tampering) the odious %ice of restless and unstable minds& * put m foot in thetracks of our forefathers) where * can neither wander nor stumble& etermining

to fi0 articles of peace) * was resol%ed not to be wise beond what was writtenI* was resol%ed to use nothing else than the form of sound words) to let othersabound in their own sense) and carefull to abstain from all e0pressions of mown& -hat the law has said) * sa& *n all things else * am silent& * ha%e noorgan but for her words& This) if it be not ingenious) * am sure is safe&<.ootnote7 =5?

There are indeed words e0pressi%e of grie%ance in this second 1esolution) whichthose who are resol%ed alwas to be in the right will den to contain matter of fact) as applied to the present case) although Parliament thought them true withregard to the counties of Chester and urham& The will den that the Americanswere e%er (touched and grie%ed( with the ta0es& *f the consider nothing in

ta0es but their weight as pecuniar impositions) there might be some pretencefor this denialI but men ma be sorel touched and deepl grie%ed in their pri%ileges) as well as in their purses& 8en ma lose little in propert b theact which takes awa all their freedom& -hen a man is robbed of a trifle on thehighwa) it is not the twopence lost that constitutes the capital outrage& Thisis not confined to pri%ileges& E%en ancient indulgences) withdrawn withoutoffence on the part of those who enjoed such fa%ors) operate as grie%ances& Butwere the Americans then not touched and grie%ed b the ta0es) in some measure)merel as ta0esM *f so) wh were the almost all either wholl repealed) or e0ceedingl reducedM -ere the not touched and grie%ed e%en b the regulatingduties of the si0th of George the SecondM Else) wh were the duties firstreduced to one third in 35>;) and afterwards to a third of that third in the

ear 35>>M -ere the not touched and grie%ed b the Stamp ActM * shall sa thewere) until that ta0 is re%i%ed& -ere the not touched and grie%ed b the dutiesof 35>5) which were likewise repealed) and which @ord 2illsborough tells ou)for the 8inistr) were laid contrar to the true principle of commerceM *s notthe assurance gi%en b that noble person to the Colonies of a resolution to lano more ta0es on them an admission that ta0es would touch and grie%e themM *snot the 1esolution of the noble lord in the blue ribbon) now standing on our ournals) the strongest of all proofs that Parliamentar subsidies realltouched and grie%ed themM Else wh all these changes) modifications) repeals)assurances) and resolutionsM

The ne0t proposition isFF

(That) from the distance of the said Colonies) and from other circumstances) nomethod hath hitherto been de%ised for procuring a representation in Parliamentfor the said Colonies(



This is an assertion of a fact) * go no further on the paper) though) in mpri%ate judgment) a useful representation is impossibleFF* am sure it is notdesired b them) nor ought it perhaps b usFFbut * abstain from opinions

The fourth 1esolution isFF

(That each of the said Colonies hath within itself a bod) chosen in part) or inthe whole) b the freemen) freeFholders) or other free inhabitants thereof)commonl called the General Assembl) or General Court) with powers legall toraise) le%) and assess) according to the se%eral usage of such Colonies dutiesand ta0es towards defraing all sorts of public ser%ices(

This competence in the Colon Assemblies is certain& *t is pro%ed b the wholetenor of their Acts of Suppl in all the Assemblies) in which the constant stleof granting is) (an aid to his 8ajest() and Acts granting to the Crown ha%eregularl for near a centur passed the public offices without dispute& Thosewho ha%e been pleased parado0icall to den this right) holding that none butthe British Parliament can grant to the Crown) are wished to look to what is

done) not onl in the Colonies) but in *reland) in one uniform unbroken tenor e%er session& Sir) * am surprised that this doctrine should come from some of the law ser%ants of the Crown& * sa that if the Crown could be responsible) his8ajestFFbut certainl the 8inisters)FFand e%en these law officers themsel%esthrough whose hands the Acts passed) bienniall in *reland) or annuall in theColoniesFFare in an habitual course of committing impeachable offences& -hathabitual offenders ha%e been all Presidents of the Council) all Secretaries of State) all .irst @ords of Trade) all Attornes and all Solicitors General62owe%er) the are safe) as no one impeaches themI and there is no ground of charge against them e0cept in their own unfounded theories&

The fifth 1esolution is also a resolution of factFF

(That the said General Assemblies) General Courts) or other bodies legall Hualified as aforesaid) ha%e at sundr times freel granted se%eral large subsidies and public aids for his 8ajest's ser%ice) according to their abilities) when reHuired thereto b letter from one of his 8ajest's principal Secretaries of StateI and that their right to grant the same) and their cheerfulness and sufficienc in the said grants) ha%e been at sundr times acknowledged b Parliament&(

To sa nothing of their great e0penses in the *ndian wars) and not to take their e0ertion in foreign ones so high as the supplies in the ear 3>4=FFnot to go

back to their public contributions in the ear 353:FF* shall begin to tra%elonl where the journals gi%e me light) resol%ing to deal in nothing but fact)authenticated b Parliamentar record) and to build mself wholl on that solidbasis&

n the ;th of April) 35;L) a Committee of this 2ouse came to the followingresolution7

(1esol%ed7 That it is the opinion of this Committee that it is just and reasonable that the se%eral Pro%inces and Colonies of 8assachusetts Ba) Dew 2ampshire) Connecticut) and 1hode *sland) be reimbursed the e0penses the ha%e been

at in taking and securing to the Crown of Great Britain) the *sland of Cape Breton and its dependencies&(

The e0penses were immense for such Colonies& The were abo%e @9::)::: sterlingI



mone first raised and ad%anced on their public credit&

n the 9Lth of anuar) 35=>) a message from the ing came to us) to thiseffect7

(2is 8ajest) being sensible of the Jeal and %igor with which his faithful subjects of certain Colonies in Dorth America

ha%e e0erted themsel%es in defence of his 8ajest's just rights and possessions) recommends it to this 2ouse to take the same into their consideration) and to enable his 8ajest to gi%e them such assistance as ma be a proper reward and encouragement&(

n the #d of .ebruar) 35=>) the 2ouse came to a suitable 1esolution) e0pressedin words nearl the same as those of the message) but with the further addition)that the mone then %oted was as an encouragement to the Colonies to e0ertthemsel%es with %igor& *t will not be necessar to go through all thetestimonies which our own records ha%e gi%en to the truth of m 1esolutions& *will onl refer ou to the places in the ournals7

/ol& 00%ii&FF3>th and 34th 8a) 35=5& /ol& 00%iii&FFune 3st) 35=LI April 9>th and #:th) 35=4I 8arch 9>th and #3st) and April 9Lth) 35>:I an& 4th and 9:th) 35>3& /ol& 00i0&FFan& 99d and 9>th) 35>9I 8arch 3;th and 35th) 35>#&

Sir) here is the repeated acknowledgment of Parliament that the Colonies notonl ga%e) but ga%e to satiet& This nation has formall acknowledged twothings7 first) that the Colonies had gone beond their abilities) Parliamentha%ing thought it necessar to reimburse themI secondl) that the had acted

legall and laudabl in their grants of mone) and their maintenance of troops)since the compensation is e0pressl gi%en as reward and encouragement& 1eward isnot bestowed for acts that are unlawfulI and encouragement is not held out tothings that deser%e reprehension& 8 1esolution therefore does nothing more thancollect into one proposition what is scattered through our ournals& * gi%e ounothing but our ownI and ou cannot refuse in the gross what ou ha%e so oftenacknowledged in detail& The admission of this) which will be so honorable tothem and to ou) will) indeed) be mortal to all the miserable stories b whichthe passions of the misguided people <.ootnote7 =L? ha%e been engaged in anunhapp sstem& The people heard) indeed) from the beginning of these disputes)one thing continuall dinned in their ears) that reason and justice demandedthat the Americans) who paid no ta0es) should be compelled to contribute& 2ow

did that fact of their paing nothing stand when the ta0ing sstem beganM -hen8r& Gren%ille began to form his sstem of American re%enue) he stated in this2ouse that the Colonies were then in debt two millions si0 hundred thousandpounds sterling mone) and was of opinion the would discharge that debt in four ears& n this state) those unta0ed people were actuall subject to the pamentof ta0es to the amount of si0 hundred and fift thousand a ear& *n fact)howe%er) 8r& Gren%ille was mistaken& The funds gi%en for sinking the debt didnot pro%e Huite so ample as both the Colonies and he e0pected& The calculationwas too sanguineI the reduction was not completed till some ears after) and atdifferent times in different Colonies& 2owe%er) the ta0es after the war continued too great to bear an addition) with prudence or proprietI and whenthe burthens imposed in conseHuence of former reHuisitions were discharged) our

tone became too high to resort again to reHuisition& Do Colon) since that time)e%er has had an reHuisition whatsoe%er made to it&

-e see the sense of the Crown) and the sense of Parliament) on the producti%e



nature of a 1E/EDE B+ G1ADT& Dow search the same ournals for the produce of the 1E/EDE B+ *8PS*T*D& -here is itM @et us know the %olume and the page&-hat is the gross) what is the net produceM To what ser%ice is it appliedM 2owha%e ou appropriated its surplusM -hat6 Can none of the man skilful inde0Fmakers that we are now emploing find an trace of itMFF-ell) let them and thatrest together& But are the ournals) which sa nothing of the re%enue) as silenton the discontentM h no6 a child ma find it& *t is the melanchol burthen and

blot of e%er page&

* think) then) * am) from those ournals) justified in the si0th and last1esolution) which isFFF

(That it hath been found b e0perience that the manner of granting the saidsupplies and aids) b the said General Assemblies) hath been more agreeable tothe said Colonies) and more beneficial and conduci%e to the public ser%ice) thanthe mode of gi%ing and granting aids in Parliament) to be raised and paid in thesaid Colonies&(

This makes the whole of the fundamental part of the plan& The conclusion is

irresistible& +ou cannot sa that ou were dri%en b an necessit to ane0ercise of the utmost rights of legislature& +ou cannot assert that ou took onoursel%es the task of imposing Colon ta0es from the want of another legal bodthat is competent to the purpose of suppling the e0igencies of the statewithout wounding the prejudices of the people& Deither is it true that the bodso Hualified) and ha%ing that competence) had neglected the dut&

The Huestion now) on all this accumulated matter) is7 whether ou will choose toabide b a profitable e0perience) or a mischie%ous theorI whether ou choose tobuild on imagination) or factI whether ou prefer enjoment) or hopeIsatisfaction in our subjects) or discontentM

*f these propositions are accepted) e%erthing which has been made to enforce acontrar sstem must) * take it for granted) fall along with it& n that ground)* ha%e drawn the following 1esolution) which) when it comes to be mo%ed) willnaturall be di%ided in a proper manner7

(That it ma be proper to repeal an Act <.ootnote7 =4? made in the se%enth ear of the reign of his present 8ajest) entitled) An Act for granting certainduties in the British Colonies and Plantations in AmericaI for allowing adrawback of the duties of customs upon the e0portation from this ingdom of coffee and cocoaFnuts of the produce of the said Colonies or PlantationsI for discontinuing the drawbacks paable on china earthenware e0ported to AmericaIand for more effectuall pre%enting the clandestine running of goods in the said

Colonies and Plantations& And that it ma be proper to repeal an Act <.ootnote7>:? made in the fourteenth ear of the reign of his present 8ajest) entitled) An Act to discontinue) in such manner and for such time as are thereinmentioned) the landing and discharging) lading or shipping of goods) wares) andmerchandise at the town and within the harbor of Boston) in the Pro%ince of 8assachusetts Ba) in Dorth America& And that it ma be proper to repeal an Actmade in the fourteenth ear of the reign of his present 8ajest) entitled) An Act for the impartial administration of justice <.ootnote7 >3? in the cases of persons Huestioned for an acts done b them in the e0ecution of the law) or for the suppression of riots and tumults) in the Pro%ince of 8assachusetts Ba) inDew England& And that it ma be proper to repeal an Act made in the fourteenthear of the reign of his present 8ajest) entitled) An Act for the better

regulating <.ootnote7 >9? of the Go%ernment of the Pro%ince of the 8assachusettsBa) in Dew England& And also that it ma be proper to e0plain and amend an Actmade in the thirtFfifth ear of the reign of ing 2enr the Eighth) entitled) An Act for the Trial of Treasons <.ootnote7 >#? committed out of the ing's



ominions&(

* wish) Sir) to repeal the Boston Port Bill) becauseFFindependentl of thedangerous precedent of suspending the rights of the subject during the ing'spleasureFFit was passed) as * apprehend) with less regularit and on morepartial principles than it ought& The corporation of Boston was not heard beforeit was condemned& ther towns) full as guilt as she was) ha%e not had their

ports blocked up& E%en the 1estraining Bill of the present session does not goto the length of the Boston Port Act& The same ideas of prudence which inducedou not to e0tend eHual punishment to eHual guilt) e%en when ou were punishing)induced me) who mean not to chastise) but to reconcile) to be satisfied with thepunishment alread partiall inflicted&

*deas of prudence and accommodation to circumstances pre%ent ou from takingawa the charters of Connecticut and 1hode *sland) as ou ha%e taken awa thatof 8assachusetts Ba) though the Crown has far less power in the two former pro%inces than it enjoed in the latter) and though the abuses ha%e been full asgreat) and as flagrant) in the e0empted as in the punished& The same reasons of prudence and accommodation ha%e weight with me in restoring the charter of

8assachusetts Ba& Besides) Sir) the Act which changes the charter of 8assachusetts is in man particulars so e0ceptionable that if * did not wishabsolutel to repeal) * would b all means desire to alter it) as se%eral of itspro%isions tend to the sub%ersion of all public and pri%ate justice& Such) amongothers) is the power in the Go%ernor to change the sheriff at his pleasure) andto make a new returning officer for e%er special cause& *t is shameful tobehold such a regulation standing among English laws&

The Act for bringing persons accused of committing murder) under the orders of Go%ernment to England for trial) is but temporar& That Act has calculated theprobable duration of our Huarrel with the Colonies) and is accommodated to thatsupposed duration& * would hasten the happ moment of reconciliation) and

therefore must) on m principle) get rid of that most justl obno0ious Act&

The Act of 2enr the Eighth) for the Trial of Treasons) * do not mean to takeawa) but to confine it to its proper bounds and original intentionI to make ite0pressl for trial of treasonsFFand the greatest treasons ma be committedFFinplaces where the jurisdiction of the Crown does not e0tend&

2a%ing guarded the pri%ileges of local legislature) * would ne0t secure to theColonies a fair and unbiassed judicature) for which purpose) Sir) * propose thefollowing 1esolution7

(That) from the time when the General Assembl or General Court of an Colon or

Plantation in Dorth America shall ha%e appointed b Act of Assembl) dulconfirmed) a settled salar to the offices of the Chief ustice and other udgesof the Superior Court) it ma be proper that the said Chief ustice and other udges of the Superior Courts of such Colon shall hold his and their office andoffices during their good beha%ior) and shall not be remo%ed therefrom but whenthe said remo%al shall be adjudged b his 8ajest in Council) upon a hearing oncomplaint from the General Assembl) or on a complaint from the Go%ernor) or Council) or the 2ouse of 1epresentati%es se%erall) or of the Colon in whichthe said Chief ustice and other udges ha%e e0ercised the said offices(

The ne0t 1esolution relates to the Courts of Admiralt& *t is this&

(That it ma be proper to regulate the Courts of Admiralt or /ice AdmiraltauthoriJed b the fifteenth Chapter of the .ourth of George the Third) in such amanner as to make the same more commodious to those who sue) or are sued) in thesaid Courts) and to pro%ide for the more decent maintenance of the udges in the



same&(

These courts * do not wish to take awa) the are in themsel%es proper establishments& This court is one of the capital securities of the Act of Da%igation& The e0tent of its jurisdiction) indeed) has been increased) but thisis altogether as proper) and is indeed on man accounts more eligible) where newpowers were wanted) than a court absolutel new& But courts incommodiousl

situated) in effect) den justice) and a court partaking in the fruits of itsown condemnation is a robber& The Congress complain) and complain justl) of this grie%ance&

These are the three conseHuential propositions * ha%e thought of two or threemore) but the come rather too near detail) and to the pro%ince of e0ecuti%ego%ernment) which * wish Parliament alwas to superintend) ne%er to assume& *f the first si0 are granted) congruit will carr the latter three& *f not) thethings that remain unrepealed will be) * hope) rather unseeml incumbrances onthe building) than %er materiall detrimental to its strength and stabilit&

2ere) Sir) * should close) but * plainl percei%e some objections remain which *

ought) if possible) to remo%e& The first will be that) in resorting to thedoctrine of our ancestors) as contained in the preamble to the Chester Act) *pro%e too much) that the grie%ance from a want of representation) stated in thatpreamble) goes to the whole of legislation as well as to ta0ation) and that theColonies) grounding themsel%es upon that doctrine) will appl it to all parts of legislati%e authorit&

To this objection) with all possible deference and humilit) and wishing aslittle as an man li%ing to impair the smallest particle of our supremeauthorit) * answer) that the words are the words of Parliament) and not mine)and that all false and inconclusi%e inferences drawn from them are not mine) for * heartil disclaim an such inference& * ha%e chosen the words of an Act of

Parliament which 8r& Gren%ille) surel a tolerabl Jealous and %er judiciousad%ocate for the so%ereignt of Parliament) formerl mo%ed to ha%e read at our table in confirmation of his tenets& *t is true that @ord Chatham consideredthese preambles as declaring strongl in fa%or of his opinions& 2e was a no lesspowerful ad%ocate for the pri%ileges of the Americans& ught * not from hence topresume that these preambles are as fa%orable as possible to both) when properlunderstoodI fa%orable both to the rights of Parliament) and to the pri%ilege of the dependencies of this CrownM But) Sir) the object of grie%ance in m1esolution * ha%e not taken from the Chester) but from the urham Act) whichconfines the hardship of want of representation to the case of subsidies) andwhich therefore falls in e0actl with the case of the Colonies& But whether theunrepresented counties were de jure or de facto <.ootnote7 >;? bound) the

preambles do not accuratel distinguish) nor indeed was it necessarI for)whether de jure or de facto) the @egislature thought the e0ercise of the power of ta0ing as of right) or as of fact without right) eHuall a grie%ance) andeHuall oppressi%e&

* do not know that the Colonies ha%e) in an general wa) or in an cool hour)gone much beond the demand of humanit in relation to ta0es& *t is not fair to judge of the temper or dispositions of an man) or an set of men) when the arecomposed and at rest) from their conduct or their e0pressions in a state of disturbance and irritation& *t is besides a %er great mistake to imagine thatmankind follow up practicall an speculati%e principle) either of go%ernment or of freedom) as far as it will go in argument and logical illation& -e Englishmen

stop %er short of the principles upon which we support an gi%en part of our Constitution) or e%en the whole of it together& * could easil) if * had notalread tired ou) gi%e ou %er striking and con%incing instances of it& Thisis nothing but what is natural and proper& All go%ernment) indeed e%er human



benefit and enjoment) e%er %irtue) and e%er prudent act) is founded oncompromise and barter& -e balance incon%eniencesI we gi%e and takeI we remitsome rights) that we ma enjo othersI and we choose rather to be happ citiJensthan subtle disputants& As we must gi%e awa some natural libert to enjo ci%ilad%antages) so we must sacrifice some ci%il liberties for the ad%antages to bederi%ed from the communion and fellowship of a great empire& But) in all fair dealings) the thing bought must bear some proportion to the purchase paid& Done

will barter awa the immediate jewel of his soul& <.ootnote7 >=? Though a greathouse is apt to make sla%es haught) et it is purchasing a part of theartificial importance of a great empire too dear to pa for it all essentialrights and all the intrinsic dignit of human nature& Done of us who would notrisk his life rather than fall under a go%ernment purel arbitrar& But althoughthere are some amongst us who think our Constitution wants man impro%ements tomake it a complete sstem of libert) perhaps none who are of that opinion wouldthink it right to aim at such impro%ement b disturbing his countr) and riskinge%erthing that is dear to him& *n e%er arduous enterprise we consider what weare to lose) as well as what we are to gainI and the more and better stake of libert e%er people possess) the less the will haJard in a %ain attempt tomake it more& These are the cords of man& 8an acts from adeHuate moti%es

relati%e to his interest) and not on metaphsical speculations& Aristotle) thegreat master of reasoning) cautions us) and with great weight and propriet)against this species of delusi%e geometrical accurac in moral arguments as themost fallacious of all sophistr&

The Americans will ha%e no interest contrar to the grandeur and glor of England) when the are not oppressed b the weight of itI and the will rather be inclined to respect the acts of a superintending legislature when the seethem the acts of that power which is itself the securit) not the ri%al) of their secondar importance& *n this assurance m mind most perfectl acHuiesces)and * confess * feel not the least alarm from the discontents which are to arisefrom putting people at their ease) nor do * apprehend the destruction of this

Empire from gi%ing) b an act of free grace and indulgence) to two millions of m fellowFcitiJens some share of those rights upon which& * ha%e alwas beentaught to %alue mself&

*t is said) indeed) that this power of granting) %ested in American Assemblies)would dissol%e the unit of the Empire) which was preser%ed entire) although-ales) and Chester) and urham were added to it& Trul) 8r& Speaker) * do notknow what this unit means) nor has it e%er been heard of) that * know) in theconstitutional polic of this countr& The %er idea of subordination of partse0cludes this notion of simple and undi%ided unit& England is the headI but sheis not the head and the members too& *reland has e%er had from the beginning aseparate) but not an independent) legislature) which) far from distracting)

promoted the union of the whole& E%erthing was sweetl and harmoniousldisposed through both islands for the conser%ation of English dominion) and thecommunication of English liberties& * do not see that the same principles mightnot be carried into twent islands and with the same good effect& This is mmodel with regard to America) as far as the internal circumstances of the twocountries are the same& * know no other unit of this Empire than * can drawfrom its e0ample during these periods) when it seemed to m poor understandingmore united than it is now) or than it is likel to be b the present methods&

But since * speak of these methods) * recollect) 8r& Speaker) almost too late)that * promised) before * finished) to sa something of the proposition of thenoble lord on the floor) which has been so latel recei%ed and stands on our

ournals& * must be deepl concerned whene%er it is m misfortune to continue adifference with the majorit of this 2ouseI but as the reasons for thatdifference are m apolog for thus troubling ou) suffer me to state them in a%er few words& * shall compress them into as small a bod as * possibl can)



ha%ing alread debated that matter at large when the Huestion was before theCommittee&

.irst) then) * cannot admit that proposition of a ransom <.ootnote7 >>? bauctionI because it is a mere project& *t is a thing new) unheard ofI supportedb no e0perienceI justified b no analogI without e0ample of our ancestors) or root in the Constitution& *t is neither regular Parliamentar ta0ation) nor

Colon grant& E0perimentum in corpore %ili <.ootnote7 >5? is a good rule) whichwill e%er make me ad%erse to an trial of e0periments on what is certainl themost %aluable of all subjects) the peace of this Empire&

Secondl) it is an e0periment which must be fatal in the end to our Constitution& .or what is it but a scheme for ta0ing the Colonies in the anteFchamber of the noble lord and his successorsM To settle the Huotas andproportions in this 2ouse is clearl impossible& +ou) Sir) ma flatter ourself ou shall sit a state auctioneer) with our hammer in our hand) and knock downto each Colon as it bids& But to settle) on the plan laid down b the noblelord) the true proportional pament for four or fi%e and twent go%ernmentsaccording to the absolute and the relati%e wealth of each) and according to the

British proportion of wealth and burthen) is a wild and chimerical notion& Thisnew ta0ation must therefore come in b the back door of the Constitution& EachHuota must be brought to this 2ouse read formedI ou can neither add nor alter&+ou must register it& +ou can do nothing further) for on what grounds can oudeliberate either before or after the propositionM +ou cannot hear the counselfor all these pro%inces) Huarrelling each on its own Huantit of pament) andits proportion to others *f ou should attempt it) the Committee of Pro%incial-as and 8eans) or b whate%er other name it will delight to be called) mustswallow up all the time of Parliament&

Thirdl) it does not gi%e satisfaction to the complaint of the Colonies& Thecomplain that the are ta0ed without their consent) ou answer) that ou will

fi0 the sum at which the shall be ta0ed& That is) ou gi%e them the %ergrie%ance for the remed& +ou tell them) indeed) that ou will lea%e the mode tothemsel%es& * reall beg pardonFFit gi%es me pain to mention itFFbut ou must besensible that ou will not perform this part of the compact& .or) suppose theColonies were to la the duties) which furnished their contingent) upon theimportation of our manufactures) ou know ou would ne%er suffer such a ta0 tobe laid& +ou know) too) that ou would not suffer man other modes of ta0ation)so that) when ou come to e0plain ourself) it will be found that ou willneither lea%e to themsel%es the Huantum nor the mode) nor indeed anthing& Thewhole is delusion from one end to the other&

.ourthl) this method of ransom b auction) unless it be uni%ersall accepted)will plunge ou into great and ine0tricable difficulties& *n what ear of our @ord are the proportions of paments to be settledM To sa nothing of theimpossibilit that Colon agents should ha%e general powers of ta0ing theColonies at their discretion) consider) * implore ou) that the communication bspecial messages and orders between these agents and their constituents) on each%ariation of the case) when the parties come to contend together and to disputeon their relati%e proportions) will be a matter of dela) perple0it) andconfusion that ne%er can ha%e an end&

*f all the Colonies do not appear at the outcr) what is the condition of thoseassemblies who offer) b themsel%es or their agents) to ta0 themsel%es up to

our ideas of their proportionM The refractor Colonies who refuse allcomposition will remain ta0ed onl to our old impositions) which) howe%er grie%ous in principle) are trifling as to production& The obedient Colonies inthis scheme are hea%il ta0ed) the refractor remain unburdened& -hat will ou



doM -ill ou la new and hea%ier ta0es b Parliament on the disobedientM Praconsider in what wa ou can do it& +ou are perfectl con%inced that) in the waof ta0ing) ou can do nothing but at the ports& Dow suppose it is /irginia thatrefuses to appear at our auction) while 8arland and Dorth Carolina bidhandsomel for their ransom) and are ta0ed to our Huota) how will ou put theseColonies on a parM -ill ou ta0 the tobacco of /irginiaM *f ou do) ou gi%e itsdeathFwound to our English re%enue at home) and to one of the %er greatest

articles of our own foreign trade& *f ou ta0 the import of that rebelliousColon) what do ou ta0 but our own manufactures) or the goods of some other obedient and alread wellFta0ed ColonM -ho has said one word on this labrinthof detail) which bewilders ou more and more as ou enter into itM -ho haspresented) who can present ou with a clue to lead ou out of itM * think) Sir)it is impossible that ou should not recollect that the Colon bounds are soimplicated in one another)FFou know it b our other e0periments in the billfor prohibiting the Dew England fisher)FFthat ou can la no possiblerestraints on almost an of them which ma not be presentl eluded) if ou donot confound the innocent with the guilt) and burthen those whom) upon e%erprinciple) ou ought to e0onerate& 2e must be grossl ignorant of America whothinks that) without falling into this confusion of all rules of eHuit and

polic) ou can restrain an single Colon) especiall /irginia and 8arland)the central and most important of them all&

@et it also be considered that) either in the present confusion ou settle apermanent contingent) which will and must be trifling) and then ou ha%e noeffectual re%enueI or ou change the Huota at e%er e0igenc) and then on e%ernew repartition ou will ha%e a new Huarrel&

1eflect) besides) that when ou ha%e fi0ed a Huota for e%er Colon) ou ha%enot pro%ided for prompt and punctual pament& Suppose one) two) fi%e) ten ears'arrears& +ou cannot issue a Treasur E0tent against the failing Colon& +ou mustmake new Boston Port Bills) new restraining laws) new acts for dragging men to

England for trial& +ou must send out new fleets) new armies& All is to beginagain& .rom this da forward the Empire is ne%er to know an hour's tranHuillit& An intestine fire will be kept ali%e in the bowels of the Colonies) which onetime or other must consume this whole Empire& * allow indeed that the empire of German raises her re%enue and her troops b Huotas and contingentsI but there%enue of the empire) and the arm of the empire) is the worst re%enue and theworst arm in the world&

*nstead of a standing re%enue) ou will therefore ha%e a perpetual Huarrel&*ndeed) the noble lord who proposed this project of a ransom b auction seemshimself to be of that opinion& 2is project was rather designed for breaking theunion of the Colonies than for establishing a re%enue& 2e confessed he

apprehended that his proposal would not be to their taste& * sa this scheme of disunion seems to be at the bottom of the projectI for * will not suspect thatthe noble lord meant nothing but merel to delude the nation b an air phantomwhich he ne%er intended to realiJe& But whate%er his %iews ma be) as * proposethe peace and union of the Colonies as the %er foundation of m plan) it cannotaccord with one whose foundation is perpetual discord&

Compare the two& This * offer to gi%e ou is plain and simple& The other full of perple0ed and intricate maJes& This is mildI that harsh& This is found be0perience effectual for its purposesI the other is a new project& This isuni%ersalI the other calculated for certain Colonies onl& This is immediate inits conciliator operationI the other remote) contingent) full of haJard& 8ine

is what becomes the dignit of a ruling peopleFFgratuitous) unconditional) andnot held out as a matter of bargain and sale& * ha%e done m dut in proposingit to ou& * ha%e indeed tired ou b a long discourseI but this is themisfortune of those to whose influence nothing will be conceded) and who must



win e%er inch of their ground b argument& +ou ha%e heard me with goodness& 8aou decide with wisdom6 .or m part) * feel m mind greatl disburthened b what* ha%e done toFda& * ha%e been the less fearful of tring our patience)because on this subject * mean to spare it altogether in future& * ha%e thiscomfort) that in e%er stage of the American affairs * ha%e steadil opposed themeasures that ha%e produced the confusion) and ma bring on the destruction) of this Empire& * now go so far as to risk a proposal of m own& *f * cannot gi%e

peace to m countr) * gi%e it to m conscience&

But what) sas the financier) is peace to us without moneM +our plan gi%es usno re%enue& Do6 But it doesI for it secures to the subject the power or refusal)the first of all re%enues& E0perience is a cheat) and fact a liar) if this power in the subject of proportioning his grant) or of not granting at all) has notbeen found the richest mine of re%enue e%er disco%ered b the skill or b thefortune of man& *t does not indeed %ote ou @3=9)5=: 33s& 9#N;d) nor an other paltr limited sumI but it gi%es the strong bo0 itself) the fund) the bankFFfromwhence onl re%enues can arise amongst a people sensible of freedom& Positaluditur arca& <.ootnote7 >L? Cannot ou) in EnglandFFcannot ou) at this time of daFFcannot ou) a 2ouse of Commons) trust to the principle which has raised so

might a re%enue) and accumulated a debt of near 3;:):::)::: in this countrM *sthis principle to be true in England) and false e%erwhere elseM *s it not truein *relandM 2as it not hitherto been true in the ColoniesM -h should oupresume that) in an countr) a bod dul constituted for an function willneglect to perform its dut and abdicate its trustM Such a presumption<.ootnote7 >4? would go against all go%ernments in all modes& But) in truth)this dread of penur of suppl from a free assembl has no foundation in natureIfor first) obser%e that) besides the desire which all men ha%e naturall of supporting the honor of their own go%ernment) that sense of dignit and thatsecurit to propert which e%er attends freedom has a tendenc to increase thestock of the free communit& 8ost ma be taken where most is accumulated& Andwhat is the soil or climate where e0perience has not uniforml pro%ed that the

%oluntar flow of heapedFup plent) bursting from the weight of its own richlu0uriance) has e%er run with a more copious stream of re%enue than could besHueeJed from the dr husks of oppressed indigence b the straining of all thepolitic machiner in the worldM <.ootnote7 5:?

De0t) we know that parties must e%er e0ist in a free countr& -e know) too) thatthe emulations of such partiesFFtheir contradictions) their reciprocalnecessities) their hopes) and their fearsFFmust send them all in their turns tohim that holds the balance of the State& The parties are the gamestersI butGo%ernment keeps the table) and is sure to be the winner in the end& -hen thisgame is plaed) * reall think it is more to be feared that the people will bee0hausted) than that Go%ernment will not be suppliedI whereas) whate%er is got

b acts of absolute power ill obeed) because odious) or b contracts ill kept)because constrained) will be narrow) feeble) uncertain) and precarious&

(Ease would retract /ows made in pain) as %iolent and %oid&(

*) for one) protest against compounding our demands& * declare againstcompounding) for a poor limited sum) the immense) e%erFgrowing) eternal debtwhich is due to generous go%ernment from protected freedom& And so ma * speedin the great object * propose to ou) as * think it would not onl be an act of injustice) but would be the worst econom in the world) to compel the Coloniesto a sum certain) either in the wa of ransom or in the wa of compulsorcompact&

But to clear up m ideas on this subject7 a re%enue from America transmittedhitherFFdo not delude oursel%esFFou ne%er can recei%e itI no) not a shilling&-e ha%e e0perience that from remote countries it is not to be e0pected& *f) when



ou attempted to e0tract re%enue from Bengal) ou were obliged to return in loanwhat ou had taken in imposition) what can ou e0pect from Dorth AmericaM .or certainl) if e%er there was a countr Hualified to produce wealth) it is *ndiaIor an institution fit for the transmission) it is the East *ndia Compan& America has none of these aptitudes& *f America gi%es ou ta0able objects onwhich ou la our duties here) and gi%es ou) at the same time) a surplus b aforeign sale of her commodities to pa the duties on these objects which ou ta0

at home) she has performed her part to the British re%enue& But with regard toher own internal establishments) she ma) * doubt not she will) contribute inmoderation& * sa in moderation) for she ought not to be permitted to e0haustherself& She ought to be reser%ed to a war) the weight of which) with theenemies <.ootnote7 53? that we are most likel to ha%e) must be considerable inher Huarter of the globe& There she ma ser%e ou) and ser%e ou essentiall&

.or that ser%iceFFfor all ser%ice) whether of re%enue) trade) or empireFFmtrust is in her interest in the British Constitution& 8 hold of the Colonies isin the close affection which grows from common names) from kindred blood) fromsimilar pri%ileges) and eHual protection& These are ties which) though light asair) <.ootnote7 59? are as strong as links of iron& @et the Colonists alwas

keep the idea of their ci%il rights associated with our go%ernment)FFthe willcling and grapple to ou) <.ootnote7 5#? and no force under hea%en will be of power to tear them from their allegiance& But let it be once understood thatour go%ernment ma be one thing) and their pri%ileges another) that these twothings ma e0ist without an mutual relation) the cement is gone <.ootnote7 5;?FFthe cohesion is loosenedFFand e%erthing hastens to deca and dissolution& Aslong as ou ha%e the wisdom to keep the so%ereign authorit of this countr asthe sanctuar of libert) the sacred temple consecrated to our common faith)where%er the chosen race and sons of England worship freedom) the will turntheir faces towards ou& The more the multipl) the more friends ou will ha%eIthe more ardentl the lo%e libert) the more perfect will be their obedience&Sla%er the can ha%e anwhereFFit is a weed that grows in e%er soil& The ma

ha%e it from SpainI the ma ha%e it from Prussia& But) until ou become lost toall feeling of our true interest and our natural dignit) freedom the canha%e from none but ou& This is the commodit of price of which ou ha%e themonopol& This is the true Act of Da%igation which binds to ou the commerce of the Colonies) and through them secures to ou the wealth of the world& en themthis participation of freedom) and ou break that sole bond which originallmade) and must still preser%e) the unit of the Empire& o not entertain so weakan imagination as that our registers and our bonds) our affida%its and our sufferances) our cockets and our clearances) are what form the greatsecurities of our commerce& o not dream that our letters of office) and our instructions) and our suspending clauses) are the things that hold together thegreat conte0ture of the msterious whole& These things do not make our

go%ernment& ead instruments) passi%e tools as the are) it is the spirit of theEnglish communion that gi%es all their life and efficac to them& *t is thespirit of the English Constitution which) infused through the might mass)per%ades) feeds) unites) in%igorates) %i%ifies e%er part of the Empire) e%endown to the minutest member&

*s it not the same %irtue which does e%erthing for us here in EnglandM o ouimagine) then) that it is the @and Ta0 Act which raises our re%enueM that it isthe annual %ote in the Committee of Suppl which gi%es ou our armM or that itis the 8utin Bill which inspires it with bra%er and disciplineM Do6 surel no6*t is the lo%e of the peopleI it is their attachment to their go%ernment) fromthe sense of the deep stake the ha%e in such a glorious institution) which

gi%es ou our arm and our na%) and infuses into both that liberal obediencewithout which our arm would be a base rabble) and our na% nothing but rottentimber&



All this) * know well enough) will sound wild and chimerical to the profane herd<.ootnote7 5=? of those %ulgar and mechanical politicians who ha%e no placeamong usI a sort of people who think that nothing e0ists but what is gross andmaterial) and who) therefore) far from being Hualified to be directors of thegreat mo%ement of empire) are not fit to turn a wheel in the machine& But to mentrul initiated and rightl taught) these ruling and master principles which) inthe opinion of such men as * ha%e mentioned) ha%e no substantial e0istence) are

in truth e%erthing) and all in all& 8agnanimit <.ootnote7 5>? in politics isnot seldom the truest wisdomI and a great empire and little minds go illtogether& *f we are conscious of our station) and glow with Jeal to fill our places as becomes our situation and oursel%es) we ought to auspicate <.ootnote755? all our public proceedings on America with the old warning of the church)Sursum corda6 <.ootnote7 5L? -e ought to ele%ate our minds to the greatness of that trust to which the order of pro%idence has called us& B ad%erting to thedignit of this high calling our ancestors ha%e turned a sa%age wilderness intoa glorious empire) and ha%e made the most e0tensi%e and the onl honorableconHuestsFFnot b destroing) but b promoting the wealth) the number) thehappiness) of the human race& @et us get an American re%enue as we ha%e got an American empire& English pri%ileges ha%e made it all that it isI English

pri%ileges alone will make it all it can be&

*n full confidence of this unalterable truth) * now) Huod feli0 faustumHue sit)<.ootnote7 54? la the first stone of the Temple of PeaceI and * mo%e ouFF

(That the Colonies and Plantations of Great Britain in Dorth America) consistingof fourteen separate go%ernments) and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants) ha%e not had the libert and pri%ilege of electing and sendingan nights and Burgesses) or others) to represent them in the 2igh Court of Parliament&(

.TDTES

<.ootnote7 3& grand penal bill& This bill originated with @ord Dorth& *trestricted the trade of the Dew England colonies to England and her dependencies& *t also placed serious limitations upon the Dewfoundlandfisheries& The 2ouse of @ords was dissatisfied with the measure because it didnot include all the colonies&?

<.ootnote7 9& -hen * first had the honor& Burke was first elected to Parliamentec& 9>) 35>=& 2e was at the time secretar to @ord 1ockingham) Prime 8inister&

Pre%ious to this he had made himself thoroughl familiar with England's policin dealing with her dependenciesFFnotabl *reland&?

<.ootnote7 #& m original sentiments& After man demonstrations both in Americaand England the Stamp Act became a law in 35>=& ne of the first tasks the1ockingham ministr set itself was to bring about a repeal of this act& Burkemade his first speech in support of his part& 2e argued that the abstract andtheoretical rights claimed b England in matters of go%ernment should be setaside when the were unfa%orable to the happiness and prosperit of her coloniesand herself& 2is speech was complimented b Pitt) and r& ohnson wrote that nonew member had e%er before attracted such attention&?

<.ootnote7 ;& America has been kept in agitation& .or a period of nearl onehundred ears the affairs of the colonies had been intrusted to a standingcommittee appointed b Parliament& This committee was called (The @ords of Trade&( .rom its members came man if not the majorit of the propositions for



the regulation of the American trade& To them the colonial go%ernors) who wereappointed b the king) ga%e full accounts of the proceedings of the coloniallegislatures& These reports) often colored b personal prejudice) did not alwasrepresent the colonists in the best light& *t was mainl through the influenceof one of the former @ords of Trade) Charles Townshend) who afterwards becamethe leading %oice in the Pitt ministr) that the Stamp Act was passed&?

<.ootnote7 =& a worth member& 8r& 1ose .uller&?

<.ootnote7 >& former methods& Condense the thought in this paragraph& Are such(methods( practised nowadasM?

<.ootnote7 5& paper go%ernment& Burke possibl had in mind the constitutionprepared for the Carolinas b ohn @ocke and Earl of Shaftesbur& The scheme wasutterl impracticable and ga%e cause for endless dissatisfaction&?

<.ootnote7 L& 1efined polic& After a careful reading of the paragraph determinewhat Burke means b (refined polic&(?

<.ootnote7 4& the project& The bill referred to had been passed b the 2ouse on.eb& 95& *t pro%ided that those colonies which %oluntaril %oted contributionsfor the common defence and support of the English go%ernment) and in additionmade pro%ision for the administration of their own ci%il affairs) should bee0empt from ta0ation) e0cept such as was necessar for the regulation of trade&*t has been declared b some that the measure was meant m good faith and thatits recognition and acceptance b the colonies would ha%e brought good results&Burke) along with others of the opposition) argued that the intention of thebill was to cause dissension and di%ision among the colonies& Compare 5) 33F39&State our opinion and gi%e reasons&?

<.ootnote7 3:& the noble lord in the blue ribbon @ord Dorth !35#9F3549$ 2e

entered Parliament at the age of twentFtwo) ser%ed as @ord of the Treasur)35=4I was remo%ed b 1ockingham) 35>=I was again appointed b Pitt to the officeof oint Pamaster of the .orces) became Prime 8inister) 355:) and resigned)35L3 @ord Dorth is described both b his contemporaries and later histonaus asan easFgoing) indolent man) shortFsighted and rather stupid) though obstinateand courageous& 2e was the willing ser%ant of George ***) and belie%ed in theprinciple of authorit as opposed to that of conciliation& The blue ribbon wasthe badge of the rder of the Garter instituted b Edward *** @ord Dorth wasmade a night of the Garter) 3559& Burke often mentions the (blue ribbon( inspeaking of the Prime 8inister& -hM?

<.ootnote7 33& Colon agents& *t was customar for colonies to select some one

to represent them in important matters of legislation& Burke himself ser%ed asthe agent of Dew +ork& o ou think this tact accounts in an wa for hisattitude in this speechM?

<.ootnote7 39& our address Parliament had prepared an address to the king somemonths pre%ious) in which 8assachusetts was declared to be in a state of rebellion& The immediate cause of this address was the Boston Tea Part& Theli%es and fortunes of his 8ajest's subjects were represented as being indanger) and he was asked to deal %igorousl not onl with 8assachusetts but withher smpathiJers&?

<.ootnote7 3#& those chances& Suggested perhaps b lines in ulius Caesar) */&)

iii&) 93>F9347FF

(There is a tide in the affairs of men) -hich) taken at the flood) leads on to fortuneI



mitted) all the %oage of their life *s bound in shallows and in miseries&(?

<.ootnote7 3;& according to that nature and to those circumstances& Compare withL& Point out the connection between the thought here e0pressed and Burke's ideaof (e0pedienc&(?

<.ootnote7 3=& great consideration& This paragraph has been censured for its tooflorid stle& *t ma be rather gorgeous and rhetorical when considered as partof an argument) et it is %er characteristic of Burke as a writer& *n no other passage of the speech is there such %i%id clearFcut imager& Dote thepicturesHue Hualit of the lines and detect if ou can an confusion infigures&?

<.ootnote7 3>& *t is good for us to be here& Burke's fa%orite books wereShakespeare) 8ilton) and the Bible& Trace the abo%e sentence to one of these&?

<.ootnote7 35& (.acta parentun

am legere et Huae sit poteris cognoscere %irtus&( FF/*1G*@'S Eclogues) */&) 9>) 95?

Dotice the alteration& Alread old enough to stud the deeds of his father andto know what %irtue is&

<.ootnote7 3L& before ou taste of death& Compare 3>&?

<.ootnote7 34& 1oman charit& This suggests the more famous (Ancient 1omanhonor( !8erchant of /enice) ***&) 33) 943$& The incident referred to b Burke istold b se%eral writers& A father condemned to death b star%ation is %isited inprison b his daughter) who secretl nourishes him with milk from her breasts&?

<.ootnote7 9:& comple0ions& (8islike me not for m C8P@E*D&(FF8& /& *s theword used in the same sense b BurkeM?

<.ootnote7 93& the thunder of the state& -hat is the classical allusionM?

<.ootnote7 99& a nation is not go%erned&

(-ho o%ercomes B force hath o%ercome but half his foe( FFParadise @ost) 3) >;L) >;4&?

<.ootnote7 9#& ur ancient indulgence& (The wise and salutar neglect)( which

Burke has just mentioned) was the result of !a$ the struggle of Charles *& withParliament) !b$ the confusion and readjustment at the 1estoration) !c$ the1e%olution of 3>LL) !d$ the attitude of .rance in fa%oring the cause of theStuarts) !e$ the ascendenc of the -higs& England had her hands full inattending to affairs at home& As a result of this the colonies were practicalltheir own masters in matters of go%ernment& Also the political part known asthe -higs had its origin shortl before -illiam and 8ar ascended the throne&This part fa%ored the colonies and respected their ideas of libert andgo%ernment&?

<.ootnote7 9;& great contests& ne instance of this is 8agna Charta& Suggestothers&?

<.ootnote7 9=& .reedom is to them Such keen analsis and subtle reasoning ischaracteristic of Burke *t is this tendenc that justifies some of his admirersin calling him (Philosopher Statesman(& Consider his thought attenti%el and



determine whether or not his argument is entirel sound& *s he correct inspeaking of our Gothic ancestorsM?

<.ootnote7 9>& Abeunt studia in mores& Studies become a part of character&?

<.ootnote7 95& winged ministers of %engeance& A figure suggested perhaps b2orace) des) Bk& */&) ;7 (8inistrum fulmims alitem(FFthe thunder's winged

messenger&?

<.ootnote7 9L& the circulation& The Conciliation) as all of Burke's writings) isrich in such figurati%e e0pressions& *n e%er instance the student shoulddisco%er the source of the figure and determine definitel whether or not hisauthor is accurate and suggesti%e&?

<.ootnote7 94& its imperfections&

(But sent to m account -ith all m imperfections upon m head&( FF2amlet) *) %) 5L) 54&?

<.ootnote7 #:& same plan& The act referred to) known as the 1egulating Act)became a law 8a 3:) 355;& *t pro%ided !a$ that the council) or the higher branch of the legislature) should be appointed b the Crown !the popular assemblies had pre%iousl selected the members of the council$I !b$ thatofficers of the common courts should be chosen b the roal go%ernors) and !c$that public meetings !e0cept for elections$ should not be held without thesanction of the king& These measures were practicall ignored& B means of circular letters the colonies were full instructed through their representati%es& As a direct result of the 1egulating Act) along with other highFhanded proceedings of the same sort) delegates were secretl appointed for the Continental Congress on Sept& 3 at Philadelphia& The delegates from

8assachusetts were Samuel Adams) ohn Adams) 1obert Paine) and Thomas Cushing&?

<.ootnote7 #3& their liberties& Compare 9;?

<.ootnote7 #9& sudden or partial %iew& Goodrich) in his Select BritishEloHuence) speaking of Burke's comprehensi%eness in discussing his subject)compares him to one standing upon an eminence) taking a large and rounded %iewof it on e%er side& The justice of this obser%ation is seen in such instancesas the abo%e& *t is this breadth and clearness of %ision more than anthing elsethat distinguishes Burke so sharpl from his contemporaries&?

<.ootnote7 ##& three was& 2ow does the first differ from the thirdM?

<.ootnote7 #;& Spoliatis arma supersunt& Though plundered their arms stillremain&?

<.ootnote7 #=& our speech would betra ou& (Th speech bewraeth thee(FF8att&00%i 5#& There is much justice in the obser%ation that Burke is often %erbose)et such paragraphs as this pro%e how well he knew to condense and prune hise0pression& *t is an e0cellent plan to select from da to da passages of thissort and commit them to memor for recitation when the speech has beenfinished&?

<.ootnote7 #>& to persuade sla%es& oes this suggest one of Bron's poemsM?

<.ootnote7 #5& causes of Huarrel& The Assembl of /irginia in 355: attempted torestrict the sla%e trade& ther colonies made the same effort) but Parliament%etoed these measures) accompaning its action with the blunt statement that the



sla%e trade was profitable to England& bser%e how effecti%el Burke uses hiswide knowledge of histor&?

<.ootnote7 #L& e0 %i termini& .rom the force of the word&?

<.ootnote7 #4& abstract right& Compare with 3;I also L& Point out connection inthought&?

<.ootnote7 ;:& Act of 2enr the Eighth& Burke alludes to this in his letter tothe sheriffs of Bristol in the following terms7 (To tr a man under this Act isto condemn him unheard& A person is brought hither in the dungeon of a shipholdI thence he is %omited into a dungeon on land) loaded with irons)unfurnished with mone) unsupported b friends) three thousand miles from allmeans of calling upon or confronting e%idence) where no one local circumstancethat tends to detect perjur can possibl be judged ofIFFsuch a person ma bee0ecuted according to form) but he can ne%er be tried according to justice&(?

<.ootnote7 ;3& correctl right& E0plain&?

<.ootnote7 ;9& Paradise @ost) **&) #49F#4;&?

<.ootnote7 ;#& This passage should be carefull studied& Burke's theor of go%ernment is gi%en in the Conciliation b just such lines as these& 1efer toother instances of principles which he considers fundamental in matters of go%ernment&?

<.ootnote7 ;;& e0Huisite& E0act meaningM?

<.ootnote7 ;=& trade laws& -hat would ha%e been the nature of a changebeneficial to the coloniesM?

<.ootnote7 ;>& English conHuest& At 2enr **&'s accession) 33=;) *reland hadfallen from the ci%iliJation which had once flourished upon her soil and whichhad been introduced b her missionaries into England during the se%enth centur&2enr **& obtained the sanction of the Pope) in%aded the island) and partiallsubdued the inhabitants& .or an interesting account of England's relations to*reland the student should consult Green's Short 2istor of the English People&?

<.ootnote7 ;5& +ou deposed kings& -hat English kings ha%e been deposedM?

<.ootnote7 ;L& @ords 8archers& 8arch) boundar& These lords were gi%enpermission b the English kings to take from the -elsh as much land as thecould& The built their castles on the boundar line between the two countries)

and when the were not Huarrelling among themsel%es waged a guerilla warfareagainst the -elsh& The @ords 8archers) because of special pri%ileges and thepeculiar circumstances of their life) were %irtuall kingsFFpett kings) of course&?

<.ootnote7 ;4& (-hen the clear star has shone upon the sailors) the troubledwater flows down from the rocks) the winds fall) the clouds fade awa) and)since the !Castor and Pollu0$ ha%e so willed it) the threatening wa%es settleon the deep&(FF21ACE) des) *&) 39) 95F#9&?

<.ootnote7 =:& pposuit natura& Dature opposed&?

<.ootnote7 =3& no theor& Select other instances of Burke's impatience withfineFspun theories in statescraft?

<.ootnote7 =9& 1epublic of Plato topia of 8ore *deal states



Consult the Centur ictionar?

<.ootnote7 =#& (And the @@ swain Treads dail on it with his clouted shoon( FF8*@TD'S Comus) >) #;) #=&?

<.ootnote7 =;& the ear 35># The date marks the beginning of the acti%e strugglebetween England and the American colonies& The Stamp Act was the first definitestep taken b the English Parliament in the attempt to ta0 the colonies withouttheir consent&?

<.ootnote7 ==& legal competenc& This had been practicall recogniJed bParliament prior to the passage of the Stamp Act& *n 8assachusetts the Colonial Assembl had made grants from ear to ear to the go%ernor) both for his salarand the incidental e0penses of his office& Dotwithstanding the fact that he wasappointed !in most cases$ b the Crown) and in%ariabl had the ear of the @ordsof Trade) the colonies generall had things their own wa and enjoed apolitical freedom greater) perhaps) than did the people of England&?

<.ootnote7 =>& This is not m doctrine) but that of fellusI a rustic) etunusuall wise?

<.ootnote7 =5& Compare in point of stle with ;#) 99F9=I ;;) 3F> *n what wa dosuch passages differ from Burke's pre%ailng stleM -hat is the central thoughtin each paragraphM?

<.ootnote7 =L& misguided people& There is little doubt that the colonists m maninstances were misrepresented b the @ords of Trade and b the roal go%ernors&See an interesting account of this in .iske's American 1e%olution&?

<.ootnote7 =4& an Act& Passed in 35>5& *t pro%ided for a dut on imports)including tea) glass) and paper&?

<.ootnote7 >: An Act& Boston Post Bill&?

<.ootnote7 >3& impartial administration of justice& This pro%ided that if anperson in 8assachusetts were charged with murder) or an other capital offence)he should be tried either in some other colon or in Great Britain?

<.ootnote7 >9& An Act for the better regulating See L5) 9#& ?

<.ootnote7 >#& Trial of Treasons See =:) 9:&?

<.ootnote7 >;& de jure& According to law& de facto& According to fact&?

<.ootnote7 >=& jewel of his soul&

(Good name in man and woman) dear m lord) *s the immediate jewel of their souls( FFthello) ***) iii) 3==)3=>&?

<.ootnote7 >>& proposition of a ransom& See L) 3#&?

<.ootnote7 >5& An e0periment upon something of no %alue&?

<.ootnote7 >L& The stake their fortune and pla&?

<.ootnote7 >4& Such a presumption *s Burke right in thisM Select instances which



seem to warrant rest such a presumption& iscuss the political parties of Burke's own da from this point of %iew&?

<.ootnote7 5:& -hat can ou sa about the stle of this passageM Dote thefigure) sentence structure) and diction& oes it seem artificial ando%erwroughtM Compare it with ;#) 99F9=I ;;& 3F>I also with 4:) 9#F9=) 43) 3F9=)49) 3F9#&?

<.ootnote7 53& enemies& .rance and Spain&?

<.ootnote7 59& light as air&

(Trifles light as air Are to the jealous confirmations strong As proofs of hol writ( FFthello) ***) iii) #99F#9;?

<.ootnote7 5#& grapple to ou& (The friends thou hast and their adoption tried

Grapple them to th soul with hooks of steel( FF2amlet) *&) iii) >9)>#&?

<.ootnote7 5;& the cement is gone& .igureM?

<.ootnote7 5=& profane herd&

(di profanum %olgus et arceo( * hate the %ulgar herd and keep it from me FF2orace) des) ***) 3) 3?

<.ootnote7 5>& 8agnanimit& EtmologM?

<.ootnote7 55& auspicate Etmolog and deri%ationM?

<.ootnote7 5L& Sursum corda& @ift up our hearts&?

<.ootnote7 54& Huod feli0 faustumHue sit& 8a it be happ and fortunate&?

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Speech on Conciliation With America

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Transcript of Speech on Conciliation With America