Social Changes and the Food Industry

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by John McKenzie

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Introduction Nutritionists have increasingly recognized

that individuals consume food not nutrients. A corollary of this view has been the growing per- ception that the items of food that individuals choose and consume are determined by the desire to satisfy a range of social, psychologi- cal and economic rather than physiological needs.‘-3

In achieving this important step in our under- standing of individual food consumption pat- terns, we must not fail to recognize that fundamental demographic and lifestyle charac- teristics, unrelated to food per se, are enor- mously consequential in determining the type and nature of foods we actually eat.

The thesis which I wish to present goes as follows:

There has been a set of changes in demo- graphic, economic and social terms that have dramatically affected the position of in- dividuals (and women in particular) over the last 100 years. This has resulted in consequential changes in demand for different types of food and in the nature of processing and packaging re- quired and in the equipment desired to satis- fy these developments within the home. The food industry has been primarily reac- tive, in a very efficient manner, in terms of identifying relevant new food variants and in developing these relevant new processing and packaging methods. The industry also has been pro-active in sus- taining and enhancing these social changes

but only along lines clearly demarcated, so that it cannot be held directly responsible for producing any elements within the lifestyle that are regarded as discordant.

0 If we want to learn about the future of the food industry over the next ten years, we need to explore likely demographic, eco- nomic and social changes as they will pri- marily determine the direction to be taken.

Recent Changes in Basic Demographic, Economic and Social Circumstances

In Figure 1, the changes in the lifespan of wom- en during the last 100 years and of the relative periods of their life when they are concentrating upon child bearing and rearing are identified. It will be evident that 100 years ago, by the time children had “left the nest,” the woman’s life was virtually over. The harsh reality was that on average the mother’s death virtually coincided with her youngest child reaching ten years of age.

Last child aged 15 years

Life expectancy Last Chlld

aged 5 years

First child born Marriage

Last child aged 15 years

Life expectancy Last Chlld

aged 5 years

First child born Marriage

Year of birth 01 women

John McKenzie is Principal of Ilkley College, Wells Road, Ilkley, West Yorkshire, LS29 gRD, Great Britain

Figure 1: Changing position of women resulting from the decrease in the size of the family, age of women at childbirth and increase in life expectancy of infants

NUTRITION REVIEWSISUPPLEMENTNANUARY 1982 13

As a result of dramatic improvements in the environment and in our knowledge and ability to deal with disease, the lifespan of the average woman has nearly doubled during the last 100 years and she can now expect to live 40 years after her youngest child reaches the age of ten.

The ramifications of this change, especially when related to the increasing knowledge and efficacy of contraceptive methods, have been enormous. It is in this context that women's changing attitudes toward opportunities for work have developed. In the same way it prob- ably explains the very consequential break down in the stability of marriage. There is no longer the cement of young children to keep the partners together. The economic indepen- dence the woman derives for herself gives suf- ficient security to step aside from either a contracted or common law marriage if she be- lieves it has not been satisfactory.

In Tables I and II. the exact nature of these

TABLE I Size of U.K. Households 1961, 1971 and 1981

1961 I97 I 1981 % % %

One person 12 18 23 Two persons 30 32 32 Three persons 23 19 17 Four persons or more 35 31 28

Average house size (number of people) 3. I 2.9 2.7

I969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 I980

TABLE I1

Marriage and Divorce in the U.K. (Various Years)

Married

369,000 415,000 404,000 4 15.000 400,000 384,000 380.000 358,000 356.000 368,000 368,000 363,000

Divorced

53,000 62.000 83,000

130.000 128,000 134,000 I 40,000 I 44,000 165.000 163,000 163,000 177,000

steps is more specifically identified. Thus, one can see a significant change in the size of the household over the last 20 years and identify that one in three marriages is now likely to break up.4

Ramification of These Trends upon Food Consumption Patterns

In Figure 2 the direct ramification of these changing social trends upon food patterns have been identified. The situation stems from the improved financial position of the family as the result of the woman working; a consequent

Ramifications of Women at Work

More Indepecdence

A More Less Time Money at Home

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Kitchen Dishwashers Deep Microwave Design Freeze Ovens

Figure 2: Ramifications of Women at Work

reduction in time available for her to care for the home and prepare for meals; and obviously greater independence of all sorts directly de- rived from her work activity. All of this results in a series of reactions upon food choice. These may be summarized as follows: 0 a significant growth in the quantity of food

consumed away from the home in res- taurants, snack bars, etc.;

0 the greater use of convenience foods/ ready prepared meals for everyday occa- sions;

0 the consumption of these everyday meals in very casual circumstances (Table 111);

0 the demand for high quality and wide range of products within these casual, conve- nience foods/meals based upon an ability to pay; .a determination not to reduce the quality of food provided to the family as a

14 NUTRITION REVIEWS/SUPPLEMENT/JANUA R Y 1982

TABLE 111

Distinction between Formal and Casual Meals

Formal Meals Casual Meals Very frequent meals Very occasional, e.g. if

Sunday lunch or visitors All family eating together Often people eating alone

More formal surroundings In kitchedlounge

Expensive/‘special’ Ordinary mealshacks meals

Lot of preparation by housewife significant convenience

Little role of housewife/

role

Knife and fork Straight from container

result of the changing mode of responsibil- ity/preparation; and a greater indepen- dence of mind to demand exactly what she wants; the need to demonstrate to herself and to her family that she retains her capability to be feminine and creative and a good housewife, results in the provision by the woman of oc- casional special meals prepared very care- fully from basic ingredients. Here the emphasis will be on the quality of the ingredi- ents and the skills performed by the housewife;

0 as already hinted above, the demand for psychological reassurance results in an ex- amination of the imagery of the foods pur- chased, for example in terms of naturalness, health giving, “straight from the farm”, etc. as compensation for not being involved directly in growing, preparing and cooking food for the table:

0 physical and psychological needs are also reflected in the kitchen. The kitchen is full of equipment to save time and to respond to the products provided by the food industry - this includes a dishwasher, deep freeze, and now even a microwave oven. The kitchen design increasingly demonstrates the psy- chological needs of the housewife. This can

help explain the sterile, ‘surgical operating’ table style (usually all white) or the ‘tradition- al’, but new farmhouse, old-world kitchen style (straight from the manufacturer).

Ramifications of These Trends upon Actions of the Food Industry The sudden and growing availability of money and of the changing size of the family and of the criteria by which the housewife selects her food, has led the food industry to change dra- matically over the last 20 years. Some of the more obvious manifestations have been: 0 changing methods of preservation (and in

particular the emergence of freezing); 0 rapid growth in convenience products and

ready-cooked products and meals which simply need reheating;

0 the growth of ready-to-eat products (a clas- sic example being the items now available from the chilled cabinet, e.g. yogurts, cream desserts, etc.);

0 the enormous extension of the snack pro- ducts market;

0 provision of appropriate quantities for the small family;

0 the provision of appropriate psychological support. Thus, at a price (which to a two wage-earner

household is acceptable) the food industry has taken over many functions previously handled by the housewife, has facilitated her demand to work and has tried to satisfy some of her latent psychological needs. While in some areas the industry may be reasonably criticized, this in my view is not one of them. If housewives buy tinned custard and virtually transfer menu plan- ning to the food industry, it is because of their fundamental desire to transform the nature of their lives. Given that this transformation was almost compulsively demanded, the fairer question is to ask what would have been the effect upon family life and eating patterns if the food industry had not responded so effectively?

A Contemporary Example of Political Im- pact upon Food Choice: School Meals in the United Kingdom

Political intervention in the social field also can have a significant impact on food consumption

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patterns. This has seldom been made clearer than when the impact of recent changes in gcv- ernmental attitudes to United Kingdom school meals service is examined.

Since World War II, for economic and nutri- tional reasons, the government has required local authorities to provide a mid-day school meal for pupils attending state schools. These meals have been heavily subsidized and based upon nutrient requirements. Within the last 12 months, this subsidy has been removed as has the statutory obligation to provide meals other than for those in need. The ramification of in- creased prices and reduction in facilities upon the nature and style of the mid-day lunch for school children in Britain has been enormous. As can be seen from Table IV, there has been something like a 10 percent decline in con- sumption of school meals within a 12-month period. This decline also has been directed es- pecially at the younger age group (Table V).

TABLE IV

Uptake of School Meals in England 1979/80

1979 1980 c/c 'i/r

Pupils taking school meals

Pupils taking own food

Pupils making other arraneements

Pupils paying for school meals

Pupils receiving free meals

(as % attending school) 64 48

(as % attending school) 13 2X

(as '% attending school) 23 34

(as 74 of taking meals) X I 80

(as % of taking meals) 19 30

TABLE V

School Meal Uptake: Variation In Primary and Secondary Figures

(Source: Inner London Education Authority)

1979 1980 % (X

Pupils taking school meals Primary 76 53 Secondary 51 42

Primarq 9 30 Secondary 17 14

Pupils bringing own food

Thus the number taking school meals has de- clined by 1,300,000 within a year. The number bringing their own food to school has increased by 1,000,000 within a

The ramifications of such a change in state attitude upon the total pattern and nature of consumption in Britain is large indeed. These changes have resulted in:

0 a switch in the purchasing agent and pur- chasing point of food for mid-day meals for many children, away from the professional caterer and bulk buying towards the house- wife and the child buying individually at a retail outlet; significant changes in the type of food pur- chased and consumed (a switch towards ready prepared snack products, sand- wiches, fizzy drinks, crisps, etc.); a change in the environment in which the food is consumed, that is away from the school cafeteria to the classroom or to the playground;

0 a potential vulnerability in terms of the nutri- tional status of children as a result of these changes;

0 an enormous growth in the psychological in- security of working women who had felt re- assured that the state was providing a balanced meal for their children at lunch time; significant opportunities for the food industry to market appropriate new products.

The Future

It may be sensible to conclude with a look at the future social trends which may influence the food industry over the next five to ten years. In view of my earlier statements, it is not surpris- ing that we begin with a look at the demogra- phic position. Table VI indicates the changes that will occur in Britain over the next five years. It is also anticipated that the trend to small household units will continue. To this must be added the problems of a society which is likely to have to sustain continuously higher levels of unemployment and little improved financial sta- tus overall. Alongside these situations may be at least a proportion of women forced to return their attentions back to the home because of

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lack of work opportunities. It is unlikely there will be significant changes in health (other than perhaps in terms of psychological disease re- sulting from unemployment) although it is pos- sible that some dramatic breakthrough to deal with one of our more persistent and dangerous illnesses may occur.

TABLE VI

U.K. Population

%Change Age 1980-85

0 - 4 + 6.8 5 - 15 - 12.8

I6 - 24 + 5.8 25 - 44 + 4.9 45 - 64 - 1.4 65 - 14 - 6.2 15 & over + 9.3

Note: No change in total U . K . population of circa 56m. over the period.

It is predicted there will be growing frustra- tion as individuals feel more and more separat- ed from the political control of society and show increased hostility toward the state. This ag- gression may again be fostered by increased levels of unemployment especially among the young. Frustration and disenchantment with society in general may grow. The polarization between the “haves” and the “have nots” even

within Western society may be even more con- sequential. The role of the home as a fortress may become more than just a symbol!

This is perhaps a depressing picture with which to end - and also a somewhat discon- certing one! It portrays a relatively new and potentially dangerous scenario and I am cer- tain that these social and political issues will be of greater consequence than demographic trends over the next ten to 20 years. These issues will require new, novel solutions. Un- doubtedly, they will have ramifications upon food patterns. But how? I am as yet by no means clear. Yet perhaps this is not surprising, for if I were, I suspect I would either be a charla- tan or busy counting my gold bars.

1. J. Yudkin and J.C., McKenzie, Changing Food Habits. London, 1964

2. J. Yudkin, Diet of Man: Needs and Wants. Lon- don, 1978

3. J.C. McKenzie, Nutrition Bulletin 30: 309-325, 1980

4. H.M.S.O., Social Trends, 11, 1981

5. J.C. McKenzie in People and Food Tomorrow. E. Morse and D. Hollingsworth Editors, London, 1976

6. Parliamentary Reply in House of Commons, Eng- land, January, 20, 1981

7. D.S.B. Simpson, Education 157: 328-329, 1981

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