SOCIAL prOjeCtS. the SpIrIt OF ”LA CAIxA”.Social Studies Collection no. 30 Childhood and the...

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30Social Studies Collectionno. 30

Pau Marí-KloseMarga Marí-Kloseelizabeth Vaquerasolveig argeseanu cunningham

Childhood and the Future New realities, new challenges

SOCIAL prOjeCtS. the SpIrIt OF ”LA CAIxA”.

Social Studies Collection no. 30

Childhood and the Future New realities, new challenges

Pau Marí-Klose

Marga Marí-Klose

elizabeth Vaquera

solveig argeseanu cunningham

With the collaboration of

alba Lanau sánchez

publication:

Obra Social Fundació “la Caixa”

authors:

Pau Marí-Klose

Marga Marí-Klose

elizabeth Vaquera


translated by:

Jed rosenstein

Design, layout and printing:

cege

coordination of publication:

area for grants, Universities and social studies

© Pau Marí-Klose, Marga Marí-Klose, elizabeth Vaquera,


© the ”la caixa” Foundation, 2010

av. Diagonal, 621 - 08028 Barcelona

PaU Marí-KLose is a professor of sociology at the University of Barcelona and the director of social science projects at the institute of childhood and the Urban World (ciiMU). in addition he is a researcher for the spanish national research council (csic). He holds a PhD in sociology from the autonomous University of Madrid, Master of arts from the University of chicago and Master in social sciences from the center for advanced studies in the social sciences (Juan March institute). He has studied and done research at the Universities of Berkeley, Harvard, Michigan, essex, Lancaster and oslo. included among his recent publications are: Matrimonios y Parejas Jóvenes [Marriage and Young couples] (2009), Informes de la Inclusión Social en España [reports on social inclusion in spain] (2008 and 2009), Temps de les Famílies [Family time] (2008) and Edad del Cambio: Jóvenes en los Circuitos de la Solidaridad Intergeneracional [changing age: Young people in the circuit of intergenerational solidarity] (2006). His sociological research is focused primarily on the family, childhood, youth, education and social exclusion.

Marga Marí-KLose is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Barcelona. she has a PhD in sociology from the University of Barcelona, a Masters in social Policy research from the London school of economics and a Masters in gender and Development from the complutense University

of Madrid. she has coordinated various research projects at the institute of childhood and the Urban World (ciiMU) and has studied and done research at Harvard University and the University of california at Los angeles (UcLa). she is the author of diverse publications on gender and family policy, sociology of the life cycle, education, social exclusion and poverty.

eLiZaBetH VaqUera is an assistant professor in the Department of sociology of the University of south Florida. she has a PhD in sociology from the University of Pennsylvania. she has participated in different projects in the areas of the sociology of adolescence and youth, the sociology of education and immigration studies. she is co-author of the book, Educational Outcomes of Immigrants and Their Children in the U.S (2010), in addition to diverse publications in books and journals.

soLVeig argeseanU cUnningHaM is a professor in the Department of global Health at emory University (atlanta). she earned a PhD in Demography and sociology from the University of Pennsylvania. in her research she has examined the determinants of various dimensions of childhood well-being, with special attention on the influence of interpersonal relationships on the risks of obesity and unhealthy habits. Her current research is being funded by the Us national institute of Health (niH).

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CONTENTS

presentation 7

I. Introduction 9 1.1. growing up in the risk society 11 1.2. childhood and the future 14

II. Fathering and Mothering 17 2.1. children in parents’ common life project 17 2.2. Family and fertility in the new social settings 19 2.3. the difficulties of having and raising children 22 2.4. the ethic of family care and the model

of a good childhood 30

III. providing care to children from 0 to 4 years of age 36 3.1. When children arrive: new motherhood

and fatherhood 38 3.2. schedules in families with young children 45 3.3. the quality of time provided to children 52 3.4. external childcare 58

IV. Intergenerational relationships among 5 to 10 year olds 63

4.1. Parental influence on childhood 63 4.2. Joint activities 65 4.3. Managing the expression of affection

and disapproval 74 4.4. Family learning cultures 83

V. Uses of free time 88 5.1. structured and unstructured after school time 89 5.2. Parents’ involvement in their children’s free time 96 5.3. time with friends 98 5.4. involvement of grandparents and siblings 98

VI. the emergence of social risks in childhood 103 6.1. a weighty problem: the road to obesity 106 6.2. raising socially and emotionally competent children 116 6.3. the origins of school disengagement 125

Conclusion 137

Bibliography 143

Index of graphs and tables 153

Methodological Appendix 157

Survey on Inter and Intra-generational relationships in Childhood (2010) 157

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Presentation

the children of today will become the adults of tomorrow. the care children receive is, therefore, not only a determinant of their present well-being but also a guarantee for the future and a solution to potential problems that have their genesis in early childhood.

Concern for children has been constant for at least the past century; guided by this concern, tremendous effort and resources have been invested in improving children’s living conditions. traditionally, effort has been focused on overcoming the most urgent problems that put children’s lives at risk or seriously limit their opportunities for development. these include problems of infant mortality, childhood diseases and situations of poverty and social exclusion. thanks to these efforts, the infant mortality rate has fallen considerably and the number of children living in extreme poverty has decreased or at least not increased in the developed countries, although there still remains much work to be done in this area even in the most advanced societies.

Beyond these challenges others have appeared as a result of the important transformations our society has undergone in

recent decades. these are changes related to the massive incorporation of women into the workforce, the redefinition of the role of men in bringing up children, the appearance of new models of the family or the increasingly intercultural society in which we live, brought about by migratory processes unknown until just a few years ago.

these transformations, which directly affect adults, have inevitable consequences for children as well. they affect decisions about when and how many children to have, the amount of time parents spend with children and the activities they share with them; they also shape the importance that other social agents have (the school, grandparents, friends, etc.) in the lives of children. Unfortunately, despite their importance, there has been little research focused on how these social transformations directly affect children.

this is precisely the focus of the current study, to address the organization of children’s lives in society today and to contribute important data regarding who is responsible for their upbringing, in which activities they are involved, how they relate to their

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peers, and to what extent they are affected by factors such as parents’ economic situation and employment status, family structure and immigration. in addition, this study examines the appearance and occurrence of problems such as obesity, school failure and the lack of socio-emotional competencies–problems which begin in childhood and may have consequences later in adult life.

With the addition of this study to the social studies collection, the ”la Caixa” Foundation seeks to stimulate debate on the needs and challenges of childhood today. Children do not passively live through changes in their families, in parents’ work lives, or in their own forms of recreation, but they are fundamentally influenced

and affected by them. Deepening our understanding of these issues enables us to plan effective programmes to help families and contribute to the well-being of children today as well as to provide the tools needed to build a better future.

Jaime Lanaspa Gatnauexecutive Director of

”la Caixa” social Projects and Chief executive officer of

the ”la Caixa” Foundation

Barcelona, December 2010

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in this book two different visions regarding childhood in spain coexist: one that is optimistic and hopeful and another much more concerned and questioning. in the following chapters, the reader will find sufficient evidence to lend credence to one or the other perspective, or conversely, to get a taste of a complex reality that does not permit a simple diagnosis. through this research we seek to take the analysis of childhood beyond conventional approaches by including ages and measuring dimensions that have generally received little attention in the sociological research published in spain up until now. the focus of our research is on some of the primary social risks and vulnerabilities experienced before the onset of adolescence, as well as on the factors that cause them. the risks experienced by the young have been the object of considerable sociological research, but by and large most of it (beginning with the classic studies) has focused on the later stages of childhood and the transition to adulthood. in these stages adolescents often become a «social problem» for adult society because of the collective implications of the behaviours they manifest, their educational choices or the difficult transition from school to work. our research is an attempt to look more closely at the reality of the youngest children (from 0 to 10 years

old), who have traditionally received much less attention from the social science disciplines (with the exception of specialities focused on childhood development, such as psychology or psychiatry). thanks to a survey designed for this study (la Encuesta de Relaciones Inter e Intrageneracionales en la Infancia [the Survey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood]), we have the opportunity to use a wide range of specific factors in analyzing the processes we are interested in. this has not often been the case in other studies on the social reality of childhood that have been carried out in spain, which usually have had to rely on secondary data collected for other purposes.

in recent decades, throughout the developed world many indicators of child well-being have improved. infant mortality has been reduced, and the occurrence of factors of physical vulnerability in the early years of life (such as low birth weight) has also been reduced considerably. extreme poverty responsible for malnutrition and health problems has been eradicated. Universal schooling of children starting at the age of six has been achieved (in spain, effectively, schooling for the majority of children begins at age three). some of the «old risks» threatening child social

i. introDUCtion

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welfare have been largely eliminated. a very small percentage of children now face adverse situations linked to the death of their parents: the mother’s death in childbirth or the subsequent death of a parent in the early years of life. the legal system has recognized the right of children to be protected from physical or sexual abuse and defines childhood as a stage of life free from any form of work, forced or voluntary. For the first time, concerns for the well-being of children transcend all borders. there is universal agreement on what constitutes a «good childhood», at least on paper, thanks to the efforts of children’s rights activists, social scientists and international organizations. the basic principles for the protection of children are guaranteed by wide-reaching international agreements such as the United nations’ international Convention on the rights of the Child or the Charter of Fundamental rights of the european Union. Children, who currently do not have a voice or the vote, have benefitted from the social progress achieved by other groups, in particular mothers, who have enjoyed a greater capacity to place their needs and demands on the public agenda. Feminist movements struggling for the recognition of women’s work in the private sphere have sensitized society, leading to social responses to situations of risk, such as the increasing poverty in households headed by single mothers or the existence of domestic abuse and violence.

Despite these advances in education, health, the physical protection of children and the recognition of rights, concern for children is at its peak. there are some important reasons for this (as well as others which are more outlandish). alarm over the situation of children in society has cultural roots frequently tied to processes of recognizing, defining, and constructing social discourses and narratives which tend to overdramatize certain

childhood experiences. some of these narratives are based on biased or partial readings of reality which make isolated episodes or incidents seem to be the norm. in contemporary society moral panic periodically arises over different issues; often threats to child well-being such as bullying in school, addictions, and pederasty are the targets of such alarmist discourse. Within such discourse, children are usually presented as either victims of an out of control ego that pushes them toward behaviours contrary to their own interests (or that is simply unacceptable in society), or they are presented as the passive prey of unscrupulous adults taking advantage of their innocence. in both cases, these are stories that can mobilize momentary interest in the vulnerability of children, feeding protectionist impulses and initiatives to increase adult control over children’s lives at home or in the public sphere–in school, on the streets, in places of leisure, etc. –, but they tend to remain indifferent to more general problems that affect children’s lives and opportunities.

Beyond these outbreaks of fragmented attention to childhood, the growing concern in society for the situation of children is based on a number of objective realities with great significance and representativeness, which are endangering the welfare of a large number of children in the first world. in addition to some of the «old risks» which caused apprehension among families in industrial societies–unemployment, illness, or the main breadwinner becoming disabled–, today there are «new risks»–new relationships of parents to the labour market, the dissolution and reconstitution of families, immigration–, whose effects are particularly damaging for children. this combination of old and new risks is creating new profiles of vulnerability which have not yet been adequately studied. Many researchers agree that the

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well-being of children is suffering from the effects of the social change taking place in developed societies. Children are affected by the social dynamics in spheres in which they do not directly participate (such as in the labour market), by decisions made by parents for their own personal benefit and self-fulfilment (such as getting divorced or finding a new partner), or by policy decisions that give political priority to issues that concern other groups.

the proposal of the present study is to advance our understanding of this new configuration of social risks affecting the lives of children. our aim is to describe the nature of these risks, to analyze how they are expressed in the daily lives of the very youngest (0 to 10 years of age) and how they can come to affect children’s health and welfare and even condition their trajectories during this stage of their lives. However, recognizing the existence and sociological relevance of these risks is not the equivalent of assuming that their emergence necessarily involves a worsening of children’s living conditions or their future opportunities. What some authors (Giddens, 1991, 1999; Beck, 1992) have come to call the risk society, is one in which individuals are exposed to new forms of «manufactured» risks (in contrast to the «external» risks that had concerned humanity for centuries). However, this risk society is also reflexive and in transformation, rethinking and reconstructing itself constantly, generating in this process new capacities to mitigate risks and new forms of organization to alleviate their effects. We live in a society with a growing concern for security and well-being which provides itself with more and better instruments to procure them. as Giddens reminds us (1999:3), living in the risk society does not necessarily mean living in a more insecure or dangerous society but rather in a society in which these dangers can be anticipated and prevented, where

the decisions of individuals and families, as well as the very collective management of risks, influence the way in which risks are expressed. We live in a reality which we try to unravel and control in order to build a better future. We often fail, and in many cases, outcomes are unevenly distributed. in the risk society, not all risks receive equal attention, nor do all vulnerable groups receive the same level of priority.

1.1. GrowinG up in the risk society

an element that is increasingly present in the discussions about childhood is the process of ageing in developed societies. in recent years, social scientists have become more aware of the social and political implications of increasing longevity with the consequential increase in the demographic weight of the elderly in society. in a pioneering article, the demographer samuel Preston warned in 1984 that the demographic advantage of the elderly in the United states was enabling them to dominate in the competition for public resources. thanks to this, their economic situation had improved substantially, giving them a comparative advantage over other social groups, above all, children. in the same article, Preston noted the gradual deterioration in the living conditions of children.

the deterioration of the situation of minors has been described in other countries immersed in the demographic process of ageing (Dang, 2001; oeCD, 2008). social spending on programmes primarily oriented toward the elderly (pensions, health care) absorb a growing portion of public resources, thereby reducing the chances of developing other social programmes. in this

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context, demands for aid for families have received little support for a quite some time. the justification for concentrating resources on providing economic aid to the elderly population, who have contributed resources to the public system through their social security payments and taxes throughout their lives, has been much more powerful and persuasive than ethical appeals to support children. the contributory nature of many welfare state benefits establishes the right of the elderly to be the major beneficiaries of public services. in recent decades, welfare states have turned into what John Myles has called «welfare states for the elderly,» in which guaranteeing the welfare of children is considered a private responsibility, the costs of which must be borne by the families who choose to have children.

in this scenario, child poverty–characteristic feature of underdevelopment–is experiencing an unexpected increase. international data published in recent years reveal that in a large number of countries in the developed world, the risks of child poverty have increased since the end of the 1980. in almost all of them, child poverty rates are higher than the poverty rates for the overall population (UniCeF innocenti, 2007; oeCD, 2008). spain is no exception: in recent years, the percentage of children under 16 years of age living in poverty is between two and five percentage points above that of the overall population. Child poverty in developed countries continues to be in many cases the result of old risks dragging families into situations of vulnerability, such as the loss of a job or the low salary of the main breadwinner in the family; but increasingly it is a consequence of the new work and family trajectories of parents, which are diverse, unstable and irregular and can expose children to economic and social adversity at different stages of the family cycle.

it is often argued that the increased levels of participation of women in the workforce are the primary form of protection against child poverty. Having two sources of income in the household decreases the risk of economic vulnerability, but only when families find ways to balance women’s employment and childcare without incurring excessive costs. this is not always possible. the high costs of formal childcare in day-care centres or of after-school activities can considerably reduce the benefits of a second income and even dissuade many mothers from participating in the workforce. additionally, when there are large differences in men’s and women’s salaries, the incentives for mothers to continue working (instead of staying home and taking care of the children) decrease considerably.

Parents’ changing patterns of participation in the labour market (particularly mothers) directly affect other dimensions of child well-being. the increase in the number of hours that children spend away from one of their parents (especially the mother) has triggered anxiety and concern in some sectors, who feel that the foundations for the responsible socialization of children will be shaken if it is transferred to non-family agents (childcare professionals) or if the amount of time children spend under an adult’s supervision is reduced. this concern has crystallized in genuine popular myths, such as the so-called latchkey kids, who spend hours alone waiting for their parents to get home from work, while they are exposed to risks of all sorts: domestic accidents, harmful television programmes, the excessive and pernicious use of new technologies, the growing role of the peer group as a substitute form of socialization, etc.

social research has cleared up most of the doubts and questions related to the desirability of mothers working. the vast majority

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of empirical research strongly concludes that women working has no negative effects on the well-being of children, except when it is in the first year of the child’s life (Waldfogel et al., 2002). the reality is more complex and suggests that parents usually make up for the deficits in their own supervision and time with their children through supervision by other adults in formal and informal contexts (early childhood education centres, grandparents, babysitters, etc). in addition, in many households the mothers’ absence from the home has led to fathers taking on childcare responsibilities which were traditionally assumed by mothers. on balance, there is no reason to think that the massive incorporation of women into the workforce has a direct negative effect on child well-being. in fact, there are indications that the opposite is the case.

this does not mean that we should disregard the influence of new labour scenarios on children’s welfare. a growing number of children live in households in which labour market flexibility has become a source of distress. along with the economic risks threatening households during unfavourable economic times due to the greater likelihood of job loss, there is also the problem of parents finding the time to carry out their parental duties. in some sectors of the labour market there are a growing number of jobs requiring commitments that are not compatible with the times that children need or expect parental care: shift work, weekend work, overtime, etc. Flexible working hours become a factor of uncertainty for children and adults, forcing families to find makeshift solutions that can generate confusion and frustration in children and feelings of guilt and anxiety in parents (primarily in mothers) (roppelt, 2003; Klammer, 2006).

along with these transformations, structural changes in households, which can affect child welfare, should also be noted. in recent decades the size of families has been decreasing; as a result, parents have been able to dedicate more attention to their children, as the time they have available is distributed among fewer children. the decrease in fertility (and especially of second and third births) means that a greater number of children will grow up without siblings, which on the one hand may strengthen the connection with parents, but on the other hand, can deprive children of the enriching experience of sociability in childhood. there has been little social research done to measure the effects of this trend. it must also not be forgotten that the decrease in family size has also been a result of the gradual disappearance of other adults residing in the home (generally relatives) and therefore, of the presence of other agents of socialization capable of providing support to parents in the exercise of their childrearing duties.

But without a doubt the primary structural change that is happening today in many households is the weakening of family bonds through separation or divorce. a growing number of children go through the experience of parents separating at some point and therefore the disruption of life with one parent. the process of divorce or separation often places children in a situation of economic risk. Due to the persistence of important differences in the dedication of men and women to paid work, the salary gaps between men and women and the often inadequate financial support mothers who get custody receive from ex-partners, households headed by single mothers usually have lower incomes than two parent households. the exposure of these households to the risk of poverty is therefore much higher. aside from economic problems, the breakup of the

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couple’s relationship involves situations that can result in distressful experiences for children. Divorce or separation of the parents disrupts the daily access of the child to one of the parents (usually the father), which in many cases ends up weakening the bond with that parent. the appearance of new adult figures in the home–if the mother initiates a new sentimental relationship–opens new scenarios for the child, which are not always satisfactory (Fustenberg and Cherlin, 1991; Cherlin, 2010). in recent years, society has been equipping itself with new instruments to adapt to these changing realities. there has been a trend in many countries to revise the laws administering family breakups with the objective of better serving the interests of the child. one example of this has been the debate over shared custody or measures directed toward encouraging the involvement of parents who do not live with the child in his or her education.

1.2. chiLdhood and the future

in a society prone to reflect on itself, to reconsider and reconstitute itself, the tendencies pointing toward a worsening of children’s living conditions are the object of growing public concern, although this does not always crystallize in specific initiatives to correct such conditions. in recent years, a new set of arguments has been articulated supporting proactive public investment in childhood. these new discourses understand that «investing» in children is investing in the future of our society. the orientation of such aims is fundamentally futuristic. From this perspective, social policy should contribute to generating economic dynamism, preparing individuals to take advantage of available job opportunities throughout their lives and improving

their productivity. in this new paradigm of social policy (insistently emphasized by international organizations and governments), public spending on children does not represent a social cost; rather, it is the main axis of socially productive investment oriented toward the future. the goal is to take preventive measures against all situations of risk that could jeopardize the life prospects of children; in other words, their possibilities of becoming prepared and flexible adults capable of effectively adapting to the changing demands of the market. Backed by an enormous amount of social research, this new paradigm calls for intensified efforts to combat child poverty, to support families with difficulties balancing work and family responsibilities and to encourage participation in pre-school education for families with low cultural and educational resources. the fruits of these initiatives should not only improve the competitiveness of economies by providing them with flexible and prepared workforce but also contribute to the sustainability of the old architecture of the welfare state. Children will become the guarantors for the provision of public services in the future if we are able to convert them into productive adults, who are capable of making significant financial contributions to the funds that sustain the system of public welfare provision. this will only be possible if they have the opportunities today to grow up in adequate conditions and if risks threatening their educational and personal development can be overcome.

thanks to this new paradigm, childcare now occupies a privileged place in the range of social policies employed in a growing number of countries. in these countries, society has become aware of the living conditions of children in precarious economic situations and the difficulties of families in balancing work and family responsibilities. the discourses and prescriptions that are

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being applied are varied and in some cases subject to very strong criticism (see for example, Lister, 2006). However, it is undeniable that the new paradigm of social investment stands as a necessary counterweight to the gerontocratic tendencies of the old welfare states, perhaps the only moderately effective one in the context of the growing demographic, economic and political weight of the oldest generations.

in some countries such as ours, the discourses described in the previous section have barely begun to take root. this is not because the situation of children is so promising. Despite the fact that some international indicators of child well-being place spain in a rather privileged position compared to other developed countries–for example, in indicators related to emotional and relational well-being–, in dimensions which are key to well-being today and for the future, spanish children suffer significant deficits. in a well-known UniCeF report published in 2007, two disturbing facts were noted (innocenti, 2007). the first is that the economic and material situation in which many spanish children are living may be denying them essential opportunities for social participation, thereby conditioning their life prospects. For example, in 2007 spanish children were located in 17th place out of 21 countries surveyed in terms of child poverty rates. another area of concern is formal education. the early dropout rates from school are very high, and the level of knowledge and capacities of students as measured by international standardized tests–PirLs or Pisa–is quite low. these results suggest that many spanish children are entering into adulthood in conditions of educational vulnerability hardly conducive for the adequate management of the economic and social scenarios that lie ahead in the future.

the hallmarks of identity of the spanish family, traditionally referred to as «familism», are disappearing and with them some of the conditions on which the welfare and security of children in the context of the traditional family have been based - primarily, the mother’s exclusive dedication to domestic responsibilities and childcare. However, this new scenario does not necessarily increase childhood vulnerability because its appearance has coincided with the emergence of new mechanisms and strategies for children’s well-being as efficient (or even more) than the previous ones. in recent years, we have seen the appearance of new family structures and new ways of organizing daily life and domestic culture, which are laying the groundwork for new models of family well-being. this book aspires to provide a clear picture of the reality of these new families in order to contribute to identifying the strengths and weaknesses in the emerging profiles of family sociability for child welfare. in chapter 2, we will analyze what it means for mothers and fathers to have children; what challenges are involved today in parenthood and what tensions for children are caused by the attempt to balance work and family. in chapters 3 and 4 we will analyze intergenerational relationships between parents and children, focusing on the 0-4 years of age and 5-10 years of age groups respectively. the ways and strategies of parents in relating to children will be discussed: how much time they dedicate to caring for their children, how this time is distributed and what they do during this time, how reward and punishment is used to guide children’s behaviour, how parents involve themselves in their children’s formal education. a secondary objective of these chapters is to trace emerging forms of inequality, stemming from socialization practices in the home. Chapter 5 looks at children’s «free time» in and outside the home, differentiating structured (after school) from non-structured (with

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friends, siblings, relatives) activities. Chapter 6 provides an analysis of the implications of some of the dynamics studied in the appearance of different situations of childhood distress. We focus specifically on three dimensions of childhood that play an important role in the well-being and personal development of children: problems related to overweight, and obesity emotional difficulties, and those related to adaptation to the demands of school in the early years of compulsory education.

our work is based on different sources of both primary and secondary information. We have utilized data from international databases (oeCD or eurostat) and from available surveys (the survey of income

and Living Conditions of spain’s national statistics institute (ine), different studies of the spanish Centre for sociological research (Cis), the World Values survey and the european Values survey). However, it is important to point out that a large part of the data in chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6 comes from a telephone survey carried out in February 2010 in which 2,200 mothers and fathers with children between the ages of 0 and 10 were interviewed. the questionnaires contain specific modules for families with children of different ages (methodological details are provided in the appendix). the fact that this survey was designed to address our specific concerns has given us considerable scope to come closer to realities that have barely been analyzed in previous studies in this country.

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II. FatherIngandMotherIng

Few institutions have changed as dramatically as the family inrecentdecades.Withtheexceptionofcertaincircumstances,familydemographicparametersevolveslowly.ButinSpainthishasnotbeenthecase.Inrecenttimes,therehasbeenanotableincreaseinthecohabitationofunmarriedcouples,separation,divorce,single-parentfamiliesandinternationaladoption.homosexualmarriagehasbeenrecognizedandlegalizedandasaresult,sohavefamilieswith homosexual parents. all of this has been accompaniedbyacontinuingincreaseinthenumberofwomenintheworkforce(especially those who are mothers), the transformation ofintimate relationships between couples, the emergence of newpractices regarding the distribution of domestic responsibilitiesand childcare, a decrease in fertility, the postponement of theemancipation of young people from the parental home, andthe growing personal and residential autonomy of the elderly.In thiscontextofchange, important legislativereformhasbeenpassedaffectingfamilyandkinshiprelationships.Inrecentdecadestheprinciplesregulatingdivorce,consensualunion,transmissionofsurnames,assistedreproduction,adoptions,ormost recently,sharedcustodyhavebeenrevisedandbroughtuptodate,insomecasesmorethanonce,inordertoadapttoarealitythatnolonger

fitstheexistinglegalframework.thisrealityhaspushedSpanishpeople to change, and these changes have not come withouttensionsandcontradictions.

2.1. Childreninparents’CommonlifeprojeCt

We live in a society in which the patriarchal family is beingtransformed. themassive incorporation ofwomen into publiclife,inboththeeducationalsphereandtheworkforcehascreatedanewscenariothatisbringingaboutaredefinitionoftheroleofwomeninthefamily.Womenarenolongerthecornerstoneofafamily model in which the responsibilities for disabled anddependent members falls disproportionately on them. thenumberofwomenwhothinkthatbeingahousewifecanbeasrewardingashavingaprofessionisshrinkingeveryday,whilethenumberofwomenwhobelievethatdomesticresponsibilitiesareabarriertotheircareeradvancementisgrowing(riverorecuentoet al., 2005; Iglesias de Ussel et al., 2009). Since the 1980s,sociological studies based on surveys carried out by Spain’sCentreforSociologicalresearchhavetracedtheevolutionofthe

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preferences and orientations of Spanish men and womenregardingthedistributionofrolesinthefamily.agrowingnumberofmenandwomenareinfavourofanegalitarianmodelinwhichbothsharehouseholdchoresandchildcare.especiallynotableisthe evolution in the attitudes of men. those in favour of atraditionalmodel,withastrictdefinitionofroles,areadecliningminority that isbeingrapidly replacedbynewcohortsofmenwhoexpressapreferenceforanegalitarianmodel.

Inthiscontext,theprimarybondsupportingthefamilystructure–the emotional relationship and commitment uniting thecouple–hasalsochanged.Incontrasttothepast,whenthebondbetweenthecouplewasprimarilyameanstoachieveeconomic(self-sufficiency in the family) and institutional (the survival oflineageandtransmissionofheritage)endswithouttheneedforaromanticbondbetweenthetwopartners,intimaterelationshipsinmore recent times have becomemore andmore based onpersonalexpectationsandaspirations.Inwhatnorthamericansociologist andrew Cherlin (2010) has called «individualizedmarriage,» the value of being in a couple is rated above allaccordingtothedailysatisfactionitbrings.theindividualrighttohappinessisthedrivingmotorofeverything:itisthemechanismthatsetsinmotionalifeinpartnershipandthatterminatesitthemomentthattherelationshipnolongersatisfiestheaspirationsof itsmembers.thepromiseofhappiness lies inthequalityoftheintimaterelationshipsoneisabletobuild.Whenthatpromiselosescredibility,therearefewobstaclestopreventthedissolutionoftherelationship.

Coincidingwiththeconsolidationofthismodelofrelationship,whichgivesunprecedentedcentralitytolivingwithapartner,the

valueplacedon childrenhas also changed. Formany couples,havingchildrenisnolongeroneofthemostimportantaspectsof happiness. other dimensions such as respect and mutualaffection,faithfulness,mutualunderstanding,asatisfactorysexualrelationship, sharing in household chores, having a sufficientincomeandanicehomehavegainedinimportance.Beingabletomaintain the quality of the relationship requires increasingeffortandattention.thechallengeisforeachpartnertooffertheotherthebestversionofhimorherself,tofindintimatespacesforamutuallyrewardingexchangeandtoconstantlytrytoinjectsomething restorative into the relationship (a gift, an intimatedinner,asurprisetrip,etc).

the centrality given to the partnership experience tends torelegatetosecondplacethebondthatusuallyweavestogetherthefabricofthefamily:theunionbetweenparentsandchildren.thisdoesnotmeanthatitsimportanceisnotrecognizedunderthenewcircumstances.BringingupandeducatingchildrenisoneofthemainfunctionsofthefamilyforallSpanishsociety(Meil,2006)raisingchildrencaninfactbeperfectlycompatiblewiththeaspirations of «individualized couples» if such an experienceopensupintimatespacesinwhichthecouplecansatisfyitsdesirefor«special»emotionalexperiencesthatstrengthenthecouple’sinterpersonal bond. however, there is no doubt that some ofthetraditionalaspectsofchildrearingmaybeinconflictwiththeprioritiesofthistypeofcouples.Qualitiessuchasstability,altruismorself-sacrificeforthebenefitofthechildbecomelessvalued.Forasizeablenumberofyoungcouples,thecouplecomesfirst,andchildrenmustnotgetinthewayoftheirhappinessandplans.thus,accordingtotheresultsofarecentstudyoftheFundaciónSM [SM Foundation] in which two of the writers of this book

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participated,52percentofyoungcouples(under40yearsofage)agree that «having children limits the parents’ freedom toomuch.»Contrarytowidespreadbeliefinthepast,havingchildrenshould not be an obstacle to separation or divorce. only 11percent of those interviewed thought that «when there arechildren,parentsshouldn’tseparateeveniftheydon’tgetalong»(IglesiasdeUssel et al.,2009:89).

experiencingtherelationshipwithapartnerasaprojectthatmust be constantly renewed and reaffirmed, a sort of «dailyplebiscite,» creates situations of uncertainty in which it be-comesdifficulttodecidetohavechildren.therearemanysi-tuations thatdiscouragewomen fromhavingchildren: thosethatlivewithapartnerbutareunmarriedwaittodecideuntiltheyaresurethattherelationshipispermanent;marriedwo-menwhohavedoubts about the future of their relationshiparereluctanttohavechildrenforfearoftheconsequencesofapossiblebreak-up;womenwhohaveuncertainjobprospectspostponethedecisiontohavechildrenastheywaitforbettertimes;womenwithahighlevelofeducationandwhoareca-reerorientedhave reasons tobeconcernedabout the impli-cationsthathavingchildrenmighthaveontheirprofessionalfuture.thedeclineinfertilityinSpaininrecentdecadeslargelyreflectsdecisionstopostponepregnancyasaresultofgivinggreater importance to personal aspects such as educational,professionaloremotionalfactorsthantofertilityprojects.Butbeyondthesedecisions,wefindavoluntaryinfertilityamongwomenwho,alreadymothers,arechoosingtointerrupttheirfertilityplansaspreferencesrelatedtoidealfamilysizechange.Somemotherswithonlyonechilddecidetohavenoadditionalchildren,perhapscontrarytotheirinitialdesires,discouraged

by thedifficulties encountered in raising thefirst. the socio-logicalresearchrevealsagreement inpresentingapanoramawithsomebrightspotsandquiteafewdarkones.theimmen-semajorityofwomenare satisfiedwithhavinghadchildren,butasignificantpercentageexpressfearandanxietyregardinghowmuchofanobstaclechildren represent for theirprofes-sionallives,thelimitationstheyplaceonthequalityoflifeforthecoupleandaboutnothavingenoughtimetotakecareofthem. Inaddition, there is theconcern feltbymanymothersand fathers, especially with older children and adolescents,aboutwhetherornottheywillbeabletoexercisethekindofauthorityneededtokeeptheirchildrenawayfromharmfulin-fluences(IglesiasdeUsselet al.,2009;Meil,2006).

2.2. familyandfertilityinthenewsoCialsettings

the family has invariably been the most highly valueddimensionofpersonallifesincesurveyinformationonSpanishattitudesandvaluesbegantobegathered.thefamilyreceivesaverypositivevaluationamongthosewhohavechildren,andparticularly,amongparentsofsmallchildren.accordingtothedatafromStudy2.578(2004)oftheCIS,86percentofthosewhohaveachildundersixyearsofageconsidertheirfamilytobe«veryimportanttothem,»anattitudesharedby68percentofthosewhodonothavechildrenatthatage.Spainhasoftenbeencharacterizedasafamily-orientedcountryinwhichprivatelifeisprimarilythoughtofasfamilylifeandfamilyobligationsareplacedbeforepersonalambitions.Withinthissphere,bringingupchildren isoftenseenasoneof themain functionsof thefamily.Forthevastmajorityofcoupleshavingchildrencontinues

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tobeanessentialpartoftheirplansasacouple.Mothersandfathers are called on tomake every effort tomake this plancometopass.relatedtothis,ahighproportionoftheSpanish(around80percentaccordingtodifferentwavesoftheWorldValuesSurvey)thinkthatparentsshouldmakesacrificesforthewelfareoftheirchildren,evenifitisattheirownexpense.thisisawidespreadopinionamongallsocialgroupswithonlyminordifferencesrelatedtoeducationandreligion.

Beyond thedeep-seated senseof duty felt bymany, themainreasonspeoplegive forhavingchildrenareemotional.havingchildrenproduces intangible rewards that compensate for thesacrifice.accordingtothepreviouslycitedFundaciónSMstudy,66percentof youngadultsunder theageof40who livewiththeir partner state that they strongly agree that «watchingchildrengrowupisoneofthegreatestpleasuresinlife,»andanadditional 21 percent «agree»with that statement (Iglesias deUsselet al.,2009:89).that«pleasure»isessentiallyemotionalinnature.ascanbeseen intable2.1,whenaskedaboutthetwomainreasonsforhavingachildorchildren,themainreasongivenis emotional innature (CIS, Study2,639).other considerationssuchasthepreservationoflineage(«toseethefamilycontinueinthefuture»)orfacingoldagewithsecurity(«childrenmakeitlesslikelythatonewillbealoneinoldage»)havelosttheimportancetheymayhavehadinthepast.Itisalsointerestingtonotethatonlyaminoritymentionthat«havingchildrenstrengthens therelationshipwithone’spouse/partner.»

however, measuring the value of children in Spanish societyrequiresgreaterattentiontonuances.theassumptionthattheSpanishgivecentralitytochildrenintheplansofthecouple is

debatableifcertainattitudesareexaminedinlightofcomparativeevidence.asignificantproportionoftheSpanishcurrentlybelievethatitislegitimateandpossiblyevensatisfactoryforthosewhodoso,tochoosenottohavechildren.Forexample,accordingtodatafromtheWorldValuesSurvey(1990and1999)andtheeuropeanValuesSurvey(2008),theproportionofSpanishwhorespondedaffirmativelytothequestion«doyouthinkthatawomanhastohavechildreninordertobefulfilled?»issignificantlylowerthanfoundinothercountriesinthesouthofeurope,suchasgreece,PortugalorItaly,andevenlowerthanthatfoundinthecountriesof central and northern europe, such as germany, France ordenmark.Inthelastdecade,thisproportionhascomeclosertothatofcountriesthatarelessparentallyoriented.ontheotherhand,thedifferencesamongcohortsissubstantial–greaterthanin themajorityofothercountries–eventhough in recentyearsthegenerationgaphasdecreasedasaresultoftheincorporationon themarginsofold ageofgroups thatoneor twodecadesagowerealready lessparentallyoriented.thus,while in1999,62 percent of those interviewed over 50 years of agewere inagreementwiththestatement,«awomanneedstohavechildrentofeelfulfilled»andonly32percentofthoseunder30yearsofageagreed,in2008,thedifferencehaddeclinedsignificantly(to52percentand34percentrespectively).

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taBle2.1:Mostimportantreasonsforhavingachildamongwomenwhodonothavechildrenbutwanttohavethemandforwomen

whoalreadyhavechildrenbutwouldliketohavemore

Inpercentages

MoStIMPortantreaSonForhaVIngaChIld

PrIMaryreaSon

SeCondaryreaSon

havingchildrenisveryrewardingfeeling

39 25

Itisgoodtoseechildrengrowupanddevelop

21 23

Childrenincreaseone’ssenseofresponsibility

16 13

Itissatisfyingtoseethefamilycontinue 14 25

Childrenmakebeingaloneinoldagelesslikely

4.9 4.7

havingchildrenstrengthenstherelationshipw/partner

4.1 9.1

total 100

numberofcases (2,760)

Source:CalculationsbasedondatafromStudy2,639ofCIS,2006.

the attitude of the majority of Spanish young people hasmoved away from their parents’ conceptionwhich consideredchildlessnessnothinglessthanacurse.Farremovedarethetimesinwhichthemajorityofthepopulationthoughtthatamarriagewithoutchildrenwasnotreallyamarriage.1today,onlyasmall

1 InasurveyfromthemagazineCambio 16 (october1978,no.560),only27%ofthosesurveyedthoughtthatamarriedcouplethathaddecidednottohavechildrenconstitutedafamily(citedbyCampoandnava-rro,1985:121).

percentage of Spaniards express negative judgments withrespecttolifeprojectsthatexcludehavingchildren.Forexample,inthesurveyoftheFundaciónSM,only23percentofthepersonsinterviewed agreed or totally agreed with the statement that«peoplewhodonothavechildrenleademptylives»(IglesiasdeUsselet al.,2009:89).

Paralleltothesechangesinattituderelatedtochildlessness,thenumberofchildrencoupleswanttohavehasalsodeclinedsharply.theevolutioninthefiguresistelling.Inthe1966FoeSSareport,theidealnumberofchildrenforSpaniardswas3.3(averagevalue).a1968datastudyyieldedasimilarfigure(3.4),whilethe1970FoeSSareportshowedavalueof3.1.thesefigureswereevenlowerthantheactualnumberofchildrenwomenwerehaving.thispatternhas reversed in recentdecades.the1975FoeSSareport had already detected figures below the threshold of 3:2.83forwomen;2.66formen(delCampoandnavarro,1985:118).Inthe1980sandthefirsthalfofthe1990s,thesefigureswoulddeclineslightlymorethanhalfapointmore,reachingatthelowestpoint, 2.15, in 2000. In recent years therehasbeen a reboundplacing the idealnumberofchildrenataround2.3.thisfigureiswellabovetheactualfertilityrateofwomeninadvancedagesinthereproductivelifespan:in2006,theaveragenumberoflivebirthstowomenbetween40and44yearsofagewas1.79(datafrom the encuesta de Fecundidad, Familia y Valores [Fertility,FamilyandValuesSurvey]oftheCentreforSociologicalresearchbyMargaritadelgado,2007:108).eventhoughattheendofthereproductive cycle,womenwhohave apparently fulfilled theiraspirationstohavechildrenaredominant,asignificantgroupofwomenhavenotdoneso.oneoutofthreewomenbetween40and44yearsofagewithoutchildrenwouldliketohaveachild

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(33percent).thepercentageofthosewhoalreadyhaveachildbutwouldliketohavemoreislower(15percent).

overall,evidencesuggeststhattheattitudesofSpaniardswithrespecttofertilityhavechangedrapidly.thosewhohavechil-drenandwhowant tohave themcontinue todominate.Butthealternativeofnothavingchildren isperfectlyacceptable.thepressure tohave childrenhasdiminishedand theprefe-renceforlargefamiliesisincreasinglyaminorityposition.Itisdifficulttoexplainwhathasbroughtaboutthesechanges.onefactorthathasprobablyhadaninfluenceinthisprocessistheadaptationof attitudes andpreferences to a reality inwhichoptionsareconstrained.SomeSpaniardswouldtaketheposi-tionofthefoxinaesop’sfablewho,unabletoreachthegrapes,walks away claiming he did notwant them anyway becausetheywerenotripe.

2.3. thediffiCultiesofhavingandraisingChildren

although the changes in ideas regarding childlessness andthe number of children can be attributed to diverse factorsandprocesses,itisnotunimportanttopointoutthefactthatthese changes coincide with a recognition of the problemsposedbythearrivalofchildrenfortheirparents.Ifweexaminethe attitudes ofwomen from 25 to 39 years of agewho donothavechildrenandwouldnot liketo, it isstrikingtonotethe high number who brandish the difficulties involved inhavingchildrenandraisingthem.reasonssuchas«personaluncertainty,» the «lack of confidence in the future» and theproblems and worry that come with having children weigh

heavilyontheirattitudestowardfertilityandchildrearing.theimmensemajorityoftheseyoungwomenputforwardadversereasonsofthistype.

among mothers between 25 and 39 years of age who havechildren and do not wish to have any more, the percentageof those who talk about «personal uncertainty» and «lack ofconfidenceinthefuture»ismuchlower.obviously,thisisagroupofwomenwho,despitebeing in thesameagegroupas thosewhodonothavechildren,havealreadycrossedthethresholdofmotherhoodandhaveovercometheuncertaintiesanddoubtsregardingthefuture,whicharealwaysthereatthebeginningofafamilyproject.evenso,asignificantproportionstate–whetherasthefirstorsecondreasongiven–thatraisingchildreninvolvesalotofworry,isexpensiveandtakestimeawayfromdoingotherimportantthingsinlife.

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taBle2.2:Mostimportantreasonsfornothavingchildren.Womenbetween25and39yearsofagewithoutchildren

andwhodonotwanttohavethem

Inpercentages

MoStIMPortantreaSonSFornothaVIngaChIld

PrIMaryreaSon

PrIMaryandSeCondaryreaSonS

raisingchildreninvolvesalotofworryandproblems 24 33

Personaluncertainty 18 27

lackofconfidenceinthefuture 14 22

Childrenmakeitmoredifficultforthewomantowork 11 18

Childrenareexpensive,especiallywhenthey’regrowingup

10 14

Childrentaketimeawayfromotherimportantthingsinlife 10 20

age 7.0 10

healthreasons 3.9 5.2

Pregnancies,birtharehardonthewoman 0.9 6.7

IhaveasmanyasIwant 0.8 1.1

Myhouseisn’tbigenough 0.0 0.5

total 100

numberofcases (123)

Source: Based on data from Study 2,639, CIS 2006.

thedifficultiesofhavingandraisingchildrenbecomeevenmoreimportant in the context of the restructuring of the roles ofwomen.Inwhatesping-andersen(2009)hascalledan«incompleterevolution,» the life course of women has been masculinised,drivenbythemassive incorporationofwomen intothe labourmarketandthetendencytoremaininitaftermarriageandgivingbirth.thisgrowingorientationtowardproductiveworkispartofeconomic as well as cultural processes. From the economicstandpoint, the increase in the participation of women in theworkforcecoincideswiththeexpansionofeducationalsystems–whereagrowingproportionofwomenarefoundatthehighesteducationallevels–andwiththetransformationoftheeconomicstructures in post-industrial societies, which has created newspacesofproductionthatnolongerrequirearebasedonasexualdivisionoflabour.Inthesenewscenariosleavingworktodedicateoneselftoraisingafamilyanddomesticlifeisnolongerthemostprofitableoptionforthefamilyeconomy,especiallyinthecaseofwomenwithhighlevelsofqualificationsandsalary.

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taBle2.3:Mostimportantreasonsfornothavingchildren.Womenbetween25and39yearsofagewhohavechildren

butdonotwanttohavemore

Inpercentages

MoStIMPortantreaSonSFornothaVIngaChIld

PrIMaryreaSon

PrIMaryandSeCondaryreaSonS

IhaveasmanyasIwant 39 50

Childrenareexpensive,especiallywhenthey’regrowingup 14 25

raisingchildreninvolvesalotofworryandproblems 14 29

healthreasons 5.1 8.4

lackofconfidenceinthefuture 4.7 11

Childrenmakeitmoredifficultforthewomantowork 4.6 10

Pregancies,birtharehardonthewoman 4.5 8.8

age 4.4 11

Childrentaketimeawayfromdoingotherimportantthingsinlife 3.5 8.0

Personaluncertainty 3.1 9.2

Myhouseisn’tbigenough 2.6 5.4

total 100

numberofcases (644)

Source:BasedondatafromStudy 2,639,CIS2006.

Fromaculturalstandpoint,women’semploymentactivitytakesonnewmeaning inthecontextof theprocessesof individualizationthat are taking place inWestern societies. In the new culture ofindividualism,workstandsasacentralelementinthelifeproject:providingthenecessaryeconomicresourcestocarryoutthatproject(andavoidsituationsofdependency),openingavenuesforsocialparticipationinareasacquiringgrowingimportanceintheshapingofindividualidentity(mostnotablyintheworldofconsumption),and enabling the affirmation of individual achievement in theframeworkoftheautonomousconstructionoftheindividual’sownlife(Beck-gernsheim,2003;lipovetsky,2003).Inthecaseofwomen,theriseinindividualismhasbroughtwithitastrengtheningoftheorientationtowardeducation,havingajob,andbeingfreetofocuson oneself throughout one’s life, defying traditional conceptionsthatdemandwomen’sdedicationtocollectiveobligations–primarilycaringforothers.theoldorderbasedonthe«ideologyofsacrifice,»whichcelebratedthevaluesofself-denialandaltruismforwomen,hasenteredintodirectconfrontationwiththedevelopmentoftheconsumersociety,whichhasspreadthroughouttheworldthevaluesofwell-beingandindividualpleasureandtherighttopursuethemopenly. We find ourselves before a social earthquake which istransformingwomen’sdesiresandambitionsaswellasthepowerrelationsinthecoupleandthefamily.

thisdynamicofchangedoesnotflow,however,withoutobstaclesthatoftenputthecareofchildrenattheepicentreofcontradictions,frustrationsandconflicts.ontheonehand,thedestructionofthesystemoftraditionalvaluesisnotcomplete.therearestillmenandwomenattachedtotraditionalvalueswhoseektoreconciletheirbeliefswithsocialdynamicswhicharegraduallymakingtraditionallife economically and sociallyunsustainable. thus, in thesenew

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contexts, women’s employment has not only become a centralelementofthenewfemaleidentitybutitisalsoaconditio sine qua non tobeginaneconomicallysustainable familywithapartner,which assumes access to basic goods –starting with their ownplace to live–andprotectionagainsteconomicadversity.todaythe formation of new families normally requires two incomes.Familieswithonlyonebreadwinnerareataveryhighriskofpoverty,whichisaccentuatedduringeconomicdownturns(Marí-Kloseet al.,2008a).Inaddition,thosewhofollowtraditionalmodelsface,ontheonehand,anincreasinglyhostileinstitutionalenvironmentthatneglectstheirneedsanddemands,andontheotherhand,hegemonicdiscoursesthatrebuketheirpracticesasanachronismsof the past that should be gradually left behind. In this regard,publicpolicies inmanycountriesareclearly immersed inashiftthatseekstoofferprotectionandaidtofamiliesthathavemovedawayfromtraditionalmodelsofstatusandgenderroles.economicaidforfamiliesisincreasinglydirectedtowardthoseinwhichbothparentswork(through,forexample,subsidiesforworkingmothers)andtheexpansionofservicesisaimedatthe«defamiliarization»ofcaregivingactivitieswhichhavetraditionallybeencarriedoutbywomen.thisprocesscoincideswithagradualdevaluationoftheroleof thehousewife.exclusivededication tohomemakingandchildcarehaslostmuchofthesocialstatusitonceenjoyed;littlebylittle it isbecominga social anomalydefyingwidelyheld socialexpectations andwhich does not fitwith the new schemes forsocial protection. From an individual standpoint, the lack of ameaningfulcareerpathcondemnsthewomanwhoserelationshipendsorwhosespousediestogreaterriskofsocialexclusion.Fromtheperspectiveofsociety,thepersistenceofagroupthatdoesnotdirectlycontributetothepublicsystemofsocialprovisionisseenasathreattoitsfinancialsustainability.

ontheotherhand,theadaptationofactors, institutionsandsocialstructurestothenewrealitiesisalsonotcomplete.Womenwhohavejoinedthe labourmarket face, firstofall,a lackofcommitmentbymanymenunwillingorunabletoadjusttheirlevelsofinvolvementinhouseworkandchildcareinresponsetotheirpartners’employment.althoughworkingoutsidethehome(andtheincomeitprovidesforhousehold) gives women negotiating power in relation to theirpartners,thelevelofeffectiveco-responsibilityinhouseholdswherebothpartnersworkislimited.ahighproportionofmendohouseholdchoresthataretypicallymale(suchaspayingthebills,doingrepairs)andagrowingnumberparticipateintasksthatarelessspecialized(weeklyshoppingorcleaning),butthenumberofmenwhoassumeequalresponsibilityforallhouseholdtaskscontinuestobelow(IglesiasdeUsselet al.,2009).accordingtosomeanalyses,asaresultoftheincorporation of women into the workforce, the gap betweenthe total number of hours that women andmenwork –whetherinthehomeoronthejob–farfromdecreasinghasactuallyincreased(england,2006).thissituationisespeciallyevidentafterthebirthofchildren.thelimiteddevelopmentinourcountryofpublicservicesforearlychildhoodcareandforaidtofamiliesrepresentsafactoroftensionoffirstorderbetweenproductiveandreproductivework.

despiteyoungwomen’sstrongcommittmenttoworkformanyofthemthebirthofachildstillinvolvesabandoningthelabourmarketorareductioninthenumberofhoursworkedandhasasignificantimpactontheirprofessionaladvancement(IglesiasdeUssel et al.,2009:103).theeconomicimpactofthesechangescanbe considerable. esping-andersen (2009:85-86) has estimated,forexample,thatinterruptionsinworkforSpanishwomenwithtwo children have an economic cost equivalent to 20 percentof their total incomeearnedover thecourseof their lives.this

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cost isfourtimesgreaterthanthatsufferedbydanishwomen,whohavegreateropportunitiesforbalancingmotherhoodandaprofessionalcareer thankstotheexistenceofpublicservicesto support families. there is widespread awareness of thesecosts.Fifty-eightpercentofSpaniardsunderstandthat«havingchildrenisanobstacleforthewoman’scareer»;thisincreasesto69percentamongpersonswithchildrenunderthreeyearsofage(CIS,Study2,578,2004).theproportionofwomenwhoareawareoftheseobstaclesissomewhathigherthanthatofmen,althoughamajorityofmendoperceivethattheseobstaclesexist.

thearrivalofchildrenalsointensifiestheseparationofrolesinthehomealongtraditionallines.amongcoupleswithyoungchildren,thedifferenceinhoursdedicatedtohouseworkbetweenwomenandmenhasincreasedandthedistributionofdomesticresponsibilitieshasbecomemoreunequal.obviously,thispatternisrelatedtothedecreaseinthetimemothersspendworkingoutsidethehome.Butitisalsorelatedtotheincreaseintheproportionofmenwhoincreasethetimetheydedicatetowork.todayformanyyoungcouplesthearrivalofachildbringswithitadjustmentsinthelevelsofworkforboththewomanandtheman(generallyintheoppositedirection)

taBle2.4:distributionofdomesticresponsibilitiesinhomesinwhichthewomenwork,bycoupleswithandwithoutchildren(a)

Inpercentages

doMeStICreSPonSIBIlItIeSShedoeSItalWayS/USUally CoUPleShareStaSKeQUally

noChIldren haSChIldren noChIldren haSChIldren

doingthelaundry 56 76 39 19

Preparingmeals/cooking 53 67 32 24

Makingbeds 45 59 47 34

decidingwhattoeatthefollowingday 40 66 51 30

doingthecleaning 34 50 62 42

Washingthedishes 28 48 61 43

Payingthebills 23 31 60 53

doingtheshopping 22 35 69 55

doingminorrepairsinthehome 9.9 9.0 19 12

takingthecartoberepaired 9.8 7.6 22 19

note:a)thedatacorrespondtowomen’sanswers:numberofcases:1,532;womenwholivewithpartnerandareunder40yearsofage.

Source:IglesiasdeUsselet al.(2009)p.106.

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inordertofacethedemandsforattentionandcarewhichyoungchildrenrequire,whileatthesametimemaintainingthefamilyunit’spurchasingpower(IglesiasdeUsselet al.,2009:103).

Intheseconditions,womenwithchildrenfacehighopportunitycosts. thesecosts arehigher thegreater themonetaryvalueoftheirproductiveworkandthemorehighlytheyregardtheircareer.Someauthorshavepointedoutthatwomenbecomefullyawareofthemagnitudeofthesecoststhemomenttheydecidetohaveasecondchild.their inclinationtohavemorechildrenafter thebirthofthefirstincreasesiftheybelievethattheycancountonapartnerwhoisgoingtobeco-responsibleinraisingthesecondorsubsequentchildrenandthattheywill,therefore,beabletoreducetheopportunitycostsassociatedwithmotherhood.theexperienceinraisingthefirstchildis,asaresult,thedecidingfactor(Cooke,2003;Millsetal.,2008).thebirthofachildnolongeronlyimplies«bringingjoyandhope»,crowingandstabilizingthefamilyproject,asinthepast.aswepointoutinarecentstudy,organizingchildcareusuallyinvolvesconsiderabledifficultiesthatcrystallizeinstressfulsituations(IglesiasdeUsseletal.,2009).Coupleswithsmallchildrentend to express greater disagreement regarding the division ofhousework as well as higher levels of dissatisfaction with theopportunitiesavailabletoenjoyinterpersonalrelationswiththeirpartner. Possibly women and men experience this situation indifferentways.Forexample,inthestudyjustmentioned,wefoundthatwomenwithchildrenhaveagreaterprobabilityoffeelinglessin loveatthetimeoftheinterviewincomparisontowhentheybegan to livewith theirpartner, thanwomenwhodonothavechildren(holdingtimecohabitingconstant).thisisnotthecaseformen:thereisnostatisticaldifferenceintermsofthe«riskoffallingoutoflove»betweenmenwithchildrenandthosewithout.

Combining work and family life when there are children isa complicated issue in which women’s new orientations,professionalambitionsandautonomyenter intoconflictwiththe daily dynamics of their relationships with their partners.Intheprocessofadaptationtotheseimbalancessituationsoftensionmayarisethatcannotalwaysbeadequatelydealtwith.asignificantpercentageofparentsinterviewedintheSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood, carriedout for this study, indicate that in their homes situations oftensionariserelatedtotheissueofbalancingworkandfamilylife.thus,63percentofhouseholdsmentionepisodesoftensionconnectedtothelackofpersonaltimetorelaxanddisconnect(13 percent indicated that these episodes happened often);49 percent recognized situations of tension caused by thedistributionofhousework (9percentsaidthat this tookplaceoften), and 28percent referred to tensionover childcare (2.8percentsaidthatthishappenedoften).only16percentstatedthatintheirhouseholdtherewereneversituationsoftensionassociatedwithanyofthesefactors.

Situations of tension are more frequent in homes where themotherworksandhasambitiouscareeraspirations(womenwithhigheducationalcredentials).theyarealsomorecommonifthechildrenareunderthreeyearsofage(particularlyifthetensionisrelatedtocaringforthechildren)andwhentheinvolvementof the father in the care of the children is low (table 2.5). theinfluenceof this factor is significant.however, as canbe seen,theemploymentstatusof thefatherorhiseducation levelhaslittleaffectontheatmosphereinthehome.

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taBle2.5:Personswhosaythatthereistensioninthehomefordifferentreasons,bysocio-demographiccharacteristicsofparentsandbychild’sage

Inpercentages.homeswithchildrenfrom0to10yearsofage

thereIStenSIonCaUSedBy

SoCIodeMograPhICCharaCterIStICS

dIVISIonoFdoMeStICreSPonSIBIlItIeS CarIngFortheChIld eStrÉS

eneltraBaJonodISPonerdetIeMPo

PararelaJarSe

yeS oFten yeS oFten yeS oFten yeS oFten

mother’scharacteristics

educationlevel

Primary 39 8.1 25 3.1 48 6.4 53 12

Secondary 51 11 26 1.9 53 6.8 64 11

University 54 7.8 33 3.7 60 7.2 69 11

employmentstatus

Worksfull-time 55 9.6 28 2.8 61 7.3 68 11

Workspart-time 55 11 29 2.2 56 8.6 68 13

doesn’twork 40 7.3 27 3.2 47 5.5 56 10

Mother’slevelofinvolvementwithchild

Veryinvolved 49 8.7 29 2.7 54 6.8 64 10

Moderatelyinvolved 50 10 27 3.2 56 7.1 63 13

littleornotinvolved –(a) – – – – – – –

father’scharacteristics

educationlevel

Primary 47 10 28 3.3 53 6.4 58 12

Secondary 49 8.6 27 1.5 54 7.2 65 11

University 53 8.2 31 3.9 58 6.6 67 11

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(Continue)

employmentstatus

Worksfull-time 50 8.6 29 2.6 55 6.9 64 11

Workspart-time 43 7.8 26 2.0 54 6.9 66 11

doesn’twork 53 12 28 2.7 54 5.4 61 11

Father’slevelofinvolvementwithchild

Veryinvolved 46 6.8 25 1.9 53 5.4 61 8.5

Moderatelyinvolved 52 10 30 2.6 56 7.2 65 13

littleornotinvolved 58 17 39 8.7 61 15 66 19

Child’scharacteristics

age

0-3yearsofage 51 9.0 35 3.1 54 6.9 68 13

4-7yearsofage 46 9.6 25 3.1 53 7.6 61 11

8-10yearsofage 50 8.0 23 1.9 57 5.7 60 9.2

note:a)Fewerthan20casespercategory.

Source:BasedondatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood,2010.

graph 2.1 shows the probability that situations of tensionconnectedtothedivisionofhousework,careofthechildrenandlackoftimetorelaxwillbeproducedinthreedifferenthouseholdsettings.thefirstisthetraditionalsetting,wherethemotherdoesnotwork,hasabasiceducation,andtheinvolvementofthefatherin childcare is low. the second setting isoneof transition: themotherworks,has ahighereducationand the involvementofthe father is low (an incomplete revolution).the third is similarto the second setting but with a high degree of paternalinvolvement(acompleterevolution).theseareidealtypeswhich,

independent of their degree of representativeness in thepopulation,permitustodevelopanideaofwhatoccursgivenaspecificconstellationofsituations.

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graph2.1:Probabilitythattherewillbesituationsoftensioninhomeswithchildrenfrom0to10yearsofagefordifferentreasonsbydifferentmodelsforthedivisionofresponsibilitiesbygender

Traditional setting Transitional setting Egalitarian setting

0,0

0,2

0,4

0,6

0,8

1,0 Igualitario

Transicion

Tradicional

Por la falta de tiempo para relajarsePor el cuidado del niño/aPor el reparto tareas domésticas

BECAUSE OF LACKOF TIME TO RELAX

PROBABILITY

REASONS FOR TENSION

BECAUSE OFCHILDCARE

BECAUSE OF DIVISION OFDOMESTIC RESPONSIBILITIES

Escenario Escenario de Escenario tradicional transición igualitario

Por el reparto tareas domésticas 0,4479 0,7121 0,5539Por el cuidado del niño/a 0,4346 0,5530 0,3522Por la falta de tiempo para relajarse 0,6024 0,8122 0,7338

0.0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1.0

note:Probabilityiscalculatedbasedonalogisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)thereistensioninthehomefordifferentreasons;0)thereisn’ttensioninthehome.thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,mother’soccupationalstatus,mother’seducationlevel,ifthechildhassiblings,father’slevelofinvolvement.

Source:BasedondatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood,2010.

the results of multivariable analysis suggest that the traditionalsetting and the egalitarian are clearly more desirable than thetransitionmodel.thetraditionalmodeldisplaysthelowestprobabilityof tension in the home related to the division of housework andlackoftimeforrelaxation,whiletheegalitarianmodelisespeciallyadvantageous forpreventingsituationsof tensionassociatedwiththecareofchildren.Inallcases,thesecondsettinginwhichthemother

worksandhascareeraspirationsbutcannotcountonthesupportofherpartnerforchildcare,tendstoproducemoresituationsoftension.

2.4. theethiCoffamilyCareandthemodelofagoodChildhood

Socialdemandforpoliciestoreconcileworkandfamilylifeisverywidespread.thisreflectsthedesireofmanyparentstospendmoretimewiththeirchildren,especiallywhentheyhavenotyetbegunschool.Spainisusuallyincludedbyresearchersinthatgroupofcountriesthatisseenastiedtothetraditionalculturalmodelinwhich family care, supported by an ethic of responsibility andmoralobligationisconsideredsuperiortocareprovidedbypaidcaregivers–whetheritbethroughthestateorbyforprofitservices–astheydonotguaranteethesamedegreeofcommitment(Pfau-effinger, 2006). In thismodel a «good childhood» is onewhichtakesplaceinthehome,underthesupervisionofafamilymember(generally the mother). these criteria should prevail especiallywhenchildrenareatpre-schoolages.dataobtainedduringthedecade of the 1990s and the first years of the present decadesupportthisview.Spainisacountryinwhich,comparatively,ahighproportionofthepopulationrevealednegativeattitudestowardmothersworkingwhentheirchildrenwereatpre-schoolage.Suchanattitudewasespeciallywidespreadamongolderagegroups.thus,according todata fromthe1990WorldValuesSurvey,71percentofSpaniardsovertheageof50agreedortotallyagreedwiththestatement«apre-schoolchildislikelytosufferifhis/hermotherworks.»thefactthatonly41percentofthosebetweentheagesof15and29yearsofagesharedthatopinioncannowbeseenasheraldingimminentchange.

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andthatchangehasbeendramatic.agrowingpercentageoftheSpanishpopulation, primarily thosebelonging to the youngergenerations,understandthatthecareofchildrencannotcontinuetodependonmothersleavingwork,althoughtherecontinuesto

beahighpercentagewhoviewpart-timeworkwhilethechildrenareveryyoungpositively(table2.6).aCISsurveyin2003allowsusdisaggregatethisdatabyagecohorts.

taBle2.6:opinionsonwhetherwomenshouldworkfull-time,part-timeornotworkindifferentsituations,byagegroup

Inpercentages

age

FroM18to34 FroM35to49 FroM50to64 65andoVer

aftermarriageandbeforehavingchildren

Workfull-time 82 83 74 64

Workpart-time 15 12 18 19

notwork 2.3 5.0 8.2 17

total 100

whenthereisachildunderschoolage

Workfull-time 25 22 15 9.9


notwork 24 29 46 58

total 100

aftertheyoungestchild(ortheonlychild)hasstartedschool

Workfull-time 46 43 30 23


notwork 7.4 10 21 34

total 100

numberofcases (836) (236) (500) (512)

Source: Based on data from Study 2,529, CIS, 2003.

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another clear indicator of the evolution in attitudes is thegrowingperceptionoflegitimacyamongSpaniardsoftheuseofsocialservicesinsupportoffamilieswithchildrenunderthreeasanalternativetothecareofthechildinthehome.Inthisregard,CISStudy2.788(2009)providesarareopportunitytoexaminedifferentattitudestowardtheroleofday-carecentresinthecareofchildren.askedifitisbetterforchildrentobeathomeortoattendnurseryschool,54percentof those interviewedoptedforthelatter.therearemarkeddifferencesamongcohorts.ofthoseunder35yearsofage,66percentpreferredthesecondoption,comparedtoonly42percentofthoseover65.

the youngest Spanish adults no longer show any reluctanceat leaving their childrenunder the careof others inpreschoolcentres. the overwhelming majority consider it necessary forchildrenbetweentheagesofthreeandsixtoattendschooloraday-carecentre,andasignificantpercentage(71percent)seeitasnecessarythatoneandtwoyearoldchildrenshouldbeinday-care, although the majority consider this necessary only«in somecases.»oneoutofevery threeevenbelieve that it isacceptableincertaincasesforinfantsunderonetobeinday-care,somethingthatnotonlyclasheswiththematernalistdiscourseof the traditional familybut is alsodiscouragedbymanychildpsychologists(Belskyet al.,1988).

taBle2.7:opinionsonwhetheritisnecessaryforchildrentoattendschoolordaycare,bydifferentagegroupsofchildren

Inpercentages.Personsunder50yearsofage

ageoFChIld InallCaSeS

InSoMeCaSeS neVer total

From3to6yearsofage 81 17 2.2 100

From1to2yearsofage 17 54 29

Underoneyearold 5.3 31 64


Behindtheseconsiderationsonecanclearlyseetheimpactoftimepressuresstemmingfrombalancingworkandfamily life.Sixty-fivepercentofthoseinterviewedwhothinkthatachildofoneortwoyearsoldshouldbeinday-careciteasthemainreasonthatinthisway«parentswillbeabletoresolvetheproblemoftakingcareof thechild.»eighty-twopercentof thosewhoconsider itnecessaryforachildunderonetobeinday-caregivethesamereason. Ifwe limittheanalysistoparentswhosechild isorhasbeen inday-carebeforetheageof three, themajority indicateonce again that itwas for reasons related to reconcilingworkandfamilylifeinhomeswherebothparentswork.theinterestsofthechildappeartobesecondary.eighteenpercentofthoseinterviewedindicatedthatthemainreasonforputtingthechildinday-care isorwas«sothechildcanbewithotherchildren.»thirteenpercentputforward«sothatheorshecanlearnanddevelop»asthereasonforplacingtheirchildinday-care.

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taBla2.8:Whychildisorwasindaycarebeforethreeyearsofage

Inpercentages:Personsunder50yearsofage

BecausemyspouseandIwork 63

Sochildcanbewithothers 18

Sochildcanlearnanddevelop 13

BecauseIdon’thavefamilytotakecareofthechild 2.8

other 3.2

total 100

numberofcases (467)


however,thisdoesnotmeanthattheydonotbelievethatpre-schooleducationhassomepedagogicalandsocialbenefitsforthechild.ahighpercentageofrespondentsthinkthatschoolbeforetheageofthreecanplayanimportantroleinthedevelopmentofthechild.theybelievethatday-careismoreeffectiveatteachingchildrenunder threeyearsof age «to relateandcommunicatewithothers»thanthefamily;inaddition,itisbetterfordevelopingcapacitiesofobservationandexplorationandforlearningrulesandroutines.theseattitudesappearinallsocialgroupswithonlyslightvariationsbyeducation.

the results of this analysis suggest that in recent years anadaptation to new realities is taking place, especially amongthoseagegroupswhichareexperiencingintheirownlivestheproblemsandworriesofraisingyoungchildren.asaconsequenceofthischangeinattitudes,socialpressureonwomenwhodecideto continue working fulltime and/or take advantage of social

servicestobalanceworkandfamilylifehasdecreased.agrowingnumberofSpanishmenandwomenbelievethatayoungchildcanhave«agoodchildhood»spendinglotsofhoursawayfromthemotherandinthecareofchildcareprofessionals.thisquiettransition to a new model has gathered supporters with fewdissentingvoiceschallengingthecoursefollowedeitherfromanideologicalstandpointoronthebasisoftheirexpertise.

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taBle2.9:opinionsonwhetherchildrenunderthreedevelopcertainabilitiesbetterinschoolorinthefamily,byeducationlevel

Inpercentages.Personsunder50yearsofage

WheredoeSaChIldlearntheFolloWIngaBIlItIeSBetter?edUCatIonleVel

PrIMary SeCondary UnIVerSIty

Knowinghowtoexpressbasichealthandwell-beingneeds

Family 57 59 61

School 24 26 25

Bothequally 18 15 15

total 100

Beingabletofeedhim/herselfandtakecareofpersonalhygiene

Family 52 49 51

School 28 37 33


total 100

Controllinghis/herownbody(maintainingbalance,notfallingdown,standingup)

Family 62 56 52

School 20 24 26


total 100

relatingtoandcommunicatingwithothers

Family 19 13 15

School 64 72 70


total 100

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observingandexploringhis/herworld(beingcurious,askingquestions)

Family 28 24 24

School 43 49 46


total 100

learningroutinesandrules(schedules,obedience)

Family 30 26 30

School 50 50 48


total 100

Source: Based on data from Study 2,788. CIS 2009.

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III. ProvIdIngcaretochIldrenfrom0to4yearsofage

loveisspelledt-I-m-eparticularlywhenitcomestorelationshipsbetweenparentsandchildren.Itisinthetimesharedwithparentsthat small children learn life skills, internalize expectations ofachievement,developfeelingsofconfidenceandsecurityandfindloveandstability.this time isa formofsocial investmentwhich,despiteitsabsencefromthetraditionalindicatorsofproductivityornationalaccounts,hasevidentsocioeconomicimplicationsforchildrenandforsocietyingeneral.thequantityandespeciallythequalityof this time isoneof themaindeterminantsofchildren’swell-beinganddevelopmentand,therefore,oftheiropportunitiesand productive capacity across the lifespan (Büchel y duncan,1998;cookseyyfondell,1996).sociologistscoinedthetermsocial capital to refer to thebenefitsobtained fromsocial connections(Bourdieu, 1983; coleman, 1988). Intergenerational relationshipsbetweenparentsandchildrenconstituteoneofthemodalitiesofsocialcapitalthatgeneratethehighestindividualandsocialreturns.

however, nowmore thanever families cannot amass asmuchsocial capital due to thedifficulties encountered indedicatingthe amount of time they would like to their children. on theonehand,theincreaseincouplesbreakinguphasplacedlimits

onthepossibilityofinteractionwiththenon-custodialparent.ontheother,animagehasspreadinwhichparents,andespeciallymothers, carry out an impossible balancing act to reconciletheirdualfamilyandworkroles,gettingtrappedinwhatsomeauthorshavereferredtoasthe«secondshift»or«endlessworkday»(durán,1986;hochschild,1989).ontheflipside,therearechildrengettingoutofschoolbecoming«orphansat5o’clock,»«latchkeychildren,»orbeingrushedfromoneafter-schoolactivityto another. In such conditions it seems that intergenerationalrelationshipsarebeingaffectedbyanincreasinglyoverbookedday,andgrowingconcernsappeartobejustified.

Incontrasttotheseimages,thereissolidinternationalevidence–based on analysis from rigorous surveys that have carefullyrecordedtimeuseinfamilies–thatsuggestsexactlytheopposite(sandbergyhofferth,2001;gauthieret al.,2004).manymothersandfathersspendmoretimetodaywiththeirchildrenthantheirparentsdidwiththem.theirparentingpractices,areinformedbynewchildcareethicsandmodelsofwhatitmeanstobea«goodmother» or a «good father,»which encourage them to extendparental responsibilitybeyond the spacesandactivitieswhere

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ithadtraditionallybeenexercisedinthepast.caringforachildnolongermeansjust«beingpresent»or«respondingdiligently»tothechild’sneeds.sharingqualitytimewithchildrenthroughinvolvement in interactive activities that require attention hasnowacquiredavaluethatwasunrecognizedinthepast.

thisvalueis, inthefirstplace,emotional.asweindicatedinthepreviouschapter,youngcouplesofthe«individualistictype»seetheirsentimentalrelationshipsasawaytoachievehappiness.theemotionalaspectsoffamilylifehavecometohaveunprecedentedimportance. there is firmbelief that theexpressionof loveandtenderness towards children can help create an environmentandsupportthekindsofexperiencesneededtoachievethegoalofself-actualization.thisconvictionhasevenbeenembracedbymanymen,whotraditionallyrenounceddirectcontactwiththeirchildren.Itispossiblethatmen’sdesiretoparticipateincaringfortheirchildrenisinpartaresponsetohavingtomoveawayfromatraditionalmodeloffatherhoodthatcouldarousethedistrustoftheirpartnerandpreventthemfrommaintainingtheatmosphereoftrustandaffectionwhichistodaythebasisofrelationships(nowmuchmore fragile than in the past). or perhaps,men’s greaterinvolvementinchildcarecomesfromagenuinedesiretoexperiencefatherhoodinadifferentway,consistentwithnewconceptionsofmasculinitythatallowmentoopenlyexpresstheirfeelings,showweakness and value the personal rewards of intimacy, physicalcontactandcaringforothers(alberdiandescario,2007).

secondly,inrecentdecadesfearshaveintensifiedregardingrisksthreatening the physical safety of children. Urbanization, thegrowthofcitiesandtheincreaseinsocialdiversitycombinedwiththeerosionofcommunitytieshavegeneratedconcernsthatdid

notexist inthepast,whenchildrenplayedalone inthestreetsandplazaswithoutparentsworryingabouttheirsafety.todayitisunderstoodthatthehomeistheonlysafehavenagainstthenewdangersawaitingthem.nowadaysparentsaccompanytheirchildrentomanyoftheactivitiesthatinthepasttheywouldhavegonetoalone:toschool,tomeetwiththeirfriends,ortoafter-schoolactivities. If theydonotaccompany them, they run theriskofbeinglabelledirresponsibleornegligent.thehousehold,increasinglyoutfittedwithallkindsofgadgetsandtechnologiestoentertain–technologicallysophisticatedtoys,televisionsinthebedroom,internetconnection,etc.–haveturnedintotrue«gildedcages»wherechildrenspendmanyhoursneartheirparents.

athirdelementthathasinfluencedfatherstospendmoretimewiththeirchildrenistherecognitionofthepedagogicalvalueof their involvement in the education of their children. thedeclineinthebirthratehasreducedthenumberofchildrenperhome,andasaresult, ithasincreasedthecapacityofparentstoconcentrate resources (primarily timeandmoney)on theirchildren,investingintheirquality(Beckerandlewis,1973).theanxietyofmanyparents inthefaceoftheuncertainfutureoftheirchildreninanunpredictableworld,whereitisincreasinglymoredifficulttoassurethatchildrenmaintainthesamesocialstatusofthefamily,hasencouragedmanyparentstobecomeintensely involved early on in their children’s upbringing.Behavingasa«goodfather»or«goodmother»meansenrollingone’s children in the best early childhood education centres,offeringthemopportunitiestoexpressanddeveloptheirtalentsfromtheearliestageinorganizedactivities,butalsodedicatingqualitytimetothemtostimulatetheircognitiveaptitudesandsupporttheirlearning.

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theenginebehindtheseideologicalchangeshasbeenthedeepsociodemographictransformationsthatbeganinthelatterpartofthe20thcentury.Inthischapterandthefollowingone,wewillexaminenewwaysofexperiencingmotherhoodandfatherhoodand,therefore,intergenerationalrelationships.Wewillalsoanaly-zetheparticipationofotherpersonsandspecializedservicesinthecareofchildren.Inthischapterwewillfocusoncaregivingforchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage.

3.1. Whenchildrenarrive:neWmotherhoodandfatherhood

thereisevidenceinspainsuggestingthatmenspendmoretimetaking care of their children (larrañaga et al., 2004). however,thereisstillclearevidenceofanimbalanceinthedivisionofthisresponsibility. Inmanyhomeswithsmallchildren,takingcareofthechildrenisnowajointactivity,butinthemajorityofcases,it

taBle3.1:Workingdayofcouplesbetween25and49yearsofagebyageofchild

Inpercentages

coUPleformedBy allcoUPles coUPlesWIthoUtchIldren

coUPlesWIthatleastonechIldUnder6

coUPlesWIthchIldrenover6

manworkingfull-timeand

womanworkingfull-time 44 63 38 42

womanworkingpart-time 14 8.4 17 14

womannotworking 30 16 35 33

manworkingpart-timeand

womanworkingfull-time 0.7 1.0 0.7 0.6

womanworkingpart-time 0.5 0.7 0.5 0.4

womannotworking 0.5 0.5 0.4 0.5

mannotworkingand

Womanworkingfull-time 4.1 5.6 3.2 4.4

womanworkingpart-time 1.5 1.1 1.5 1.5

womannotworking 4.3 3.7 4.3 4.5

total 100

source:economicallyactivePopulationsurvey,Ine[nationalstatisticsInstitute],2008.

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isstillnotcarriedoutequally.Incontrasttowhathappenedinthepast,whenthefather’scommitmenttochildcarewasmuchless,theexerciseofmotherhood for themajorityofwomentoday ispart-time.

Women have massively entered into the labour market andcontributefinanciallytothefamily.Inbarelythreedecades,theemploymentrateforwomenbetween25and49yearsofagehasalmostdoubled, increasingfrom36percentin1990to63percentin2010,accordingtothespanishlabourforcesurvey(ePa) data. however, employment statistics reveal significantdifferences in women’s commitment to work depending ontheir family situation. as can be seen in the following table,inthreeoutoffivecoupleswithchildrenundersix,thewomenworkoutsidethehome.thisisahighproportionifwecompareittothesituationfoundjusttwodecadesago.Butitissignificantlylowerthanthenumberofwomenworkingwholivewiththeirpartner and do not have children (80 percent). anotherimportantdifferenceliesinthepercentageofwomenworkingpart-time(19percentofwomenwithchildrenundersixand10percentofthosewithoutchildren).

(a)resignationandrenunciation

for many women the arrival of children has importantimplicationsfortheirlifecourseandcareer;thismaybebecausethey leave their jobs, temporarily or permanently, relinquishpositionsof responsibilityor reduce theirworkinghours, etc.scalingbackisoneofisoneofthestrategiesoftenadoptedbycoupleswithtwoincomesasawaytomanagethecareofthechildren.Butratherthanastrategy,inthemajorityoffamiliesit

becomesanecessity.accordingtodatafromourSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood,23percentofwomen compared to only 4.8 percent of men with childrenunderfiveyearsofagerecognize,sincethebirthoftheirchild,havinghadtoleaveajob,studiesorsomeotherformoftrainingbecausetheyhadproblemsinfindingacentreorapersontotakecareoftheirchild.thecostofthiswithdrawalfromworkorstudy –assessed according to different factors, such ascontributiontofamilyincome,potentialtodevelopasuccessfulcareer, etc– influenced the decision. the educational level ofthewomenistheprincipalfactordeterminingthiscost.graph3.1showstheproportionofwomenthathavehadtoabandonan activity after the birth of their child is substantially loweramongwomenwithuniversitydegrees.

alongwitheducation,itisimportanttoconsideremploymentconditions before and after the birth of a child. leaving theworkforceismorelikelywhenworkingconditionsareprecarious.Inthesesituationsmanywomenfeelpushedtoquitjobsduetotimelimitationswhichmakeitdifficulttobalanceworkandnewfamily responsibilities, orbecauseof employerdiscrimination(azmat et al., 2003). among those who decide to continueworking after the birth of children, it is not unusual to findsituations of downwardmobility in terms of quality of work,incomeorresponsibility (gutierrez-doménech,2002).Womenwhoarenotemployed (whetherbecause theyhave lost theirjobsorbecausetheyareinactive)usuallyremaininthissituation.eventhoughtheymaywanttowork,findingajobthatadjuststo their needs to balance work and family becomes a verydifficulttask.

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GraPh3.1:Womenthathavehadtoabandonanactivityafterthebirthoftheirchildbyeducationallevel

householdswithchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35 Universitarios

Secundarios

Primarios o sin estudios

UNIVERSITY

PERCENTAGE

WOMAN’S LEVEL OF EDUCATION

SECONDARYPRIMARY OR NO EDUCATION

Primarios o sin estudios Secundarios Universitarios30,84 28,73 16,89

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

source:BasedondatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood,2010.

Intable3.2weshowthecurrentemploymentstatusofmotherswithchildrenbetween0and4yearsofagewithrespecttotheirstatusatthemomentofthebirthofthechild.atthattime,70percentofthecurrentmotherswereworking.ofthese,almostfouroutoffivearestillworking.afairlyhighpercentageofthesewomen(13percent)arenowunemployed and8.7percenthavebecome inactive.atthetimeofthebirthoftheirchild,18percentofthewomenwereunemployed.atpresent,approximatelythreeoutofeveryfourofthesewomencontinuetobeoutofwork(42percentunemployed;30percentinactive).forthesewomenthereisashortageofjobsthatarecompatiblewiththeirfamilyneeds.finally12percentwere

inactiveatthetimeofthebirthoftheirchild:thevastmajorityofthesewomenstilldonotwork(80percentinactiveand8percentunemployed). the labourmarket is an inhospitable territory formotherswhoarenotinitatthetimeofgivingbirth.

taBle3.2:mother’scurrentemploymentstatusbystatusatthetimeofthebirthofchild

Inpercentages.mothersofchildrenbetween0and4yearsofage

emPloymentstatUsattImeofBIrth

cUrrentemPloymentstatUs

IsWorKIng

IsUnemPloyed

IsInactIve total

Wasworking 78 13 8.7 100

Wasunemployed 28 42 30

Wasinactive 12 8.0 80


motherhood usually jeopardizes one’s position in the labourmarket. the percentage of mothers with children between 0and4yearsofagewhowereworkingwhentheirchildwasbornbutwereunemployedatthetimeofthesurvey(13percent)farexceedsthepercentageoftheirpartnerswhoareunemployedbuthadworkatthetimeofthebirthoftheirchild(6.5percent).themothersmostatriskoflosingtheirjobarethosewhohavelowereducationalqualifications.twenty-twopercentofmotherswith justabasiceducationandwhowereworkingat the timeofthebirthoftheirchildarecurrentlyunemployed(11percentof themenwith this educational level have gone from beingemployedtounemployedafterthebirthoftheirchild).thesame

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istruefor17percentofthosemotherswhocompletedsecondaryschool(incomparisonto8.2percentofthemenwiththislevelofeducation).eventhosemotherswithhighereducationallevelsfaceasignificantlyhigherriskofunemploymentthantheirpartners(7.4percentand0.9percentrespectively).thus,thevulnerabilityofmothersreflects,«themarketvalue»oftheirdegreesbutalsobusinessstrategiesofgettingridof femaleworkerswhentheydecidetohavechildren.manybusinessesareprobablyinfluencedbythebeliefthatthesemothersaregoingtobelessproductivewhentheyhavetoassumethemainresponsibilityforparentingafterthebirthofthechild.datasupporttheideaoftenexpressedbyfeministtheoristsandresearchersthatgenderinequalitiesinthehomearethemainobstacletowomeninthepursuitoffullequalityinthelabourmarket(see,forexample,england,2000).

aslightlylowerpercentageofnewmothersmovefromworkingtoinactivity.Insomecases,thisprobablyfollowsanintermediateperiodofunemployment.often,inactivityistheresultofadecisionnottolookforemploymentinsituationsinwhichitisdifficulttofindworkthat is compatiblewith caring for a young child (rather than themother’sdesiretodedicateherselfexclusivelytoparenting).thecostsofworkopportunitiescanbeespeciallyhigh formothers likely toearnlowpay.asaresult,motherswithlowereducationalqualificationsarealsotheoneswhoaremostlikelytomovefromworktoinactivity.fifteenandahalfpercentofmotherswhohaveonlyabasiceducationallevelandwereworkingatthetimeoftheirchild’sbirtharecurrentlyinasituationofinactivity.thisisthesamefor12.1percentofmotherswith secondary school diplomas. among women with universitydegreesthisshiftislesscommon,affectingonly4.1percent.Itislikelythatmanyof thesewomen leave their jobsbecauseofagenuinedesiretodedicatethemselvestotheupbringingoftheirchildren.

Inshort, there is littleevidence thatwomenwhoabandonthelabourmarketdosodeliberatelywiththeintentionofdedicatingthemselves fulltime to parenting. the profile of the womanwho gives up her career driven by strong convictions aboutmotherhood(whathasbecomeanactualmovementintheU.s.calledMothers opting out)represents,inanycase,asmallminority.themajority ofmotherswho find themselves in this situationhavebeen forced into it (orat leastpushed)bycircumstances.leaving the workforce is probably not permanent. many willreincorporateintothelabourmarketwhentheopportunityfora job that meets their needs becomes available or when theemploymentsituationinthecountryimproves.

(b)maternityandpaternityleave

thereshapingofpolicyonparentalleaveconformstonewwaysof understandingmotherhood and fatherhood, incorporatinginto these experiences a new range of choices and dilemmasthatrequirenegotiatedandthoughtfulsolutions.theseleavesconstituteoneofthemainchaptersintheso-calledtraditionalreconciliationpoliciesdesignedtomakeitpossibleforwomento balance work with maternity and care when the childrenare inmostneedof it. But for someyears thesepolicieshavepursuedmorethanthis.theintroductionofpaternityleave(orthepossibilitythatthemothertransferspartofthisrighttothefather) represents a new formula to encourage fathers to beinvolvedinthecareoftheirchildrenfrombirth.

leavepoliciesindevelopedcountrieshavebeenapowerfulsupporttool forwomenwhowant tocontinueworkingaftergivingbirth(makingtheirreturntoworkunderthesameconditionsaswhen

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theytookleavepossible)andforprotectingnewborns.alargebodyof evidence suggests thatbabieswhodonot receivedirect carefromtheirparentsduringthefirsttwelvemonthsoflifearelikelytoexperienceadversesituationsintheirdevelopment(Waldfogelet al.,2002).themajorityofeuropeancountriesgrantparentalleavewhichrangesfromfourtosixmonths,althoughincomereplacementratesvary.theinadequateimplementationoftheseinitiativescanhaveunexpectedconsequences.tooshortamaternityleavecutsoffthebenefitsintendedformothersandinfantsprematurely.facedwiththeserestrictions,manywomenprefertocompletelyabandonthelabourmarketinordertobettercarefortheirchildren.forexample,inthenetherlandswherematernityleaveextendsfourmonths,25percent of women leave the workforce (gustafsson and Kenjoh,2004).Inspain,wherematernityleaveisofasimilarduration,womenabandoningthelabourmarketisalsohigh.however,whenmaternityleave istoolongthehumancapitalofmothers(theirknowledge,competenciesandskills)erodesandmakesreincorporationintothelabourmarketdifficult(oecd,2007).

Inspain,91percentofthewomenwhoworkoutsidethehometakematernityleaveaftergivingbirth.thedataweexaminedinoursurveysuggestthattheuseofthisrightiswidespread,evenamongthemostvulnerablegroups.evenso,therearesmallbutsignificantdifferences in theproportionofwomenwhodonottakematernity leave based on different socioeconomic factors.the variable that best indicates the possibility of enjoyingthis right,aswellashowmuch leave time isused, ishouseholdincome.althoughthevastmajorityofworkingwomenfrommoredisadvantagedsectorstakeadvantageoftheirrighttomaternityleave,aconsiderablepercentageofthesewomenhavenotbeenabletodoso:16.5percent(seetable3.3).thesefigurespointto

amore likelyprecariousparticipation in the labourmarket. It ispossiblethatmanywomenwhogiveuptheirrighttomaternityleavedosoinordernottoloseajobthatisprecariousortheyareforcedtoreturnearlytosometypeofself-employment.

taBla3.3:Womenwhotookmaternityleavebyage,educationlevelandhouseholdincome

Inpercentages.householdswithchildrenbetween0and4yearsofage

mother’scharacterIstIcs Percentage

age

18to35 92

36to40 92

over40 86

educationlevel

Primary 86

secondary 90

University 93

householdincomeeraselevelperperson

lessthan€320 83

Between€321and€500 89

Between€501and€800 92

over€800 94

total 91

numberofcases (675)


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Paternityleavehasamuchshorterhistory.Itisaresponsetoanewunderstandingofparenting,whichaimstopromoteamoreeffectiveand balanced participation of fathers in the home environment.there is growing evidence that suggests that paternity leaveencouragestheinvolvementoffathersinthecareoftheirchildrenandamoreequitabledistributionofdomesticresponsibilities,oratleast it prevents the traditionalization of roles (the accentuationofdifferencesbasedongender)whichusuallyoccurafterthebirthofchildren.forexample,nepomnyaschyandWaldfogel(2007),usingasampleoflongitudinaldataofnorthamericanfamilies,foundthattheprobabilityof the fatheractivelyparticipating in thedifferentactivitiesrelatedtochildcareattheendofthefirstninemonthsismuchgreaterifhehastakentwoweeksormoreofleavetimeatthetimeofbirth.regardlessof thestrengthof the long-termeffects,paternityleavehaslaidthefoundationforanewformoffathering.

thereformsthatencouragefatherstotakepaternityleavehavebeenrelatively recent inspain. Inourcountry,workingwomen(who meet certain minimum established requirements foreligibility)areeligiblefor16weeksofmaternityleave,whichcanbetransferredinparttothefather(uptoamaximumof10weeks),with the exception of the first six weeks after birth, which areavailableonlyforthewoman.Untilthreeyearsago,nopaternityleaveexistedsimilartomaternityleave.mencouldgettwodaysoff fromwork for the birth of a child,whilewomenwithworkcontractshadtherighttoaleavefromworkfor16weeks,aslongas they fulfilled the contributory requirements. Women could(andstillcan)giveupapartofthisleavetime(uptotenweeks)andtransferittothefather.Withtherecentlawofequality(march,2007)anewpaternityleavewasintroduced,fifteendaysofleavefromworkindependentofthemother’semploymentstatusand

that is personal and non transferable to the woman. thus, asignificantnumberofthefatherswhorespondedtothissurveywereamongthefirsttotakeadvantageofthisnewmeasure.

the data analyzed in the Survey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhoodrevealthat,onaverage,mentaketwoandahalfweeksofleaveandwomentake16andahalfweeks,whichisbasicallytheamountoftimestipulatedbythelaw.theapprovalof this lawhasbroughtabouta substantial increase inpaternityleave.accordingtooursurvey,theproportionoffathersthattookadvantageofpaternityleavealmostquadrupled(increasingfrom15percentto58percent).table3.4providessomeinterestingpointsforofreflectiontoclarifywhetherthemenwhotakepaternityleavecorrespondtoaspecificprofileandifthishaschangedsincethelawcameintoeffect.fathersmoreoftentakethisnewpaternityleave,andinthevastmajorityofcasessharedwiththeirwives,whentheirpartnerswork.thebeginningoflifewithachildisanopportunityfordelightthatmanymendonowanttogiveup,especiallywiththe firstborn. data indicate that younger fathers take paternityleavemoreoften.thistendencyconsolidatespatternsofbehaviouralreadyobservedbeforethelawcameintoeffect.apparently,newgenerationsoffathersareincorporatinginnovativebehaviours.theextensionofpaternityleaverepresentssocialsupport–certainlystillnotsufficient–fornewmasculineaspirations,whichdistancefathersfromamodelwhichkeptthemawayfromwitnessingandenjoyingthefirstdaysoflifewiththeirnewbornchild.

Itisworthnotingthattherelationshipbetweenthevariablelevelofeducationandpaternity leavehaschangedsince theapprovalofthelaw.Beforeitsapproval,theproportionoffatherswhotookleavetimewasmuchhigheramongthosewithuniversitystudies.

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afterthelaw’sapproval,otherfathersseemtobeparticipatingalmostequallyinthisright.Inthissense,thelawseemstohave

openedadoorthathadbeenkeptclosedforonegroupoffatherswhoarenowwillingtoassumenewformsoffatherhood.

taBle3.4:fatherswhotookpaternityleavebeforeandafterthelawofequalityenteredintoeffect

Inpercentages.householdswithchildrenbetween0and4yearsofage

PaternItyleaveafterlaWofeQUalIty(a)

PaternItyleaveBeforelaWofeQUalIty

father’ssocio-demographiccharacteristics

ageatfatherhood

19to34yearsold 61 17

35to40 57 15

over40 54 8.0

educationlevel

Primaryornoeducation 55 12

secondary 61 12

University 56 21

typeofworkcontract

employeewithpermanentcontract 64 –(b)

employeewithtemporarycontract 58 –

employerorprofessionalwithemployees 42 –

self-employedorprofessionwithoutemployees 40 –

mother’ssocio-demographiccharacteristics

ageatmotherhood


32to37 57 15

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theresultsalsoillustratethat,inspiteofthestepforwardthatthenewlawmeant,economicandemploymentbarrierspersistformany fathers.fatherswhoareemployedwithpermanentcon-tractstakeadvantageofpaternityleavetoagreaterextentthananyotheroccupationalgroup.theyarecloselyfollowedbythosewithtemporarycontracts,suggestingthattheinstitutionalizationoftherightisnotinconflictwithbusinesspracticesthatmightbeinterestedinrestrictingit(covertlyorovertlywieldingthepossi-bilityofnotrenewingatemporarycontract).Businessmenorthe

self-employed(withorwithoutemployees)arethoseleastlikelytotakepaternityleave.doingsoforthemwouldentailmuchhig-hercoststhanforothergroups.

3.2. ScheduleSinfamilieSWithyounGchildren

taking care of children takes time. the time that fathers andmothersareabletoinvestinthecareoftheirchildrendepends

(continue)

over37 52 12

educationlevel

Primaryornoeducation 53 9.6

secondary 59 15

University 58 17

employmentstatusattimeofbirth

Working 62 –

notworking 42 –

householdcharacteristics

childhassiblings 53 11

firstbornchild 64 21

total 58 15

numberofcases (307) (67)

note:a)theorganiclaw3/2007of22marchfortheeffectiveequalityofwomenandmenestablishedatwoweekpaternityleave.b)lessthan20casespercategory.

source:BasedondatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood, 2010.

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on objective constraints such as their work schedules or theavailabilityofservicesforearlychildhoodcare.Butequallyormoreinfluentialinthetimeparentsdedicatetocaringfortheirchildrenare their convictions and personal preferences, their attitudeswith respect to gender role distribution and their convictionsrelated towhat a «good childhood» consists of andwhat roleothersocialagents(formalandinformal)playinachievingthis.time distribution in attending to and caring for children is acomplicatedtaskwhicheveryfamilycarriesoutaswellasitcanandknowshowto,primarily(butnotexclusively)inthedomesticsphere.reproductiveworktakesplacewithinaprivatecontext,whichconfersan«invisibility»thatothersociologicalphenomenaoccurringinthepublicspheredonothave.thishastraditionallyentaileddifficultiesforitsstudy.

on the other hand, the dimension of time which orderseventsasasuccessionofactivities,eachofwhichoccupiesaquantifiableamountoftime,doesnotallowaccesstocertainsocial qualities of the phenomenon of caregiving. someauthorshavepointedoutthattakingcareofsomeoneisnotonlyanactivityboundedbytime,butitisaboveallamentalstate (folbre and Bittman, 2004): implying responsibilities,organization, continuous availability, and time to be«attentive to someone.» the tools to gather information onhowtimeisemployedincertainactivitiesalsodonotreflectalloftheorganizingconflictsderivedfromthenecessitiesofprovidingcare.therearedifficulties inadequatelyrecordingsimultaneoustasksorthosethatarecarriedoutincombinationwithothertasks,thoseinwhichcareissometimesrecordedasasecondaryactivityorisnotaccuratelyrecordedbecauseofitsbeingconsideredanormalandundervaluedactivity.

The Survey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood isnotasurveyspecificallyabouttimeuse,althoughparentswereaskedabouthowmanyhourstheyspentwiththeirchildrenthepreviousday.1Werealizethatbyonlyrecordingthenumber of hours parents and children spend together manyof the nuances making up the time parents share with theirchildrenarelost.Wedidnotobtaininformationontheintensityofcontactoronthespecificattentionthechildrenreceivefromeach parent.We could not record the range of gestures thataccompanyasharedactivity,northeexpressionofaffectionandfeelingstowhichitgivesriseto.Butparents’answersprovideuswithaclearpictureofthetimeframeworksupportingthebondbetween parents and children. It is a necessarily incompletepicture,butone thatmakes itpossible to tracebasicpatternsinthemanagementofthecareofchildrenandtheinequalitiesincarryingitout.Ithasalsoofferedustheopportunitytoanalyzesubjectiveperceptionsoftimeinthelightofobjectivededication.

our initial objectivehasbeen toexamine thequantity of time in hours thatmothers and fathers spendwith their children -differentiatingworkdaysandweekends-andthevaluationthattheymerit. In the analyseswe take into account four factors,commonlycitedinthespecializedliterature,thatcanconditionshared time: the characteristics of the child (age and sex);individual characteristics of theparents (sex, education level);

1 Time Use Surveys–whichquantifytheamountoftimemembersofahouseholddedicatetodifferentactivitiesthrough diaries inwhich individuals recordwhat they do throughout the day–arewithout a doubt the bestinstrument that the social sciences have to analyze reproductivework.however, despite themethodologicalsophisticationofthesesurveys, theirusefulness is limited. It isanextremelyexpensive instrument.duetothecost,researchersarenotabletoadminsterthematsufficientintervalstotrackthechangesthattakeplaceinthedailyorganizationofactivitiesandtimedistributioninhouseholds.thelast(andonly)surveyontimeusethatwehaveforspainwascarriedoutin2002-2003,whichmakesitaninadequateinstrumenttoanalyzesocialprocessesthatarechangingcontinuouslyandrapidly.

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employment profiles of the couple; and the contribution ofoutsidecaregivers(grandparents,relatives,babysitters).

the time that mothers and fathers spend with their childrendependstoagreatextentonthechildren’sage.youngerchildrenneed more attention given that can do virtually nothing bythemselves.themajorityofyoungerchildrenspendmanyhoursunderthedirectsupervisionoftheirparents,whosededicationto providing care during these years is very intense. graph3.2 shows the average amount of time mothers and fathersarewith their childrenonworkdays andweekendsbasedontheageofthechild.thefirstthingthatcanbeseenisthatthepatternsoftimesharedwiththechildareverydifferentonworkdaysandweekends.afterthefirstyearsoflife,thetimefathersand mothers dedicate to the child during the week steadilydecreases,coincidingwith themajorityofchildrenat threeorfouryearsofageenteringtheschoolsystem.Incontrast,duringtheweekends,thetimespenttogetherishigh,independentoftheageofthechild.

GraPh3.2:averagetimefathersandmothersspendwithchildrenbychild’sage.Weekdaysandweekends

hoursperday.householdswithchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage

2

4

6

8

10

12

14 Madre

Padre

4/3/2/1/0/

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

Madre

Padre

4/3/2/1/0/

Week days Weekends

CHILD’S AGE

10 2 3 4 10 2 3 4

ENTRE SEMANA Padre Madre0 5,60 9,931 5,30 8,722 4,93 7,783 3,93 6,374 3,90 6,52FINES DE SEMANA Padre Madre0 7,63 9,781 10,36 11,072 10,30 10,953 8,86 10,914 9,24 10,91

Father Mother

2

4

6

8

10

14

12

NUMBER OF HOURS

source:BasedondatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood, 2010.

Bothduringweekdaysandweekends,childrenspendmoretimewith theirmothers thanwith their fathers.onaverage,mothersspend 8.4 hours with their children and fathers 5.7 hours.Intergenerationaltimeisprimarilyfemininetimeduringtheworkweek.theweekendisfamilytime.therefore,theaveragedifferenceinhoursthatmothersandfathersspendwiththeirchildrenduringtheweekisalmostthreehours,whileonweekendsthedifferenceis1.4hours.theimbalancebetweengendersisgreaterinthefirsttwoorthreeyearsofthechild’slife,whenprovidingcarecontinuestobeprimarilythemother’sresponsibility.

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Besides gender, there is also a series of sociodemographiccharacteristics which condition the time parents spend withtheirchildren.thus,forexample,thehighertheeducationalleveloftheparent,especiallyofthemother,thelesstimespentwiththechild.theopportunitycostofspendingtimewithchildrenishigherforparentswithhigherlevelsofeducation.however,onweekendspracticallynodifferencesareseenrelatedtotheeducationalleveloftheparents.

GraPh3.3:averagetimefathersandmothersspendwithchildrenbyparent’seducationallevel.

Weekdaysandweekends

hoursperday.householdswithchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

Media de horas madre

Media de horas padre

UniversitariosSecundariosPrimarios 0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

Media de horas madre

Media de horas padre

UniversitariosSecundariosPrimarios

Week days Weekends

PARENT’S EDUCATION LEVEL

NUMBER OF HOURS

PRIMARY SECONDARY UNIVERSITY PRIMARY SECONDARY UNIVERSITY

Días laborales Media de horas Media de horas que pasa el padre que pasa la madre con el niño/a con el niño/aPrimarios 5,12 8,68Secundarios 4,67 8,02Universitarios 4,45 7,05

Fin de semana Media de horas que pasa el padre madre Primarios 9,28 10,50Secundarios 8,96 10,49Universitarios 9,66 11,09

Average no. hours father spends with child

Average no. hours mother spends with child

0

4

2

6

8

10

12

14

source:BasedondatafromtheSurvey on Childhood and Inter and Intragenerational Relationships,2010.

theemploymentprofilesofthecouplearewithoutadoubtthefactorthathasthemosteffectonavailabilityandorganizationoftimeinfamilylife.thus,onworkdays,asexpected,parentswhoworkoutsidethehomespendlesstimewiththeirchildrenthanthosewhodonot.however,onweekends,theyseemtowanttocompensatefortheirabsenceastheyinvestasmuchormore time in their children as parents who do not workoutsidethehome.

the incorporation of women into the paid workforce has notcorrectedthegender imbalanceintimededicatedtochildcarethatisfoundwhenonlythefatherworks.Infamiliesinwhichbothparentswork,motherscontinuetospendmoretimetakingcareofthechildrenthandoesthefather,especiallyonworkdays:onaverage,spending2.3hoursmoreperdaywiththechildduringtheweekthanthefather.thisdifferenceis4.7hoursmorewhenthemotherdoesnotwork.forthemother,havinga jobmeansonaverage spending almost four hours less in childcare than amother who does not work, hours the child is normally withsomeone fromoutside the home. the amount of time fathersspendwithchildreninhomeswherethemotherworksdoesnotcompensateforthehoursthatthemotherisnotavailable.Infact,therearenodifferencesintheamountoftimethatfathersspendwiththeirchildren in familieswherethemothersworkoutsidethehomeandinthosewheretheydonot.

duringweekends,thetimethatmothersandfathersspendwiththeir children increases considerably, although independentoftheemploymentstatusofthecouple,itcontinuesbeingthemotherwho on average dedicates a littlemore time to beingwiththechild.

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ouranalysisdoesnotshowthatthehelpofoutsidecaregivers(grandparents, other family members, babysitters) has a verysignificant influenceon the time thatparentsspendwith theirchildren.onaverage,mothersdedicated7.4hoursonworkdayswhentheyhadoutsidehelpavailableand8.2hourswhentheydidnot(whichmeansapproximatelyfourhourslessbytheendoftheworkweek).fathersdedicated4.6hoursdailyiftherewereoutsidecaretakersand4.8hoursiftherewerenot.

GraPh3.4:averagetimefathersandmothersspendwithchildrenbycouple’semploymentstatus.

Weekdaysandweekends

hoursperday:householdswithchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

Sólo trabaja el padrelos dos miembros de la pareja trabajan 0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

Sólo trabaja el padrelos dos miembros de la pareja trabajan

Week days Weekends

NUMBER OF HOURS

BOTH MEMBERSOF COUPLE WORK

ONLY FATHERWORKS

BOTH MEMBERSOF COUPLE WORK

ONLY FATHERWORKS

Días laborales Media de horas Media de horas que pasa el padre que pasa la madreLos dos miembros dela pareja trabajan 4,33 6,62Sólo trabaja el padre 4,75 9,51

Fin de semana Media de horas Media de horas que pasa el padre que pasa la madreLos dos miembros dela pareja trabajan 9,64 10,70Sólo trabaja el padre 9,28 11,21

0

4

2

6

8

10

12

14

Average time spent by father

Average time spent by mother

source:BasedondatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood,2010.

Perceptionofalackoftimetogether

the vast majority of mothers and fathers value positively theopportunitytospendtimewiththeirchildren,andtheyconsideritnecessary for theadequategrowthanddevelopmentof theirchildren.someauthorshavepointedoutthattheculturalstandardsthatestablishtheamountoftimethatis«necessary»forparentstospendwiththeirchildrenaremoredemandingtodaythaninthepast,whichincontextofgrowingdifficultiesinreconcilingworkandfamilylifecancausefrustrationandanxiety(Bianchi,2000;daly,2001).numerousstudieshaveanalyzedthetimethatmothersandfathersspendwiththeirchildrenandhowtheyorganizethistime,butlessisknownabouthowtheyperceivethetimetheyspendwiththeirchildrenandwhatfactorsinfluencetheseperceptions.

accordingtodatafromThe Survey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood approximately one third of parentsrecognizethatingeneraltheydonotspendenoughtimewiththeirchildren (graph 3.5). there are sharp differences betweenwhatfathersthinkandwhatmothersthink:almosttwiceasmanyfathersasmothersthinkthattheydonotspendenoughtimewiththeirchildren.Infact,thereisstrongagreementinthefiguresobtainedwhen examining self-perceptions and the perceptions of thoseinterviewed about the time that their partners spendwith theirchildren:23percentofthemeninterviewedthinkthattheirpartnersdonotspendenoughtimewiththeirchildren,and45percentofthewomenthinkthesameoftheirpartners.thus,thereisasharedandwidespreadperceptionamongmenandtheirpartners thatfathersarenotpresentenoughinthelivesoftheirchildren.thedataaboutthequantityoftimethatmenandwomensharewiththeirchildrenappearstoconfirmtheseopinions.

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GraPh3.5:Parent’sevaluationoftheamountoftimetheyspendwiththeirchildren

householdwithchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage

0

10

20

30

40

50

60 Madre

Padre

No suficienteSuficienteMás que suficiente

Padre MadreMás que suficiente 8,45 18,01Suficiente 44,37 56,74No suficiente 47,18 25,26

Father Mother

NOT ENOUGHENOUGHMORE THAN ENOUGH

0

10

30

20

40

50

60PERCENTAGE


Wedonotknowhowmuchtimemothersandfathershavetospendwiththeirchildrenforthemtoconsiderittobe«enough»,butweknowtheamountoftimetheyusuallyspendtogether.thefatherswhorespondedthat,ingeneral,theydonotspendenoughtimewiththeirchildrenhadspentonaverage4.2hourswith themthepreviousday (if itwasaworkday). In thecaseofmothers,theyhadspentanaverageof6.7hourswiththeirchildren. these differences suggest that there is a significantimbalance in standards regarding time spent with childrenbetweenmen andwomen.motherswho thought they spent

enough time with their children spent on average 8.4 hourswiththem; inotherwords,afullworkday. Incontrast, fatherswhofelttheyspentsufficienttimewiththeirchildrenhadspent5.7hourswiththem.

theobjectiveamountoftime(inhours)thatmothersandfathersspendwiththeirchildrenisnot,thereforetheonlydeterminantof perceptions about the adequacy of their dedication. theprobability of mothers thinking they spend insufficient timewith their children is related to individual estimates of whatisappropriate (whicharenotdistributedsocially inauniformmanner) and to cultural expectations (whose influences arealso unequal). theparticipation ofmothers in theworkforce,especially if it is full-time, has a powerful effect on theirperceptions.Womenwhoworktendtobeconcernedaboutthetime theydedicate to their children, even thoughobjectivelyspeaking they spend the same amount of time with them.2the perception of spending less time than necessary withchildren is also more common, all other things being equal,when theeducational level of thewoman is lower. It is likelythatwomenwith fewereducational resourcesquestionmoretheconvenienceofworking,giventhattheopportunitycostofdoingsoishigher.Perhapstheirfamilieshaveamoretraditionalideaoftheroleofthewoman,withhigherlevelsofexpectationsregarding the amount of time that shouldbe spentwith thechildren,behavioursthatdeviatefromtheseexpectationsbeingmoreseverelycriticized.

2 Probabilitieshavebeencalculatedwithalogisticregressionmodel,whichisolatesthestatisticaleffectsoftheexplanatoryvariables,controllingfortheinfluenceofsociodemographicfactorsandthenumberofhoursdedica-tedtotheirchildren.theexplanatoryvariablesusedareindicatedinthefootnotetograph3.6.

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But themost decisive factor affecting women’s perceptionsabout the amount of time they spendwith their children istheirperceptionof theamountof time theirpartners spendwiththechildren.motherswhofeelthattheirpartnersdonotspendenoughtimewiththechildrenaremuchmorelikelytofeelthattheyalsodonot,holdingallotherthingsconstant.Inotherwords,theperceptiontheyhaveabouttheirdedicationdepends toagreatextentonwhat theirpartnerdoes (oratleast on their perception of this). they are more negative,regardless of the hours shared with their child, if they feelthat their partner is not involved enough and therefore thechildisnotreceivingenoughattention.theco-responsibilityofthepartneralsosignificantlyattenuatesmothers’ feelingsofguilt for participating in the workforce.3 Working does notcausemothers great anxietywhen there is co-responsibility(graph3.6).Ifwomenwhoworkfull-timehaveapartnerwhoissufficientlyinvolvedinthechildren’slives,thelikelihoodoffeelingthattheydonotdedicateenoughtimetotheirchildrenissimilartothatofmothersintraditionalsituations(motherswhodonotworkandhavepartnerswhoarenotsufficientlyinvolvedintheirchildren’slives).

3 Instatisticalterms,thereisaninteractionbetweentheeffectattributedtothemother’sworkinghoursandtheperceptionthatthemotherhasregardingthefather’sinvolvement.

GraPh3.6:Probabilityofmotherbelievingshedoesnotspendenoughtimewithherchildbydifferentlevelsofpartner’s

co-responsibility

motherswithchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage

0,0

0,1

0,2

0,3

0,4

0,5

0,6

0,7 Madre trabaja a tiempo completo, padre pasa tiempo suficiente

Madre trabaja a tiempo parcial, padre pasa tiempo suficiente

Madre trabaja a tiempo completo, padre pasa tiempo insuficiente

Madre trabaja a tiempo parcial, padre pasa tiempo insuficiente

Madre no trabaja, padre pasa tiempo insuficiente

0,190684489 0,562685639 0,610538739 0,028540442 0,170516761

PROBABILITY

MOTHER DOESN’T WORK,FATHER’S TIME INSUFFICIENT

MOTHER WORKSPART-TIME,

FATHER’S TIME INSUFFICIENT

MOTHER WORKSFULL-TIME,

FATHER’S TIME INSUFFICIENT

MOTHER WORKSPART-TIME,

FATHER’S TIMESUFFICIENT

MOTHER WORKSFULL-TIME,

FATHER’S TIMESUFFICIENT

0.00

0.10

0.20

0.30

0.40

0.50

0.60

0.70

note:theprobabilitiesarecalculatedbasedonalogisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)feelsshedoesn’tspendenoughtimewithherchildrenand0)feelsshespendsenoughormorethanenoughtimewithherchildren.thefollowingindependentvariableshavebeenintroducedintothemodel:child’sage,mother’slevelofeducation,hoursmotherspendswithchild,ifchildisanonlychild,ifchildattendschildcarecentre,perceptionoftheamountoftimefatherspendswithchild,mother’semploymentstatus.


Beyondthesesaspects,itisnecessarytoaddresstwootherexpla-natoryfactorswhich,haveaninfluenceonmothers’attitudes.ontheonehand,themost«inexperienced»mothers(withonlyonechild)tendtoshowmoreconcernaboutthetimetheydedicatetotheirchild(allotherthingsbeingequal).ontheotherhand,

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motherswhoplacetheirchildren inearlychildhoodeducationcentresorday-caredonothavemorenegativeperceptionsre-gardingthetimededicatedtotheirchildren,evenwhentheyareveryyoung(undertwoyearsofage).aswasnotedinthepreviouschapter,agrowingnumberofspanishmenandwomenarenotcriticaloftheideathatachildcancommencea«goodchildho-od»spendingmanyhoursawayfromitsmotherunderthecareofchildcareprofessionals.thefactthatmotherswhoplacetheirchildreninthesecentresdonotexpressgreaterdissatisfactionsregardingthetimetheydedicatetotheirchildrenisfurtherproofofthegrowinglegitimacygiventothisstrategy.

3.3. thequalityoftimeProvidedtochildren

thequalityoflifeinchildhooddependstoagreatextentonthequalityoftheinteractionbetweenparentsandchildren.specializedresearchpointsoutthevolumeoftime,measuredinhours,can,ingeneralterms,bebeneficialforthewell-beingofthechild,butit is not an adequate indicator tomeasure the contribution oftheparentstothedevelopmentofthechild’sskillsandlearningabilities. the quality of the interactions between parents andchildrenisastrongerdeterminantthanthequantityoftime.theaccumulatedevidenceisabundant.forexample,childrenexposedregularlytolanguagestimulibytheirmothersduringthefirstyearsof lifealreadybegin todemonstrateconsiderabledifferences inlinguisticcompetencefromthosewhoreceivepoorerstimulation(huttenlocheret al.,1991;hartandrisley,1999).researchshowsthat stimulation that pursues a response from the child, thestrengtheningofappropriatebehaviours throughexpressionofapprovalandaffection,theefforttocommunicatewiththechild

fromthefirstmonthson(invitingthechildtosaywordsthroughsongsorreadingaloud)andactivitiesdirectedtowarddevelopingskillsandcompetencies,allcontributetoadequatecognitiveandsocioemotional development at this stage (ramey and ramey,2000; Zuckerman and Kahn, 2000). some studies suggest thattheactive involvementofthefather isparticularly important. Inthisvein,a recent studybyBronte-tinkewet al. (2008), focusedon the analysis ofbabbling andexploration capacities, showedthatchildrenwhose fathersaremore involved in theircareandsupervisionare less likely to suffer cognitivedelays.alongwiththiswork focusedonearlychilddevelopment, there isgrowingevidence that relates the educational activities of parents withtheirchildreninthefirstyearsoflifewithschoolperformanceinlateryears(neidell,2000;sylvaet al.,2010).

Inthissectionthedifferencesinthetypesofactivitiesmothersandfathersdowiththeirchildrenandtheirintensityareanalyzedin relation to the socioeconomicprofilesof theparents.giventhe importance of these activities to the present and futuredevelopment of children, this is key to understanding themechanismsinvolvedinthereproductionofsocialinequalities.

caregivingisamulti-sidedactivity.Itactivatesdiversefacultiesandemotionsandcanhavedifferentobjectivesasitsaim,inisolationorsimultaneously.caregivingactivitieshaveaprimarypurpose,whichistooffersupporttoadependentperson,butmanytimesintheprocess,otherobjectivesofnolessimportanceareachieved(either deliberately or as a byproduct of the primary activity):creatinganatmosphereofaffectionoremotion,educatingthepersonbeingtakencareofand/oroneself,buildingbondsoftrust,etc.thereareagreatvarietyoftypologiesfordistinguishingand

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categorizing the childcare activities that parents dowith theirchildren. some authors differentiate activities by the purposeof the interaction (educative, recreational, basic physical care,etc.),theprioritygiventotheinteraction(primaryorsecondary);or they distinguish between active care (that involves directinteractionwiththechild)andpassivecare(supervision,control).

In a questionnaire like ours, which addresses different issues,thecapacity to thoroughlyanalyze the rangeand frequencyofpossibleactivitiesthatparentscouldsharewiththeirchildrenislimited.ourintentionhasbeentoconfinetheanalysistothemostcommonspacesofintergenerationalsociabilityattheagesweareexamining,andwithinthemthemostrepresentativeindicators.thus, someof thequestions in thesurvey recordactivities thatrequiredirect,explicitandindividualizedinteractionwiththechild,involvingintellectual stimulationofthechild’scapacities–suchasreadingstories,teachinglettersornumbers,singingorteachingsongsordoingcrafts–,whileotherscaptureexpressionsofloveandaffectionwhichtheparentsexpresstothechild,suchashugging,kissingorplaying.Wehavealsoincludedsharedactivitiesthatdonot necessarily require direct and explicit interaction betweenparentsandchild,suchasvisitingrelatives,goingforawalkortothepark,andgoingoutwiththechildtorunerrands.

ofallthesharedactivitiesfromwhichweobtainedinformation,twoofthem–«playingwiththechild»and«kissingorhugging»–are daily or almost daily activities among practically all themothersand fathers interviewed.theanalysisofdifferences infrequency of interaction does not yield any significant result(seegraph3.7).theactivitiesofintellectualstimulation(withtheexceptionofcrafts)arecarriedoutdailyoralmostdailybytwoout

ofthreeparents.alittlemorethanhalfthemothersandfathersstatethattheytaketheirchildforawalkortotheparkdailyoralmostdailyandasimilarpercentagestatethattheyrunerrandswiththechild.finally,fouroutoftenfamiliestaketheirchildrentovisitrelativesdailyoralmostdaily,andasimilarproportiondocraftswiththeirchildwiththissamefrequency.

GraPh3.7:howoftenparentsdiddifferentactivitieswiththeirchildinthepreviousweek

Inpercentages.householdswithchildrenfrom0to4yearsofage

Diariamente Alguna vez Ninguna vez o casi a diarioLe han contado un cuento 63,5 28,2 8,3Le han enseñado letras, palabras o números 65,1 25,5 9,4Le han enseñado a cantar canciones o música 63,2 31,9 5,0Han hecho manualidades con el/ella 43,3 42,5 14,1Han jugado con el/ella 94,3 5,6 ,1Le han besado, abrazado, hecho cosquillas 98,8 1,0 ,1Le han llevado a hacer recados 51,2 39,4 9,4Le han llevado a pasear o al parque 56,5 37,7 5,8Le han llevado a visitar a sus parientes 42,2 52,6 5,2

0 20 40 60 80 100 120

Ninguna vez

Alguna vez

Diariamente o casi a diario

Le han llevado a visitar a sus parientes

Le han llevado a pasear o al parque

Le han llevado a hacer recados

Le han besado, abrazado, hecho cosquillas

Han jugado con el/ella

Han hecho manualidades con el/ella

Le han enseñado a cantar canciones o música

Le han enseñado letras, palabras o números

Le han contado un cuento

Daily or almost daily At least once Not once

TOLD CHILD A STORY

TAUGHT CHILD LETTERS, WORDS OR NUMBERS

TAUGHT CHILD SONGS OR MUSIC

DID CRAFTS WITH CHILD

PLAYED WITH CHILD

KISSED, HUGGED, TICKLED CHILD

TOOK CHILDTO RUN ERRANDS

TOOK CHILD TO THE PARK

TOOK CHILD TO VISIT RELATIVES

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100


giventheimportanceofsharedactivitiesinthedevelopmentofthechild,itiskeytotracetheirdifferentiatedprevalenceacrossfamilycontexts.ouranalysisfocusesontheinfluenceoftwoexplanatory

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factors: parents’ educational level and their employment status.as was seen in the previous section, these are factors with asignificant impact on the number of hours that fathers and,aboveall,mothersspendwiththeirchildren.Parentswithgreater

educationalresourcesandwhoworkspend,attheendoftheday(excludingweekends),fewerhourswiththeirchildrenthanthosewhodonotwork ,whichraisesthequestionof the implicationsofthesepatternsforthewell-beinganddevelopmentofthechild.

taBle3.5:howoftensomeonelivinginhouseholddoescognitivelystimulatingactivitieswiththechild,bymother’seducationlevel


mother’sedUcatIonlevel daIlyoralmostdaIly occasIonally never

tellsorreadsastory

Primary 49 42 9.6

secondary 62 29 8.7

University 72 20 7.5

teacheschildletters,wordsornumbers

Primary 59 31 10

secondary 67 24 9.3


teacheschildsongsormusic

Primary 58 34 7.9

secondary 65 32 3.3


doescraftswithchild

Primary 39 44 16

secondary 43 41 16

University 46 42 12


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Buttheresultsofouranalysissuggestthatthetimetheysharewiththeir children is of abetterquality.as canbeobserved in table3.5,thelevelofeducationoftheparentsisanexplanatoryfactorintheirinvolvement in intellectually stimulatingactivities.thus,forexample,intwooutofthreehouseholdswherethemothershaveuniversitystudies,oneof theparents readsor tellsastoryeverydaytothechildren.thisdoesnothappeninhalfofthehouseholdswherethemotheronlyhasaprimaryschoolleveleducation.Ifweexamineotheractivities,thedifferencesaresmaller,butalwaysintheexpecteddirection.

families with lower levels of educational resources are morepronetocreatespacesofsocialinteractionbetweenparentandchildwhichare less intensive. Inotherwords, face to face carecoupledwithotheractivities.forexample,inthesefamiliesitismorecommontogooutwiththechildtovisitfamilyorsimplytorunerrands.Inthesecases,theinteractionwiththechildisnottheprimaryorexclusivepurposeoftheactivity(craig,2006).

a particularly controversial debate is the possible effects ofwomen’spaidworkonchilddevelopment. It isoftenarguedthat women who have paid work spend less time with theirchildren. In lightof thedata examined, there is nodoubt thatthosewhomakethisclaimareright.however,itseemsdoubtfulthatmothers’paidworkreducesthequalityofthebondtheyhavewith their children. table 3.6 shows that in householdswherethemotherswork thereare the samestandardsof stimulationasinthosewherethemothersdedicatethemselvesexclusivelytodomesticresponsibilities.Perhapswemaydetectanegativeimpact–althoughslight–inotheractivitiessuchasvisitingfamilyortimesharedwithchildrengoingouttorunerrands.

theintensivecaregiventochildreninthosehouseholdswhereitoccurstendstobeconceivedofasasharedactivitythatbothparents are committed to. In almost half of the households,mentakeco-responsibilityfortheseactivities,eitherbecausetheyshareequallyinthemorbecausetheyaretheoneswhotake the initiative.male involvement is especially importantin homes where the men have university level studies (seetable3.7).Inthesehouseholds,forexample,43percentofthefathersshareequallyintheactivityofreadingstoriestotheirchildren,and16percentofthemtakeprimaryresponsibility.In homes where the parent has a primary school level ofeducation, thedegreeofco-responsibility is less:29percentof fathers participate equally in this activity, and only 8.9percenttakeprimaryresponsibilityforthistask.amoreequalsharingofsuchactivitiesprobablyhelpsincreasejointeffortsand therefore leads to greater benefits for the child, as thefather’s level of commitment rises to the standards of themother’s,ratherthantheopposite.

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taBle3.6:howoftensomeonelivinginhouseholddoescognitivelystimulatingactivitiesandoutsideactivitieswiththechild,bymother’semploymentstatus


mother’semPloymentstatUs daIlyoralmostdaIly occasIonally never

cognitivelystimulatingactivities

tellsorreadsastory

Works 66 27 7.7

doesn’twork 60 31 9.4


Works 64 26 9.6



Works 64 31 5.1


doescraftswithchild

Works 43 44 13

doesn’twork 44 40 15

activitiesoutsidethehome

takechildtothepark

Works 57 37 6.0


takeschildtovisitrelatives

Works 41 54 5.6


takeschildtorunerrands

Works 49 42 9.6



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taBle3.7:menwhotakeprimaryresponsibilityforcognitivelystimulatingactivitiesortakeequalresponsibility,bytheireducationallevel


resPonsIBIlItyforcognItIveactIvItIesfather’sedUcatIonlevel

PrImary secondary UnIversIty

tellsorreadsastory

fatherdoesit 8.9 13.8 16.1

Bothparentsequally 29.4 36.9 42.9

total 38.3 50.7 59




total 38.5 48.6 53.9




total 33.4 41 38

doescraftswithchild


Bothparentsequally 30.8 40.1 39

total 30.9 40.2 39.1


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theresultssuggestthatfamilieswheretheparentsworkmorein-tenselycompensateforthepossiblelackoftimetheycanspendwiththeirchildrenbyincreasingqualityactivitieswiththem.chil-dreninthegreatestsituationofvulnerabilityarethosewholiveinhomesinwhichthiscompensationdoesnotoccur.thiscanha-ppeniftheparents’levelofdedicationtotheirjobsishighand/ortheylacktheabilitytoprovidethiscompensatorystimulation.themajorityofexpertsinearlychildhoodeducationbelievethatinthesesituationsearlyschoolingishighlyrecommendable,asitcancontributetoreducingcognitivedisadvantagesbeforecom-pulsoryeducationbegins(sylvaet al., 2010).forthistooccur,itisnecessarytoprovideeasyandaffordableaccesstoschoolingtothosefamilieswhomostneeditandofferenoughqualityservi-cestoguaranteeexposuretosuchcognitivestimulationtochil-drenwhomaynotreceiveitathome.

3.4. externalchildcare

In spain,where families traditionally have takenon considerableresponsibility in providing well-being, care for the youngestchildrenhasbeennoexception.asconstanzatobío(2001)remindsus,many families inwhichbothparentsworkhavebeenable torelyon«substitutemothers»–usuallyarelativewholivesnearby–tobalanceworkand family life. the transferof responsibilitiesofchildcare to relatives –especially grandmothers– has often beenseenasthemainresourceworkingmotherscountontotakecareoftheirchildren(see,forexample,moreno,2002andtobíoet al.,2010).

Our surveyhascorroboratedwhathassooftenbeenproclaimed:the provision of childcare by available relatives plays an

important role in families’ strategies to combine work andfamilylife.Butwebelievethatitwouldnowbeanexaggerationtoclaim,perhapscontrarytowhatmayhavehappenedinthepast, that this is the main conciliation strategy for families.the data that have emerged from our analysis suggest thatfamily help is primarily thought of as complementary or foremergencies,somethingtoaddressmomentaryproblemsthatarise,butitisnotavailableforthemajorityoffamiliesregularlyandsystematically.accordingtothedataexamined,55percentofthefamilieswithchildrenfrom0to2yearsofagehavereliedonthehelpofsomeonewhodoesnotliveinthehometotakecareofthechildwithinthepreviousmonth(table3.8).ofthese,76percentwereabletocountongrandparents,and17percentreceivedhelpfromotherrelatives.aslightlylowerpercentage(9.2percent)reliedonthehelpofneighboursorfriends,and7.3percenthiredababysitter.overvallonly42percentoffamilieswith children in this agegroup receivedhelp in thepreviousmonth from a grandparent to take care of small children. asexpected, thishelp ismorecommonwhen themotherworksandhasmoreintensetiestothelabourmarket.

thedatainoursurveyshowthatinthemajorityofcaseshelpisoccasional.ofthosefamilieswhoreceivehelp,39percentsaythatthishelpisdailyoralmostdaily,whichmeans21percentofallofthefamilies.Inotherwords,thepercentageoffamilieswho regularlyhaveat theirdisposition«substitutemothers»islimited.themajorityofhouseholdsmustrelyonalternativestrategies.

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taBle3.8:householdsthathavereceivedsomekindofchildcareassistanceinthepreviousmonthfromsomeonewhodoesnotlive

inthehome,bymother’scharacteristics


mother’ssocIodemograPhIccharacterIstIcs

receIvedhelPreceIvedhelPfrom

grandParents

mother’sage


36to40 56 39

over40 54 35

educationlevel

Primaryornoeducation 46 36

secondary 54 40

University 60 47

employmentstatus

Works 62 47

Unemployed 45 35

Inactive 42 33

Workingday

full-time 61 48

Part-time 65 47

totalofthosewhoreceivedhelp 55 42

numberofcases (338) (258)


In recent years, formal childcare services have become moreimportant intheprovisionofearlychildhoodcare.accordingtodatafromtheministryofeducation,cultureandsport(2010),therewere6,947earlychildhoodeducationcentresregisteredinspainintheacademicyear2009-2010.Betweentheacademicyears2000-2001and2009-2010,thenumberofchildrenbetween0and3yearsofageenrolledincentresauthorizedbytheministryofeducationmultipliedby3.8,reaching384,000children.enrolmentrateshaveincreaseddramaticallyinrecentyears,ascanbeobservedintable3.9,althoughtherecontinuetobeimportantvariationsbyregion:thus,forexample,whilemorethanhalfofthechildrenintheBasquecountryareenrolledinearlychildhoodeducationcentres,only2.4percentareincastilla-lamancha(tobío,2010).however,expertsintheareabelievethattherealpercentagesarehigherthanthoserevealedbyofficialstatistics(Balagueret al.,2004,2008).

taBle3.9:evolutionofenrolmentratesinearlychildhoodeducation

Percentageofchildreninagegroupenrolledinschool

age 1997-1998 2002-2003 2006-2007 2007-2008

Under1 1,1 2,5 4,9 5,6

1yearold 5,4 10,1 17,3 19,8

2yearsold 13,4 22,1 32,6 35

3yearsold 72,5 94,7 96,8 97,5

source:Datos y Cifras 2009-2010,ministryofeducation.

thedatafromthesurveyoffersusadescriptionofthepatternsofparticipationofchildren from0-2yearsofage inearlychildhoodeducationcentresbasedonthetestimonyoftheirparents.theresults

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oftheanalysissupporttheideathatunder-reportingofattendanceisamajorproblem.accordingtothedatafromoutsurvey,basedonasubsampleof615parentsofchildrenfrom0-2interviewedduringfebruary2010,43.6percentstatedthattheirchildrenwerecurrentlyregularlyattendingaday-carecentreorschoolforearlychildhoodeducation.4 these percentages suggest that a good proportionoftheuseoftheseservicesissubmerged,possiblybecauseoftheexistenceofunauthorizedprivatecentresorbecauseoftheuseof«playcentres»asspaceswhichalsoofferchildcare.

Ifwedisaggregatethefiguresbyagegroup,wecanseethatamongfamilieswithchildrenbetweentheagesof0and2,10.3percentofchildrenunderoneyearold,46.1percentofoneyearoldsand70percentoftwoyearoldscurrentlyattendday-careorpre-school.thesurveyalsoaskedparentsof5to10yearoldsiftheirchildrenhadbeen in day-care or pre-schoolwhen theywere 0-2 years of age(based on a larger sub-sample of 1,148 cases). eleven point ninepercentoftheseparentsstatedthattheirchildwasinday-careorpre-schoolwhenheorshewasbetween0and6monthsold,22.8percentwhenthechildwas7monthsoldtooneyearold,57.6percentwhenthechildwasoneyearoldand61percentwhenthechildwastwoyearsold.eventhoughthesefiguresmustbereadwithcaution,astheyarebasedonrememberingeventsfromseveralyearsbefore,thedifferenceswithofficialfiguresareglaring,andtheypointinthesamedirectionastheresultsanalyzingthecurrentdataforchildrenfrom0to2yearsofage.Inbothcases,thecentralroleoftheseservicesin the provision of childcare in early childhood is confirmed. themajorityoftheparentswhoplacetheirchildreninanearlychildhoodeducationcentreorday-carecentrecountontheseservicesforthe

4 theinterviewerspecifiedthat«regularattendance»meansaminimumofonceaweekduringthepastmonth.

careoftheirchildrenforasignificantnumberofhours.51percenthavetheirchildreninthesecentresformorethanfivehoursaday,and23percentforeighthoursormore.

theprobabilityofchildrenfrom0to2yearsofageattendingapre-schoolisgreaterinhouseholdswherethemotherworksfull-time.thesecentresareacrucialinstrumentforbalancingworkandfamilylife in families where both parents have paid employment. Butbeyondthis,otherconditions influencethedecisiontousethesecentres. themain factor is economic (see graph 3.8). families indisadvantagedeconomicsectorsarelesslikelytotaketheirchildrentoday-careorpre-school,allotherthingsbeingequal.Inotherwords,ouranalysis(basedonlogisticregressionmodelsthatcontrolfortheinfluenceofotherexplanatoryfactors)indicatesthatregardlessofthedegreeofavailabilityofthemothertoprovidechildcare,familiesinmoreprecariouseconomicsituationstendtorelylessonformalchildcareforchildrenbetween0and2yearsofage.

thismaybebecausesomeofthemcountonoutsidehelp(fromrelatives, neighbours or friends), whichmakes it unnecessary toturntoformalchildcareservices,oritmaybebecauseofculturalresistance to leaving thechild in thecareof strangers.however,the analysis (controlling for possible intervening variables) doesnot allow us to draw either conclusions. therefore, the mostplausibleexplanationisthatearlychildhoodeducationservicesareeconomically inaccessible formany familieswith lower incomes,deprivingthemofaresourcewhichcancontributetoresolvingtheirneedtobalanceworkandfamilylifeand–asindicatedintheprevioussection–benefitthecognitivedevelopmentoftheirchildren.thisexplanationisconsistentwithaggregatedatapublishedrecentlyinanoecdreportontheseissues,whichindicatesthatthecostof

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servicescouldbeprohibitivelyexpensiveforlessaffluentfamiliesinspain(oecd,2007:151-152).accordingtothedatainthisreport,inspaintheaveragemonthlycostofchildcareforachild0-2yearsofageinanauthorizedpre-schoolisequivalentto30.3percentoftheaveragesalaryofaworker.forthecompletegroupofoecdcountriesstudied,thefigureis16.3percent.Inthenordiccountries(sweden,finland,denmarkandnorway), thecostofchildcare isequivalentto10percentofaveragesalary.

GraPh3.8:Probabilityofparentsplacingchildreninanurseryschool,pre-schoolordayarecentre,byhouseholdincome


PROBABILITY

MONTHLY INCOME PER PERSON IN HOUSEHOLD

UP TO €320PER PERSON

BETWEEN €321AND €500

BETWEEN €501AND €800

OVER €800PER PERSON

0.00

0.10

0.20

0.30

0.40

0.50

0.60

0.70

Calcattextos picats

note:theprobabilityiscalculatedbasedonalogisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)childcurrentlyattendsearlychildhoodedicationcentreand0)doesnotattend.thefollowingvariableshavebeen introduced simultaneously into themodel: child’s age,mother’sworkingday,mother’s educationlevel,levelofincomeperpersoninthehome.


anadditionalissuewithimplicationsforthewelfareofchildrenisthequalityofservicesoffered.therearediverseindicatorstomeasure the quality of day-care centres and pre-schools. themostfrequentlyusedindicatoristheratiobetweenthenumberof childcare professionals and children, which offers a simpleindication of the potential level of contact between childrenand those responsible for their care. themajorityofeuropeancountries have established regulations which centres mustcomplywith, ranging fromfive tosevenchildrenperchildcareprofessional. In spain the ratios are usually higher and areestablishedbyeachautonomouscommunity.thedatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood,based on the responses from parents whose children are inday-care,indicatesthattheratioofsevenchildrenperchildcareprofessionaliscompliedwithinonlyabouthalfofthecentres.In17percentofday-carecentres,theratioismorethan10childrenperchildcareprofessional.

Ifweusethisratioasan indicatorofquality inpre-schoolsouranalysisdoesnotrevealthatchildrenfrommoredisadvantagedfamilieswhoareabletotakeadvantageoftheseservicesareinthecentreswiththeworstratios.theratioisprimarilyassociatedwiththeageofthechild(asprovidedforbythecorrespondinglegislationineachautonomouscommunity).controllingforthiseffect,wefindthatchildrenwhosefamilieshave lower incomelevelsareinschoolswithaslightlymoreunfavourableratio,butthedifferenceisnotstatisticallysignificant.

responsestothesurveysuggestthatingeneralparentsaresatisfiedwith the pre-schools that they send their children to, withoutsignificantdifferencesrelatedtosocialbackground.aboutnineout

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oftenparentsinterviewedwhoplacedtheirchildreninapre-schoolinrecentyearsstatedthattheyweresatisfiedwiththenumberofteachersperclassroom,theirpreparationandwiththetimetableofthecentre.5

thedataexamineddemonstratethatthesystemofprovisionofchildcaretotheyoungestchildrenischangingrapidly.Inrecentyearsformalchildcarehasplayedaveryimportantrolefromveryearlyages(1and2yearsofage).Wearepossiblywitnessingtheeclipse of a model in which traditional family mechanisms ofmicrosolidarity(having«substitutemothers»)wereeffective.theavailabilityofpossible candidates toact as substitutemothers(primarilygrandmothers)hasbeenreduced, inpartbecauseofthegrowingparticipationofwomenintheworkforce,andasaresult,theiravailabilitytohelpouthasdecreased.ontheotherhand,it ispossiblethattheincreaseinthepricesofhousinginrecentyearshaspushedmanycouplestomoveawayfromtheareas where their parents and in-laws live, making it difficultto help out with childcare. to all of this must also be addedtheincreasingvaluebroadsectorsofthepopulationplaceontheactivitiesofferedtochildreninpre-school. Inthisnewscenarioformal childcare is slowly becoming the primary resource formanyfamiliestodealwithproblemsbalancingworkandfamily.

however,thefactthatthesolutionworksformanydoesnotmeanthatitisforeveryone,noreventhegreatmajority.ouranalysisshows that familieswith fewereconomic resourceshavemoredifficultyinaccessingtheseservices.thedifficultyofaccessibility

5 thisinformationisfromthesubsampleofparentswithchildrenfrom5to10yearsofagewhohadtheirchil-dreninpre-schoolwhentheywerepre-schoolage.

hasdualimplications.ontheonehand,itmeansthattheproblemsofreconciliationareconcentratedinthesefamilies,placingthemin nearly impossible situations if they need two incomes (andtherefore,tohavebothparentsworking)orbecausethemothersdonotwanttogiveuptheirjobstotakecareoftheirchildren.ontheotherhand,itmeansthatpre-schooleducationcannothelpalleviatepossibledeficitsofcognitivestimulationinthosefamilieswhere, according to the indications of all of the internationalstudies,suchdeficitsaremorecommon.nothavingaccesstothisschoolingmeansnotbeingabletoreducethegapsincapacitiesandskillspresentedataveryearlyagebythesechildrenandthatwilllateronaffecttheiracademicperformance.thechildrenwho,couldbenefitthemostfrompre-schooleducationarethosewiththelowestlevelsofparticipation.

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IV. IntergeneratIonalrelatIonshIpsamong5to10yearolds

aswasseeninthepreviouschapter,thetimethatparentsspendwith their young children is an asset distributed in an unequalmanner.numerousstudieshaveconcluded that thequantityoftimeparentsspendwiththeirchildrenatanearlyage,andevenmoreso thenatureof the interaction,positivelyaffect thewell-beingofthechildatlaterstagesofhisorherlifeandcanbecrucialforthedevelopmentofpersonalskillsthatwillfacilitatehisorherlaterinsertionintotheeducationalsystem.duringthefirstyearsoflife,parentalchildcarepracticesandintergenerationalinteractionturnouttobecrucialforthechild’sdevelopment,giventhatthehealthandwell-beingofthechild(atthestageofconsolidatingphysiological and psychological profiles) and the adequatedevelopment of his or her social, cognitive and linguistic skillslargelydependonthededicationandskilloftheparents(Waldfogelet al.,2003;rameyandramey,2000;heckmanandlochner,2000).

Inthischapter,weshiftourfocustoanewstageinchildren’slives:theagesbetween5and10.duringthisstagethevastmajorityofchildrenare inschool,whichmeansthatmanystudieshavefocusedonwhathappenswithintheschoolcontext.thisisnotthefocusofthecurrentchapter.Weareconvincedthattheim-

portanceoftheintergenerationalbondinearlychildhooddoesnotoutweighitsimportanceatlaterstages.

4.1. Parentalinfluenceonchildhood

attention and care are crucial in early childhool, but theirbenefits are not limited to just these early years. there isabundant research to suggesting, that the disruption of lifewithaparentduetodivorceorthedeathofaparentcanleadtodeficitsin«thesocialcapitalofthefamily»(thatis,reductionsin the quantity and quality of time a child interacts with aparent),negativelyimpactingthechild’spathofpersonalandeducationaldevelopment,which,priortothatmayhavebeenmorebalanced.Inthesameway,homesinwhichfrequentanddeep disagreements arise over the education of the childrendo not provide a climate conducive for their well-being. theprimary mechanism often invoked to explain these adversedevelopments is the weakening of the «social control» thatparents exercise over their children. social control theoriesproposethatparentalmonitoringandsupervisionofchildren’sbehaviourandtheexerciseofauthorityforeducationalpurposes

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arefundamentalforthesuccessfulsocializationofthechild.theycurb the indiscrimate needs and desires of the infantile ego,favour the internalization of rules and expectations andhelptoseparatechildrenfromharmfulinfluences(seeformulationsofthistheoryinhetherington,1979;mclanahanandBumpass,1988).Fromthispointofview,the«parentingfromadistance»by the parent who does not live with the child, or conflictscausedbydifferencesbetweenparentsabouthowtoraisethechild can erode the bases of parental authority and hindertheexerciseofadequatelevelsofsupervisionandcontrol.

however, most specialized research coincides in pointingout that,without denying the need for social control for theadequatepsycho-socialdevelopmentofchildren,someformsofcontrolcanhavenegativeconsequences.thereisacademicconsensus that the recurring use of coercion by the parentsthrough physical punishment or psychological manipulationisdamagingtothechildandmayhaveconsequences in laterstagesofdevelopment.theexerciseofparentalcontroltendstogenerateanti-bodiesifunconditionalobedienceisexpected,ifitisnotaccompaniedbyeffortsofpersuasionanddialogue,or if it is exercised in a family climate lacking warmth andaffectiontowardthechild.sincethebeginningofthe1970s,asignificantnumberofstudieshaveconsistentlyshownthatso-calledauthoritative parenting styles,which combine ahigherdegree of parental involvement in the life of children withsignificantlevelsofcontrol(althoughnotexcessivelyhigh)havebeneficialeffectsonthepsycho-socialdevelopmentofchildren(Baumrind,1970;steinberg,2001).Childrenwhoare raised inauthoritativefamilyatmosphereshavemorepositivevaluesforawide range of indicators (such as basic competencies, self-

esteem,self-control, lesslikelihoodofdevelopingbehaviouralproblemsorparticipatinginriskybehaviours)thanthosewhogrow up inauthoritarian homes (which subject children to ahighdegreeofsupervisionandcontrolwhilenotlookingafterorignoringotheraspects),permissivehomes(withhighdegreesofaffectionanddialoguebutlittlecontrol),ornegligenthomes(wherecontrolandparentalinvolvementarelacking).Inotherwords,parentalcontrolisbeneficialforthechildwhenitisnotoverwhelmingandiscarriedoutinconjunctionwithdialogueandaffectionbetweenparentsandtheirchildren.

Beyondparentingstyles,thereareother importantfactors infa-mily contexts. Certain socioeconomic characteristics of the pa-rents,suchastheireducationallevel,haveanimportantinfluenceontheeducationalpathofthechildren.Ithasbeendemonstratedthatthelevelofeducationofthemotheristhemainexplanatoryvariablefortheacademicperformanceofchildrenaswellasforthelikelihoodofthechildcontinuingtostudyafterfinishingcompul-soryeducation(marí-Kloseet al.,2009;Fernándezenguita,2010).themechanismsforthetransmissionoftheseadvantagesarein-creasinglyknown.somefamilieshavegreatercapacitythanotherstoprovideresourcesthatfacilitateeducationalsuccess,butnotallresourceshavethesamevalue.economicresources,forexample,havelimitedimportance.moreaffluentfamiliescanmakeinves-tmentsintheirchildren’seducationthatarenotpossiblefordisa-dvantagedfamilies.Butthisinvestmentexplainsonlyasmallpartofthevariability ineducationaloutcomes.theevidenceisquiteconclusivethatthemostdecisiveresourcestoexplaineducationalachievementarerelatedtothemoreintangiblequalitiesoffami-lies,oftendescribedastheircultural capital(dimaggioandmohr,1982;espingandersen,2009).Culturalcapitalincludesknowledge

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andcompetencies inmatters that theschoolconverts into lear-ningobjectives.Inturn,thisallowsparentstooffertheirchildrencontinuoussupport–butalso,acapacitytotransmitskills,habitsandevaluationcriteriathatincreasetheproductivityoftheirchil-dreninschool.Familieswithgreaterculturalcapitalaremoreableto interactwith their children through intellectually stimulatingactivities,readingtothem,talkingtothemaboutawiderangeofissues,orguidingthemmoreeffectivelyinordertodeveloptheircreativity(witheducationalgames,teachingthemtodraw,doingcrafts,etc.).Childrenwhobelongtothesefamiliesinternalizeva-luesandworkhabitsthatarevaluedbytheirteachers,andtheybetterunderstandwhat the school expects from themateverystep(Farkaset al.,1990).learningthevalueofeducationathomeand recognizing prestigious aesthetic and artistic experiences(suchasreading,visitingmuseumsorplayinganinstrument)faci-litatetheiradaptationtotheschoolculture,wheretheseattitudesandpredispositionsarerewarded(lareau,2000).

4.2. Jointactivities

It is a truism that parents seek their children’s well-being. Itis widely agreed that parents have to spend time with theirchildrentoachievethisgoal,buttheyfinditverydifficulttodoso.Frequentlywehearparentscomplain that theirobligationskeepthemfromfulfillingtheirdesire tospendmoretimewiththeirchildren.somefathersandmanymothersenduphavingtoadapttheirworktofamilylife.Frommanydifferentinstitutions,workschedulesthatarecompatiblewithfamilyneedsarebeingdemanded,andgovernmentsaretakingactiononthematterbyadoptingmoreorlessambitiousmeasuresinordertofacilitatebalancingworkandfamily.however,whenaskeddirectly,onlya

minorityofparentsconcedethattheamountoftimetheyspendwiththeirchildrenisnotenough.InourSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood, 17 percent ofmothersofchildrenbetweentheagesof5and10and35percentofthefathersconsideredtheamountoftimetobeinsufficient.

the emergence and growth of concern about the amount oftimeparentsdedicatetochildrenisinpartrelatedtothedrasticincreaseofwomenintheworkforceandtomotherscontinuingto work after giving birth. this trend, accompanied by thegrowingresidentialautonomyofseniors,hasdeprivedfamiliesof their primary source of childcare in an (extended) family-basedsystem–thatis,onebasedonmothersandgrandmothersproviding childcare–without, apparently, having anyone tosubstituteforthem.thefearofthevoidthesewomenhaveleftin thehomehascombinedwithandbeen reinforcedbyothercontemporary fears: childhood obesity (caused, according tosomediscourses,byfoodnotbeingpreparedathomeorparents’excessivetoleranceoftheirchildren’sdietarywhims),theconcerncausedbydisciplineproblemsatanearlyage(whosesourceisseentobetheerosionofauthorityinthehome)andschoolfailure(intheviewofmany,rootedintheparents’lackofinvolvementintheformaleducationoftheirchildren).

however,aswepointedoutinthepreviouschapter,therealityissomewhatmorecomplexthansuggestedbythesediscourses.thesocioeconomicprocessesthatcanhavenegativerepercussionsonparentsbeingabletodedicatetimetotheirchildrenareoffsetbyotherprocesses–whichusuallydonotreceiveasmuchattention–thatcounterthemoreharmfuleffectsoftheformer.thissecondpackageofsocialprocessesincludessociodemographictendencies

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(or«compositional»changes)andculturalchanges(whichaffectthebehaviourofparents).thefirstofthesethatmustbepointedoutistheoverallincreaseinparents’educationallevels.regardingculturalchanges,itisnecessarytomention,ontheonehand,theconsolidationofnewmodelsofparenting,andontheother,new«processes of choosing» fatherhood/motherhood that tend toseparateoutfromthisexperiencethoseindividualswhoarelesswillingtomakesacrificesforachild.

(a)education

studiespublishedintheUnitedstateshavedemonstratedthatparentswithhigherlevelsofeducationtendtosacrificepersonaltimeinordertospendmoretimewiththeirchildren(inspiteofgreatertimespentinpaidjobs)andtoinvestthistimeinactivitiesthataremoreenrichingforthechildrenthanparentswithonlyprimaryschooleducation.thankstotheextraordinaryincreaseintheeducationallevelofthepopulationthattookplaceinthesecondhalfof thetwentiethcentury, inaggregatetermstherehas hardlybeen a change in levels of parental involvement inprovidingcare to their children (sayeret al., 2004).there isnoevidence suggesting that this pattern cannot be extrapolatedto our country, althoughwe do not have longitudinal data toconfirmit.theeducationalexpansioninspaininrecentdecadeshas been extraordinary, especially amongwomen. thus,whileinthecohortborninthepost-warperiod(1941-1950),whohadtheirchildrenapproximately25-35yearslater(aroundthetimeofthetransitiontodemocracy),13percentofthewomengraduatedfromhighschool,and10percenthaduniversitydegrees,whilein thecohortbornthirtyyears later (1971-1980),71percentofwomengraduatedfromhighschool,and45percenthaduniversity

degrees (marí-Kloseet al., 2009: 193). the childrenof thisnewcohortaregrowingupincompletelydifferentfamilysettings:asignificantproportionofmothersandfathersareclearlyawareofthebenefitsofinvestingtimeintheirchildren.

data fromoursurveyreveal results thatpoint inthisdirection.theadditionalyearsmothers spend in theeducational systemmoderates the effect working outside the home has on theamountoftimededicatedtotheirchildren.thefollowingtablescontrast the degree of parental involvement in children’s livesbasedonanumberofindicatorsamongthreedifferentgroupsdefinedbyeducationallevel.Firstofall,wemaptheparticipationofallthefamilymembersinadailyactivity,suchasmeals,whichgiveschildrenandparentstheopportunitytocommunicateandexchangeexperiencesthroughoutthedayinastructuredwaythatfavours face-to-face intergenerational interaction. secondly, weanalyzetwoactivitiesthat involve intense interactionwithinthehome and two activities of lower intensity carried out outsidethe home. Finally, we examine the subjective perceptions ofmothersandfatherswithrespecttotheirowndegreeofinvolvementandthatoftheirpartner(understandingdegreeofinvolvementasthetimethateachonespendswiththechild,caresforhimorher,takescareofhis/herneedsandpaysattentiontohimorher).

atfirstglance,table4.1suggeststhatinthehouseholdswherethemothershaveahighereducationallevel,thechildrendonothavemoreopportunitiestospendtimewiththeirparentsatmealtimes,butthedatameritacloserlook.ahigherproportionofchildrenwithuniversityeducatedmothershavebreakfastwiththeirparentseverydayoralmosteveryday,butthepercentageof those who never do is also slightly higher. a significantly

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taBle4.1:Frequencyofeatingbreakfast,lunchanddinnertogether,bymother’seducationlevel


mother’sedUCatIonleVel

daIlyoralmostdaIly oCCasIonally neVer total nUmBer

oFCases odssratIo(a) oddsadjUstedratIo(b)

Breakfast

primary 20 71 8.9 100 (312) 1 1

secondary 24 64 11 (472) 1.25 1.29

University 31 55 14 (363) 1.41* 1.62*

lunch

primary 48 48 3.4 100 1 1

secondary 40 57 2.4 0.71* 0.59**

University 24 70 5.6 0.36*** 0.89

dinner

primary 84 15 1.3 100 1 1

secondary 81 18 1.5 0.81 0.86

University 82 15 2.8 0.76 0.78

*significancelevelof5%.**significancelevelof1%.***significancelevelof1‰.note:a)logisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)eatingbreakfast,lunchanddinnertogetherdailyand0)notdoingsodaily.b)Intheadjustedmodel,inadditiontocontrollingforthemother’seducationlevel,themother’semploymentstatusisalsocontrolledfor.


lowerpercentageofchildrenofmotherswithuniversitydegreeshave lunchwith their parents everydayor almost everyday,andthesamepercentagehasdinnerwiththeirparents.thesefigures canbeexplained inpartby thegreaterdedication to

paid work among mothers with a higher level of education(andpossiblyoftheirpartnersaswell).thus,tomeasuretheireffort it isnecessary todetermine theprobabilityadjusted totheir work circumstances and that of their partners (in other

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words,allotherthingsbeingequal).thelastcolumninthetableindicatestheodds ratioofbeingtogethereverydayoralmosteveryday(versusnotbeingtogether)when,inamultivariablemodel,wecontrolforthetimededicatedtoemployment.theadjustedresultsconfirmthatinhouseholdswherethemotherhas a university degree the adjusted probability of havingbreakfast together is higher. the probability of having lunchtogetherislower,butoncewecontrolfortheeffectsthatmustbe attributed tomother’s and their partner’s participation in

theworkforce, no statistically significant differences are thenobservedwiththehouseholdswherethemotherhasaprimaryschooleducation.theprobabilityofhavingdinnertogetheristhesameforbothgroups.

table4.2providesinformationonactivitiesthatinvolveahigherdegreeof cognitive stimulation and individualized interaction.results suggest that there are significant differences in thenumber of parents who read stories to their children daily or

taBle4.2:howoftensomeonelivinginthehouseholddoescognitivelystimulatingactivitieswiththechild,bymother’seducationlevel



daIlyoralmostdaIly oCCasIonally neVer total oddsratIo oddsajUsted

ratIo

tellsorreadsastory

primary 50 30 19 100 1 1

secondary 58 25 17 1.35* 1.45*

University 64 20 15 1.79*** 1.96***

doescrafts

primary 32 54 14 100 1 1

secondary 31 57 12 0.94 1.15

University 33 54 13 1.03 1.35

*significancelevelof5%.**significancelevelof1%.***significancelevelof1‰.note:a)logisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)doingcognitivelystimulatingactivitiesdailyoralmostdailyand0)notdoingthemdaily.b)Intheadjustedmodel,inadditiontocontrollingforthemother’seducationlevel,themother’semploymentstatusisalsocontrolledfor.


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almost daily based on the parents’ level of education, but nodifferencesareobservedinthenumberthatdocraftswiththeirchildren.multivariableanalysesconfirmthat,withemploymentconditionsbeingequal,themother’slevelofeducationincreasestherelativeprobabilitythatstoriesarereaddailyoralmostdailyinthehome,buttheadjustmentdoesnottranslateintosignificantstatisticaldifferencesintheprobabilityofdoingcrafts(althoughthisincreasesslightly).

the following table shows the involvement of mothers andfathersinjointoutingswiththeirchildrenwhichinvolveparentalsupervision, but that are not necessarily activities involvingcognitive stimulation. the results suggest that these activities(especiallyvisitingrelatives)aremorecommonamongfamilieswithlowereducationallevels.themultivariableanalysisdemonstratesthatthesedifferencespersistbasicallyintactwhenwecontrolforlevelsofparticipationofparentsintheworkforce.

taBle4.3:howoftensomeonelivinginthehouseholddoesoutdooractivitieswiththechild,bymother’seducationlevel



daIlyoralmostdaIly oCCasIonally neVer total oddsratIo oddsadjUsted

ratIo


primary 40 56 3.5 100 1 1

secondary 30 64 5.3 0.65** 0.67*

University 27 67 6.6 0.55*** 0.58**

takeschildforawalkortothepark

primary 50 42 7.1 100 1 1

secondary 46 47 6.4 0.84 0.92

University 44 49 6.9 0.78 0.92

*significancelevelof5%.**significancelevelof1%.***significancelevelof1‰.note:a)logisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)doingcognitivelystimulatingactivitiesdailyoralmostdailyand0)notdoingthemdaily.b)Intheadjustedmodel,inadditiontocontrollingforthemother’seducationlevel,themother’semploymentstatusisalsoincludedinthemodel.


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the most significant differences appear when subjectiveperceptionsareanalyzed.Womenwithhighereducationallevelsaremore likely to respond that they are very involved in theirchildren’slives.theyarealsomorelikelytoseetheirpartnersas«very involved.» this perception does not seem particularlyjustifiedbasedontheamountoftimeandactivitiestheysharewith their children in comparison to the groups with lowerlevels of education, as the results suggest that there are nomarkeddifferences.onepossibleexplanationisthatthehighassessmentoftheirinvolvementintheirchildren’slivesreflectsinpart theeffort required to reconcile this involvementwiththeirwork.maintainingthestandardsof involvementsociallyexpectedfroma«goodmother»demandsextraeffortonthepartofmotherswhowork,motherswhoperhapshavemoreambitious professional goals than thosewith lower levels ofeducation and less attractive employment prospects. theadjustedprobabilitiesexaminedpointinthisdirection.Whenwecontrolforthedegreeofparent’sparticipationinthelabourmarket,theprobabilitythattheywillhavebreakfastwiththeirchildren, read them stories and do craftswith themdaily oralmostdailyisgreater;theprobabilitythattheywillhavelunchordinnerwith their childrenor that theywill go to theparkwiththemisthesame.onlytheprobabilitythattheywillvisitrelatives is lower. an alternative possibility is that mothersevaluate in an especially positive way the quality of thisinvolvementbecausetheyunderstandthatthroughtheireffort,they will be able to transmit advantages (cultural capital)totheirchildren.Inthiscase,the«degreeofinvolvement»wouldhavelesstodowiththequantityoftimeinvestedthanwithanevaluationofitsquality.

(b)newmodelsoffatherhood

In recent years, diverse studies have confirmed that althoughwomencontinuetoassumemostofthedomesticresponsibilities,in a growing number of households they are almost equallydistributed. the roots of this equalizing process are difficultto trace.thefirstsignofchangesahead is found in the recentchangeinattitudesofmentowardthedivisionofgenderrolesinthefamily.themagnitudeofthechangesisobviousintable4.4,whichgathersanhistoricseriesofdataonthesameindicatorfromdifferentstudiescarriedoutbytheCentreforsociologicalresearch(CIs). In1990,42percentofmeninspainoptedforasymmetricalmodel for thedivisionofgenderroles,whereas in2004thepercentagehadgoneupto66percent.Inlessthantwodecades,theequitablemodelhadclearlybeenimposedastheidealoverthetraditionalmodel.

needlesstosay,discourseisusuallyaheadofreality.thechangeinmen’sattitudeshascreateddivisionsinmanyhouseholdsbetweentheir orientations and their effective participation in domesticresponsibilities. the family in which the man does not do anydomesticchoresisnowunusual.accordingtoarecentstudyonyoungcouples(IglesiasdeUsselet al,2009:177),onlyin20percentofthehouseholdsdomenspendlessthanafifthofthetimetheirpartnersdoondomestictasks.Butinthemajorityofcasesimportantinequalitiespersistinthedivisionofdomesticresponsibilities,andthisisoftenthecaseeveninthehouseholdswherethemanclaimstobelieveinequalroles.Changeshavecomeslowlyandunequally,butthereisnodoubtthattheyhavetakenplaceinmanyhouseholdsanddeserveacloserexamination.

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taBle4.4:evolutioninmaleopinionsabouttheidealmodelfordivisionofresponsibilitiesbygenderinthefamily

Inpercentages

modeloFIdealFamIly(a) 1990 1994 2004 2010(b)

singlebreadwinnermodel 29 25 17 13

Unbalancedtwobread-winnermodel 24 21 14 15

Balancedmodel 42 50 66 69

don’tknow/noanswer 5.0 4.0 3.0 1.7

other 1.2

total 100

numberofcases (1,260) (1,184) (1,203) (1,223)

note:a)thequestionaskedwas:«nowadaystherearedifferentkindsoffamilies.ofthethreepossibilities,couldyoutellmewhichisclosesttoyouridealofthefamily?»thethreetypesoffamiliesconsideredinthequestioncorrespondtothefollowingcategories:–Single breadwinner model:afamilyinwhichonlythemanworksoutsidethehomeandonlythewomantakescareofdomestictasksandcaresforthechild/children.–Unbalanced model with two breadwinners:afamilyinwhichthewomanworksfewerhoursoutsidethehomeandtherefore,hasmoredomesticandchildcareresponsiblities.–Balanced model: afamilyinwhichboththemanandthewomanworkfewerhoursoutsidethehomeanddividethedomesticresponsiblitiesandchildcare.b)Inthe2010surveythepossibleanswerswereformulatedinaslightlydifferentwaywithoutspecifyingthesexof thecouplewhooccupiedtherole inthedifferentmodels. Italso includedanadditionalpossibleresponse:«noneofthesetypesoffamilies.»

source:data fromtheCenter forsociologicalresearch, from1990,study1,867; from1994,study2,107; from2004,study2,556andfrom2010,study2,831.

Inthissense,itisnecessarytopointoutthat,basedondiversequantitative and qualitative studies published in spain, theinvolvementofthefatherincaringforthechildrenseemstobe significantly greater than in other areas of domesticresponsibilities(Brulletandroca,2008;IglesiasdeUssel,et al.,

2009).someresearchhasventuredtohighlighttheappearanceofmenwhofullyshareresponsibilitiesincaringforthechildrenwiththeirpartners.InthisveinitisworthlookingatthestudyofInésalberdiandpilarescario(2007).Inanexcellentqualitativestudyonnewattitudesand identities amongyoungmiddleclass fathers (elaboratedbasedoneleven focusgroups), theauthors described three profiles of fathers committed tothecareoftheirchildren:1)theintense father,fullydedicatedtothecareofhischildren,equallyormoresothanthemother;2)theresponsible father,whowantstoshareequallywiththemothertheresponsibilitiesforandcareofthechildren,and3)the adaptive or complementary father, who rejects thetraditionalmodelandsupportsthemotherfromtheoutsideineverythingsheneeds,butbelievesthatmencannotreplacethepreeminentroleofthemotherintherelationshipwiththechildren.

It is not possible to create a typology like that of alberdi andescario from the indicators in our survey, and our approachinnoway captures thewealthof nuancesalberdi andescarioproposed.asimilarintentionisfarfromourreach.Butwebelievethattheindicatorsofoursurveyprovideanapproximateideaofthenumericalimportanceofthephenomenaofnewfatherhood.thefollowingclassificationisbasedontheresponsesofmotherswithchildrenfrom5to10yearsofagetofourquestions:1)Whatisyourlevelofinvolvementinyourchild’slife?;2)andthelevelofinvolvementofthefather?;3)doyouconsidertheamountoftimeyouspendwithyourchildtobemorethanenough,enoughornotenough?; 4)and theamountof time the father spendswiththechild?theclassificationisbasedontheopinionsofthemotherswhorespondedtothequestionnairebothforsampling

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reasons (they constitute a sufficient number) and because ofourunderstanding thatmen’s answers couldbe influencedbyatendencytowardsprovidingsociallydesirableresponses.theanswersofthementendedtobemoreindulgentwiththeirlevelofinvolvementinthelifeoftheirchild.1

tocreatetypologieswetakeintoaccounttheabsolutepositionof the father (in other words, his degree of involvement andparticipationintermsoftimeincaringforhischild)aswellashisrelativeposition(inrelationtohispartner).Inourclassification,if themother respondedthat the father«isvery involved»andspends«morethanenough»timewiththechild,thisiscategorizedas«intensefatherhood.»Ifthemotherstatesthatherpartnerisa «very involved» father who dedicates «enough time» to thechild,wealsocategorize thisas intense fatherhood,as longasthemotherisnot«veryinvolved»anddoesnotdedicate«morethanenough»timetothechild(andis,therefore,moreinvolvedincaringforthechildthanthefather).Insuchacase,weidentifythisas«responsiblefatherhood.»«responsiblefatherhood»alsoincludesfatherswhoare«quiteinvolved»andwhospendenoughtimewith their children. Fatherswho are «quite involved» butwhodonotspendenoughtimewiththeirchildrenandwhosepartnersareprimarily responsible for them,arecategorizedas«adaptive.»Wehavecreatedtwoadditionalcategoriesinorderto cover the full range of possible situations. «pre-disposed»fatherhood refers to those fatherswhoare judged tobe«veryinvolved» by themother butwho do not spend enough time

1 thus,51percentofthemenconsideredthemselvestobe«veryinvolved»inthelifeoftheirchild,butonly41percentofthewomencategorizedtheirpartners’levelofinvolvementinthisway.however,themenweremorelikelytoevaluatethetimetheyspentwiththeirchildrenasnotenough.35percentrespondedinthisway.only17percentofthewomensawitinthisway.

withtheirchildren,presumablybecauseofthingsoutsideoftheircontrol.«traditional»fatherhoodincludesallthosecasesoflittleorno involvementby the fatherand inwhich themothersare«very»or«quite»involved.Finally,thereisalsoanothercategorywhichincludesallofthecasesinwhichboththemotherandfatherpresentlowlevelsofinvolvementanddedicationoftime:thesefatherswehavedesignatedas«uncommitted.»thepercentagedistributionoffathersisthefollowing:

GraPh4.1:typesoffatherhood


Adaptativa

Predispuesta

Responsable

Intensa

No comprometida

Tradicional

Intensa 6,7Responsable 43,9Predispuesta 10,2Adaptativa 19,8Tradicional 12,8No comprometida 6,5

Adaptive

19.8

Predisposed

10.2

Traditional

12.8Uncommitted

6.5Intense

6.7

Responsible

43.9


the results show that around half of the fathers fit into thecategoriesof intense (6.7percent) or responsible (43.7percent)fatherhood.therestaredistributedamongtheothermodalities.In19.8percentofthehomes,themotherscarrytheweightoftheresponsibilityforraisingthechildrenthoughwithsomehelpfromthe father (adaptive fatherhood). In 12.8 percent of homes, thedivisionofresponsibilitiesistraditional:malesupportisscarceordoesnotexist.In10.2percentthereisapredisposedfatherhood,

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formedbyfatherswhosepartnersdescribethemas«veryinvolved»butwho do not dedicate enough time to their children. In 6.4percentofhouseholds,themothersdescribetheirpartnersasnotvery involved and not spendingmuch timewith their children(uncommitted),buttheyseethemselvesinthesameway.

tables4.5and4.6giveusanideaoftheimpactofthetransitionfrom the family with a traditional division of domesticresponsibilitiestootherfamilytypesinwhichintense,responsibleand predisposed fatherhood models have become morecommon.Inhomeswiththesekindsoffathers,thechildrenenjoy

taBle4.5:howoftensomeonelivinginthehouseholddoescognitivelystimulatingactivitieswiththechild,bytypesoffatherhood


typesoFFatherhood daIlyoralmostdaIly oCCasIonally neVer total nUmBeroF

Cases

readsortellsastory

Intense 63 19 17 100 (139)

responsible 62 22 16 (474)

predisposed 64 23 14 (136)

adaptive 54 22 24 (157)

traditional 57 28 15 (108)

Uncommitted 47 29 24 (73)

doescrafts

Intense 38 50 12 100

responsible 27 59 14

predisposed 38 56 6,3

adaptive 32 50 18

traditional 34 54 12

Uncommitted 27 53 20


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thesameorgreateropportunitiesforintergenerationalinteractionsthanks to both parents’ commitment and dedication of time,which compensates for the possible deficits created by theirgreaterinvolvementintheirprofessions.

taBle4.6:howoftensomeonelivinginthehouseholddoesoutsideactivitieswiththechild,bytypesoffatherhood


typesoFFatherhood daIlyoralmostdaIly oCCasIonally neVer


Intense 40 56 3.8

responsible 34 61 5.0

predisposed 41 53 6.3

adaptive 28 66 5.2

traditional 35 58 7.0

Uncommitted 39 55 5.9

takeschildforawalkortothepark

Intense 56 37 7.7

responsible 48 44 8.2

predisposed 50 45 5.0

adaptive 45 48 7.7

traditional 45 48 7.0

Uncommitted 37 55 7.8


theanalysispresentedinthissectionquestionstheassumptionthattheweakeningofthetraditionalfamilythreatensintergene-rationalinteractionsbetweenparentsandchildren.thefearofthevoidleftinthehomewhenmotherswork(orwhengrandmothersdonotliveneartheirdaughters)hasfedexaggeratedconcerns.Certainly,theincreaseinmothersworkingoutsidethehomere-presentsachallengetomaintainstandardsforcareandattentionprovided tochildren.But thedata suggest that themajorityoffamiliesfacingthissituationresolvethedifficultiesthatarisewi-thout the time andopportunities for intergenerational interac-tionbeingaffected.Itisanerrortoassumethatmorehoursspentbyparentsworkingmeanslessofaninvestmentinprovidingcaretotheirchildren. Inrecentyearshistoricchangesofgreatsigni-ficancehave takenplacewhichhave ledparents to strengthentheircommitmenttotheirchildren,eveninfamiliesinwhichthetimepressuresaregreat.thus,theincreaseintheeducationalle-velsoftheparentsandtheconsolidationofnewmodelsofbeinga«goodfather»areopeningnewoutlooksforbuildinginterge-nerationalbondsinthehome.Weareseeingtheformationofanewlogicregardingparentalresponsibility,moreequitableandinformedthanthatwhichsustainedpastmodels,whichisenough(andevenmorethanenough)topreventtheerosionofinterge-nerationalbondswhichcouldotherwisebecausedbytheincrea-sedparticipationofwomenintheworkforce.

4.3. ManaGinGtheexPressionofaffectionanddisaPProval

Inmodernsocieties,thefamilyandespeciallytheintergenerationalbond,isassociatedwithloveandtenderness.togettothispoint

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theevolutionofattitudesandpracticeshavebeenextraordinary.as the historian philippe ariès pointed out in his classic workCenturiesofChildhood(1960), formanycenturieschildrenwerenot theobject of any special sort of sentimental treatment. Farfromwhatonemightimagine,theexpressionofaffectiontowardchildren–kisses,hugs,caresses,etc.–wasnotauniversalpracticeoracoreassumptionofthesuccessfulsocializationofanycivilization.maternalandpaternallove,asunderstoodtoday,wasanunknownsentimentinthemajorityofhumansocietiesinthepast.2Itisasocialconstructionthatnowadayshasacquiredasocialimportancethatitdidnothaveinourowncountryjustafewdecadesago.

In our society the norm that requires mothers and fathers toshower their children with expressions of tenderness is verystrong.thisfiguresintheforefrontofanyprescriptionforgoodparenting.Itisanormthatisbeyondquestionandtodosoinvitessuspicion.perhapsbecauseofthis,whenquestionedabouthowoftensomeoneinthehome«haskissed,hugged,ortickled»thechild, 97 percent of the mothers and fathers interviewed intheSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhoodsaidthatthishappeneddailyoralmostdaily,withoutourbeingabletodifferentiatetheresponsesofmenandwomen.thisisanexampleofa«desirable»answer,whichalmostcertainlydoesnotreflectthereality formanyparents.however,whenaskedwholavishedthiskindofattentionmostoften,thereemergedclear

2 Infact,thesocialhistorianedwardshorter(1977)istheauthorofaclassicbookthatsuggeststhatbeforethe19thcenturyineurope,thetreatmentofchildrenbytheirmotherswasusuallyroughandinsensitive.Farfromthematernalinstinctsthatchildrenawakeninmotherstoday,thewomenofthe17thand18thcenturiesshowedlittleinterestinthewelfareoftheirchildren,didnotattendtotheircries,boundthemfromtheirfeettotheirshoulderssotheycouldnotmove,andwhenpossible,theywouldsendthemawayforlongperiodsoftimetowetnurseswhowouldraisethemwiththeirownchildren.theexperienceofmotherhooddidnotrepresentsomethingspe-cial,whichmeritedgreaterdedicationandeffortinthelivesofthosemothers.

differencesbysex:31percentof thewomensaidtheydidthismoreoften;67percentsaidthiswasdoneequallybybothparentsandonly2.9percentsaidthattheirpartnersdidthismoreoften.Incontrast,whenthemenwereasked,theresponsewasslightlydifferent: 8.3 percent recognized that their partner expressedaffectionmoreoften;82percentstatedthatitwasequaland9.3percentbelievedthattheyexpressedaffectionmoreoften.

taBle4.7:Whocuddleswiththechild(hugsandkisses)moreoften,bytypesoffatherhood


typesoFFatherhood Father mother Both

eQUally

Intense 7.9 11 81

responsible 4.0 16 80

predisposed 2.5 31 67

adaptive 1.9 64 34

traditional 6.6 19 74

Uncommitted 9.7 19 71

total 4.8 23 72

note:theresponsesarefromthemothers.


despitethedifferenceswhichappearinthesurvey,theresultsareclearthatinthemajorityofhouseholdsthemanparticipatesactivelyintheframeworkofaffectionandemotionsthatiswovenaroundthe child. this emotional involvement is found across all social

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groups (defined by educational level, income and age of theparents),butnotamongallstylesoffatherhood.Inthisarea,ouranalysisfoundgreatdifferencesintheroleoffathersinthesespacesofintimacy.Fatherswhopracticenewmodelsofparenting(intenseorresponsible)havecommitmentssimilartothoseoftheirpartners.asalberdiandescarioalsopointoutintheirstudy,thesenewfathersharbourthedesiretoovercometheolddiscoursesandhabitsthatassociated fatherhoodwith the exercise of power and a certainemotionaldistancefromthechildren.theyhaveoptedinsteadfor a deepening of emotional relationships through an initialphysicalcommunicationwiththeirchild(throughhugging,kissing,caressing)andthehopeofmaintaininganemotionalandintellectualclosenesslateroninsubsequentstagesofthechild’sdevelopment.thedata show the limited roleof the traditional father in thesespaces.Inhouseholdswherefatherhoodfollowstraditionalforms,themotherisclearlytheprimaryproviderofaffection.

expressions of tenderness are only one side of the emotionaldynamics between fathers and children. educating the childdemandsplacinglimits,controllingtheirindiscriminateneedsanddemands and channelling their behaviour in a manner that isconducivetoapositivefamilyatmosphereandthechild’slearning.Instillinghabitsandvaluesisnotaneasytask.Itrequiresdedicationandconsistency.therearenorecipesthatalwayswork,buttherearecommonexperiencesthatmostparentsgothroughsoonerorlater.socializationstrategiesamongparentsincludecommunicationaswellasrewardsandpunishment.differenceslieintheimportancethat isgiventoeachof these ingredients.not longago inspain,parental socialization in traditionalhomes (whichconstituted themajority)wasbasedonauthoritarianismandadivisionofrolesintheprovisionofrewardandpunishment.thefather imposedthe

ruleshardlyprovidingexplanationsortakingintoaccountthechild’sargumentsorideas.Whentheruleswerebroken,fathersrestoredbalance through reproach or punishment, including corporalpunishment.themother’srolewasmoreambiguousandlimited.Usually without questioning the father’s authority, she oftenspecialized ingivingpositive reinforcement to thechildwhichattimescontributedtocontainingthemoredespoticformsofauthorityexercisedbythefather.

times have changed, andwith them, the attitudes of spaniardstoward dialogue with their children and the administration ofpunishment.Weliveinademocraticsocietywheredialogueandnegotiation arehighly appreciatedvalues.dialogue is especiallyimportant in spaces where an authoritarian logic previouslyprevailed, such as in intergenerational relationships. the vastmajorityofpeopleconsiderdialoguetobeanecessaryandeffectiveinstrumenttoraisetheirchildren.accordingtotheworkofIglesiasdeUsselet al.(2009:90),alreadyintroducedelsewhereinthisvolume,82percentofyoungadultswholivewithapartneragreeortotallyagreethat«ifyouexplainthings,allchildrenwillunderstandtheirparents’reasoning.»Inthissamestudy,theauthorsfoundthatonly5percentagreedwiththeoldadage,«sparetherod,spoilthechild.»

however, there is also a clear awareness of the importance ofdiscipline.Inthestudy,80percentofyoungpeoplelivingwithapartneragreedwiththeideathatdisciplineisthekeytosuccessin education. asked to rate the importance of discipline as aqualitythatparentstrytoinculcateintheirchildren,thespanishgave it, onaverage, an8.6 (ona scaleof1 to10). Itwas ratedslightlylowerbyyoungerpeople:those35andunderrateditat8.3,whilethose65andoverratedit9.2.evenso,theratingremains

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consistentlyhigh.3disciplinedoesnothavetomeanunconditionalobedience.themajorityofparentswant tobuild relationshipswiththeirchildrenbasedonaffectionanddialogue,butinwhichthechildrenfollowcodesofacceptablebehaviour.

taBle4.8:opinionsonthebestmethodtoraisechildren,byagegroups

Inpercentages

age

From18to34

From35to49

From50to64

oVer65

itisbettertorewardgoodbehaviourthantospank

tendtoagree 83 86 80 77

tendtodisagree 9.7 5.9 9.5 11

neitheragreeordisagree 7.0 8.4 11 12

Youhavetoteachchildrentoobeyfromanearlyage,evenifitmeanspunishingthem


tendtodisagree 31 34 24 20

neitheragreeordisagree 11 7.5 12 12

aspankingattherightmomentcanavoidbiggerproblems


tendtodisagree 41 35 22 18

neitheragreeordisagree 9.4 8.5 7.0 4.6

source:Basedondatafromstudy2,621,CIs2004.

3 spaniards gave it greater importance than other qualities. For example, sensitivity received an averagerating of 8.3; simplicity, 8.2; a sense of thrift, 8; imagination, 7.9; independence, 7.7; competitiveness, 7.1;leadership,6.5andreligiousness,5.9.evidently,thedistributionofvaluesisnotthesamewithallofthevariables.

themostlegitimatemannertoachievethisobjectiveistorewardappropriatebehaviour.82percentofthespanishunder50yearsofageagreethat«it isbetter torewardappropriatebehaviourthantospank»(CIsstudy2,621,2005).Butthisdoesnotmeancompletely giving up the use of punishment. themajority ofyoung adults in spain (around 58 percent) believe that it isnecessary to teachchildren toobey, even if it isbypunishing.aroundhalfofparentsaccepttheuseofmildformsofphysicalwpunishment(spanking).

table4.9presentsapictureoftheuseofrewardandpunishmenttodealwiththebehaviouroftheir5to10yearolds.Inthesurveythereisabatteryofquestionsaskingparentsabouttheiractionsduringtheweekpriortotheinterview.theanswersrevealarangeofconsiderableactivity.thevastmajorityoffamiliesemployedvariousactionsdirectedtowardgettingthechildtoconformtoparentalexpectations.thestrategyutilizedmostfrequentlywaspositivereinforcement:congratulatingthechildfordoingagoodjob. this, as we have seen, is considered the most legitimatestrategytodiscipline,andtherefore,thereistheriskofanswersbeing influenced by a tendency to provide socially desirableresponses. It isalsonecessary tohighlight thehighnumberofparentswho ask their children to think about their behaviour,whichindicatesahighpropensitytotrustinthechild’scapacitytoreasoninresponsetoanexplanation.youngparentsunderstandthat their childmust be treated as an active subjectwho canrespondconstructivelytoparentaldisapproval.

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theleastusedresourcefordiscipliningis«spanking.»evenso,36percentofparentsrecognizedthattheyhaddonethisinthepreviousweek.thisisahighfigure,butitisplausible.thisrateisnotfarfromresultsobtainedinprevioussurveysinspain,aswellasinotherdevelopedsocieties(e.g.Save the Children,2005).But in light of the plurality of attitudes of spaniard familiestowards punishment, these figures corroborate the generalbeliefthatsuchpracticeisnotwidespread.theSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood provides aunique opportunity to determine the social place of physicalpunishment based on a representative sample of spanishfamilieswithchildrenbetween5and10yearsofage.

anumberofnationallyrepresentativestudies–fundamentallyinanglo-saxoncountries–thathaveanalyzedtheuseofcorporal

punishment by parents have come to a series of commonconclusions. the first is that the use of corporal punishmenttendstobemorecommonwhenitoccursundertheumbrellaofsocialnormsandvaluesthatviewitaslegitimateandeffective.since 2007, in spain these norms and values have lost legalprotection.CorporalpunishmentinthehomewasprohibitedbyanamendmenttotheCivilCodein2007.Initsarticle154,theCodehadpreviouslyrecognizedthe«right»ofparentsandguardiansto utilize «reasonable and moderate» forms of «correction.»thedatapresentedintables4.8and4.9suggestthatthelegalreform reflects only partiallywhat has occurred in the terrainofattitudesandpracticesof thespanishpopulation.Corporalpunishment in its more «reasonable and moderate» versionscontinuestofigureinthecatalogueofadmissiblestrategiestosocialize children, although its legitimateuse is reservedonly

taBle4.9:howoftenparentsusedrewardandpunishmentinthepreviousweek

Inpercentages.householdwithchildrenfrom5to10yearsofage

FreQUenCy daIly almostdaIly oCCasIonally neVer

Congratulatechildondoingthingswell 43 37 20 0.5

givechildtimetoreflectonwhathe/shehasdone 26 20 49 4.0

raisevoiceorshoutatchild 10 17 64 8.4

threatentopunishchild 10 13 62 15

punishchild(hastostayinhis/herroom,notallowedtowatchtV,usecomputerorplayvideogames) 2.4 4.4 73 20

spankchild 0.2 0.1 36 64


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forparents. theadministrationof any formofphysical abuse,nomatterhowmild,byotheradultsresponsibleforchildren–ininstitutionssuchasschools,boardingschoolsorciviccentres–isseentodayasaberrantandunacceptable.

asecondsetofpossiblefactorsdeterminingtheuseofcorporalpunishment, according to the literature, are certain parentalprofiles. researchers on these issues have not found a strongrelationship between the educational level or the economicsituationoftheparentsandtheuseofcorporalpunishment,exceptinsituationsofextremeprecariousness(dietz,2000;giles-simset al.,1995).Instead,theresearchdemonstratestheimportanceofparentingstyles(simonset al.,1994;socolarandstein,1995).Inthesestudies,corporalpunishmentismorecommonamongfamiliesthatneglectotherdimensionsinthechild’seducationanddevelopment,allotherthingsbeingequal.Forexample,grogan,Kaylorandotis(2007)foundanegativerelationship(statisticallysignificant) between activities of cognitive stimulation andresortingtocorporalpunishment.

athirdgroupoffactorsincludesthebehavioursandcharacteristicsof the child. obviously, corporal punishment usually arises inresponse to the child’s behaviour. It is not surprising that thestatisticalmodelstendtoshowthatchildrenwho,intheeyesoftheparents,arefrequentlyconflictiveorsimplyhardtocontrolaremorelikelytofacecorporalpunishment,whilethosewhoaremorepassiveare lessso(grogan-Kaylorandotis,2007).age isalsoan importantdeterminant. theprobabilityof resorting tocorporalpunishmentdecreasesasthechildgetsolder.sexalsohas an influence on this likelihood. some research leads us tobelieve thatparents tendtopunishsonsmore thandaughters(giles-simset al.,1995),althoughotherresearchdoesnotrevealsignificantdifferences)(grogan-Kaylorandotis,2007).

Wehavetestedthesehypothesesanalyzedinthesespecializedanglo-saxonstudies,usingasampleofparentsinterviewedfortheSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhood.the analysis, based on the construction of logistic regressionmodels with categorical dependent variables, estimates the

taBle4.10:Factorsrelatedtoachildbeingspankedinthepreviousweek

householdswithchildrenfrom5to10yearsofagelogisticregression

IndependentVarIaBles ChIldBeIngspanKed(a)

characteristicsofchild

sex 0

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age(reference10yearsold)

5yearsold +

6yearsold +

7yearsold +

8yearsold +

9yearsold 0

psychologicalcharacteristics

Conflictive(b) +

lowstateofmood(c) 0

Parents’characteristics

mother’seducationlevel(referenceprimary)

secondary 0

University 0

mother’soccupationalstatus(referencedoesnotwork)

Worksfull-time –

Workspart-time 0

Immigrantorigin –

Father’slevelofinvolvement(referencehighlevelofinvolvement)

mediuminvolvement 0

lowinvolvement 0

Father’sage –

householdcharacteristics

Childhassiblings +

householdincomeperperson(reference1stquartile)(d)

2ndquartile 0

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influence of a series of explanatory factors in the variable ofinterest(resortingtocorporalpunishmentwithinthepastweek),allotherthingsbeingequal.thatistosay,weuseamodelwhichmakes it possible to isolate the statistical effect of each factorontheexplanatoryvariable,filteringouttherelationshipitmayhavewith thirdvariables included in the statisticalmodel. themainresultsarepresentedintable4.10.

the analysis confirms the weak and insignificant relationshipbetweentheeducationoftheparentsandtheuseofpunishmentamongspanishfamilies.theimportanceofthechild’sageisalsocorroborated. the risk of experiencing punishment follows acleardescendingpathasthechildgetsolder.Wealsodetecteda

strongrelationshipbetweenbehaviouralproblemsandtheuseofcorporalpunishment.

therearealso indicationsofanassociationbetweenparentalstylesandtheuseofcorporalpunishment.arobustrelationshipbetweenthedegreeofparentalinvolvementwiththechildandtheuseofspankingwasnotapparent.thecoefficientsareintheexpecteddirection,buttheeffectisnotstatisticallysignificantat conventional confidence levels. apparently, theamount ofinvolvement of the parents is not significant, but rather it ishow they are involved thatmatters. as canbe seen in graph4.2,parentswhoaremorecommittedtocognitivestimulationactivities are less likely to use corporal punishment, all other

3rdquartile +

4thquartile +

characteristicsofinterandintra-generationalrelationships

thereistensioninthehome(e)

relatedtocareofthechild +

relatedtolackoftimetorelax +

degreeofcognitivestimulationofthechild(f) –

notes:a)thesigns+/-representthedirectionoftheinfluenceofthefactorsonthedependentvariableinalogisticregressionmodelthatincludesthemsimultaneously.the‘0’indicatesthatthecoefficcientisnotstatisticallysignificantwithaconfidencelevelof95%.thenumberofcasesthatthemodelincludesisn=1,021.b)anindexwascreatedtomeasuretheconflictlevelofthechildrenbasedonaseriesofquestionsparentswereaskedabouttheirbehaviour.theindexaddsupthosecasesinwhichtheparentsagreedorstronglyagreedwiththefollowingstatementsabouttheirchildren:he/shegetsintoconflictsorfights;he/shelikestobotherothers;he/shelosescontroleasily;he/shecan’tstaystill.c)anindexwascreatedtomeasuremoodbasedonaseriesofquestionsparentswereaskedabouttheirbehaviour.theindexaddsupthosecasesinwhichtheparentsagreedorstronglyagreedwiththefollowingstatementsabouttheirchildren:he/sheissometimessad;he/shesometimesfeelslonely;she/heisshy;she/heissometimesafraidofthingsorpeople.d)householdincomeisdividedinto4quartiles.the1stcorrespondstoincomeperpersonupto320euros;the2ndfrom321to500euros;the3rdfrom501to800eurosandthe4th,over800euros.e)thecasesinwhichthereisoftenorthereissometimestensioninthehomehavebeencombined.f)thedegreeofcongnitivestimulationisanadditiveindexwithvaluesbetween0and4thatshowsthefrequencywithwhichparentsreadstoriestotheirchildrenordocraftswiththem.theresponsecategoriesare:dailyoralmostdaily;occasionallyornever.


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thingsbeingequal.theeffectisrobust.thefactthatinhouseholdswherethemotherworksthereislesscorporalpunishmentalsosuggeststhatfamilieswithamoretraditionaldivisionofrolesaremorepronetoviolentformsofdisapproval,whichisconsistentwith the affinity of this model with an authoritarian style ofsocialization.

GraPh4.2:probabilityofhavingbeenspankedinthepreviousweek,bydegreeofcognitivestimulation


05

101520253035404550

Estimulación altaEstimulación media-altaEstimulación mediaEstimulación bajaSin estimulación

MIDSTIMULATION

MID-HIGHSTIMULATION

HIGHSTIMULATION

PROBABILITY

DEGREE OF COGNITIVE STIMULATION

LOW STIMULATION

NO STIMULATION

Sin estimulación Estimulación baja Estimulación media Estimulación media-alta 44,42535142 40,42777874 36,55332528 32,84545976

Estimulación alta 29,33978176

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

0.35

0.40

0.45

0.30

0.50

note:theprobabilityiscalculatedbasedonalogisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1) thechildhasbeenspanked inthepreviousweek;0) thechildhasnotbeenspanked.thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneously intothemodel:ageofthechild;sexofthechild;originoftheparents;leveloffather’sinvolvement;tensioninhomeoverchildcare;tensioninhomeoverlackoftimetorelax;mother’seducationlevel;householdincomeperperson;indexofchild’slevelofconflictiveness;indexofmoodofchild;andindexofcognitivestimulation.Foramoredetaileddescriptionofthevariablesseetable4.10.


ouranalysis introducesan innovationwithrespecttopreviousstudies.Weestimateiftensionsinthehousehold,duetoalackof personal time or related to care of the children, affect theprobabilityofparentsusingcorporalpunishment.aswepointedoutinchapter3,inasocietysuchasthespanishone,inwhichthepatternsfoundinthedivisionofresponsibilitiesareintransition,certain norms and expectations are contradictory, which leadto situations of ambiguity and tension in many households.our objective is to determine the influence of such a familyatmosphereinthegenerationofviolentsituations,causedbytherelaxingof social inhibitionswhich in normal conditionsdetertheuseofphysicalforce.ourhypothesisisinspiredbytheoriesofviolencethatrelatethisphenomenontosituationsofanomie(durkheim, 1897) or adaptation to situations of stress (Coser,1967;gelles,1974).

theresultsoftheanalysisareunequivocal.Inhouseholdswheresituationsoftensionlinkedtoalackoftimeordisagreementoverthe careof the childrenare found, thepropensity for corporalpunishmentisgreater(graph4.3).

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GraPh4.3:probabiltyofhavingbeenspankedinthepreviousweek,byexistenceofsituationsoftensioninhomeforvariousreasons


05

1015202530354045 Tensión debido al cuidado del menor

Tensión debido a la falta de tiempo para relajarse

Sin tensión de ningún tipo

TENSION DUE TOCHILD CARE

PROBABILITY

TENSION DUE TO LACK OF TIME TO RELAX

NO TENSION OF ANY TYPE

Sin tensión de ningún tipo Tensión debido a la falta de tiempo para relajarse Tensión debido al cuidado del menor 27,43492892 34,7392254 39,41872862

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

0.30

0.45

0.35

0.40

note:thelogisticregressionmodelincludesthesamevariablesasgraph4.2.


onefindingdifficulttoexplainisthat,withallthingsbeingequal,corporalpunishmentismorecommoninhouseholdswithhigherlevelsofincome.4thisisacounterintuitivefinding(butstatisticallyrobust),giventhatagoodnumberofspecializedstudieshavespeculated on the possibility that in homes in economicallyprecarioussituationstheuseofcorporalpunishmentwouldbemorelikely(although,ontheotherhand,thefindingsofempirical

4 thestatisticaleffectisweakenedwhenweeliminatevariablesfromthemodelthatmeasureparentalstyleandsituationsoftensioninthehome.

analysishavefoundveryweakevidenceforthis).onepossibleexplanationwouldbethatadultsinaffluenthouseholdsarelesstolerantofthefrustrationcausedbytheinappropriatebehaviouroftheirchildren.economicsuccesscouldcontributetoincreasingexpectationsregardingchildren’sbehaviourandachievementsandperhapsthelevelofparentaldemands,whichwouldincreasethevulnerabilityofchildrenwhoareunabletofulfilltheirparents’expectations.toconfirmthishypothesiswouldrequireadeeperempiricalanalysisthanwehaveundertakenhere.

4.4. faMilYlearninGcultures

Intergenerational relationships in the family are a powerfulmechanisminthereproductionofeducationalinequalities.thequantity,andespeciallyquality,oftheseinteractionsaredecisiveinplacingstudentsatdifferentlevelsthroughouttheireducationalcareer,whichdeterminetoagreatextenttheirfuturelife’scoursebeyondtheeducationalsystem.thequalityoftheseinteractionsisdeterminedprimarilybywhathascometobecalledthefamily’s«culturalcapital.»Familiesaredifferentiatedbytheircapacitytocognitivelystimulatetheirchildrenfromanearlyage,transmittingto them the cultural knowledge that will help them in theireducationandencourageand support the learningprocess inschool.thesepracticesandinitiativesareworthwhileforchildrenbecausetheyfavourtheiradaptationtothedemandsofschoolandthus,theyconstituteaformof«capital.»manystudieshaveshowntheimportanceoffamilies’culturalcapital,whichoperatesin different ways, in explaining academic performance andeducationalsuccess(dimaggio,1982;esping-andersen,2009).

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Cultural capital is correlated with the educational level of thefamily, but it is far from being a perfect relationship. parentswith higher educational levels tend to encourage activitiesthat contribute to the cognitive stimulation of their children.In addition, they transmitmore cultural knowledge and skills,aremoresensitivetothevalueofprestigiousculturalproducts,usuallytakeagreaterinterestintheirchildren’sschoolactivitiesandhavemorefluidandeffectivecontactwith their children’steachers.however, the variabilitywithin the same educationalgroupisconsiderable.educationalcredentialsareanimperfectindicator of family cultural capital. studies on educationalperformanceshowthatindicatorsofculturalcapitalusuallyhaveanindependentimpactongradesandeducationalachievement,whichremainsfirmwhentheeffectsofparents’educationalleveliscontrolledfor.

todayalmostnoonequestionsthesocialvalueofeducation.havinga childwhogetsbadgradesorwhodoesnotmakeadequateprogress inschool isacauseofworry forvirtuallyallparents,without largedifferencesamongsocioeconomicgroups. the democratization of access to higher educationhas generated greater ambitions and expectations for theeducationalattainmentofchildrenamonggroupstraditionallyexcluded from education. For example, according to datafrom the Longitudinal Study of Families and Childhood, in asurveyfromtheInstituteofChildhoodandtheUrbanWorldbasedonasampleof3,000Catalanadolescentsfrom13to16yearsofageandtheirparents,thevastmajorityoftheparentsstatedthattheywantedtheirchildrentogotouniversity. Infamiliesinwhichthemotherhadaprimaryschooleducation,80percentoftheparentsexpressedthisdesire(althoughonly

a fractionof thembelieved itwouldbepossible). In almosttwooutof threehouseholds,parentshadencouraged theiradolescent children to go to college. differences based onparents’ educational level were non-existent (marí-Klose et al.,2008b).

parents’ education also has a limited power in explaininginvolvement in activities in support of the formal educationoftheirchildren.thedatafromtheLongitudinal Study of Families and Childhood suggestthatstudentswhoseparentshaveuniversitystudiesreceivealittlebitmorehelpfromtheirparentswithschoolwork,butthedifferenceswithparentswhohavelowereducationallevelsarenotsignificant.therearealsonoappreciabledifferencesinthedegreeofinvolvementinparents’associations.theresultsareconsistentwiththoseobtainedfromasubsampleofparentswith children between 6 and 14 years of age, the universe ofanalysis inthiscasebeingthewholeofthespanishpopulation(CIsstudy2,621).Itshouldbenotedthatduetosmallnumberofcasesavailable for theanalysis, it isnecessary tobecautious ininterpretingdata.

Culturalcapitalisanintangiblequality.Itisnotaseasytomeasureitunlikeotherformsofcapital,whichcanbemeasuredbyeconomicresources, educational credentials or even social connections.Culturalcapitalisformedbysensitivities,dispositions,attitudes,which,when they canbeactivated, cultivate in children formsofbeingandself-presentation indifferent social spaces.theseformsofbeingandpresentingoneselfareespeciallyimportantinschool,astheyarekeytohelpchildrenintheiracademicworkso they can be more in-tune with teachers’ preferences anddemands.

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taBle4.12:howoftensomeonelivinginthehouseholdengagesinreadingactivitieswiththechild


readIngaCtIVItIes oFten oCCasIonally neVer

readortellstoriestochilddailyoralmostdailyread

stopsreadingandaskschildwhathe/sheseesintheillustrations 72 23 5.7

stopsreadingandpointsoutletters 67 17 16

askschildtoread 79 12 8.3

talksaboutwhathappensinthestoryafterreadingit 79 18 2.8

sometimesreadsortellsastory

stopsreadingandaskschildwhathe/sheseesintheillustrations 49 39 11

stopsreadingandpointsoutletters 44 35 22

askschildtoread 58 27 15

talksaboutwhathappensinthestoryafterreadingit 66 33 0.8


taBle4.11:parentalinvolvementinchildren’sschoolwork,bymother’seducationlevel


tasKsparentsCarryoUtorrememBerhaVIngCarrIedoUt


prImary seCondary UnIVersIty total nUmBeroFCases

helpchildathomewithschoolworkorstudying 86 92 96 89 (384)

participateinactivitiesofparentsassociationintheschool 44 46 44 45 (192)

source:Basedondatafromthestudy2,621,CIs2004.

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thedatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intra-generational Relationships in Childhoodshedslightonsomeofthesedimensionsofculturalcapital and their interrelationship with parents’ support oftheformaleducationoftheirchildrenatearlyages.althoughtheindicators available are limited, the data show that in spanishfamilies there is considerable variability in «learning cultures,»configuredbydifferentintellectuallystimulatingactivitiesandtheconsumptionofculturalproducts.ouranalysesindicatethatthese«learning cultures» are the result, but only in small part, of theeducational level of theparents. they aremadeupof differentpiecesconnectedbyacommonthread.

In this sense, one of themost interesting indicators of family«culturalcapital»consistsintheactivitiesofstimulationsuchasstoryreading.Intable4.12wecanseethatthisactivityiswhatmanyfamiliesusetostimulatetheanalyticalcapacityoftheirchildren,their readingcomprehensionor tohelpthemlearn lettersandvocabulary. Families directly involved in cognitive stimulationactivities in the home or that encourage participation in afterschoolactivitiesdesignedtostimulatechildren’saptitudesandinterestsalsotendtobemoreinvolvedinhelpingtheirchildrenwithschoolwork.

otherresultsofouranalysessuggestthatthereisanassociationbetween involvement in cognitive stimulation activities inthehomeandthelikelihoodthatthechildwillreceivehelpwithhomeworkorparticipateinafterschoolactivities.Childrenwholive in homeswithgreater amounts of cultural capital usuallybenefitfrommultiple«quality»interactionswiththeirparentsorotheradults,inthecourseofwhichtheyimprovetheircognitiveprofiles(knowledge,analyticalcapacityandlinguisticskills),but

alsocertainnon-cognitivequalitiesthatareusefulforsuccessinschool(motivation,self-control,perseverance,capacitytoplanandpostponegratification).

thepIrlssurvey(Progress in International Reading Literacy Study)bytheInternationalassociationfortheevaluationofeducationalachievement to evaluate reading comprehension of studentsin the fourth-grade of primary school offers us an opportunitytoestimatetheeffectsof these learningculturesonthe levelofreadingcompetencyofchildrenattheageof10.In2006,atotalof40countriesparticipatedinthesurvey,amongthemspain.thisisoneoftheonlydatabasesavailablethatgathersinformationonthesocioeconomiccontextinfluencingthereadingcompetenceofthestudentbeforetheendofcompulsoryeducation(unlikethepIsastudies,whichtestsdifferentcompetenceswhenstudentsare15yearsofage).Itisimportanttopointout,beforedescribingthedata,thatbecauseoffactorsthathavetodowiththewayinwhichthe surveys of families were carried out in spain, the responseratewas low (59percent) and thereforenot representative. It isreasonabletosuspectthatthequestionnairesthatwereansweredcorrespond to those parents who are most interested in theeducationoftheirchildren(spanishpIrlsreport,2006).

taking into consideration these limitations,our analysis showsaclearsocialgradientintheresultsonthereadingcompetencyofchildrenattheageof10.Forexample, thereare73pointsofdifference in the indicator for reading competency betweenspanish children with parents who have university studies(552) and those who only have a primary school education(479)(educationallevelisbasedontheparentwiththehighesteducationallevelinthehousehold).

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pIrls provides information about the activities and practicescarriedoutbyparentswiththeirchildrenthatfostersknowledgeof language and reading during the early stages of childhood.amongotheraspects,pIrlsasksaboutthefrequencywithwhichtheparentsoranotheradultinthehomereadstoriestothechildbeforethebeginningofprimaryschool.ascanbeseeningraph4.4, there is a relationshipbetween readingperformance at 10yearsofageandthistypeofcognitivestimulation:thereisa48pointdifference in the readingperformanceof childrenwhoseparentsstatedthattheyoftenreadtotheirchildren(45percentof the parents) with respect to thosewhose parents said theyhad never or almost never done so (only 7 percent). however,thedifferencesarealsoconsiderablewithrespecttothosewhorespondedthattheyhaddonesosometimes(almosthalfoftheparents):thereadingperformanceoftheirchildrenwas36pointsbelowthechildrenwhoseparentsreadthemstoriesoften.thesegapscanbeexplainedonlyinpartbytheeducationoftheparents.Wheneducationalresourcesinthehomearecontrolledforinamultivariablemodel, thedifferencesaresomewhatreduced(33pointsbetweenchildrenwhocomefromfamiliesthatoftenreadstoriesandfamilieswithoutthispractice),buttheycontinuetobestatisticallysignificant.

Children who enjoy a cumulative range of opportunities forlearningenterintoavirtuousspiralwhichfavourstheiracademicsuccess.astheeconomistandnobelprizewinnerjamesheckmanhas suggested, «learning begets learning» (see, for example,heckmanandmasterov,2007).Inthehomeswithapositivefamilylearning culture, thebiblicalprinciple frommatthewcomes topass:«becausetoanyonewhohassomething,morewillbegiven,andhewillhavemorethanenough.Butfromtheonewhodoesn’t

haveanything,evenwhathehaswillbetakenawayfromhim.»evidencesuchasthisimpelsustorethinkthecausesofphenomenathataregeneratinggreatsocialalarm,suchasschoolfailureandeducationalinequality.asrecentstudieshavewarned(Fernandezenguita,2010;m.marí-Kloseet al.,2010),theroadtofailureanddroppingoutislong.

GraPh4.4:levelofreadingcomprehensionof10yearoldchildren,byhowoftenparentsreadtothemupuntil

theywerethreeyearsofage

Inpercentages

source:BasedonpIrlsdata,2006.

0102030405060708090

Nunca/Casi nuncaAlguna vezA menudo

460470480490500510520530540550

Nunca/Casi nuncaAlguna vezA menudo

A menudo 45Alguna vez 48Nunca/Casi nunca 7

A menudo 542,05Alguna vez 505,68Nunca/Casi nunca 494,27

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470

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510

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530

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550

NEVER/HARDLY EVER

PERCENTAGE LEVEL OF READING COMPREHENSION

FREQUENCY OF READING STORIES

OCCASIONALLYOFTEN

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Frequency of reading stories Reading comprehension

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V. Usesoffreetime

there are certain activities considered to be basic in the life ofchildren,suchaseating,sleepingandlearning.expertsfromallfields(doctors, psychologists, educators, etc.) have beenprolific in thepublicationofpreceptsandprescriptionstohelpparentsguaranteethat their children eat well, sleep enough and learn quickly. incontrast,foralongtimeotheractivitiesassociatedwithfreetimeand play have receivedmuch less attention. in fact, throughouthistory,freetimeandplayhaveoftenbeenconsideredunimportantaspects,evenawasteoftime, inchildren’s lives.thinkerssuchasLockeorKantwerepioneersinpointingoutthatplayisamentalactivitythatcontributestothebalanceddevelopmentofthechild’spersonalityandpromoteshisorherlearningprocesses(Chudacoff,2007).Later,someofthefirstscholarstostudyeducationalprocessesvigorouslydefendedplayasamethodofexplorationthatallowedchildren to learn about society andnature, and as a result, theyrecommendedincorporating it intothe learningprocess (Dewey,1900).today,wehaveabundantempiricalevidencedemonstratingthe importance of leisure time and play for healthy childhooddevelopment,andinparticularthedevelopmentofchildren’smotorskills,organizationalcapacitiesandcapacitiesforsocialinteraction(Pellegriniandsmith,1998;razzaBlair,2009).

Althoughplaynowoccupiesacentralplaceinthelifeofchildren,formany generations, childhood was spent working (Ariès, 1960;Heywood,2001).thiscontinuestobethecaseinmanycountriesinAfrica,AsiaandLatinAmerica.therightofchildrentoplay,tobehappy while they make use of their free time, to not haveresponsibilities that infringe on these rights is a dimension ofchildhoodunknowninmanysocieties,andwhichhasonlybeenrecognizedinourownsocietyrecently.incontemporarysocieties,play has become a central element in what defines childhoodidentity,whatpreciselyseparatesitfromadultlife.Playisconnectedtoaconceptofchildhoodasastageoflifeinwhichchildrenarestillnotpreparedtoventureintotheworldofromanticrelationships,theworking world or political participation. Child’s play impliesimmaturityandirresponsibility. inthisrespect,asmichaelWyness(2006) pointed out, child’s play also becomes a justification formaintainingtheseparationbetweenadulthoodandchildhood,thuslegitimizingthesubordinateanddependentstatusofchildren.

inthischapterweofferanoverviewofhowchildrenfrom5to10yearsofagespendtheirfreetime.todothis,weanalyzetheinfor-mationcontributedbytheirparentsintheSurvey on Inter and Intra-

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generational Relationships in Childhood.someofthekeyaspectsthatweaddressinthischapterarethetypesofactivitieschildrenparticipate induringprogrammedandnon-programmedtime,withwhomtheyspendthistime,andwhatthelevelofparent’sinvolvementandsupervisionis intheseactivities.thepatternsofbehaviourobservedinspainareframedinbroadercontextsrelatedtoprocessesofchildren’ssocializationanddevelopmentintheworldtoday.

5.1. StructuredandunStructuredafterSchooltime

oneissuethatraisesmuchdebateisifafterschooltimeshouldorshouldnotbeprogrammedandplanned.shouldparentslettheirchildrenspendthistimeplayingfreelyorshouldtheyencouragethemtoparticipate instructuredactivities thatarehealthy, safeand educational? should there be an adult supervising theactivitiesofchildrenatall times?Underlyingthisquestionthereisabasictensionthatariseswhenchildrenbecomeawareoftheirindividuality:the«powerstruggle»betweenparentsandchildren.inearlychildhood,parentsmakealmostallofthedecisionsrelatedtotheirchildren:when,what,whereandhowmuchtheyeat,sleep,play,arealone,etc.Aschildrencometorecognizethemselvesasindividuals,theybegintodemandgreaterautonomy.onoccasion,thistranslatesintosmallconflictsinwhichchildrenrefusetoeatwhattheyaregivenorgotobedatacertaintimeorintantrumstogetwhattheywantorbecauseplaytimehasended(Beldenet al.,2008).Childrenlookforsmallopeningstotrytoasserttheirowndesiresinliveswhicharedirectedbyothers;tryinginthiswaytoincreasetheirdecisionmakingcapacityinrelationtothosewhonormallyhavecontrol.Asanexample,researchshowsthatchildren

moreoftenrefusetoeatwhenitisthemotherwhoisfeedingthem–ifsheisthepersonnormallyinchargeofdoingso–thanifotherfamilymembersdoso(faithet al.,2004).

inouranalysisof timeuseamongchildren from5 to10yearsofage,wedifferentiatebetweenorganizedandunstructured activities following the scheme of mahoney et al. (2005). Under the term«organized»,werefertoactivitiesthatarecharacterizedbyastructureimposedthroughthepresenceofanadult.Comparedwithfreeplay,instructuredactivities,adultshavemoreinput,forexampleinitiatingtheactivity, controlling the resources available for the activity, orinterveningorparticipatingduringthecourseoftheactivity.theemphasis is often on skill-building and activities are generallycharacterizedbychallengesthatneedtobemetasthecomplexityoftheactivityincreaseswithchildren’sgrowingmasteryoftheactivity(Csikszentmihalyi,1990).incontrast,non-structuredactivitiesrefertoleisuretimeandimprovisedplaysharedwithfriends,whetherinthepark,onthestreetorathome,suchasplayinghide-and-seek,ridingbicycles,orplayingontheswingsattheplayground,etc.insomecases,adultsparticipateorsupervisetheseactivities,buttheydonotdirectthem.thiscanalsorefertotimechildrenspendalonereading,playinganinstrumentorwatchingtelevision.

(a)Participationinstructuredactivities

oneofthepatternsofmodernparenthoodistheattemptbyparentstoenrichandentertaintheirchildrenenrollingtheminallkindsoftutoredactivities(sporting,artistic,etc.).startingatanearlyage,manychildren are enrolled in a wide range of extracurricular activities.these activities are considered critical not only for the healthydevelopmentofchildren,butalsofortheireducationalopportunities,

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exposingchildrentoanenrichedupbringingandpreparingthemtofacethechallengesofthemodernworld(education,Audiovisual&Culture executiveAgency, 2009). fromourdata, it is evident thatparentsinspainfeelthenecessitytoinvolvetheirchildreninvarioustypesoforganizedactivities.evenamongchildrenasyoungasthoseinoursample(aged5to10),involvementinextracurricularactivitiesisverycommon.inoursurveyweaskedparentsiftheir5-10yearoldswere signed up in any of these six extracurricular activities: (1)organizedsports,(2)artistic(suchasdance,art,ormusic),(3)languageclasses,(4)remedialclasses,(5)scholasticactivities,or(6)other,non-specified.Accordingtoparents,thesechildrenaresignedupforanaverageof2activities.Aboutthreequartersofchildrenparticipateinatleastoneactivity,whichmeansthatasizeable28percentofchildrenarenotengagedinanytypeoforganizedactivity.overhalfofthechildren(55percent)areenrolledineitheroneortwoactivitiesand19percentareengagedinthreeormore.Ascanbeseeninthegraphbelow,amongtheorganizedactivitiesforwhichwehaveinformationavailable,organizedsportswerethemostcommonactivities,withabout6intenchildreninvolved.Nextmostcommonwereart-relatedactivities,withabout1in4ofthechildrenwhoparticipateinanytypeofactivityengagedinarts. inaddition,about1 in4ofallchildrenaged 5-10 are taking language courses outside of school. otheractivitieslikeremedialcoursesorscholasticactivitiesarelesscommon.

it is important to highlight that participation and frequency ofattendanceisapproximatelythesameamongboysandgirls(about78 percent participate in at least in one activity, regardless ofgender,andinbothcasestheydosoanaverageoftwiceaweek).However,ascanbeseeningraph5.1,therearedifferencesintheactivitiesinwhichtheyparticipate.Girlsaremorelikelytoparticipatein artistic activities and language classes, boys in sports. the

differencesinothertypesofactivitiesarefewer.evenso,itseemsthatparentsprovidetheirsonswithopportunitiesorientedtowardphysicalactivitiesandtheirdaughtersthoseorientedtowardthedevelopmentofcreativityandeducationalcompetencies.

GraPh5.1:Childrenenrolledinafterschoolactivities,bysexandtypeofactivity

inpercentages.Childrenfrom5to10yearsofage

Boys Girls

01020304050607080 Niñas

Niños

Otras actividadesActividades escolares que requieren la participación del padre/madreClases de refuerzoClases de idiomasArtísticas (danza, arte, música…)Deportivas

AFTER SCHOOLACTIVITIES

REQUIRING PARENTAL PARTICIPATION

PERCENTAGE

LANGUAGECLASSES

REMEDIAL CLASSES

OTHERACTIVITIES

SPORTS ARTISTIC(DANCE, ART,

MUSIC…)

Niños NiñasDeportivas 67 33Artísticas (danza, arte, música…) 40 60Clases de idiomas 40 60Clases de refuerzo 46 54Actividades escolares que requierenla participación del padre/ madre 51 49Otras actividades 54 46

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Practicedwiththesameassiduitytheseactivitiesthreeormoretimes per week are involved in organized sports or remedialclasses.Ascanbeseeningraph5.2,themajorityoftheactivitiesarecarriedouttwiceaweek.

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GraPh5.2:frequencyofparticipationinafterschoolactivities


Once a week Twice a week Three or more times a week

0,00,10,20,30,40,50,60,70,8 Tres o más

Dos veces

Una vez

Otras actividadesActividades escolares que requieren participación padre/madreClases de refuerzoClases de idiomasActividades artísticas (danza, arte, música...)Actividades deportivas

Una vez Dos veces Tres o más Actividades deportivas 0,180704441 0,500765697 0,318529862Actividades artísticas (danza, arte, música...) 0,304945055 0,532967033 0,162087912Clases de idiomas 0,263537906 0,59566787 0,140794224Clases de refuerzo 0,156862745 0,519607843 0,323529412Actividades escolares que requieren participación de madre o padre 0,739130435 0,202898551 0,057971014Otras actividades 0,618644068 0,279661017 0,101694915

AFTER SCHOOL ACTIVITIES REQUIRING

PARENTAL PARTICIPATION

PERCENTAGE

LANGUAGECLASSES

REMEDIAL CLASSES

OTHERACTIVITIES

SPORTS ARTISTIC (DANCE, ART, MUSIC…)

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Participation in after school activities, especially when thisrequires travel or the parents’ participation is linked to theavailabilityofvarious typesof family resources.Notall familiesareabletoprovidethetimeandopportunities forafterschoolactivitiesfortheirchildren(oropportunitiesforthemtoplaywithotherchildrenoutsideofschool). insomecasesthisisbecausethey lack theeconomicmeans tomeet theexpenses involved.other times it is because of parents’ long work day or workscheduleswhich leave themwithno timeavailableat sociablehours.Parentsmayalsohaveotherresponsibilitiesorexcessive

familyobligations(suchastakingcareofotherchildrenorelderlyordisabledfamilymembers).finally,someparentssimplyhavefewersocialconnectionsorarelesssociallyinclinedthanothers(BurdetteandWhitaker,2005).

Graph5.3showsthepercentageoffamilieswhodonotenrolltheirchildreninanyorganizedactivity.theblacklineindicatesthe28%ofthesamplethatisnotinvolvedinanyactivity,socomparisonofthebarswiththeblack line indicateswhetheraparticularsub-groupofthepopulationisbeloworabovetheaverageintermsof involvement.Ascanbe seen, childrenwhoare less likely toparticipateinextracurricularactivitiescomefromdisadvantagedenvironments lacking in economic resources or from familieswith difficulties in finding time to manage their children’sparticipation in these activities. the first factor seems to bethemostimportant,althoughwedonothaveinformationontheeconomiceffortthatthesefamiliesmustmake(expensesrelatedto supplies, equipment, uniforms and registration). familieswithlowerlevelsofincomehavemuchlowerparticipationratesinafterschoolactivitiesthanmoreaffluentfamilies.therealsoappearstobeasignificantgapbetweenimmigrantandnative-bornchildren,andaslightlysmallergapbetweensingleparentfamiliesandtwo-parentfamilies.familieswithhighereducationallevels tend to enrol their children more often in after schoolactivities,althoughitisdifficulttoclarifyifthisisduetohavingtheeconomicresourcesnecessaryorbecauseoftheirbeliefthatsuchactivitiesarebeneficial for thechildren.Probablybothoftheseplayapartintheirdecision.

our data suggest that themajority of parents who take theirchildren toafter school activitiesdo sobecause the child asks

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GraPh5.3:Childrenwhodonotparticipateinanyafterschoolactivity,byhouseholdcharacteristicsandfamilysocioeconomicsituation


Householdstructuresingle-parent

Monoparentales 34,07 Biparentales 27,81Inmigrante 37Autóctona 27Estudios primarios 36Estudios secundarios 28Estudios universitarios 19Estudios primarios 40Estudios secundarios 28Estudios universitarios 18No trabaja 35Trabaja a jornada parcial 29Trabaja a jornada completa 27No trabaja 33Trabaja a jornada parcial 26Trabaja a jornada completa 25<1200 40,101201-2000 35,992001-3000 20,943001-5000 16,365001+ 19,23

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 455001+

3001-50002001-30001201-2000

<1200Trabaja a jornada completa

Trabaja a jornada parcialNo trabaja

Trabaja a jornada completaTrabaja a jornada parcial

No trabajaEstudios universitariosEstudios secundarios

Estudios primariosEstudios universitariosEstudios secundarios

Estudios primariosAutóctonaInmigrante

Biparentales Monoparentales

Not enrolled in any activity

0 5 10 15 20 25 25 30 35 40 45

AVERAGE

two-parent

Parents’originimmigrantNative-born

Parents’education

father

PrimarysecondaryUniversity

mother

PrimarysecondaryUniversity

Parents’employmentstatus

father

DoesnotworkWorkspart-timeWorksfull-time

mother

DoesnotworkWorkspart-timeWorksfull-time

monthlyincome(ineuros)

<12001201-20002001-30003001-50005001+


Monoparentales 34,07 Biparentales 27,81Inmigrante 37Autóctona 27Estudios primarios 36Estudios secundarios 28Estudios universitarios 19Estudios primarios 40Estudios secundarios 28Estudios universitarios 18No trabaja 35Trabaja a jornada parcial 29Trabaja a jornada completa 27No trabaja 33Trabaja a jornada parcial 26Trabaja a jornada completa 25<1200 40,101201-2000 35,992001-3000 20,943001-5000 16,365001+ 19,23

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 455001+

3001-50002001-30001201-2000

<1200Trabaja a jornada completa

Trabaja a jornada parcialNo trabaja

Trabaja a jornada completaTrabaja a jornada parcial

No trabajaEstudios universitariosEstudios secundarios

Estudios primariosEstudios universitariosEstudios secundarios

Estudios primariosAutóctonaInmigrante

Biparentales Monoparentales

Not enrolled in any activity

0 5 10 15 20 25 25 30 35 40 45

AVERAGE

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themtodoso.thirtyninepercentstatedthatthechild’srequestweighed heavily in their decision, and 34 percent stated thatthiswasquiteimportant.only17percentsaidtheyhadsignedtheirchildrenuptoanafterschoolactivitywithouttakingintoaccountthechild’swishes.Basedontheparents’testimony,60percentindicatedthattheirchildlikedverymuchattendinganafterschoolactivityorprogramme,and35percentstatedthatthechildquitelikedtheactivity.Parentswhoforcetheirchildrentogotoafterschoolactivitieswhichthechildrendonotlikeareaverysmallminority.evidently,thereliabilityoftheresponsesmaybeaffectedbytheperspectiveoftherespondents,butitdoesnotseemlikelythatthechildren’sperspectiveif itwerepossibletoaskthemwouldbethatdifferent.

for some parents, their children’s participation in after schoolactivities is a way of balancing their work schedules with thenecessitiesofchildcare,butthisisnotusuallythecase.only8.9percentof theparentswhohave their children in after schoolactivitiessaidthattheirworkhoursplayedaveryimportantpartin it.14percent said that itwasquite important.these resultsandthepreviousdatasuggestthat,incontrasttotheimageofchildrenpushed to spend theirdays far fromthe familybasedon theneedsof theparents, children’swishesand initiative toparticipate in these programmes play a role that analysis hasoftenignored.

(b)Participationinunstructuredactivities

According to widely held opinion, children must have theopportunity to entertain themselves outside of activitiesprogrammed by parents. free time has an intrinsic value for

childrenandcannotbeevaluatedonly fromanoutlookbasedonimprovingthechild’sdevelopmentorskills.theoverzealousparent programming his or her child’s time has sparked agroundswell of opinion in support of recovering free time forchildren, invoking theneed forunrestrictedunsupervisedplayfor the healthy development of the child. in this regard, theAmericanPediatricAssociationhasrecentlywarnedabouttheriskstothementalhealthofchildreniftheydonothavethefreedomtoplayinchildhood(Gibbs,2009:56).

intherestofthissectionandthefollowingwefocusonananalysisoftheunstructuredtimethatchildrenspendathomeorwithafamilymemberaswellasthetimetheyspendinsocialactivitieswith friends. in general, un-structured activities do not requirepreviousplanningandareusuallyfree.thequestionnaireaskedabout the following activities: watching television or videos;goingtothecinema,theatreoramuseum;playinginthestreetorpracticingsomesportorphysicalactivity;playingvideogamesoronthecomputer,andgoingtovisitrelatives.Graph5.4showsthefrequencyofchildren’sparticipationintheseactivities.itshouldbehighlightedthatwatchingtelevisionisthemostwidespreadactivity among children in this age group: 84 percent watchtelevisiondailyoralmostdaily.inaddition,manychildrenspendevenmore time in frontofa screenbecauseanother frequentactivity is playing video games (20 percent of children doingso daily and an additional 65 percent doing so occasionally).Physicalactivityisalsoverycommon,abouthalfofthechildren(48percent)dophysicalactivitiesonadailybasisandanother45percentoccasionally.themajorityofchildrenvisitrelativesatleastoccasionally(65percent),butonly20percentdososeveraltimesaweek.

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GraPh5.4:frequencyofparticipationinunstructuredactivities


Daily or almost daily Occasionally Never

0

20

40

60

80

100 Ninguna vez

Alguna vez

Cada día o casi cada día

Toca un instrumentoMira la TV o videosVa al cine, teatro o museoPractica algún deporte o actividad físicaJuega a la consola, ordenador o juevos similaresVa a visitar a otros familiares

PERCENTAGE

PLAYS VIDEO OR COMPUTER GAMES

OR SIMILAR

DOES SPORTS OR PHYSICAL

ACTIVITY

GOES TOCINEMA, THEATRE

OR MUSEUM

WATCHES TVOR VIDEOS

PLAYS MUSICALINSTRUMENT

VISITSRELATIVES

Va a visitar a otros familiares Cada día o casi cada día 32 Alguna vez 63 Ninguna vez 5Juega a la consola, ordenador o juevos similares Cada día o casi cada día 20 Alguna vez 65 Ninguna vez 15Practica algún deporte o actividad física Cada día o casi cada día 48 Alguna vez 45 Ninguna vez 7Va al cine, teatro o museo Cada día o casi cada día 1 Alguna vez 87 Ninguna vez 13Mira la TV o videos Cada día o casi cada día 84 Alguna vez 15 Ninguna vez 1Toca un instrumento Cada día o casi cada día 11 Alguna vez 35 Ninguna vez 53

0

20

30

10

40

50

60

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100


thechildhooduse(orabuse)ofnewtechnologies isatopicofdebate and often appears in themedia as a source of alarm.Hence,wehavelookedattherelationshipbetweencertainfamilycharacteristicsandtheuseoftVandvideogames.todothis,wehavecomparedthismoresedentaryformofentertainmentwiththe frequencywithwhichchildrenpracticea sportorphysicalactivities,usuallyconsideredbeneficialfortheirage.tosimplifythe analysis we have focused exclusively on families in whichchildrendobothtypesofactivitydailyorseveraltimesaweek.table5.1showsthedifferencesaresmall,butrevealsapatternintermsofparentaleducationandincome.Childreninfamilieswithahighersocioeconomicleveltendtowatchtelevisionandplayvideogameslessoften.theyare,instead,morelikelytopracticesportsandphysicalactivitiesdaily–withtheexceptionofthosechildreninfamilieswiththehighestlevelsofincome;amongthisgroupwefindthelowestpercentageofchildrenthatdoso.

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soCioeCoNomiCCHArACteristiCs WAtCHestVorViDeos PrACtiCes/DoessPortsorPHYsiCALACtiVitY PLAYsViDeoGAmes

householdstructure

single-parent 78 48 24

twoparents 85 54 20

Parents’origin

immigrant 80 45 23

Native-born 85 49 20


educationlevel

Primary 85 42 23

secondary 86 48 20

University 80 54 19

employmentstatus

Doesnotwork 86 46 22

Workspart-time 82 43 24

Worksfull-time 83 53 17


employmentstatus

Doesnotwork 82 46 25

Workspart-time 88 54 21

Worksfull-time 84 48 19

taBle5.1:Activitieschilddoesdailyoralmostdaily,bydifferentsocioeconomiccharacteristicsofhousehold


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5.2. ParentS’involvementintheirchildren’Sfreetime

Aswepointedoutinpreviouschapters,despitetheassumptionoftenheldbeingtheopposite,boysaswellasgirlsreceivemoreattentionandemotionalsupportfromtheirparentstodaythanchildrendidinthepast.Parentsaredrivenbythedesiretodotherightthingfortheirchildren,followingboththeirowncriteriaandthatofthewatchfulsocietyinwhichtheylive.Parentsdevelopasetofguidelinesaboutwhatisrightforachildbasedontheirownexperienceaschildren,observationsfromtherearingofsiblingsorotherrelatives,whattheyhavereadorbeentold,orwhattheyfeelbasedoncommonsense.Drivenbyasenseofurgencythatanymisstep in followingtheseguidelinescould leadachildtohavingnutritional,sleeporeducationaldeficiencies,theysetout

todirect thechildatevery stepaccording to theseguidelines.this includeswhatandhowmuch thechild shouldeat;when,whereandhowlongthechildshouldsleep;howmuchtimeheorsheshouldspendwithadultsandwithotherchildren;whichactivitiesareappropriateandwhichonesarenotallowed;andwhattherulesarefortheseactivitiesandinteractions.

inaddition,parentsfeeloutsidepressuretodemonstratetotheworldthattheyaregoodparentsbyfollowingnormsandfreelyoffered directives from relatives and other adults about whatchildrenshouldandshouldnotdo,receive,andbeengagedin.evenwhenthesenormsarenotinfullaccordwiththeparents’ownguidelines,parentsmustpubliclydemonstrate theirgoodparenting.thisincludesdemonstratingthatthechildissupervisedandnotallowedtoroamonhis/herown,thatthechildiscleanand

educationlevel

Primary 87 49 24

secondary 85 43 20

University 79 56 16

householdincome

Lessthan€1,200 82 46 24

from€1,201to€2,000 84 45 21

from€2,001to€3,000 86 49 21

from€3,001to€5,000 86 56 16

morethan€5,000 72 40 22


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neat,thatthechildhasbeentaughtbasicmanners,andthatheorsheisreceivingadequatesocialandeducationalstimulation.

in a society inwhichpeople are having fewer children, but atthe same timeare investingmore in them (in termsofhealth,education,toysandafterschoolactivities),thenormsthatparentsestablishaswell as the socialpressures, seem tobe changing.there isgrowingconcernabout thesafetyofchildren.Parentstodayare lesspermissive than theirownparentswereor theirgrandparentswhenitcomestoallowingchildrentoplayoutdoorswithoutadult supervision.this concern for childhoodsafety isduetotheobjectiveincreaseofcertainrisks(forexample,beinghitbyacar),butmuchoftheperceptionofriskisinspiredbynewcurrentsofcollectiveanxietywhichplacechildhoodatthecentreofobsessionsaboutsafety.thisanxietyisembodiedinthefearofrisksthatarenegligible(suchaschildrenbeingkidnappedbya

strangerorbeingabusedbyapaedophile)whileignoringmanyoftheriskstochildren’sphysicalandemotionalsafety(includingsexualabuse)thattendtooriginateinthehomeortheimmediateenvironment.Paradoxically,theobsessionoverrisks,whichhascausedmanyparentstolimittheirchildren’sfreedomtogooutalone,hasbeenrelatedtotheoriginofnewrisks,realorperceived.Phenomenasuchaschildhoodobesityoryoungpeople’slackofinitiativehavebeenattributedtochildhoodexperiencesinhomesconvertedinto«gildedcages,»wherechildrenlackopportunityforentertainment.

itmust be remembered that the data analyzed refer to youngchildren(between5and10yearsofage),sothattheir«freetime»tendstobesupervisedbyadults.Ascanbeobservedintable5.2,parentsparticipateinthemajorityoftheirchildren’sactivities.theyarepresentwhenthechildrengoout,whethertothecinema,tothe

taBle5.2:Personswithwhomthechildusuallydoesdifferentactivities(a)


ACtiVities ALoNe WitHYoUorYoUrPArtNer siBLiNGs otHerreLAtiVes frieNDs DoesN’tDo

tHisACtiVitY

Playvideogames 26 22 32 1.8 2.6 15

Practice/dosportsorphysicalactivity 15 20 8.0 1.1 49 7.5

Gotocinema,theatreormuseum 0.3 78 2.0 2.4 4.0 13

WatchtVorvideos 17 54 26 1.7 0.5 0.9

Visitrelatives 1.3 92 1.5 1.1 0.0 3.9

Note:a)thepercentagesarecalculatedbasedonthetotalnumberofchildrenthatdotheactivity.


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theatreortovisitrelatives,andinsidethehome,whilethechildrenplayan instrumentorwatch television.ourdatacontradict thevisionofparentsleavingtheirchildreninfrontofthetelevision(a«safe»activitythatdoesnotrequiresupervision)inordertoworkordoother tasks.more thanhalfof thechildren inour sampleusuallywatchtelevisionaccompaniedbytheirparents.theonlyactivitiesthattheycommonlydowiththeirsiblingsandfriendsareplayingvideogamesandsportsordoingphysicalactivities.

5.3. timewithfriendS

time with same-aged peers peaks in adolescence, especiallybetweenages14to16years,however,itiscommonforchildrentospendtimeoutsideofschoolwithotherchildrenevenat theseyoungerages.theimportanceofcreatingtheseconnections,alsoknownaspeercultureshasbeendemonstratedtobenefitchilddevelopment (Corsaro, 1985). to analyze the time spent withfriends, we have focused on two aspects: how often the childhasfriendsovertohisorherhomeandthelevelofsupervisionbyparentswhentherearefriendsover.Ascanbeseenintable5.3,spendingtimewithfriendsathomeissomethingthatisrelativelycommon but does not happen every day. this is an expectedresult, taking intoaccount that thesearechildrenbetween theagesof5and10and,therefore,requiringadultsupervision.itiseven likely that the parents plan these encounters with otherchildren.Accordingtoourdata,infouroutofeverytenfamilies,thechildrendonotinvitefriendstotheirhome.moreover,only11percentofthefamiliesrespondedthattheirchildrenspendtimein the homes of their friends three or more times per week.Although therearenotmarkeddifferences, it ismorecommonamonggirlstohavefriendsovertoplay.itislesscommonamong

immigrantfamiliesthanamongnativefamilies.Bylevelofincome,thedifference is inthenumberoftimesperweekthatchildrenspendinthehomesoffriends:inhomeswithhigherincomes,theproportionof parentswho say their childrenhave friendsoveronetimeperweekishigher; incontrast, inhomeswitha lowereconomiclevel,theyhavefriendsovermoreoften.

5.4. involvementofGrandParentSandSiBlinGS

to understand what happens in children’s free time, we cannotignoretheroleofotherfamilymembers.inmanyfamiliesgrandparentsprovideimportantsupport.foralongtime,grandparentshavetaken care of their younggrandchildren, and they still do thistoday. in different developed countries, many parents rely ontheir own parents to take responsibility for the children afterschool,whetheritistopickthemup,givethemsomethingtoeat,supervise them or simply be with them. in a country such asspain,wherefamiliestendtoliveneartheirrelatives,itiscommonforthegrandparentstoshareintheresponsibilitiesoftakingcareofthechildren(BorraandPalma,2009).threegenerationslivingtogether(parents,grandparentsandgrandchildren)inthesamehomeisnotverycommontoday.However,livingtogetherisnota requirement for the grandparents to take care of theirgrandchildren. According to recently published data, in spainone out of every four grandparents takes care of theirgrandchildren.theeuropeanaverageissomewhathigherwithoneoutofeverythree.However,spanishgrandparentsthattakecareoftheirgrandchildrendoitmoreintensivelythanintherestofeurope:theydedicateonaveragesevenhoursadaytothecareof their grandchildren, two hours more than the europeanaverage(BadenesPlaandLopezLopez,2010).

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taBle5.3:Howoftenchildhasfriendsovertoplay,byhouseholdsocioeconomiccharacteristics

inpercentages:Childrenfrom5to10yearsofage

soCioeCoNomiCCHArACteristiCsNUmBerofDAYsAWeeKfrieNDsCometoPLAY

0 1 2 3ormore

householdstructure

single-parent 38 32 14 15

twoparents 43 34 13 10

Sexofchild

Boy 46 31 12 10

Girl 39 36 13 12

Parents’origin

Native-born 42 33 14 11

immigrant 47 35 7.7 10


educationlevel

Primary 38 32 15 15

secondary 44 34 12 10

University 45 36 12 7.0

employmentstatus

Doesnotwork 40 35 13 13

Workspart-time 52 27 17 3.8

Worksfull-time 43 34 13 11

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Aswehaveseen,grandparents, just likeoldersiblings,canbearesourceintakingresponsibilityforthesupervisionoftheyoungestchildrenand,ingeneral,forbeingwiththem,especiallywhentheparentsareworking,preparingmealsordoingotherhouseholdchores. But in certain situations, grandparents and siblings canalso takeaway from the timeparentsareable spendwith theiryoung children. this is the case when the grandparents havehealthproblemsorwhentheyoungestchild’ssiblingsareyoung

themselves;itispossiblethattheyrequiretime,effortandresourcesthatotherwisetheparentscoulddedicatetotheyoungest.

in8.4percentofthefamiliesinterviewed,oneofthegrandparentslivesinthehome.forty-twopercentofthehouseholdsreceivedhelpfromthegrandparentsincaringforthechildren.table5.4showsthatinhouseholdsthatcountonthegrandparents’help,whetherbecausetheylivewiththemorbecausetheyhelpwith


educationlevel

Primary 41 27 16 16

secondary 44 34 12 10

University 43 38 11 7.7

employmentstatus

Doesnotwork 38 33 14 14

Workspart-time 48 31 13 8.1

Worksfull-time 44 35 12 8.8

householdincome

Lessthan€1.200 43 28 17 13

from€1,201to€2,000 38 33 16 13

from€2,001to€3,000 46 37 10 7.2

from€3,001to€5,000 43 36 11 10

morethan€5,000 47 44 3,1 6.3

total 43 34 13 11


(Continue)

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childcare,thechildrentendtodofewerafterschoolactivities.thisfactsuggeststhattheprovisionofcareofferedbygrandparentsattenuates the necessity of many families to resort to theseactivitiestoresolvetheschedulingproblemstheyhave.However,the fact thatthreeoutof fourchildrenthathavegrandparents«available»participatedinatleastoneafterschoolactivity(andmanyintwoormore)indicatesthatitwouldbeaseriouserrortothinkthatchildren’sparticipationintheseactivitiesissimplyawaytoreconcileworkandfamilylifeforthosewhohavenoothermeansoftakingcareoftheirchildren.

Almost70percentof the families interviewedhavemore thanonechildlivinginthehome.Childrenbetween5and10yearsof

agewholiveinfamilieswithtwoormorechildrenparticipateonaverageinfewerorganizedactivities.itispossiblethatchildrenwhohavesiblingsdonotaskasoftentoparticipateinactivitiesoutsidethehomeastheycanbeentertainedplayingwiththeirsiblings. in addition, the increase in the number of childrenalso increases the effort that parents must make to offer theopportunitytoparticipateindifferentafterschoolactivities,bothfromaneconomicperspective(possiblefees)andinregardstothetimenecessarytomanageallthesedifferentactivities.

Allofthedatapresentedinthischaptersuggestthatnewmodalitiesformanaging children’s free time (with a growing emphasis onorganized activities) cannot be considered simply strategies

taBle5.4:Numberofafter-schoolactivitieschildparticipatesin,bycompositionofhousehold(grandparentsandsiblingslivingornotlivinginthehome)


NUmBerofAfter-sCHooLACtiVitiesCHiLDiseNroLLeDiN(a)

GrANDPAreNts siBLiNGs

totAL NUmBerofCAsesresiDe

iNHome

DoNotresiDeiNHome((b)

resiDeiNHome

DoNotresiDeiNHomeHeLP DoNotHeLP

None 28 26 16 29 26 28 (324)

1 27 26 17 30 21 27 (313)

2ormore 45 48 67 41 53 45 (510)

100 100 (1,147)

Note:a)Afterschoolactivities:languageclasses,artclasses,remedialclasses,sports,schoolactivitiesorotherorganizedactivities.b)thecategory«doesnotreside»includescasesinwhichthechilddoesnothavethisfamilymemberandthoseinwhichhe/shedoesbutfamilymemberdoesnotliveinthehome.


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resultingfromparentspressuredbyalackoftime.itisnecessarytointerprettheminatleasttwootherways.firstofall,theyarelinkedto the growing concern among parents to provide «optimumsupport»totheirchildren(Beck-Gernsheim,2003).startingattheendofthetwentiethcentury,theprogressinmedicine,psychologyand pedagogy combined with the decrease in the number ofchildrenperfamily,hasfuellednewexpectationsof«improvement»for childrenwithin the family through an adequate channellingof resources. New discourses equate not taking advantage ofpossibilities for children’s development with neglect, resultingin growing demands placed on parents. the creed of the newattitude toward children, which the data suggest extends to agreaterorlesserdegreeamongallsocialgroups,isthatparentscanpromotechildren’sfaculties(andcorrecttheirdefects)byprovidingthemwiththeopportunitytogetofftoagoodstart.After-schoolactivitiesoccupyaprivilegedpositioninthecatalogueofstrategiesforimprovementthatparentsarecalledontoadopt.

secondly, we are witnessing the consolidation of the role ofthechildinchoosinghisorhereducationalandentertainmentactivities, which is not necessarily in contradiction with theprocessesdescribedinthepreviousparagraph.Untilveryrecently,itwasunderstoodthatadultshadtodecideforchildren(«fortheirowngood»)how their time shouldbeorganized (tobe spendprimarily inschool),reservingspacesforthemofunsupervisedtime after school in which they could enjoy a considerableamountoffreedomwiththeirpeers.thegrowingfearofparentsof the risks for the physical safety of children in public spacehasreinforcedtheirtiestospacescontrolledbyadults.Butthisdoesnotnecessarilymeanthattheirautonomyhasdisappearedcompletely. in contrast to an image that emphasizes activities

plannedbyadults,theevidenceisotherwise;childrenareinvolvedintheselectionoftheactivitiestheydo,andthemajorityofthemenjoytheseactivities.Althoughthenatureoftheseactivitiescanbequitevaried,therearereasonstothinkthatinmanyofthemchildrenfindspacesforinteractionandentertainmentthatofferopportunitiestoaffirmtheiridentitiesasagents(Näsman,1998).

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VI.TheemergenceofsocIalrIsksInchIldhood

Thesituationof children in thedevelopedworld is awakeningconcern.Themajorityofinternationalreportsofferingananalysisofthispopulation’squalityoflifeanditsevolutionareinagreementinfindingavulnerabilitytorisksconcentratedinearlychildhood.Theriskswhichhavegenerallythreatenedchildhoodarethoserelatedtohealth,povertyandothereconomicdifficulties.

Withregardtohealth, inthepastcenturythatofchildren’shasgreatlyimprovedthroughouttheworld.forcenturieschildhoodwasseenasanunhappyandvulnerableperiodinlifeaschildrenoftensufferedfromillness.childrenthatwerefragileandvictimsofchronicillnesswerepartofthedailylifeofmanyfamilies.Thelackofhygiene,theaffectofinfectiousdiseasesandhungertooka terrible toll in childhood, claimingmany lives.We know, forexample, that at the end of the nineteenth century in certainyears (1880, 1882-1883, 1885 and 1900) one quarter of allnewbornsinspaindied.childhoodillnessanddeathwereapartofdailylife,andadultsexhibitedacertainfatalisminfacingthem.Inmanytestimoniesfromthattime(innovels,healthreports,thepress, etc.), the idea that children’s liveshungbya threadwasacceptedwithresignation(a.demiguel,1998:195-197).

Theincreaseinlifeexpectancyduringthepastcenturyhasbeenextraordinary. at the beginning of the twentieth century theinfant mortality rate in spain was 203 deaths for every 1,000children. since then, it has continuously declined. from 1960-1970whentheparentsofourSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhoodweregrowingup,theinfantmortalityrateinspainwasalreadythenbelow40deathsforevery1,000births.accordingtomostrecentestimates,theinfantmortalityratehasgonedownto3.5deathsforevery1,000births(WorldBank,2008).Thisdeclineininfantmortalityhasbeenaccompaniedbyadecrease inmorbidity.respiratory infectionsanddiseaseswhicharecommonindevelopingcountriesarerareandseldomdeadlyamongchildrenindevelpedcountries.however,thisdoesnot mean that the health problems of childhood have beeneradicated.newillnesses,nolongermortal,areappearingrelatedtolifestyleandunhealthyhabits.

The situation with respect to poverty and economic difficultycontinues to be of concern. for example, in the majority ofcountriesintheeuropeanUnionthepovertyratesamongchildrenare higher than those among adults (european commission,

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2009;oecd,2008).spain formspartof thegroupofeuropeancountrieswiththehighestlevelsofchildpoverty.WhereasintheeU-27,oneoutofeveryfivechildrenunder18yearsofageispoor,inspainpovertyaffectsoneoutoffour,afigurewhichsituatesspaininaworsepositionthanthemajorityofeUcountries,withthe exception of Italy, latvia, Bulgaria and romania (eurostat,2008). If we focus specifically on the age group of our study(childrenfrom0to10yearsofage),theoutlookisnotencouraging:21.7percentofspanishchildrenarepoor (data from the2008surveyofIncomeandlivingconditionsofthenationalstatisticsInstitute).Thesefindingsshowthatthechildhoodpovertyrateistwopercentagepointshigher thantheoverallpoverty rate forspain(19.6percent).

The degree of family participation in the labour market is theprincipal factordetermining its economic situation. Thus, sevenoutoftenchildrenundertenyearsofagefromfamilieswherenoneoftheeconomicallyactivemembersareworkingarepoor.however,economicprecariousnessdoesnotonlyaffecthouseholdsinwhichno one works. When one person works, the risk of poverty isreducedconsiderably,althoughitcontinuestobehigh:affectingthreeoutoftenchildrenfrom0to10yearsofage.Thetraditionalfamilymodelwithjustonebreadwinner,usuallytheman,doesnotassureprotectionfromeconomicexclusionformanyfamilieswithdependentchildren.averyhighproportionofchildrenfrom0to10 years of age who are poor come from these families (58.5percent).Thepoverty rate forchildren from0-10yearsoldgoesdownby20percentagepointswhentwopeopleinthehouseholdwork (8.6percent),which indicates that todaymore than in thepast, it is necessary tohave two incomes in thehome to avoideconomicvulnerabilityinchildhood.

Inadditiontowork,thesecondfactorthathasastrongimpactonthe living conditions of children is household structure. largefamiliesandsingleparent familiesareoverrepresentedamonghouseholdsinwhichchildrenareexposedtopoverty:49percentofthechildrenwholiveinlargefamiliesand43percentofthoseinsingleparentfamiliesarepoor.Whenthemotheristheheadofasingleparenthouseholdanddoesnotworktheriskofpovertyincreases.While30percentofsingleparenthouseholdsinwhichthemotherworksarelivinginpoverty,inthosewherethemotherdoesnotworkthisgoesupto69percent(datafromtheQualityoflifeIndex,2008).

Itisalsonecessarytolookatthesituationofchildrenofimmigrantorigin.accordingtothesurveyofIncomeandlivingconditions(2008),approximatelyfouroutoftenchildrenunder10yearsofagewhosemotherorfatherwasbornoutsideoftheeU-25arelivinginpoverty,twicetherateofautochthonouschildren.highpoverty rates and severe poverty rates follow similar patterns:Thehighpovertyrateis15.6percentamongchildrenofforeignoriginand6.2percentamongautochthonouschildren,andtheseverepoverty rate is6percentamongthoseof foreignoriginand3.5percentamongautochthonouschildren.

Thelimiteddataavailablefortherecentyearsofeconomiccrisissuggest that thepovertyrates,measuredaccordingtoavailableincome,havenotvariedmuchsince2007,buttheperceptionofhardshiphas.1accordingtodatagatheredinthesurveyofIncome

1 atthetimeofpublicationofthisbook,theIne(spain’snationalstatisticsInstitute)haspreliminaryresultsfromthelivingconditionssurveyfor2010.accordingtotheseresultsthepovertyrateforchildrenunder16is24.6percent,4.3pointsabovetheriskofpovertyforthepopulationover16yearsofage.Ifwesubtractthe«imputedrentalvalue»(ameasureoftherentalvalueofthedwelling),thepovertyrate(22.2percent)ismuchgreaterthanthatforallotheragegroups(forexample,9pointsgreaterthanforthepopulationover65yearsofage).

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andlivingconditions(2008),inthepreliminaryphasesofthecrisis,26percentofthespanishpopulationsaidthatinthepreviousyearthey had already suffered a significant decrease in income. Inhouseholdswithchildren10yearsofageandunder,thepercentagewassomewhathigher:31percent.Theeconomiccrisiscouldalsohave accentuated conditions of economic hardship, which aremeasuredbasedonindicatorssuchasover-indebtednessortheimpactofthecostofhousingontheriskofpoverty.

regarding over-indebtedness, according to the 2008 survey ofIncome and living conditions, only 4.2 percent of the spanishpopulationwithbankaccountsstatedthattheyhadanoverdraftoroutstandingbalanceduetoeconomicdifficulties.Inhouseholdswithchildren10yearsoldandunder,theproportionissomewhathigher(7.2percent).Whentheeconomicsituationworsens,somehouseholdsfinditdifficulttopaytheirbills.halfofthefamilieswithchildren10yearsoldandunderrecognizedthatin2008thetotalcostofhousing representedaheavyburden for thehousehold,and8.3percentofhomeswithchildrenfrom0-10hadgotbehindinpayingtheirmortgageorrentinthepreviousyear.Theimpactof the cost of housing is more noticeable in households withchildrenunder10yearsofagethaninhouseholdsheadedbyolderpersonsbecausethesechildrentendtobelongtoyoungerfamilieswhoarestillcoveringthecostsofhousingthattheywerelikelytohaverentedorpurchasedduringtherecentgreatincreaseinthepriceofhousing.Infact,thepercentageofchildrenlivinginpovertyincreases by 11 points (from 22 percent to 33 percent) aftersubtractingfamilies’housingcostsfromhouseholdincome.

Besidesthetraditionalrisksofillnessoreconomichardshiptothewell-being of children, throughout the twentieth century new

causes forconcernemergedrelated to thephysical,emotionalandeducationalvulnerabilityofchildren.InthischapterweutilizeourSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhoodtoanalyze the influence that factorsexamined in thepreviouschapters–householdstructure,socioeconomicconditions,stylesofparentingorafterschooltimeuse–haveonkeyaspectsofthewell-beingandhealthof children incontemporary society.Wefocusouranalysisonthreeindicatorsthatgenerateconsiderablesocialconcerntoday:bodyweight,socio-emotionalcompetenceandeducationalengagement.

The experiences of childhood play a crucial role in people’slives. There is growing empirical evidence to support the ideathattheproblemschildrenfaceaffecttheirphysicalandemotio-nal development and their learning capacity, endangering notonlytheirwell-beingbutalsotheirqualityoflifeandopportuni-tieswhentheyareadults.Inthissense,thecomponentsanalyzedherearecentralaspectsofchildren’shealthandwell-being.Inter-nationalstudiesonchildren’sweight,socio-emotionalcompeten-ciesandtheirresponsetothedemandsofschoolhaveshownthatproblems related to these factors canhave long-lasting effectsthatareverydifficulttoreverse.Thestudiesontheseissuesthathavebeencarriedout inspainhave tended toapproach theseproblemsoncetheyhavefullydeveloped,generallyinadolescen-cewhentheytakeonnewforms: isolationandmarginalization,emotionaldistressandschoolfailure.rarelyhastherebeendataavailableonearlierstagesofchildhood,makingitdifficulttogettotherootoftheseproblems.oursurveyoffersusthisopportuni-ty.agoodunderstandingofthemechanismsinvolvedinthege-nerationoftheseproblemsisoneofthekeysforfamiliesaswellasgovernmentstobeabletochanneltheirenergy,timeandmoney

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inthemostefficientwaypossibleandinthiswaybeabletopro-motechangesthatcontributetothewell-beingofchildren.

6.1. Aweightyproblem:theroAdtoobesity

Body weight reflects the balance between energy intake (theingestionof food) andenergyexpenditure.When children areveryyoung, theyareabletoregulatetheproper intake,butastheygetolderthe influenceofexternalsocial factorsbecomesmoreimportant(Birch,1987).childhoodisacrucialstageinlifein termsofdefining foodpreferences and tastes aswell as foracquiringhabitsthatpromotephysicalactivity.Parentspreparemost of the meals children eat (when they are not eating atschool), decide on their distribution throughout the day anddecideonthetypeandquantityoffoodthechildisgoingtoeat;theyare inchargeofandmonitorenergy intake, and theyareresponsible for teaching children about the qualities of foodsandthebehavioursthatmustbeobservedduringmealtimes.

Inreality,whataffectsthehealthofthechildisnotsomuchweightbuttheamountofbodyfatoradiposity.Indeed,themosteffectivetreatmentstoimprovechildren’shealthhavefocusedonreducingadipositywithoutalteringweight(americandieteticassociation,2006).althoughtherearecomplexwaystomeasureadiposity,themostcommonisthebodymassindex(BmI),whichiscalculatedbydividingweightinkilogramsbyheightincentimetressquared.Inaddition,whensexandagearetakenintoaccount,thecalculationofbodymass indexprovidesavery roughmeasureofbody fat(Johnson-Taylor and everhart, 2006). In adults, body weight ismeasured using the BmI. however, in the case of children this

ismoreproblematic sinceweightgainandchanging shapearepartofthegrowthprocessitself.TakingintoaccountthattheBmIvariesaccordingtosexandageinchildhood,studieshavegenerallyutilizedfortheircalculationstheBmIpercentilesorthestandarddeviations(Z score)(Johnson-Taylorandeverhart,2006).

In recent years, there has been a considerable increase in theprevalenceofoverweightinchildhood.Todayoneoutofeverytenschool-agechildreninalloftheworldisoverweight(lobsteinet al., 2004).IntheUnitedstates,itisestimatedthat17percentofthechildrenbetween6and11yearsofageareobese(inotherwords,theirbodymassindexisabovethe95thpercentile)andoneoutofthreeareoverweight(BmI≥85thpercentile),accordingtodatafrom2003-2006(ogdenet al.,2006).Inspain,usinginternationalmeasurement standards of reference for weight and heightaccordingtoage,aranceta-Bartrina et al.,(2005)calculatedthatintheyear2000,14.5percentofthechildrenbetween6and9yearsofagewereabovethe85thpercentile,butbelowthe97thpercentile,and15percenthadaweightabovethe97thpercentile(aranceta-Bartrina,et al., 2005).2

childhood obesity has been shown to be associated withdiverse health problems, such as asthma and sleep apnoea,earlyonsetoftype2diabetesormenstrualirregularity(mustet al., 2003). The physiological consequences in childhood tendto last long, multiplying the risks of obesity in adulthood orsufferingfromchronicdiseases(serdulaet al.,1993;Thompson

2 Ingeneral,oneisconsideredoverweightiftheBmIisabovethe85thpercentileandobeseifabovethe95thpercentileforthesameageandsex,accordingtorecommendationsoftheeuropeanchildhoodobesitygroup.Butsomeauthorshavechosendifferentthresholds,suchasthe90thand97thpercentilestodefineoverweightandobesity,respectively.Becauseofthis,onoccasionitisdifficulttoestablishcomparisonsbetweenthefindingsofdifferentstudiesgiventhatthecriteriaemployedtodefineoverweightandobesityarenotthesame:notever-yoneusesthesametablesasareferenceorthesamecut-offpoint.

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et al., 2007). obesity in childhood also has psychological andsocial consequences. much research has documented thestigmatization and marginalization suffered by children withoverweight(sweetinget al.,2005;storchet al.,2007),aswellastheemotionalconsequencesofbeingdiscriminatedagainstbypeers,with the consequential increase in the risk of sufferingfromproblemsof lowself-esteemordepression (storchet al.,2007).Intheworstofcases,obesitycanleadtoadownwardspiralofsocio-economic,relationshipandmentalproblemsthatfeedoneachother.childrenwhoareobeseoftenfindthemselvesonthefirststepsofapaththatcan leadtodiversecomplicationsin the future, not only of a medical nature but also socialandpsychological(ferraroandkelly-moore,2003;crosnoeandlopez-gonzález,2005).

ourstudyisbasedondataprovidedbyparentsabouttheirchildren.Instudieswithalargesamplelikeours,thismethodturnsouttobemoreviablethandirectmeasurement.however,thedeclaredweightsandheightsareusuallybiased, requiringcaution in theinterpretation of the results (Bogaert et al., 2003). To constructtheBmIwehaveutilizedthechildgrowthstandardsforschool-agechildrenof theWorldhealthorganization(Whoreference,2007).childrenwhoareplacedtwostandarddeviationsabovethemeanareconsideredobese.

ThedatafromtheSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood,likeotherstudies,suggeststhatparentsaremorelikelytoknowtheirchild’sweightthantheheight.Intheanalysiscarriedout,takingintoaccountageandsex,thecaseswithabiologicallyimpossibleweightandheightwereeliminated.fromthe totalof1,148parentsofchildrenbetween5and10interviewed,wegota

sampleof847withplausiblemeasurements forchildren’sweightandheight.3

Theaverageheightofchildreninthesampleis128cm,andtheaverageweightis30.3kilograms.IfwecomparethesefigureswiththeinternationalreferenceestablishedbytheWho(Internationalreference population), the children of our sample are slightlytaller and weigh about half a standard deviation more. Theirbodymass index is above thatof the referencepopulationbyoverhalfastandarddeviation.Thisindicatesthatapproximatelyhalfofthechildren(46percent)areinthenormalrange,while14percentareunderweight,24percentareoverweight;12percentobeseand4.6percentsufferfrommorbidobesity.

tAble6.1:distributionofboysandgirlsinweightcategories,bybodymassindex

childrenfrom5to10yearsofage

WeIghTcaTegorIes

nUmBerofcases

PercenTageToTal gIrls BoYs

Underweight 115 14 12 14

normalweight 390 46 54 40

overweight 202 24 23 24

obesity 101 12 9.0 15

morbidobesity 39 4.6 2.0 7.0

total 847 100 100 100


3 given thatwedonot have a very large sample, and in order tomaintain the reliability of our results,weminimizethenumberofcontrolsweintroduceintoouranalysistomaintainadequaterepresentationoffamiliesandchildrenineachofthecategories.

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althoughalargepartofthechildpopulationhasanormalweight,boystendtoweighmoreandhaveagreaterprobabilityofbeingintheproblematiccategories(bothforunderweightandobesity).Thedifferencesareespeciallymarkedformorbidobesity,whichaffects7percentofboysand2percentofgirls.Theoddsratioforbeingobeseforgirlsishalfthatofboysofthesameage.

Inthenextsectionwewillanalyzesomeoftheprimarydeterminantsofweight for spanish children between 5 and 10 years of agebasedonthesamplefromoursurvey.Withthegoaloffacilitatingtheinterpretationofthefindingsandgiventhelimitationsofthesample, we will differentiate solely between obese and non-obesechildren.Wehavedesignatedas«obese»the16.7percentofchildrenwhohavelevelsofobesityormorbidobesity.alloftherest (including thosewhohave lower thannormalweights)arecategorizedas«non-obese».

(a)fathers’andmothers’weight

oneofthemostimportantpredictorsofthebodymassindexofchildrenisthebodymassindexoftheirparents.Thereisageneticcomponentintherelationshipbetweenone’sownweightandtheweightoffamilymembers.Inoursample,motherstendedtomaintainnormalweightsmoreoftenthanfathers.TheaverageBmIofmotherswas23.6(normalweight),whilethatofthefathersenteredinthecategoryofoverweight,withanaverageof26.3.Infact,only27percentofthechildrenhadbothparentsinthenormal category. 5 percent had at least one parent withunderweight (in80percentof thecases thiswas themother),andoneoutoffivechildrenhadat leastoneobeseparent (inalmost70percentofthecases,thefather).

manystudiessuggestthatthemother’sweighthasmoreinfluencethandoesthefather’sweightontheweightofthechild.however,in our sample the relationship is the opposite, and the child’sweightappearstobeslightlymorecorrelatedwiththeweightofthefather(r=0.16)thanwiththatofthemother(r=0.14).Thesecorrelationsarealsolowerthanthosereportedinotherstudies:the BmI of the father and mother explains approximately 4percentof thevariation intheBmIof thechildren.still,achildwithanobesefatherhasalmost3timeshigheroddsofalsobeingobese,andachildwithanobesemotherhas80percenthigherodds of being obese comparedwith a child whosemother isnormalweight.

(b)socioeconomiccharacteristicsandhouseholdstructure

Inadditiontothegeneticpredispositiontooverweight,wemustalsolookattheinfluenceofnewhabitsandbehavioursaswellasothersocialfactorsontheincreaseinchildhoodobesitythathastakenplaceinrecentyears.asseeninearlierchapters,children’sdevelopmentduringthefirststagesofchildhoodismarkedbytheir home environment. This is especially true in the case ofweight.Whenchildrenaresmall,theparentshaveaninfluenceover their diet, the physical or sedentary character of theiractivities,andexpectationsaboutthebodyandtheimportancegiventotakingcareofit(golanet al.,2004).Tobetterunderstandthe influence of socioeconomic and attitudinal factors onchildhoodobesitywewillreturntosomeofthefactorsanalyzedinpreviouschapters.

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grAph6.1:Probabilityofchildrenbeingobese,byparents’weight


0,000,020,040,060,080,100,120,140,16 Padre

Madre

ObesidadSobrepesoPeso normal

OBESITY

PROBABILITY

OVERWEIGHTNORMAL WEIGHT

Madre PadrePeso normal 0,029171 0,0197Sobrepeso 0,0417 0,04Obesidad 0,1288 0,1514

0.00

0.02

0.04

0.06

0.08

0.10

0.12

0.14

0.16

Mother Father

note:Theprobabilityiscalculatedbasedonlogisticregressionmodelsinwhichthedependentvariablehadtwovalues:1)Thechildisobese;0)Thechildisnotobese.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingday,mothers’weightandfather’sweight.


In earlier chapters, we looked at diverse evidence on therelationship between the socioeconomic characteristics offamiliesandchildren’swell-being.Thechildrenofwell-offfamiliestendtogrowupincontextsmorefavourablefortheirdevelopment.however, the following tables indicate that the relationshipbetweenhouseholdincomelevelandobesityisnotverystrong.although descriptive data suggest that there are a lowerproportion of obese children among those who come from

familieswithhigherincomes,thedifferencesarenotstatisticallysignificant. In fact,whenwecontrol forother factors (mother’slevel of education and employment status), the relationshipdisappears,whichsuggeststhatthedifferencesmustbeexplainedby other characteristics of the child and his or her family (seetable6.2).morethanincome,withoutadoubt,themostimportantexplanatoryfactoristheeducational leveloftheparent.aswewill see later on, this is a relationship repeatedwith theotherindicatorsanalyzedinthischapter:socio-emotionalcompetenceandtheresponsetodemandsofschool.childrenwhoseparentshavecompletedsecondaryeducationhavealoweroddsratioforbeing obese than children who come from households withlowereducationallevels.Iftheparentshaveauniversityeducation,the odds ratio for being obese is even lower. In this case, theeducational levelofthemotherhasgreaterexplanatorypowerthanthatofthefather.Ifwecontrolfortheinfluenceofparentaleducation,othersocioeconomicfactors,suchasparentalincomelevel and employment status, do not explain the variation inobesityamongchildren(ascanbeseeninthelastcolumn).

another socioeconomic factor significantly associated withriskof obesity is immigrant status. Thepercentageof childrenof immigrant origin having problems with obesity is greaterthan that of autochthonous children (21 percent and 16percent respectively). If we control for the effect of othersociodemographic factors, childrenbetween5and10yearsofagewhoareofimmigrantoriginhavean80percenthigherriskofsufferingobesitythanthechildrenofspanishparents.

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tAble6.2:obesityinchildren,bysocioeconomiccharacteristicsofhousehold

Inpercentages.childrenfrom5to10yearsofage

socIoeconomIccharacTerIsTIcs PercenTage oddsraTIo(a) oddsadJUsTedraTIo(b)

householdincome

lessthan€1,200 18 1 1

from€1,201to€2,000 20 1.28 1.32

from€2,001to€3,000 17 0.97 1.25

from€3,001to€5,000 15 0.82 1.36

morethan€5,000 4.2 0.20* 0.35†

parents’origin

native 16 1 1

Immigrant 21 1.45 1.78*


employmentstatus

doesnotwork 18 1 1

Workspart-time 17 0.88 0.99

Worksfull-time 15 0.74 0.91

educationlevel

Primary 22 1 1

secondary 17 0.69† 0.66†

University 17 0.48** 0.46**

Father’scharacteristics

employmentstatus

doesnotwork 26 1 1



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an importantaspect tobear inmind in relation to the familysituation is family structure; that is, which people live withthechildandthus,formpartofhisorherdailylife.oneofthemoststudiedaspectsiswhethertheabsenceofoneparentinthehomeaffects indicatorsofwell-being.researchon familystructure and obesity is limited. even so, the assumption isthatchildrenwho livewithonlyoneparent runagreater riskofhavingunhealthyeatinghabitsbecauseofbeingsubjecttolowerlevelsofparentalcontrol,duetothedifficultiesinvolvedindoingthisjobalone.IntheSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhoodwehaveaverysmallsampleofsingle-parent families, which limits our capacity to reach relevantconclusions.only7.1percentofoursampleofchildrenfrom5to10yearsofagelivesinasingle-parenthome.Theresultsofouranalysis,however,pointintheexpecteddirection:childrenwho live with only one parent have a greater probability ofbeingobesethanthosewholivewithbothparents,althoughthedifferencesarenotstatisticallysignificant.

a large number of international studies have concluded thatthepresenceofotheradults in thehomecanbebeneficial forchildhoodhealth.amongthemostsignificantevidenceforthisisthatitisoftenpointedoutthatchildrenwholivewithoroftenspendtimewithagrandmothertendtoobtainbetterscoresondifferentindicatorsofwell-being,includingsurvival(mace,2000)andgrowingupwithouthealthproblems (duflo, 2003). In theUnitedstates,Pope(1993)relatedlivingwithagrandmothertohighercognitivecapacities,betterbehaviourandhealthatthreeyearsofage.regardingnutritionandriskofobesity,thepresenceofadditionaladultsinthehome,aboveallgrandmothers,couldbeespecially importantgiven that they areoften in chargeofcaring for the children and the preparation of meals. Theirpresence in thehomecan increasethe levelsofsupervisionofchildren’shabits andpromotemealpreparationathome.Thatsaid,itisalsopossiblethatgrandparentsaremoretolerantoftheirgrandchildreneatingmore,ortheyaremorelikelytogivethemfatteningfoods(sweets,candy,etc.)andthatingeneral,theyare

educationlevel

Primary 18 1 1

secondary 17 0.9 0.89

University 14 0.71 0.74

†significancelevelof10%*significancelevelof5%**significancelevelof1%***significancelevelof1‰note:a)Probabilityofchildbeingobese.b)Probabilityofchildbeingobese,socioeconomicconditionsbeingequal.


(continue)

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lessconcernedaboutthenegativeconsequencesofchildhoodobesity(Jianget al.,2007).

In line with these results, spanish children who live withgrandparents have a significantly higher probability of beingobese(table6.3).childhoodobesityisarelativelyrecentprobleminspain,aboutwhicholdergenerationsarenotwell-informed.Inaddition,perhapsthefactthatmanyofthemexperiencedfoodshortagesintheirownchildhood(oratleastseriousrestrictions

in the rangeofproductsavailable) could reduce their concernabout obesity in their grandchildren. It is doubtful, therefore,thatthepresenceofgrandparentsinthehomecancontributetoincreasingthelevelsofcontrolovertheirgrandchildren’shabitsandlimittheamounttheyingest.Infact,researchcarriedoutinothercountriessuggeststhatgrandmothersputalotofpressureonmotherswhentheythinkthattheirgrandchildrenaretoothin(Brusset al.,2003).

tAble6.3:obesityinchildren,bycompositionofhousehold


comPosITIonofhoUsehold PercenTage oddsraTIo(b) oddsadJUsTedraTIo(c)

householdstructure

Twoparents 16 1 1

single-parent 22 1.44 1.34

siblings

donotresideinthehome(a) 17 1 1

resideinthehome 16 0.92 0.91

grandparents

donotresideinthehome 16 1 1

resideinthehome 26 1.86* 1.73†

†significancelevelof10%*significancelevelof5%**significancelevelof1%***significancelevelof1‰note:a)Thecategory«donotreside»combinesthecasesinwhichthechilddoesnothavesiblingsandthoseinwhichhe/shedoes,buttheydonotresideinthehome.b)Probabilityofchildbeingobese.c)Probabilityofchildbeingobese,socioeconomicconditionsbeingequal.


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(c)Parentalstyles

dailyroutinesandsedentaryhabitshaveaconsiderableinfluenceontheriskofbeingoverweight.Thetimechildrenspendinfrontofthescreen(television,computerorvideoconsole)andchildhoodobesityhaveincreasedsimultaneouslyinrecentyears.despitethis,researchhasnotyieldedclearfindingsregardingtherelationshipbetween obesity and the time that children spend watchingtelevision or playing video games. apparently, the relationshipbecomesstrongerafter10yearsofage(marshallet al.,2004;rey-lopez, 2008). In linewith this, our analysis does not reveal theexistenceofa relationshipbetween theactivitieschildrendoathome–thatis,thefrequencywithwhichtheywatchtelevision,playvideogames,practicesportsoreatwiththeirparents–andtherisksofobesityamongchildrenbetween5and10yearsofage.lookingat parents’ assessments of the amount of time they sharewiththeir children–independent fromhow they spend that time–wefindthatthisdoeshaveaninfluenceontheriskofobesity.graph6.2showsthattheprobabilityofsufferingfromobesityishigherinchildrenwhoseparentsstatethattheydonotspendenoughtimewiththeirchildren.Theamountoftimethefatherdedicatesisapparentlymorecrucialthanthatofthemother,especiallywhenitisnotenoughtime.

grAph6.2:Probabilityofchildbeingobese,byparents’perceptionoftheamountoftimetheyspendwithhim/her


0,00

0,05

0,10

0,15

0,20

0,25 Percepción del tiempo que la madre pasa con su hijo/a

Percepción del tiempo que el padre pasa con su hijo/a

Mas que suficienteSuficienteInsuficiente

MORE THAN ENOUGH

PROBABILITY

ENOUGHNOT ENOUGH

Insuficiente Suficiente Mas que suficientePercepción del tiempo que el padre pasa con su hijo/a 0,191 0,112 0,101Percepción del tiempo que la madre pasa con su hijo/a 0,158 0,142 0,102

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

Mother’s perception about amount of time father spends with child

Mother’s perception about amount of time spent with child

note:Theresponsesofmothersontheirperceptionoftheamountoftimetheyspendandthefatherspendswiththechildwerecollected.Probabilityiscalculatedbasedonalogisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)thechildisobese;0)childisnotobese.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedinto themodel: age of child, sex of child, origin of parents,mother’s education level,mother’sworking day,mother’sperceptionoftimefatherspendswithchildandperceptionoftimeshespendswithchild.


Today thereare stillmanyquestionsabout theway inwhich thefamily influences theweight of its youngestmembers. In fact, itseemsthattheparents’commitmenttopromotinghealthyeatingcanendupbackfiring.forexample,galloway(2006)hasfoundthatparentalpressureonchildrentoeathealthyfoodisnotusuallyverysuccessful.otherresearchhasevenindicatedthatchildrenwhoare

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notallowedtoeatorarerestrictedfromeatingcertainharmfulfoodstendtoeatthosemoreandgainweight(clarket al.2007).attheotherextreme,anexcessivepermissivenessorlackofsupervisionofchildren’seatinghabitscanleadtosituationsofpersistentobesityand/or nutritional deficiencies (Brann and skinner, 2005). ourresearchsupportsthesefindings.Theriskofsufferingfromobesitybetween5and10yearsofageinspainisrelatedtothepatternsofcontrolandpermissivenessofparents.Inthisregard,thefather’sinvolvementcanbecrucial.Utilizingdatafromoursurvey,thereisevidencethatinthehomeswherethefatherparticipatesintenselyincaringforhischildrenthereisalowerprobabilityofthechildrenbeingobese. Incontrast, childrenwhose fathersare«traditional,»«pre-disposed,»or«uncommitted,»whereonlythemotherorneitherparentisinvolvedinthechild’slife,haveasignificantlyhigherriskofobesity,socioeconomicfactorsbeingequal.4

4 Thesetypesoffatherhoodaredefinedinchapter4.seepages91-93.

grAph6.3:Probabilityofchildbeingobese,bytypeoffatherhood


0,00

0,05

0,10

0,15

0,20

0,25 No comprometida

Predispuesta

Tradicional

Adaptativa

Responsable

Intensa

Intensa Responsable Adaptativa Tradicional Predispuesta No comprometida0,132 0,140 0,131 0,194 0,191 0,234

PROBABILITY

INTENSE RESPONSIBLE ADAPTIVE TRADITIONAL PREDISPOSED UNCOMMITTED

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

TYPES OF FATHERHOOD

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)thechildisobese;0)childisnotobese.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mothers’educationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandparentingstyles.


(d)friendshipsandfreetime

Thenegativesocialandpsychologicalramificationsofadolescentobesitymay be as damaging as its consequences for physicalhealth. obese children face social problems such as teasing,systematicdiscrimination,mistreatment,exclusionandchronicvictimization, evenmore than childrenwith other stigmatizedattributes(storch,2007;sweeting,2005).childrenhavenegative

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attitudestowardsobesechildren,andthesenegativefeelingsareheldevenbychildrenwhoarethemselvesobese(staffieri,1967;cramer and steinwert, 1998). as children enter adolescence,parental influence on body-image weakens, and instead, theimportanceofpeeropinionbecomesstronger. Inadolescence,weightbecomesamajoryardsticktomeasureself-worth.

obesity in childhood can lead to an accumulation of adversesituations.obesechildrenhaveagreaterprobabilityofsufferingfrompsychologicalproblems suchasdepressionand low self-esteem, as well as expressing dissatisfaction with their ownbodies (strauss, 2000; storchet al. 2007;hainesandneumark-sztainer,2006).moreover, they tend tobemorewithdrawn, toconsider themselves bad students, to have lower educationalexpectationsandtosufferagreaternumberofattemptedsuicides(falkner et al.2001).InpreviousstudiescarriedoutintheUnitedstates, we studied the direction of causality with longitudinalstudies(Jacksonandargeseanu,2010).Withasampleofnorthamericanchildren,wefoundthat(non-obese)childrenwhohavebeendiagnosedwithdepressionhaveahigherriskofbecomingobese three years after the initial diagnosis of depression, butchildrendiagnosedwithobesitywerenotmorelikelythannon-obesechildrentodevelopdepression in thesametimeperiod(Papadopoulos et al. 2010). These findings suggest that lowsocio-emotional competence and depression are at the originofobesityandnotthereverse.WiththeresultsfromourSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhooditisnotpossibletoreconstructthedirectionofcausalitygiventhatthiswasnotalongitudinalstudy.symptomsofemotionaldistressandmeasurementsofweightwererecorded inasinglemoment intime.Butthefindingsdorevealevidenceofthesameassociations

found in the study carried out in the United states. childrendescribedbytheirparentsasshy,sadandwithatendencytobefearfulhaveahigherprobabilityofbeingobese(seegraph6.4).

grAph6.4:Probabilityofchildbeingobese,bylevelofsymptomsofdepression


0,00

0,05

0,10

0,15

0,20

0,25

0,30 probability

probability 0,14074844 0,152184086 0,164371127 0,177329987 0,191076894 0,205623121 0,220974216 0,237129259 0,254080164

MAXIMUM LEVEL

PROBABILITY

DEPRESSION SYMPTOMS INDEX

MINIMUM LEVEL

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

0.30

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)thechildisobese;0)childisnotobese.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandlevelof child’s symptomsofdepression.Thedepressionsymptoms index is the sumofparental responsesofagreementordisagreementwiththefollowingstatementsabouttheirchild:«he/sheissometimessad,»«she/heissometimesafraidofthingsorpeople,»«he/shegetsangrywithothers.»Theindexhasvaluesfrom0(disagreeswiththestatement)to8(stronglyagreeswiththestatement).


Tosummarize,theanalysiswecarriedoutsupportstheideathatobesity is the product of genetic factors and socioeconomic

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inequalities,butalsoofotherpsycho-socialprocessesthattakeplaceintheworldinwhichthechildlives.Thedynamicsofthesocialinteractionbetweenparentsandtheirchildrenaswellasbetweenchildrenandtheirpeersplayaroleinthis.Itisimportanttopointoutthatouranalysisdidnotfindevidencethatwomenworkingoutsidethehomenegativelyaffectstheriskofobesity(otherthingsbeingequal),butthereisacorrelationbetweenthedegreeofparentalinvolvementinthelifeofachildandtheriskofobesity.With respect to this, it is important tonote therolethat new forms of co-responsible parenting can play in thepreventionofobesity.Wealsodidnotfindevidencethatchildrenwhowereenrolledinpre-schoolfrom0-3yearsofageorwhoarenowinafterschoolprogrammeshaveahigherriskofdevelopingobesitythanthosewhohavenotutilizedtheseservices.

6.2. rAisingsociAllyAndemotionAllycompetentchildren

With the improvement in children’s health described at thebeginningofthischapter,society’sattentiontothewell-beingofchildrenhasexpandedto includebroadercomponentsbeyondphysical health, such as mental health and social adjustment.happinessandsociabilityarecommonindicatorsofchildwellbeingand are primary concerns for today’s parents, healthcarepractitioners, and researchers. many authors have stated thatinteractionswithotherpeopleinchildhoodprovideopportunitiestodevelopskillssuchassocial reasoning(Piaget,1932;rubinet al.2009).Inotherwords,inthecontextofsocializationwithagroupof peers, children have opportunities to question their ideas,

negotiate anddiscussdiversepoints of viewanddecidewhichargumentstheykeepandwhichonestheyreject.Theseexperiencesinteractingwithpeersarepositiveforthedevelopmentofadaptivebehaviours,includingamongothers,theabilitytoempathizewiththe thoughts and feelings of others. appropriate social andemotionalcompetenciesgivesustheabilitytomanagedifficultsituationsthatotherwisecouldleadtofights,anger,oroffensiveresponses(steiner,1998).alongtheselines,someauthorsinspainhave highlighted the importance of including socio-emotionaleducation in the design of educational curricula in order tominimize discipline problems, violence, risk behaviours andpreventtheirappearance(darder,2001;Izquierdo,2000).

In addition, the latest research shows that psycho-social well-beingisimportantnotonlyforahealthychildhoodbutthatitcanalsohave long-termconsequences.childrenwith emotionalorbehaviouralproblemsareathigherriskofdevelopingpsychologicalandsocialproblemsinadulthoodrelatedtomentalhealth,sexualrelationships, education and employment, and they are morelikely to engage in criminal activities or consume addictivesubstances(fergussonet al.2005). Inthisregard,theoecdhasrecentlyrecognizedtheneedtoextendtheattentiondedicatedto«cognitive»competencies(instudiessuchasthePIsa)toalsoinclude other types of skills that favour the development of abalancedpersonalityandthatpromotelearningprocesses,suchas assertiveness, self-motivation and the capacity to handledifferentlevelsofsocialrelationships.

children restricting access to shared activities (i.e., the act ofrejectingotherchildrenandrefusingtoletthemjoininplay)isaconsistentfeatureofsocialinteractionamongyoungchildrenand

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notnecessarilyproblematic.Itiswhentheseantisocialbehaviorsbecomethenormthatchildrenmaybeexperiencingaproblemrequiringintervention.acquiringstrategiestoovercomerejectionisessentialforchildren.strategiessuchasapproachingagroup,observingtheircommontaskortopicofconversation,andfindinga way to appropriately insert oneself into the interaction areutilizedandrefinedthroughoutchildhoodandadulthood.

children who are repeatedly refused admittance into sharedactivities are classified as “rejected children”, and repeatedrejection may be due to, or may cause, either aggressive orwithdrawnbehavior.childrenwhoarenotrejected,butstilldonottakeactivepartinsocialinteraction,arecalled“neglectedchildren”(corsaro,1997).Bothrejectedandneglectedchildrenareoftenatadisadvantageindevelopingfriendshipsandsocialcompetence,withnegativeconsequenceslastingintoadulthood(Parker,1997).

manystudieshaveconfirmedtheimportanceofsocio-emotionalcompetencies inchildhood.forexample,gilliam(2005)showedthat children with many socio-emotional problems in primaryschoolhaveathreetimesgreaterriskofbeingexpelledfromschoolthanthosewhodonothavetheseproblems.Initialdisadvantagescanhavefairlylong-rangeeffects.childrenwhohavebeenbulliedin pre-school by other children have a greater probability ofengaging in risky behaviours in adolescence and adulthood(gagnonet al., 1995).mahoneyet al. (2003) found that socialcompetenceduringpre-adolescenceisassociatedwithhighereducationalexpectationsinadolescenceandhighereducationalachievementattheageof20.socialandemotionalcompetencies,whicharemanifested in theability to interactpositivelywith

others, improve individuals’ employability. In personnelselectionprocessestheevaluationofthesetypesofqualitiesisincreasingly more common with the objective of creatingdynamicsofmutual understanding amongmembersofworkteamsandthereforecontributingtothegenerationofapositiveworkingenvironment.

for the analysis of emotional and behavioural problems inchildhooddeveloped in this section,wehaveused an adaptedversion of achenbach’s child Behaviour checklist (1992). In oursurvey parentswere asked towhat extent they agreewith thefollowingthirteenstatementswith respect to theirchildren:he/shelikesspendingtimewithotherpeople;he/shegetsintoconflictsorfights;he/shelikestobotherothers;he/shelikestolaugh;he/she is sometimes sad; he/she sometimes feels alone; he/she isnormallyinagoodmood;he/shelosescontroleasily;he/shecan’tbe still; he/she is shy;he/she likes to trynew things; he/she issometimesafraidofthingsorofpeople;andhe/sheoftengetsangry with others. for each behaviour, the parents had threepossible response choices; «strongly agree,» «partly agree,»«disagree.» In the literature, behaviours and attitudes similar tothose listed above fall under the umbrella of socio-emotional competence (rubinet al.,2009).Basedonparentalresponseswecreated a scale in which the highest values indicate a greatertendency tomanifest positive social and emotional behaviours.althoughitwouldbeequallyasinterestingtoanalyzethedifferentattitudesandbehavioursseparately,thisisbeyondthepossibilitiesof this study.Becauseof space considerations and to facilitateinterpretationwehaveoptedforanindextounifyandanalyzetheresponses.Theindexpermitsustoclassifychildrenintothreegroups,basedonthescoresobtainedfromthethirteenquestions

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formulated.Thechildrenincludedinthegroupwith«lowsocio-emotionalcompetence»arethosewhoreceivedscoresat leastone standard deviation below the mean, which includes 30percentofthechildren;inotherwords,thesearechildrenwhoseparentsrespondedthattheystronglyagreedwithatleastnineofthestatementsregardingproblematicbehavioursandattitudes.another40percentofthechildrenfallintothegroupof«mediumlevel socio-emotional competence» formed by those whoanswered that their children manifested negative behavioursbetween five and eight times. finally, 30 percent were in thegroupof «high socio-emotional competence,» that is, childrenwhoseparentsrespondedthattheydisagreedwhenaskediftheirchildrenweresometimessad,angrywithothers,orshyandthattheyagreedthattheirchildrenhadpositivebehaviours(suchaslaughingornormallybeinginagoodmood)inatleast9outofthe13behavioursanalyzed.

Inthefollowingpages,followingthesameschemaasinprevioussections, wewill analyze the association between problems ofsocio-emotionalcompetenceandfamilycharacteristicsandsocialenvironment.Thetablesinthissectionincludethepercentagesinthefirsttwocolumnsandtheoddsratiointhenexttwo.Thefirstoddsratiomeasuresthedirectassociationestablishedbetweentheindexofsocio-emotionalcompetenceandthecharacteristicbeinganalyzed.finally,inthelastcolumnweshowtheoddsratioadjustedforfamilysocioeconomicconditions(thatis,otherthingsbeingequal, forparents’ educational level, employment status,the sex and age of the child and national origin). In this way,controllingfortheinfluencewhichothervariablesmayhave,wecan know what effects specific family characteristics have onsocio-emotionalcompetence.

(a)socioeconomiccharacteristicsandhouseholdstructure

somestudieshavesuggestedthatthereisadirectrelationshipbetween family socioeconomic conditions and levels of socio-emotional development in children: in families with greatereconomicandeducationalresourceschildrenhavegreatersocialskills (mahoney, 2003). It is argued that families with greatereconomicandeducationalresourcesaremorelikelytoencouragetheir children to argue and defend their ideas, and in thesefamilieschildrenaremoreaccustomedtointeractingwithpeoplewithwhomtheydonotsharefamilytiesthanchildrenfrommoredisadvantagedsocialclasses (lareau,2002).Perhapsparents infamilieswithgreatereducationalresourcesarebetterpreparedtounderstandtheemotionalchangestheirchildrengothroughandtofindsolutionstoproblematicsituations.Itisalsopossiblethat this associationbetween social class and socio-emotionalcompetencecanbeattributedtothatfactthatchildrenwholiveinhomes inmoreprecarioussituationsareexposedtoawiderrangeofsocial risksanddestabilizing factorswhichmayaffectthedevelopmentoftheircompetencies,suchasfamilybreak-upscausedbyseparationordivorce,unemploymentandeconomicinsecurity(mcleodandshanahan,1996).

ourdatasupportthisidea.Table6.4showsthatthenon-adjustedoddsratioofachildhavinglowsocio-emotionalcompetenceislower in homeswith a higher economic level than in those inmore insecure economic situations, although the result is notsufficiently robust after controlling for other socioeconomicfactors.Thebestpredictorofsocio-emotionalcompetenceistheeducational level of parents. according to the results of ouranalysis, economic and employment conditions being equal,

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tAble6.4:levelofsocio-emotionalcompetenceofchildren,bysocioeconomiccharacteristicsofhousehold


socIoeconomIccharacTerIsTIcs

loWsocIo-emoTIonal

comPeTence

mIdsocIo-emoTIonal

comPeTence

hIghsocIo-emoTIonal

comPeTenceoddsraTIo adJUsTed

oddsraTIo(a)

householdincome

lessthan€1,200 38 34 28 1 1

from€1,201to€2,000 31 45 24 0.73† 0.81

from€2,001to€3,000 30 41 30 0.69† 0.84

from€3,001to€5,000 21 42 37 0.44*** 0.66

morethan€5,000 9.7 45 45 0.17* 0.31†

parents’origin

native 28 42 30 1 1

Immigrant 38 38 24 1.60** 1.67**


employmentstatus

doesnotwork 32 40 28 1 1

Workspart-time 31 40 29 0.97 1.11

Worksfull-time 25 44 31 0.72* 0.88

educationlevel

Primary 36 41 23 1 1

secondary 31 40 29 0.78† 0.83

University 21 44 35 0.46*** 0.60*

Father’scharacteristics

employmentstatus

doesnotwork 34 39 26 1 1

Workspart-time 34 44 22 0.98 0.97

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thereislowerriskoflowsocio-emotionalcompetenceinhomeswithgreatereducationalresources;inotherwords,parentswithhigherlevelsofeducationtendtoraisemoresociablechildren,lessprone tohavebehaviouralproblems (suchasgetting intofights) or attitudinal problems (sadness, shyness). economicresources or the employment status of parents are no longersignificant,educationalconditionsbeingequal. It is interestingtonotethattheemploymentstatusofparentsdoesnotseemtosignificantly affect the level of socio-emotional competence.concretely, it isstrikingthatthechildrenofmotherswhoworkfull-time are at lower risk for socio-emotional problems thanthoseofmotherswhodonotwork, although theeffect isnotsignificantaftercontrollingforothersocioeconomicfactors.

children of immigrant origin also face additional difficultiesrelated to socio-emotional competence. The percentage ofchildrenwith lowsocio-emotional competence ishigher in the

homes of the foreign population than in spanish homes (38percent and 28 percent, respectively). The adverse economicsituationsexperiencedinthesehomescouldpartiallyexplainthisdifference(marí-kloseet al.,2008ª).Itshouldbenoted,however,thatthedisadvantageofchildrenofimmigrantoriginismaintainedevenwhentheyarecomparedtochildrenwhocomefromfamiliesin similar socioeconomic conditions. This finding is consistentwith the evidence gathered in other countries with significantlevels of immigration. It is probably symptomatic of the greateffort required to adapt tonew social norms, andoften a newlanguage. some children of foreign origin might have gonethrough themigratory process themselves, which, even if thisoccursatanearlyage,tendstohaveadestabilizingeffect.alongwiththedifficultiesinvolvedinintegrationwhenthereareculturaldifferences, changingone’s countrybringsamongother thingschangesinroutines,separationfromfamilyandfriends,andonoccasion,havingtofaceridicule,hostilityorexclusionfromother

Worksfull-time 27 42 31 0.72* 0.85

educationlevel

Primary 33 41 27 1 1

secondary 31 42 27 0.86 0.98

University 20 42 38 0.49*** 0.69††significancelevelof10%*significancelevelof5%**significancelevelof1%***significancelevelof1‰note:a)Probabilityofchildhavinglowsocio-emotionalcompetence,withrespecttoprobabilityofhavingaverageorhighsocio-emotionalcompetence,socioeconomicconditionsbeingequal.


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children. There is abundant research about immigrant childrenandadolescentsintheUnitedstatesandothercountrieswithalonger migratory history than spain, which describes thesedestabilizingeffectsinwhathasbeencalledthe1.5generation–childrenofimmigrantoriginwhoarriveinanothercountryatanearlyage(suarez-orozcoandTodorova,2008;kasinitzet al.,2008).

Table 6.5 shows the relationship between socio-emotionalcompetenceandfactorsrelatedtothestructureinthehome.35

percentofthechildrenwholiveinsingle-parenthomesfallintothecategoryoflowsocio-emotionalcompetence,comparedto29 percent of those who live in two parent homes. But thedifferencesarenotstatisticallysignificant(probablybecauseofthelowrepresentationofsingle-parentfamilies inthesample).neitherarethedifferencessignificantbetweenhomesinwhichthe child has siblings and those where he/she does not, orbetween homes where the child lives with grandparents andthosewherehe/shedoesnot.

tAble6.5:levelofsocio-emotionalcompetenceofchildren,bycompositionofhousehold


comPosITIonofhoUsehold

loWsocIo-emoTIonal

comPeTence

mIdsocIo-emoTIonal

comPeTence

hIghsocIo-emoTIonalcomPeTence

oddsraTIo(b) adJUsTedoddsraTIo(c)

householdstructure

Twoparents 29 42 30 1 1

single-parent 35 41 24 1.34 1.19

siblings

donotresideinthehome(a) 29 45 26 1 1

resideinthehome 29 40 31 0.98 1.02

grandparents

donotresideinthehome 29 42 30 1 1

resideinthehome 34 39 27 1.29 1.16

note:a)Thecategory«donotreside»combinesthecasesinwhichthechilddoesnothavesiblingsandthoseinwhichhe/shedoes,buttheydonotresideinthehome.b)Probabilityofchildhaving lowsocio-emotionalcompetence,with respect toprobabilityofhavingaverageorhighsocio-emotionalcompetence.c)Probabilityofchildhaving lowsocio-emotionalcompetence,with respect toprobabilityofhavingaverageorhighsocio-emotionalcompetence,socioeconomicconditionsbeingequal.


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(b)Parentingstylesandinterpersonalrelationshipsinthehome

asimportantormoreimportantthansocioeconomicconditionsin the household are interpersonal interactions. The familyatmosphere in which the child grows up is determined to agreatextentbytheinterpersonalrelationshipsbetweenparentsandchildren(shapedinturnbydifferentwaysoffatheringandmothering) and the interpersonal relationships between theparents.Inthisregard,situationsoftensioncannegativelyaffectthe emotional development of the child (anthonyet al., 2005;deater-deckard,1998).

We will begin our analysis by examining the influence offatherhoodonchildren’slevelofsocio-emotionalcompetence.Table 6.6 shows that childrenwho live in homeswhere thefathers are less involved in their lives (with «adaptive» and«traditional» forms of fatherhood, and in the remainingcategorywherebothmothersandfathersarenotveryinvolvedinchildren’slives)tendtohavelowerlevelsofsocio-emotionalcompetencethanthose inhomeswherethefathersexercise«intense»or«responsible» fatherhood.Theeffect isnotveryrobust after controlling for socioeconomic factors but theanticipateddirectionremains.

tAble6.6:levelofsocio-emotionalcompetenceofchildren,byparentingstyles

Inpercentages:childrenfrom5to10yearsofage

TYPesoffaTherhoodloW

socIo-emoTIonalcomPeTence

mIdsocIo-emoTIonal

comPeTence

hIghsocIo-emoTIonal

comPeTenceoddsraTIo adJUsTed

oddsraTIo(a)

Intense 23 44 33 1 1

responsible 27 40 32 1.28 1.24

adaptive 34 37 29 1.79* 1.68†

Traditional 36 42 22 1.88* 1.64†

Predisposed 22 48 30 0.97 0.91

Uncommitted 39 41 20 2.13* 1.84

†significancelevelof10%*significancelevelof5%note:a)Probabilityofchildhavinglowsocio-emotionalcompetence,withrespecttoprobabilityofhavingaverageorhighsocio-emotionalcompetence,socioeconomicconditionsbeingequal.


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oneinterestingfindingisthatthebenefitsofcognitivestimulationactivitiesdescribedinchapter3arenotexclusivelycognitivebutalsosocialandemotional.ascanbeseeningraph6.5,parentswhodo cognitive stimulating activities with their children (readingthemstoriesanddoingcraftswiththem)havechildrenwhoarelessvulnerablefromasocio-emotionalperspective.Therelationship

between cognitive stimulation and socio-emotional capacityalsoremainssignificant,socioeconomicconditionsinthehomebeingequal.

Therearetwoelementsrelatedtotheinteractionbetweenparentsandchildrenthathavebeenshowntobekeyinexplaininglowsocio-emotional competence in children: the use of sanctions(suchasthethreatofpunishment,givingthemtimetoreflectontheiractions,punishingthembydifferent formsofdeprivation,yellingatthemorspankingthem)andlevelofstressthatisfeltbyparents.ascanbeseeninthefollowinggraphs,theuseofsanctionsisclearlyassociatedwith lowsocio-emotionalcompetence.Theuseofpositivereinforcement(congratulatingthechildforthingsdonewell) reveals no relationship to the probability of havinglow socio-emotional competence (although, significantly, theredoesexistapositivecorrelationwiththelikelihoodofhighsocio-emotional competence). In contrast, the relationship betweenthe frequency of sanctions and low socio-emotional capacitiesremains for different disciplinary methods. evidently, the datamustbeinterpretedwithcautionbecausewecannotdisentanglethedirectionofcausality.Wecanappealheretootherresearchontheseissues.studiescarriedoutinothercountrieswithlongitudinalsamplessupporttheideathattheabuseofdisciplinarymethodsisattheoriginofemotionalandbehaviouralproblems,andtheyminimizetheimportanceofthealternativehypothesis(gershoff,2002;grogan-kaylor,2005).

grAph6.5:Probabilityofchildhavinglowsocio-emotionalcompetence,bydegreeofexposuretocognitivelystimulatingactivities


05

10152025303540

Estimulación cognitiva altaMedio-AltaMediaBajaEstimulación cognitiva nula

Estimulación cognitiva nula Baja Media Medio-Alta Estimulación cognitiva alta31,96076211 35,71913174 32,94716661 27,35717877 19,80422395

HIGH COGNITIVESTIMULATION

PROBABILITY

DEGREE OF EXPOSURE TO COGNITIVELY STIMULATING ACTIVITIES

NO COGNITIVESTIMULATION

LOW MID MID-HIGH

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

0.30

0.35

0.40

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)thechildhaslowsocio-emotionalcompetence;0)childdoesnothavelowsocio-emotionalcompetence.seedetaileddefinitiononpages158-159.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayanddegreeofexposuretocognitivelystimulatingactivities.


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grAph6.6:Probabilityofchildhavinglowsocio-emotionalcompetence,byfrequencyofuseofrewardsandpunishments


0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70 Le hace reflexionar

Le felicita

Le da un cachete

Le castiga

Le amenaza con castigarle

Le levanta la voz o grita

DAILYALMOST DAILY

PROBABILITY

OCCASIONALLYNEVER

Le levanta la voz o grita 47,67047774 42,2566025 23,10754802 13,69037134Le amenaza con castigarle 51,62158111 41,14161899 25,19735908 13,9180403Le castiga 59,18056311 38,23548022 27,83692323 23,4950587Le da un cachete 35,13599372 24,08423671 Le felicita 24,4129252 29,36494838 33,8426952 18,37708353Le hace reflexionar 30,31011335 31,86062302 26,21298643 17,86628878

0.00

0.10

0.30

0.20

0.50

0.40

0.60

0.70

Raise voice or shout at child

Punish child (has to stay in his/her room, not allowed to watch TV,use computer, etc)

Congratulate child on doing things well

Threaten to punish childSpank him/herGive child time to reflect onwhat he/she has done

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)Thechildhaslowsocio-emotionalcompetence;0)childdoesnothavelowsocio-emotionalcompetence.seedetaileddefinitiononpages116-118.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandfrequencyofuseofpositiveandnegativereinforcement.Thereisinsufficientdatatoestímatetheprobabilitythatachildwillhavelowsocio-emotionalcompetencewhenhis/herparentsspankhim/herdailyoralmostdaily.


Interactions between parents and children are part of a widernetworkofrelationshipsinwhichtherecanbesituationsoftensioncaused by different social and environmental circumstances.graph6.7describestherelationshipbetweenthefrequencywith

which these situationsareproduced (indifferentmodalities) andthesocio-emotionalcompetenceofthechild.Thedatashowthatindependently of the socioeconomic conditionsof the child andfamily,saidtensionsaffectthedevelopmentofthesecompetencies.

grAph6.7:Probabilityofchildhavinglowsocio-emotionalcompetence,byfrequencyoftensioninthehomeduetodifferentcauses


0,0

0,1

0,2

0,3

0,4

0,5

0,6 Tensión por estrés en el trabajo

Tensión por no disponer

Tensión por dificultades económicas

Tensión por el cuidado del niño

Tensión por el reparto de tareas domésticas

A menudoAlguna vezNunca

OFTENOCCASIONALLY

PROBABILITY

NEVER

Nunca Alguna vez A menudoTensión por el reparto de tareas domésticas 0,241121268 0,313987645 0,375535377Tensión por el cuidado del niño 0,239776906 0,417291267 0,509773005Tensión por dificultades económicas 0,261936956 0,319531559 0,418015476Tensión por no disponer 0,207434553 0,313790114 0,433530964Tensión por estrés en el trabajo 0,246507843 0,321729554 0,391780334

0.00

0.10

0.30

0.20

0.50

0.40

0.60

Tension over child careTension due to not having time to relax

Tension over division of domestic responsibilitiesTension due to economic difficulties

Tension caused by job stress

FREQUENCY OF TENSION IN THE HOME

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)Thechildhaslowsocio-emotionalcompetence;0)childdoesnothavelowsocio-emotionalcompetence.seedetaileddefinitiononpages116-118.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandfrequencyoftensionduetodifferentcauses.


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Inhomeswheresituationsoftensionoccuroften,theprobabilityofthechildhavinglowlevelsofsocio-emotionalcompetenceishigher.

6.3. theoriginsoFschooldisengAgement

Thethirdandfinalaspectrelatedtowell-beinginchildhoodthatwewillanalyzeisinterestinstudyingandbeinginschooloritsopposite,the processes leading to school disengagement and difficultieswith staying in school. Interest in studying and involvement inschool (engagement) have been defined as consisting of aconstellationofinterrelatedattitudesandbehavioursthatpromotelearninginanacademicenvironment(marks,2000;newmannet al.,1992).schoolengagementrequiresconcentration,dedicationandeffort.Incontrast,schooldisengagementinvolvesalackofattention,little interest and limited investment. The problems of schooldisengagement limitboth thecapacity to learnandeducationalperformance.

school engagement is central for bringing about academicsuccesssinceitfosterstheachievementofacademicgoalsandpreventsdroppingout(newmannet al.,1992;rumberger,1987).studentstendtoobtainbettermarkswhentheyshowaninterestin educational tasks (csikszentmihalyi and schneider, 2000).studentswhoshowhigh levelsofcommitmenttoschool tendto learnmore,bemore satisfiedwith the timespent in schoolandcontinuetostudyafterendingtheircompulsoryeducation(marks, 2000). school disengagement, on the other hand, hasbeenlinkedtolearningdelaysanddifficultiesinkeepingupwiththe prescribed academic rhythm, which in turn can lead to aspiralthatendswiththestudentdroppingout(finn,1989;marks,2000; in spain, see fernández-enguita, 2010). disengagement

can begin at an early age and can condition the educationaldevelopmentof thechild. forexample,alexanderet al. (1997)related lack of school engagement in the first year of primaryschooltothedecisiontodropoutinsecondaryschool.Therearealso studieswhich have found an association between schoolengagementandotherdimensionsinchildren’strajectories.forexample,manlove (1998) foundevidence that there is a lowerincidenceof adolescentpregnancy among studentswithhighlevelsofschoolengagement.

helpingchildren todevelopan interest in their studiesand toidentifywitheducationalgoalsiswithoutadoubtachallengeforeducators,parentsandpolicymakers.althoughthesymptomsofdisengagementthathavebeenmostanalyzed(absenteeism,graderetention,droppingout)usuallyoccurlateroninschool,the process that leads to this is forged during the first yearsofschooling.Understandingthenatureof thedeterminantsofschool engagement as well as the contextual influences andthe interpersonal relationships involved is imperative in orderto detect and prevent problems causedwhen engagement islacking.

althoughdroppingoutofschoolandeducationalperformancehavebeentheobjectofnumerousstudies,theproblemsrelatedto disengagement have not received sufficient attention. ourSurvey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood,whichhasasectiondedicatedtotheeducationofchildrenfrom5to10yearsold,offersusarareopportunitytolookcloselyatthatstageinwhichboysandgirlsmaybegintodisconnectfromschoolandatatimewhentheirdestinyhasnotyetbeenwritten.atthisearlierstage,problemswithconcentration,lackofinterest

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ordifficultiesinkeepingupwithsubjectsinschoolcanconditionstudents’progress,buttheystilldonotconstitutedeterminingfactorsforthefuture.evenwiththeseproblems,somestudentsarestillabletogetgoodmarks(martinezet al.,2004).studyingschoolengagementor theproblemsofdisengagementmakesitpossibletoanalyzetheeducationalprocessfromanewfocus,affectschildren’s livesandwell-beingbeyondtheireducationalimplications. Based on the responses given by parents, weselectedthreeindicatorsofschooldisengagementatearlystagesinchildren’seducationtrajectory:a)«theteacherhascommentedthatthechildhasproblemswithcertainmaterialorasubjectinschool»;b)«theteacherhassaidthatthechildhasproblemswithconcentrationorpayingattention»; andc) «the childdoesnotliketostudy».Theseresponsescapturedifferentdimensions:theacademicdimension(a)aswellasothersofamorepsychologicalorattitudinalnature(bandc).

asignificantnumberofparentsinoursurveyrevealedproblemsofdisengagementamongtheirchildren:between15percentand30percent,dependingonthe indicatorusedandtheageandsexofthechild.ouranalysishasconfirmedresearchcarriedoutinothercountrieswhichshowsthatatallstagesofcompulsoryeducation, boys suffer higher levels of disengagement thangirls(leeandsmith,1994).In31percentofhomes,theparentsinterviewedindicatedthattheteacherhadcommentedthattheirsonshadproblemswithconcentration,butonly19percentsaidthesamethingabouttheirdaughters;27.1percentofparentssaidthattheirsonsdidnotlikestudying,whereas18.7percentsaid the same about their daughters. finally, 19.5 percent ofboysversus15.7percentofgirlshadproblemsfollowingcertainmaterial or a certain subject in school (see graph 6.9). earlier

studies have also pointed out that disengagement increasesas children get older (Jacobs et al., 2002). our data partiallycorroboratethis.ascanbeseeningraph6.10,thereisnolinearrelationshipbetweenageanddisengagementforthedifferentcomponentsanalyzed.Thepercentageofchildrenwhodonotlike to studyorwhohaveproblemswithcertainmaterialorasubject is lowbeforeeightyearsof age (when theamountofeducationalmaterialisstilllow),andsomewhathigherlateron,buttheprevalenceofproblemswithconcentrationrevealsmoreerraticbehaviour.

grAph6.8:childrenwithproblemsofdisengagementfromschool,bysex


Boys Girls

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35 Niñas

Niños

Tiene problemas para seguir alguna asignatura No le gusta estudiarTiene problemas de concentración (a)

PROBLEMS KEEPING UP WITHSUBJECT IN SCHOOL

DON’T LIKE TO STUDYPROBLEMS CONCENTRATING (a)

Niños Niñas Tiene problemas de concentración (a) 31 19 No le gusta estudiar 27,1 18,7 Tiene problemas para seguir alguna asignatura 19,5 15,7

0

10

5

20

15

25

30

35

PERCENTAGE

note:a)childrenfrom5to10yearsofage.


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grAph6.9:childrenwithproblemsofdisengagementfromschool,byage


Problems concentrating

Don’t like to study Problems keeping up with subjects in school

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

10 años9 años8 años7 años6 años5 años

PERCENTAGE

5 YEARS 6 YEARS 7 YEARS 8 YEARS 9 YEARS 10 YEARS

0

10

5

20

15

25

30

Tiene problemas No le gusta estudiar Tiene problemas de concentración para seguir alguna asignatura

5 años 25 6 años 29 17 15 7 años 27 19 13 8 años 23 29 18 9 años 27 26 19 10 años 20 22 25


(a)socioeconomiccharacteristicsandhouseholdstructure

The level of engagement children have in school can beconsideredtheresultofacombinationofnaturalinclinationsandpredispositions,thesatisfaction(ordissatisfaction)theireducationalexperiencesbringthem,andtheexpectedreturnstheyhopetogain in the future (csikszentmihalyi, 1999).Parents, through theattentionandstimulationtheyprovidetheirchildren,playaveryimportantroleintheformationoftheirchildren’spreferencesandattitudes.Parental influenceismanifestedindifferentways.The

moststudiedistheassociationbetweenthesocioeconomicleveloftheparentsandthelevelofengagementordisengagementofthechildren(leeandsmith,1994).Thisrelationshipisconsistentwith a theory of educational attainment, according to whichparents’ education is the main predictor of the educationalattainmentofchildren(sewellandshah,1968).muchsubsequentresearchhastracedthemechanismsresponsibleforproducingthisrelationship.

The findings of the Survey on Inter and Intragenerational Relationships in Childhood confirm the relationship betweenparents’ education and children’s interest in studying andengagementinschool.dataunequivocallysuggestthatproblemswith concentration are less common among children whoseparentshavehighlevelsofeducation:29percentofalltheparentswithaprimaryschoolleveleducationsaidthattheteacherhadtoldthemtheirsonordaughterhadproblemswithconcentration,whilethishadoccurredwithonly19percentoftheparentswhohadauniversitydegree.Itisalsomorecommontofindchildrenwhoseteacherssaytheyhaveproblemskeepingupwithasubjectcoming from families with lower educational levels: in familieswheretheparentsonlyhadaprimaryschoolleveleducation,theodds ratio for having this type of problem is four times greaterthan if at least one of the parents had university studies (othersocioeconomicconditionsbeingequal).amongchildrenofparentswithsecondaryschooleducation, theoddsratio is twiceashigh.Thesefindingsremainstatisticallyrobustevenwhenadjustedfordifferentsocioeconomicfactorsinthehousehold(participationinthelabourmarketandoriginoftheparents,aswellasageandsexofthechild).Theresultsindicatethattheinfluencethelevelofparents’educationhasondisengagementisnotsimplytheproductofthe

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unequal distributionof thematerial and social conditionswhichproducedtheeducationalcredentialsof theparents.aswehaveseeninpreviouschapters,parentswithhigherlevelsofeducationtend to dedicatemore quality time to their children, participatemoreoftenincognitivestimulationactivities(andwhenthechildrenareatanearlierage),andunderstandbettertheeducationalvalueofafterschoolprogrammesandchoosethemaccordingly.childrenwhohavebenefittedfromafterschoolprogrammesfromanearly

ageareprobablybetterpreparedtomaintaintheirattentionandadapttothelearningdynamicsinschoolthanthosechildrenwhohavenothadthosekindsofexperiences.

Thethirdindicatoranalyzed(ifthechildlikesstudying)hasaweakerlevel of association with the educational level of the parents.evenso,itcanbeseenintable6.7thatinhouseholdswithhigherlevelsof education, the children are less likely todemonstrate

tAble6.7:schooldisengagementbyparents’educationlevel


PercenTage oddsraTIo(a) adJUsTedoddsraTIo(b)

mother’seducationlevel

hasproblemsconcentrating(c)

Primary 29 1 1


University 19 0.59** 0.57**

hasproblemskeepingupwithsubject

Primary 30 1 1

secondary 16 0.45*** 0.46***

University 10 0.26*** 0.28***

doesnotliketostudy

Primary 27 1 1


University 18 0.61* 0.60*

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negativeattitudestowardstudying.Itistobeexpectedthatthefamilies inwhichtheparentshavespentmoreyears inschoolwouldplacegreatervalueonstudyingandwouldtendtoputmore emphasis on instilling this value in their children fromanearlyage.however, thefact thatthisvariablehasaweakerrelationshiptotheparents’educationpoints tothepossibilitythat thisdimensionof schoolengagement ismoredifficult to

transmitandmouldatthisage,andperhapsrespondstodeeperpersonalitytraitsofthechild.

Table6.8providesinformationontheinfluenceoftheparents’employment situation on the different aspects of schoolengagement examined. as in the preceding table, we offerthe results for mothers and fathers separately. some of the

Father’seducationlevel

hasproblemsconcentrating

Primary 29 1 1


University 18 0.52*** 0.63*


Primary 25 1 1

secondary 17 0.63** 0.88

University 9.0 0.30*** 0.52*

doesnotliketostudy

Primary 27 1 1

secondary 21 0.70* 0.77

University 19 0.59** 0.69

*significancelevelof5%**significancelevelof1%***significancelevelof1‰note:a)Probabilityofchildhavingsomeproblemswithschooldisengagement,withrespecttoprobabilityofnothavingproblems.b)Probabilityofchildhavingsomeproblemswithschooldisengagement,withrespecttoprobabilityofnothavingproblems,socioeconomicconditionsbeingequal.c)childrenfrom5to10yearsofage.


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findings are to a certain extent counterintuitive; others aremorepredictable.amongthese, itshouldbehighlightedthatinhomeswherethefatherdoesnotworkthechildrentendtohave more problems, especially regarding difficulties with aschool subject, other conditionsbeingequal. The experienceofafatherbeingunemployedoreconomicallyinactivecanbeadestabilizingelementinthefamily,giventhatitoftenleadsto

situationsof tensionanduncertainty thathave repercussionson thewell-being of the children.more striking is the effectof women working. In the households where the motherworks full-time the children tend to have fewer problems ofdisengagement. The effect is not very robust, but it helps toshedlightonthesupposednegativeconsequencesofwomen’sparticipationinthelabourmarket.

PercenTage oddsraTIo(a) adJUsTedoddsraTIo(b)

mother’semploymentstatus

hasproblemsconcentrating(c)

doesnotwork 26 1 1




doesnotwork 24 1 1

Workspart-time 15 0.61* 0.72

Worksfull-time 14 0.58** 0.87

doesnotliketostudy

doesnotwork 24 1 1



tAble6.8:schooldisengagementbyparents’employmentstatus

Inpercentages,childrenfrom6to10yearsofage

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finally,itshouldbementionedthataslightlyhigherproportionofchildrenofimmigrantoriginhaveproblemskeepingupwithasubjectormaterialinschool.22.6percentoftheparentsofthesechildren said the teacher had commented that their childrenhadthesedifficulties,whilethiswasthecasewith16.7percentof children of spanish origin. This difference is statisticallysignificant when other socioeconomic factors are controlledfor. no significant differences are observed, however, in the

probability of children of immigrant origin having problemswithconcentrationornotlikingtostudy.

(b)Parentingstylesandinvolvement

Parentalinvolvementandmonitoringoftheirchildreninschoolhave repeatedly been identified as crucial in determining theadolescents’ educational results. startingwith the first studies

Father’semploymentstatus

hasproblemsconcentrating

doesnotwork 30 1 1




doesnotwork 23 1 1


Worksfull-time 17 0.53** 0.62*

doesnotliketostudy

doesnotwork 28 1 1

Workspart-time 12 0.36* 0.38*


*significancelevelof5%**significancelevelof1%note:a)Probabilityofchildhavingsomeproblemswithschooldisengagement,withrespecttoprobabilityofnothavingproblems.b)Probabilityofchildhavingsomeproblemswithschooldisengagement,withrespecttoprobabilityofnothavingproblems,socioeconomicconditionsbeingequal.c)Problemswithconcentrationcalculatedwithchildrenfrom5to10yearsofage.


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done by coleman (1988), several authors have suggestedthat school performance depends to a great extent on familycharacteristics, questioning the explanatory capacity of schoolfactors. although these approaches may overestimate theinfluence of family factors, it seems reasonable to think thatthebehavioursandattitudesofmothersandfathers,thevaluestheytransmit,and their stylesofparentingaredecisive,particularlyatearlyages,whenparentsexerciseahigherlevelofcontrolontheirchildren’sactivities.

Parental involvement in the educational and psychologicaldevelopmentof their childrencouldbeconsideredoneof theprimary responsibilities of parenting. however, not all formsand levels of involvement have the same effect. graph 6.11illustratestheeffectofparentalinvolvementontheprobabilityof a child between 6 and 10 years of age having problemswitha subjectorcertainmaterial in school, sociodemographicconditionsbeingequal.Itiseasytoseethatthelowerthelevelofparental involvement (especiallyof themother), thegreatertheriskofsufferingfromtheseproblems.Thedegreeofparentalinvolvementalsohasaneffectontheprobabilityofthechildnotlikingtostudy (graph6.2). Incontrast,wehavenotdetectedasignificanteffectfromparentalinvolvementontheprobabilityofthechildhavingproblemswithconcentration.

grAph6.10:Probabilityofchildhavingproblemskeepingupwithaschoolsubject,bydegreeofparentalinvolvement


0,000,050,100,150,200,250,300,350,400,450,50 Padre

Madre

Muy implicadoBastanteNada o poco implicado

VERY INVOLVED

PROBABILITY

DEGREE OF INVOLVEMENT

MODERATELY INVOLVED LITTLE OR NOT INVOLVED

Nada o poco implicado Bastante Muy implicadoMadre ,464 ,215 ,151Padre ,283 ,185 ,136

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

0.30

0.35

0.40

0.45

0.50

Mother Father

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)Teacherhassaidthatchildhasdifficultykeepingupwithasubject;0)Teacherhasnotsaidthis.Thefollowing variables havebeen introduced simultaneously into themodel: age of child, sex of child, origin ofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayanddegreeofparents’involvement.


asecondaspectthatwasanalyzedwastheinfluencethedifferentforms of fatherhood identified in chapter 4 have on schooldisengagement.Thefindingsagainsupport the importanceofthe father’s involvement in the prevention of disengagementproblems.childrenwhosefatherspractice«intensefatherhood»or«responsiblefatherhood»tendtohavelessdifficultyinfollowinga subject ormaterial in school. other conditions being equal,

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therisksaregreaterintraditionalfamiliesinwhichthemotherisinvolvedinchildcareandthefatherisnot,andinhouseholdsinwhichbothparentshavealowlevelofcommitment.

grAph6.11:Probabilityofchildnotlikingtostudy,bydegreeofparentalinvolvement


0,000,050,100,150,200,250,300,350,400,450,50 Padre

Madre

Muy implicadoBastanteNada o poco implicado

VERY INVOLVED

PROBABILITY

DEGREE OF INVOLVEMENT

MODERATELY INVOLVED LITTLE OR NOT INVOLVED

Nada o poco implicado Bastante Muy implicadoMadre 0,46 0,26 0,22Padre 0,29 0,25 0,19

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.25

0.30

0.35

0.40

0.45

0.50

Mother Father

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)childhassaidhe/shedoesnotliketostudy;0)childhasnotsaidthis.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayanddegreeofparents’involvement.


The influence of the family on children’s attitude toward schoolextendstootherareasaswell.Thus,wefindthatthequalityofthecouple’s relationship and the tensions stemming from work oreconomicdifficultiescanalsoaffecttheatmosphereinthehomeandasaresult,thewell-beingofthechild.ourstudyanalyzedtheinfluenceof various types of tension on the risk of school disengagement:divisionofdomesticresponsibilities,careofthechildren,economicdifficulties,andlackofpersonaltimetorelaxordisconnect.

grAph6.12:Probabilityofchildhavingproblemskeepingupwithasubject,bytypesoffatherhood


0,00

0,05

0,10

0,15

0,20

0,25

0,30 No comprometida

Predispuesta

Tradicional

Adaptativa

Responsable

Intensa

Homework problems

Homework problemsIntensa 0,13Responsable 0,13Adaptativa 0,19Tradicional 0,27Predispuesta 0,20No comprometida 0,28

PROBABILITY

TYPES OF FATHERHOOD

INTENSE RESPONSIBLE ADAPTIVE TRADTIONAL PREDISPOSED UNCOMMITTED

0.00

0.05

0.10

0.15

0.20

0.30

0.25

note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)Teacherhassaidthatchildhasdifficultykeepingupwithasubject;0)Teacherhasnotsaidthis.Thefollowing variables havebeen introduced simultaneously into themodel: age of child, sex of child, origin ofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandtypeoffatherhood.


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grAph6.13:Probabilityofchildhavingproblemsconcentrating,byfrequencyoftensioninthehomeduetodifferentcauses


0,000,050,100,150,200,250,300,350,40 Tensión por estrés en el trabajo

Tensión por no disponer de tiempo personal para relajarse





concentration Nunca Alguna vez A menudoTensión por el reparto de tareas domésticas 0,21560435 0,257529014 0,329679896Tensión por el cuidado del niño 0,208682858 0,361316641 0,345692618Tensión por dificultades económicas 0,225404704 0,274625965 0,347666912Tensión por no disponer de tiempo personal para relajarse 0,209705055 0,24948055 0,336736036Tensión por estrés en el trabajo 0,230103946 0,237762774 0,360777862




OFTENOCCASIONALLY

PROBABILITY


NEVER

0.00

0.05

0.15

0.10

0.25

0.30

0.20

0.35

0.40

note:Probabilityiscalculatedbasedonalogisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)Theteacherhassaidthechildhasproblemsconcentrating;0)theteacherhasnotsaidthis.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandfrequencyoftensioninthehomeduetodifferentcauses.


graphs6.14,6.15and6.16showthatthereisapositiverelationshipbetweentheprobabilityofhavingproblemsofdisengagementandfrequenttensioninthehome.Thisrelationshipismaintained,socioeconomicconditionsinthehomeandcharacteristicsofthechild (parents’ level of education, sex and age of child) beingequal.Theformofdisengagementthatseemstobemostcloselylinkedtotensionsinthehomeisdifficultyinkeepingupwithasubjectinschool,whichisspecificallycloselylinkedtotensionscaused by distribution of childcare responsibilities. Problemswithconcentrationaremorerelatedtotensionsresultingfromemployment-relatedstress.Thesefindingssupportthehypothesisthatfamilytension,whetherornotrelatedtothechildren,directlyaffectchildren’sengagementwithschool.

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grAph6.14:Probabilityofchildhavingproblemskeepingupwithasubject,byfrequencyoftensioninthehomeduetodifferentcauses


0,000,050,100,150,200,250,300,350,400,450,500,55 Tensión por estrés en el trabajo






OFTENOCCASIONALLY

PROBABILITY


NEVER

Nunca Alguna vez A menudoTensión por el reparto de tareas domésticas 0,128619524 0,179054206 0,256531268Tensión por el cuidado del niño 0,129029487 0,240050249 0,528906229Tensión por dificultades económicas 0,14805527 0,175352117 0,27452234Tensión por no disponer de tiempo personal para relajarse 0,115431929 0,187352654 0,203608316Tensión por estrés en el trabajo 0,130530226 0,175196312 0,249724928

0.00

0.05

0.15

0.10

0.25

0.30

0.35

0.45

0.40

0.20

0.50

0.55




note:Probabilityiscalculatedbasedonalogisticregressionmodelinwhichthedependentvariablehastwovalues:1)Theteacherhassaidthechildhasproblemskeepingupwithasubject;0)Theteacherhasnotsaidthis.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandfrequencyoftensioninthehomeduetodifferentcauses.


grAph6.15:Probabilityofchildsayinghe/shedoesnotliketostudy,byfrequencyoftensioninthehomeduetodifferentcauses


0,000,050,100,150,200,250,300,350,400,45 Tensión por estrés en el trabajo






Nunca Alguna vez A menudoTensión por el reparto de tareas domésticas 0,18693699 0,243580708 0,332325467Tensión por el cuidado del niño 0,205939659 0,265020426 0,401961732Tensión por dificultades económicas 0,200551532 0,27702739 0,264550951Tensión por no disponer de tiempo personal para relajarse 0,177825808 0,235634854 0,338459707Tensión por estrés en el trabajo 0,20617782 0,221582424 0,32873368

PROBABILITY

0.00

0.05

0.15

0.10

0.25

0.30

0.35

0.40

0.20

0.45

OFTENOCCASIONALLY


NEVER

Tension over childcareTension due to not having time to relax



note:Probability is calculatedbasedona logistic regressionmodel inwhich thedependentvariablehas twovalues:1)Thechildhassaidhe/shedoesn’tliketostudy;0)Thechildhasnotsaidthis.Thefollowingvariableshavebeenintroducedsimultaneouslyintothemodel:ageofchild,sexofchild,originofparents,mother’seducationlevel,mother’sworkingdayandfrequencyoftensioninthehomeduetodifferentcauses.


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Inshort,thefindingsofouranalysisdemonstratethepowerfulinfluence of intergenerational relationships on schooldisengagement observed at early ages. evidence such as thissuggeststheneedtofocusourattentionindealingwithschoolfailureanddroppingoutonearlierstagesofchildhood,whichareoften ignored in analyses of educational problems. The gapbetweeneducationalsuccessandfailurebeginstoappearbeforethe problem is fully expressed in adolescence. In light of theevidence,thereseemstobelittledoubtthatthesettingwherethingsstarttogowrongisinthefamilyhome.

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CONCLUSION

Our society has an ambivalent attitude toward children: on the one hand, they are seen as fragile and innocent, needing to be cared for and protected and on the other, they are out of control (even perverse) little ones who must be socialized or they will end up wayward and failures– they are angels or demons. Historically, the function of caring for children and protecting them has been the domain of the family, and that of educating them, the domain of the school. No one could better protect children than their own parents. The state should intervene only as a last resort, when the family had clearly shown itself to be negligent, incapable of attending to the basic needs of the child or egregiously abusive. In contrast, with respect to education, most states have had the primary responsibility for educating children for more than a century. Having well educated children who can adequately exercise their citizenship is for the state too important a goal to leave in the hands of adults who are often incapable of maintaining their own lives in order. Schools (and compulsory education) symbolize this public interest in controlling the education of the citizenry.

However, the basis of the relationship among children, families and the state has changed in recent years. Gradually states

have colonized spaces of protection traditionally reserved for families, but that families–immersed in a process of dramatic transformation–are incapable of handling effectively. At the same time, many families have become increasingly more willing to hand over certain aspects of protection. More and more families believe that state aid to families must be increased both in terms of economic support as well as childcare services. Families recognize that they are no longer the self-sufficient entities they may once have been and need public support in order to effectively carry out their role. In this process, certain traditional beliefs have disappeared (at least among the majority of the population)–such as the belief that a child must be raised by the mother (or grandmother)–and prejudices regarding the participation of fathers or childcare professionals have been overcome.

Paradoxically, however, it has been the absence of children (or at least their scarcity) that has led to them, and therefore the families who decide to have them or not, becoming an object of public concern. As we have seen in the previous pages, having children and raising them is a rewarding experience. They enrich parents’ lives, contributing to their self-realization. But there is also a

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personal cost to raising children, which is sometimes quite high. For this reason, a growing number of couples do not have children or decide not to have a second or third child, or in other cases wait to have children until the burden of costs no longer affects other aspects of their personal well-being that they consider to be important. Even so, on the terrain of sentimental relationships individuals are rarely guided by cost benefit analysis. The vast majority of couples end up having children and assuming the responsibility that this entails, often in adverse circumstances. In such situations, the proper care of children necessitates giving up certain things.

The findings of our study reveal that what parents have to give up is not something that is evenly distributed throughout the population. Children continue to be taken care of primarily by mothers, who, as a result, are the ones who make the sacrifices that dedication to children demands. Some mothers leave the workforce, reduce their work hours, or change jobs in order to take care of their children. But in contrast to what happened in the past, there are fewer mothers willing to definitively give up their career aspirations. We find ourselves before a new generation of mothers, the majority of whom work while taking care of their children; in the first place because they want to, and secondly because they feel they have to (in order to have a sufficient income to sustain their families, to have financial security in their old-age, or to face the consequences of divorce). Our research has sought to highlight the extent to which this radical change in the architecture of family relationships has been accompanied by other transformations (what is known in statistics as intervening variables), which have increased or mitigated the implications of this change in the lives of children.

In this regard, the initial conclusion of our research contradicts some of the quasi-apocalyptic expectations about the consequences of this social shift. The evidence we have presented - and which corroborates research done in other countries - clearly shows that households where the mothers work are not cold heartless places, where children spend long hours attended by substitute mothers who are less committed to their care or alone waiting for their absent parents. Families do often rely on substitute mothers, generally someone from the close family circle (many times grand mothers), who gives a dose of dedication and commitment equal to what would be expected of a mother. For example, 55 percent of the families interviewed with children between 0 and 2 years old had resorted to someone who was not living in the home to take care of their child in the previous month. But this was not always possible and, perhaps, increasingly less so. For this reason, families must often find other solutions, without these shaking the foundations of a good upbringing for their child. In fact, in light of the data, there is some great news.

In the first place, we must welcome with optimism the increasing commitment of fathers to children taking place in recent years. The changes observed in the attitudes of men toward the division of gender responsibilities, partially endorsed in daily practice in the home, is contributing to forging new ways of understanding masculinity. Some of the greatest progress has been made in changes in the exercise of fatherhood. Our study provides evidence of some of the benefits of these new forms of fatherhood. The beneficiaries of this change are the partners, the atmosphere in the family, and ultimately the children. With respect to the first, mothers, the analysis indicates that fathers who show a greater level of involvement with their children help alleviate to a great

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extent the anxiety and guilt felt by mothers who work because of their not being able to dedicate more time to their children. If a woman who works full-time has a partner who does not dedicate enough time to the children, it is 3.4 times more likely that she will feel she does not dedicate enough time to the children herself than if her partner’s involvement is greater (other conditions being equal). Regarding the benefits to the atmosphere in the family, men being co-responsible is essential in order to prevent situations of tension derived from the division of housework and care of the children in the home. For example, in the homes where both parents work, the probability of tensions arising over caring for the children is 52 percent higher when only the mother is very involved than when both parents are fully co-responsible. If this were not enough, the results of the statistical analysis point to the time dedication of intense and responsible fathers having positive repercussions on the health of the child, on his or her socio-emotional competence, and on his or her engagement with school. The probability of a 5 to 10 year old having problems of obesity is, other conditions being equal, almost two times greater when the father does not dedicate enough time than when his degree of commitment is intense. The magnitude of the observed gap is similar when we look at the probability of the child having problems keeping up with a subject in school in relation to the degree of dedication of the father.

Secondly, there is no reason for alarm regarding the extraordinary increase in the number of families relying on professional childcare services. The substitution of a system which rested on the sacrifice of mothers and grandmothers by another one in which the children are taken care of by childcare professional does not necessarily have negative repercussions for the well-being of

children, as long as those services have high quality standards and are accessible to disadvantaged groups. On the one hand, it is a mistake to assume that care provided by a mother who does not work or a grandmother substituting for her guarantees in all cases the best development of the child. The analysis presented in this book provides evidence of advantages (or at least the absence of disadvantages) in indicators of well-being among the children of women who work full-time, other socioeconomic conditions being equal. It also shows that grandmothers do not always provide the best care for their grandchildren, as is revealed, for example, in the association between the presence of a grandmother in the home and a higher risk of obesity.

Moreover, a large volume of research has shown that attending a day-care centre can have a beneficial effect on children’s cognitive and social development, especially if they come from disadvantaged environments. In our analysis of the impact attending a day-care centre has on indicators of health and childhood well-being, we did not detect significant differences among children between 5 and 10 years old who had attended or had not attended day-care. Nine out of ten mothers and fathers who placed their children in day-care expressed satisfaction with the services received, although it must also be added that there was reasonable suspicion that a minority of day-care centres–between 10 and 20 percent–provide services in need of improvement. Approximately three out of four parents thought that the day-care centres offered opportunities for the children to develop cognitive and social competencies that either could not be developed at home or that could complement those learned in the family. Based on the data examined in this study, there are no reasons to question this.

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Similarly, there is no reason to be alarmed over the participation of children between 5 and 10 years old in organized after school activities. According to the responses of their parents, children tend to be very or quite satisfied with the after school programmes they attend. Although the possibility cannot be ruled out that parents’ responses reflects a certain amount of self-deception, two out of three parents stated that the decision to put their children in after school programmes was «very» or «quite» influenced by what their children wanted; a minority said that the decision was based on the necessity of reconciling work and family life (slightly less than 25 percent of parents said that their work hours were very important or quite important in the decision). In households today, children are not passive subjects of decisions made unilaterally by parents and without consultation. Children value the opportunity for learning and entertainment provided in participating in these activities and their evaluation, in the context of a growing recognition of the individuality of the child, is a factor that parents do not ignore.

Clearly, these findings do not support the hypothesis that children today are becoming a generation at risk. However, as we warned in the introduction, not all is rosy. In the context of an ageing population, children who are in situations of vulnerability are the forgotten ones in systems of public protection. Child poverty rates and indicators of educational attainment in Spain are, in general, bad. Some of the groups most vulnerable are those which have gained the most demographic weight in recent years as a result of the great social changes taking place in Spain, such as children living in single-parent families and those of immigrant origin. Of particular concern is the situation of immigrant children, who systematically are ranked highest regarding vulnerability in terms of poverty level, obesity, socio-emotional competence and school

failure. Approximately four out of ten children of immigrant origin under 10 years of age live in situations of poverty; 21 percent of 5 to 10 year olds in this group have problems with obesity, 38 percent have low levels of socio-emotional competence and 23 percent have problems keeping up with a subject in school. The accumulation of situations of risk and adversity in childhood threatens to open a social divide which will be difficult to reverse.

Faced with this situation it becomes urgent to ask what systems of service provision–which begin with the work of government, but also increasingly involve a host of different agents engaged in these services– can do to address new forms of social exclusion that begin in childhood and condition individuals’ life course. This question is of great relevance at a time in which the outlook ahead of an ageing population and the challenges this presents threaten to eclipse discussion about the needs and demands of groups in the early stages of life. Now more than ever it we need to reflect on the measures necessary to promote the «best interest of the child». This book cannot offer a prescription for how to do this, but with the arguments presented–based on our research and the evidence accumulated in similar studies in Spain and other countries–it aspires to serve as a guide for concrete social action. In this regard, it should be noted that:

1. Mothers’ paid work is crucial to preventing situations of economic exclusion in childhood, especially among the more vulnerable groups. Promoting women working implies creating conditions that favour this, especially among mothers whose opportunity costs from working (instead of staying at home and taking care of their children) are higher. Unequal access to childcare centres, detected in the present

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study, creates effects which are contrary to those that are desirable. Similarly the phenomena of wage discrimination and underemployment are disincentives for working mothers.

2. The dedication of mothers and fathers to their children is a very important investment which favours the present well-being and the social and cognitive development of children. As we have been able to show, this dedication is not simply expressed in terms of «quantity of time,» but has more to do with how mothers and fathers use this time. It is clear, however, that parental commitment is not feasible if parents feel «overwhelmed.» The existence of intergenerational shared time does not depend merely on the length of the work day, but also that fathers and mothers’ work schedules are predictable and regular and that shared time can be really experienced as «family time,» without the distorting factor of overtime or parents bringing work home. Having dinner together or other family rituals, such as watching television together or spending time together outdoors on the weekend, are important links for intergenerational bonding that need to be protected from the interference of the working world. The starting point of «reconciliation policies» is to promote mothers and fathers and children having time in those moments that they need it (as in the Anglo-Saxon expression, having time at the right time). This implies the expansion of new rights and labour practices that promote the possibility of workers being able to reorganize their work schedules to meet the needs of the family.

3. New forms of fatherhood have clear benefits for the child in a context in which the transformations in the lives of women

have become irreversible. The return to a world where women assumed the role of taking care of and educating the children is blocked and any attempt to return to it (even partially) would not be productive and possibly even counterproductive for children. Consequently, it is necessary to make known the advantages of male involvement in these responsibilities, not only to improve the family atmosphere in homes where both parents work, but also in the interest of the general well-being of children. Legislative initiatives should aim to support shared responsibility among parents from the moment a child is born, eliminating rights founded on sexist assumptions about which parent is best able to be in charge of the child at different stages of his or her life. Beyond these initiatives, it is important to complement the extension of rights and opportunities of men, encouraging a culture of co-responsibility which reinforces their disposition to be involved in the care and education of their children.

4. Health in childhood is sine qua non for the equality of opportunity in life. Child health has social determinants which must be considered and addressed at an early age (some even from birth). Phenomena such as obesity, responsible for a large number of diseases and health problems in adulthood, have their origin in childhood. Similarly, distress in childhood and low socio-emotional competence hinder children’s personal progress and educational opportunities. Early detection of these situations is crucial to prevent these consequences.

5. The educational system is not able to correct the effects of social inequality on academic achievement and success

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in school. Said inequalities are caused to a great extent by factors outside of school, and it is probably there where some of the new solutions are to be found. It is difficult to change parenting styles which are responsible for certain inequalities or to give those families which do not have it, the cultural capital that would empower their children to assure them success in their educational journey. Even recognizing such difficulties, parents have to understand the role they play in the educational path of their children and find encouragement, support and advice to help them be responsible parents. However, the stimulation of cognitive and other capacities essential for educational achievement is not an objective that can be reached only through the family and school. The role of other formal services (pre-schools, after school programmes) can be key provided that those who could most benefit from these services have access to them.

In order to achieve all of the above, it is essential that budgetary allocations in Spain for family services reach the same level, in comparison to other countries, as the allocations for services for the elderly, for health care or for the unemployed. We are at the back of the line among OECD countries in terms of policies for the protection and support of families, especially for those who have dependent children. This anomaly reveals a lack of commitment to these forms of protection and reflects historical inertia. The future of our society demands a change in direction. In this world in which we must live, not investing in childhood is a luxury that we can no longer afford.

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Index of graphs and tables

Graphs

2.1 probability that there will be situations of tension in homes with children from 0 to 10 years of age for different reasons by different models for the division of responsibilities by gender 30

3.1 Women that have had to abandon an activity after the birth of their child by educational level 40

3.2 average time fathers and mothers spend with children by child’s age. Week days and weekends 47

3.3 average time fathers and mothers spend with children by parent’s educational level. Week days and weekends 48

3.4 average time fathers and mothers spend with children by couple’s employment status. Week days and weekends 49

3.5 parent’s evaluation of the amount of time they spend with their children 50

3.6 probability of mother believing she does not spend enough time with her child by different levels of partner’s co-responsibility 51

3.7 how often parents did different activities with their child in the previous week 53

3.8 probability of parents placing children in a nursery school, pre-school or day are centre, by household income 61

4.1 types of fatherhood 72

4.2 probability of having been spanked in the previous week, by degree of cognitive stimulation 82

4.3 probabilty of having been spanked in the previous week, by existence of situations of tension in home for various reasons 83

4.4 level of reading comprehension of 10 year old children, by how often parents read to them up until they were three years of age 87

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5.1 Children enrolled in after school activities, by sex and type of activity 90

5.2 frequency of participation in after school activities 91

5.3 Children who do not participate in any after school activity, by household characteristics and family socioeconomic situation 92

5.4 frequency of participation in unstructured activities 94

6.1 probability of children being obese, by parents’ weight 109

6.2 probability of child being obese, by parents’ perception of the amount of time they spend with him/her 113

6.3 probability of child being obese, by type of fatherhood 114

6.4 probability of child being obese, by level of symptoms of depression 115

6.5 probability of child having low socio-emotional competence, by degree of exposure to cognitively stimulating activities 123

6.6 probability of child having low socio-emotional competence, by frequency of use of rewards and punishments 124

6.7 probability of child having low socio-emotional competence, by frequency of tension in the home due to different causes 124

6.8 Children with problems of disengagement from school, by sex 126

6.9 Children with problems of disengagement from school, by age 127

6.10 probability of child having problems keeping up with a school subject, by degree of parental involvement 132

6.11 probability of child not liking to study, by degree of parental involvement 133

6.12 probability of child having problems keeping up with a subject, by types of fatherhood 133

6.13 probability of child having problems concentrating, by frequency of tension in the home due to different causes 134

6.14 probability of child having problems keeping up with a subject, by frequency of tension in the home due to different causes 135

6.15 probability of child saying he/she does not like to study, by frequency of tension in the home due to different causes 135

Tables

2.1 Most important reasons for having a child among women who do not have children but want to have them and for women who already have children but would like to have more 21

2.2 Most important reasons for not having children. Women between 25 and 39 years of age without children and who do not want to have them 23

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2.3 Most important reasons for not having children. Women between 25 and 39 years of age who have children but do not want to have more 24

2.4 distribution of domestic responsibilities in homes in which the women work, by couples with and without children 26

2.5 persons who say that there is tension in the home for different reasons, by socio-demographic characteristics of parents and by child’s age 28

2.6 opinions on whether women should work full-time, part-time or not work in different situations, by age group 31

2.7 opinions on whether it is necessary for children to attend school or day care, by different age groups of children 32

2.8 Why child is or was in day care before three years of age 33

2.9 opinions on whether children under three develop certain abilities better in school or in the family, by education level 34

3.1 Working day of couples between 25 and 49 years of age by age of child 38

3.2 Mother’s current employment status by status at the time of the birth of child 40

3.3 Women who took maternity leave by age, education level and household income 42

3.4 fathers who took paternity leave before and after the law of equality entered into effect 44

3.5 how often someone living in household does cognitively stimulating activities with the child, by mother’s education level 54

3.6 how often someone living in household does cognitively stimulating activities and outside activities with the child, by mother’s employment status 56

3.7 Men who take primary responsibility for cognitively stimulating activities or take equal responsibility, by their educational level 57

3.8 households that have received some kind of child care assistance in the previous month from someone who does not live in the home, by mother’s characteristics 59

3.9 evolution of enrolment rates in early childhood education 59

4.1 frequency of eating breakfast, lunch and dinner together, by mother’s education level 67

4.2 how often someone living in the household does cognitively stimulating activities with the child, by mother’s education level 68

4.3 how often someone living in the household does outdoor activities with the child, by mother’s education level 69

4.4 evolution in male opinions about the ideal model for division of responsibilities by gender in the family 71

4.5 how often someone living in the household does cognitively stimulating activities with the child, by types of fatherhood 73

4.6 how often someone living in the household does outside activities with the child, by types of fatherhood 74

4.7 Who cuddles with the child (hugs and kisses) more often, by types of fatherhood 75

4.8 opinions on the best method to raise children, by age groups 77

4.9 how often parents used reward and punishment in the previous week 78

4.10 factors related to a child being spanked in the previous week 79

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4.11 parental involvement in children’s school work, by mother’s education level 85

4.12 how often someone living in the household engages in reading activities with the child 85

5.1 activities child does daily or almost daily, by different socioeconomic characteristics of household 95

5.2 persons with whom the child usually does different activities 97

5.3 how often child has friends over to play, by household socioeconomic characteristics 99

5.4 number of after-school activities child participates in, by composition of household (grandparents and siblings living or not living in the home) 101

6.1 distribution of boys and girls in weight categories, by body mass index 107

6.2 obesity in children, by socioeconomic characteristics of household 110

6.3 obesity in children, by composition of household 112

6.4 level of socio-emotional competence of children, by socioeconomic characteristics of household 119

6.5 level of socio-emotional competence of children, by composition of household 121

6.6 level of socio-emotional competence of children, by parenting styles 122

6.7 school disengagement by parents’ education level 128

6.8 school disengagement by parents’ employment status 130

a.1 autonomous Community by age of the child 158

a.2 autonomous Community by size of municipality 159

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Methodological appendix

to carry out the present study a specific survey was designed. What follows are the characteristics of this survey.

Survey on Inter and Intra-generatIonal relatIonShIpS In ChIldhood (2010)

design: the survey is based on two questionnaires, structured in function of the age of the child living in the home: the first, for children up to four years of age; the second, for children from five to ten years of age. in the case of more than one child at these ages in the home, the interviewer asked questions only about one of the children. in such cases, the selection was random. the average duration of the interview was 15 minutes and it was carried out over the telephone (cati) with one of the parents. the questionnaire for children up to four years of age included 57 questions; that for children from five to ten years of age, 62 questions. one block of questions was common to both questionnaires; other questions were specific for the different age groups. the questionnaire was developed by the research team for this study. to the extent possible, the survey was based on standard questions previously

tested in research on these matters in studies carried out in other countries. the telephone interviews were carried out by Random estudios de opinión, Márketing y Socioeconómicos Sa.

date of survey: January and February, 2010.

Scope: Spain.

universe: the universe was composed of a sample of fathers and mothers that live with their children of 0 to 10 years of age. the survey was responded to by 611 fathers and 1,595 mothers. the responses referred to 1,058 children from 0 to 4 years of age and 1,148 children from 5 to 10 years of age. in total, information was gathered for 1,160 boys and 1,046 girls.

Sample Size: 2,206 families with children up to ten years of age (based on a prevision of 2,200 families).

Sampling procedure: Representative geographic distribution. Quotas based on the size of municipality in each autonomous community in Spain, sex and age of the child, and the economic

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status of the mother. Random selection of households based on data updated semi-annually by the cMt. Below, the number of interviews forecast according to age of the child and size of municipality is presented.

Sampling error: ±2,13%

Questionnaires and data files are available to researchers upon request. ([email protected]).

FRoM 0 to 3 yeaRS oF age

FRoM 4 to 6 yeaRS oF age

FRoM 7 to 10 yeaRS oF age total

andalusia 145 106 139 390

aragon 23 16 21 60

asturias 18 14 18 50

Balearic islands 20 14 19 53

Basque country 40 28 35 103

canary islands 38 29 40 107

cantabria 11 8 10 29

castilla and león 41 31 41 113

castilla-la Mancha 33 25 33 91

catalonia 138 95 119 352

extremadura 17 13 18 48

galicia 47 34 46 127

la Rioja 5 4 5 14

Madrid 126 87 110 323

Murcia 26 18 23 67

navarre 11 8 10 29

Valencian community 90 64 83 237

ceuta and Melilla 3 2 2 7

total 832 596 772 2,200

taBle a.1: autonomous community by age of the child

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taBle a.2: autonomous community by size of municipality

0-5.000 5.001-10.000 10.001-20.000 20.001-50.000 50.001-100.000 MoRe than 100.000 total

andalusia 39 34 50 64 58 145 390

aragon 14 3 6 3 2 32 60

asturias 3 3 8 5 7 24 50

Balearic islands 3 5 6 16 3 20 53

Basque country 11 9 16 19 11 37 103

canary islands 3 8 12 27 19 38 107

cantabria 6 3 5 3 3 9 29

castilla and león 34 10 7 9 16 37 113

castilla-la Mancha 27 12 13 10 21 8 91

catalonia 36 28 38 58 45 147 352

extremadura 16 7 5 6 7 7 48

galicia 17 18 22 21 17 32 127

la Rioja 3 2 1 1 0 7 14

Madrid 7 11 13 19 37 236 323

Murcia 1 2 9 17 7 31 67

navarre 9 4 4 3 0 9 29

Valencian community 20 19 27 61 31 79 237

ceuta and Melilla 0 0 0 0 7 0 7

total 249 178 242 342 291 898 2,200

Social StudieS collection

Available on the internet: www.lacaixa.es/obraSocial

1. FOREIGN IMMIGRATION IN SPAIN (Out of stock) Eliseo Aja, Francesc Carbonell, Colectivo Ioé (C. Pereda, W. Actis and M. A. de Prada), Jaume Funes and Ignasi Vila

2. VALUES IN SPANISH SOCIETY AND THEIR RELATION TO DRUG USE (Out of stock) Eusebio Megías (director), Domingo Comas, Javier Elzo, Ignacio Megías, José Navarro, Elena Rodríguez and Oriol Romaní

3. FAMILY POLICIES FROM A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE (Out of stock) Lluís Flaquer

4. YOUNG WOMEN IN SPAIN (Out of stock) Inés Alberdi, Pilar Escario and Natalia Matas

5. THE SPANISH FAMILY AND ATTITUDES TOWARD EDUCATION (Out of stock) Víctor Pérez-Díaz, Juan Carlos Rodríguez and Leonardo Sánchez Ferrer

6. OLD AGE, DEPENDENCE AND LONG-TERM CARE (Out of stock) David Casado Marín and Guillem López and Casasnovas

7. YOUNG PEOPLE AND THE EUROPEAN CHALLENGE Joaquim Prats Cuevas (director), Cristòfol-A. Trepat and Carbonell (coordinator), José Vicente Peña Calvo, Rafael Valls Montés and Ferran Urgell Plaza

8. SPAIN AND IMMIGRATION (*) Víctor Pérez-Díaz, Berta Álvarez-Miranda and Carmen González-Enríquez

9. HOUSING POLICY FROM A COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE Carme Trilla

10. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE (Out of stock) Inés Alberdi and Natalia Matas

11. IMMIGRATION, SCHOOLING AND THE LABOUR MARKET (*) Colectivo Ioé (Walter Actis, Carlos Pereda and Miguel A. de Prada)

12. ACOUSTIC CONTAMINATION IN OUR CITIES Benjamín García Sanz and Francisco Javier Garrido

13. FOSTER FAMILIES Pere Amorós, Jesús Palacios, Núria Fuentes, Esperanza León and Alicia Mesas

14. PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES AND THE LABOUR MARKET Colectivo Ioé (Carlos Pereda, Miguel A. de Prada and Walter Actis)

15. MOSLEM IMMIGRATION IN EUROPE Víctor Pérez-Díaz, Berta Álvarez-Miranda and Elisa Chuliá

16. POVERTY AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION Joan Subirats (director), Clara Riba, Laura Giménez, Anna Obradors, Maria Giménez, Dídac Queralt, Patricio Bottos and Ana Rapoport

17. THE REGULATION OF IMMIGRATION IN EUROPE Eliseo Aja, Laura Díez (coordinators), Kay Hailbronner, Philippe de Bruycker, François Julien-Laferrière, Paolo Bonetti, Satvinder S. Juss, Giorgio Malinverni, Pablo Santolaya and Andreu Olesti

18. EUROPEAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS: CRISIS OR TRANSFORMATION? Joaquim Prats and Francesc Raventós (directors), Edgar Gasòliba (coordinator), Robert Cowen, Bert P. M. Creemers, Pierre-Louis Gauthier, Bart Maes, Barbara Schulte and Roger Standaert

19. PARENTS AND CHILDREN IN TODAY’S SPAIN Gerardo Meil Landwerlin

20. SINGLE PARENTING AND CHILDHOOD Lluís Flaquer, Elisabet Almeda and Lara Navarro

21. THE IMMIGRANT BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN SPAIN Carlota Solé, Sònia Parella and Leonardo Cavalcanti

22. ADOLESCENTS AND ALCOHOL. THE PARENTAL VIEW Eusebio Megías Valenzuela (director), Juan Carlos Ballesteros Guerra, Fernando Conde Gutiérrez del Álamo, Javier Elzo Imaz, Teresa Laespada Martínez, Ignacio Megías Quirós and Elena Rodríguez San Julián

23. INTERGENERATIONAL PROGRAMMES. TOWARDS A SOCIETY FOR ALL AGES (*)Mariano Sánchez (director), Donna M. Butts, Alan Hatton-Yeo, Nancy A. Henkin, Shannon E. Jarrott, Matthew S. Kaplan, Antonio Martínez, Sally Newman, Sacramento Pinazo, Juan Sáez and Aaron P. C. Weintraub

24. FOOD, CONSUMPTION AND HEALTH (*)Cecilia Díaz Méndez y Cristóbal Gómez Benito (coordinators), Javier Aranceta Bartrina, Jesús Contreras Hernández, María González Álvarez, Mabel Gracia Arnaiz, Paloma Herrera Racionero, Alicia de León Arce, Emilio Luque and María Ángeles Menéndez Patterson

25. VOCATIONAL TRAINING IN SPAIN. TOWARD THE KNOWLEDGE SOCIETY (*)Oriol Homs

26. SPORT, HEALTH AND QUALITY OF LIFE (*)David Moscoso Sánchez and Eduardo Moyano Estrada (coordinators), Lourdes Biedma Velázquez, Rocío Fernández-Ballesteros García, María Martín Rodríguez, Carlos Ramos González, Luís Rodríguez-Morcillo Baena and Rafael Serrano del Rosal

27. THE RURAL POPULATION IN SPAIN. FROM DISEQUILIBRIUM TO SOCIAL SUSTAINABILITY (*)Luis Camarero (coordinator), Fátima Cruz, Manuel González, Julio A. del Pino, Jesús Oliva and Rosario Sampedro

28. CARING FOR OTHERS A CHALLENGE FOR THE 21ST CENTURY (*)Constanza Tobío, M.ª Silveria Agulló Tomás, M.ª Victoria Gómez and M.ª Teresa Martín Palomo

29. SCHOOL FAILURE AND DROPOUTS IN SPAIN (*)Mariano Fernández Enguita, Luis Mena Martínez and Jaime Riviere Gómez

30. CHILDHOOD AND THE FUTURE: NEW REALITIES, NEW CHALLENGES (*)Pau Marí-Klose, Marga Marí-Klose, Elizabeth Vaquera and Solveig Argeseanu Cunningham

(*) English version available on the internet

This study examines the activities and relationships of children under 10 years old and how they are being affected by recent social transformations, such as the appearance of new types of families, the massive incorporation of women into the workforce and new forms of fathering and mothering. The authors also trace the origins of phenomena that can become an obstacle to children’s development, such as obesity, socioemotional problems and school disengagement.The findings of this study are an invitation to reflect on this critical stage in which the experiences children live through will have a decisive influence on their future lives. In addition, they contribute to the development of initiatives aimed at helping families and improving the well-being of children.With this study, ”la Caixa” Social Projects seeks to promote research on and analysis of the social factors that shape individuals’ opportunities throughout their lives. Evidence such as that presented in this book can help in the development of instruments to prevent and correct situations of exclusion and vulnerability.

SOCIAL prOjeCtS. the SpIrIt OF ”LA CAIxA”.Social Studies Collection no. 30 Childhood and the...

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