Serious Artists Subculture

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DOI: 10.1177/0891241687015003061987 15: 421Journal of Contemporary Ethnography Cynthia Baroody-Hart and Michael P. Farrell

PrisonThe Subculture of Serious Artists in a Maximum Security

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This article presents findings from an ethnographic study of the art world of"serious artists" in a maximum security prison. The study is based on extensiveinterviews with inmate-artists and guards, both alone and in groups, and directobservation of the settings in which inmates "do art." We find that "serious artists"are disproportionately older, white, long-term prisoners who adopt a strategy ofwithdrawal into a network of friends to escape the psychological and physicalstresses of dealing with the guards and the more violent inmates. Becoming a"serious artist" involves a career that includes passage through the prison artprogram, sales within prison, recognition by established artists, sales to outsideorganizations that sponsor prison art, and, finally, sales at public art shows. Eachadvance in the career provides access to more resources, especially self-esteemand money, which frees the inmate from the prison economy. Recognition by thenetwork of serious artists facilitates a career by providing access to exchange ofsupplies, criticism, information about markets, and socialization into skills ofdealing with the guards and dangerous inmates.

THE SUBCULTUREOFSERIOUS

ARTISTSIN A

MAXIMUMSECURITYPRISON

CYNTHIABAROODY-HARTMICHAEL P. FARRELL

PRISONERS MUST CONTEND with at least two sources of

stress-those imposed by the guards and other institutionalauthorities, and those imposed by other inmates. Thedehumanizing and disculturating effects of the prisonbureaucracy are well known (Goffman, 1961). Stressesfrom other inmates have intensified in recent years due to

(1) rising racial tensions, (2) gang wars aimed at gainingcontrol of the informal prison economy, and (3) over-

crowding of prisons. Assault, homicide, homosexual rape,

AUTHORS NOTE: We are listed in alphabetical order to reflect our equalcontributions to this article. We wish to acknowledge the helpful comments byinmate artists, anonymous reviewers, and Robert M. Emerson on earlier drafts ofthis article.

URBAN LIFE, Vol 15 Nos 3 and 4, January 1987 421-448@ 1987

SagePublications, Inc

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and exploitation are relatively common occurrences in

prison (Sykes, 1958; Jones, 1976;Fuller et

al., 1977;Sylvester et al., 1977; Bowker, 1982; Irwin, 1980; Lerner,1984).

There are a variety of strategies of accommodation usedby prisoners to adapt to these guard and inmate sources ofstress. The strategies, which combine elements of Goffmanscolonization, withdrawal, and rebellion, vary in the degreeto which

they requireaccommodation tothe

larger populationof other inmates or to the guards. Some inmates choose orare pressured into joining the racially segregated gangsthat have emerged in the last decade. The gangs provide ameasure of protection from attack by other prisoners andsome access to desired resources. This strategy, with itsdemands of loyalty and exclusive association with gang

members,is an accommodation that makes the inmate

more dependent on other inmates. Other prisoners, such asjailhouse lawyers, choose a strategy that places them in anetwork of colleagues who provide valued services to otherinmates. This strategy provides a means to earn income andrespect, and, because the services are valued, it reduces thelikelihood of attack; but it requires mastery of a body of

knowledge,and it

requiresskill at

dealingin the

prisoneconomy with potentially dangerous clients (Farrell andHart-Baroody, 1985). Other strategies involve elements ofwhat Irwin (1980) calls withdrawal-enmeshing the self in asmall network of trusted friends, exchanging resourcesonly within that network, and minimizing contact with thelarger population. Although some networks that use thewithdrawal

strategyachieve a balanced distance from both

inmates and guards,1 others make the prisoner moredependent upon the guards for resources. As the prisonerdevelops commitment to a niche 2 and needs to cultivate theguards for resources, he is likely to develop strategies forcultivating and maintaining their goodwill. To maintain thatgoodwill, he is likely to behave in a more orderly andconforming manner. This article describes and analyzes an



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example of a guard-dependent, withdrawal strategy ofaccommodation-the subculture of &dquo;seriousartists&dquo;in amaximum security prison.

Since most serious artists became artists after going toprison, they are not simply transferring to the prison asubculture from the outside, as Jacobs (1977) argues is trueof exploitive gangs. Furthermore, they are not simply&dquo;gleaning&dquo;skills (Irwin, 1970) that will be useful on theoutside; men who are released and subsequently returnedto prison report that they do not paint while outside. Thus,the niche of serious artist seems to be a situationallymotivated strategy of accommodation that inmates adoptas a means to reduce the threats and deprivations ofimprisonment.

METHODSThe research reported here was conducted in 1981 at a

maximum security state prison that holds approximately2000 male inmates. Data were collected using semistructuredinterviews and direct observation on a &dquo;snowballsample&dquo;ofartists. The initial objective of the study was to describeethnographically the subculture of art in prison. Craftworkers, photographers, artists, and guards were in-terviewed in order to get oriented to the range of prisonersartistic activities. These initial interviews revealed thedivision of artists into those who were known as &dquo;seriousartists&dquo;(approximately 15) and other inmates who weresaid to be &dquo;doingart&dquo;(approximately 200). All seriousartists were located by asking guards and each artist toname the serious artists. Interviews with serious artistswere then tape recorded using a semistructured interviewschedule that focused on the artists career, his interactionswith guards, other artists, other prisoners, and peopleoutside the prison, the structure of his days and weeks, andthe style and content of his work. Whenever possible,information obtained from artists was cross-checked



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against information from interviews with guards and otherartists. All serious artists were interviewed both alone (threehours) and in groups (three hours) as a further attempt tocorroborate reports. Observations and interviews tookplace in a vacant classroom, the art program and photographyclassrooms, the sales office, and the cell blocks. Over 100photographs of the artists work were taken, as well asseveral photographs of their work settings. Guards, teachers,and administrators were interviewed in offices, lunchcounters, local bars, private homes, and in prison corridors,where much time was spent waiting for security clearance.Information about the prisoners records were obtainedfrom administrators. Other data were obtained from theinmate newspaper, inmate records, and official publicationsof the prison.

In the following pages, we will first present data illustratingthe saliency of the theme of withdrawal as it emerged in theinterviews with serious artists. Then we will describe in turnthe typical career ladder of serious artists, and thesubcultural network of inmate artists and the rewards andconstraints of their art world. Finally, we will present ourfindings on the types of men likely to choose this adaptationto prison. I

SERIOUS ART AS AWITHDRAWAL STRATEGY

The serious artist subculture is an example of what Irwin(1980) has called &dquo;withdrawal,&dquo;an adaptive strategy that

~ insulates an inmate from the intrigues of the larger~ population as well as some of the more disturbing aspects

of prison bureaucracy. Although serious artists, whenengrossed in their work, manifest elements of what Goffman(1961) has called &dquo;situational withdrawal,&dquo;the withdrawaladaptation described by Irwin fits more exactly what weobserved. It includes a social dimension in that a network ofmen keep their distance from the general population and



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limit exchanges to trusted friends. Virtually all of the seriousartists expressed intense awareness of the dehumanizationof prison routines and the threats of violence and exploitationfrom other inmates. These sources of stress are strongmotives for beginning to paint and for continuing afterhaving begun.

For example, when asked to tell about his experience ofprison, one inmate describes his feelings about the loss ofidentity:

Im so sick of this place. There are gas guns all over. Im sickof the people-dope fiends, creeps. The halls are gray.Youre a number. Everybody and everything is a number.You go to the package room to mail something-by number.You arent a name, a person, youre a piece of meat. You lineup to eat like so many people going to slaughter.

In addition to the deindividuation processes, the artists

express their sense of mortification during the episodes inwhich staff act out their dominance. An inmate describesthe rituals that underline his subordination:

We have to stand for the morning count. I find this reallygalling. I have to stand like Im paying this guy homagecause he can count. Now, a number of us have talked to thegrievance [inmate grievance committee] about this. Theymentioned it to the warden. So, he gets on the PA systemand says: &dquo;Standingfor the count is necessary. There maybe a guy whos dead or deathly sick in his cell and wewouldnt be aware of it unless everybody is up.&dquo;This is thestory. They arent concerned whether we are alive or dead;thats crap. Hes

doingit because thats what the hacks

[guards] want. Its a form of reprisal for what happened inthe mess hall that time. The hacks want to keep us in ourplace. Now I certainly wouldnt be sitting on the edge of mybed or drinking a cup of coffee or painting and be dead-right ? You see what I mean? Im sitting there writing a letteror painting and they yell &dquo;Count!&dquo;I have to drop everythingand just stand there like this [he stands slump-shouldered,



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arms at his sides] and wait just so the hack can walk by andmumble. I got to go through all this and sit back down-andthat galls me. Great way to start your day, yeah?

The unpredictability is another factor that motivates a manto seek a niche:

Theres always tensions in prison. You always have somedog officer and some lousy scheming inmates. I stay mydistance from the

guards.I dont

like them, youknow? Im in

here for a reason. &dquo;Leaveme alone and Ill leave you alone,&dquo;thats my attitude. I dont want to bother with them. Theyllcross you in a minute. Theyll come in taughin and jokin-the next minute theyre all down your throat. One day youreall goody, happy and gay-the next day, theyre ready towrite somebody up for something minor.

The desire to keep their distance from other inmates isapparent even in the previously cited quotes where artistsare talking about guards. But most artists are more explicitabout the sense of threat from other inmates and the desireto withdraw from them:

Put youself in with a bunch of convicted felons-some older,most younger-most are retarded, low IQs, you know. Itsdangerous. Its like the ghetto, worse, in fact-fighting,drugs, whatever. All packed in under prison conditions.Difficult!? I cant stand it! Maybe its because I live here 24hours a day. I cant, I wont deal with these people anymore.Its gettin worse and worse.

Even though their work can be used for exchange in the

prison economy,the artists fear the

possibilityof

becomingentangled in the exploitive and violent relationships there:

You dont want to sell inside. People get to owing you moneyand they dont want to pay; then, youre going to have to dosomething. Selling inside is just too many hassles. You gottago drop your prices. Its crazy-too many hassles!



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A long-term prisoner describes his sense of alienation fromeven the more mundane

aspectsof life in the

larger population:If I had a little corner that I could crawl into, Id crawl into it.The yard bores the shit out of me. Im tired of hearing peopletalking-ego tripping-fantasy time. Im tired of the junkies.There are not very nice kinds of people in prison. I dontknow how to describe it, but they bore the shit out of me. Idont play cards. Im not interested in sports or anything likethat. The yard is like standing around tellinthe same old liesyou told yesterday and expectin everybody to believe it.Who needs it? They talk about their life stories and blowthem out of proportion. They make themselves out to besuperheroes. If they shot a bag of dope, it was two pounds.Then, too, Ive been in prison since I was 17 and there are alot of experiences Ive never had. Theres nothing for me totalk

about, except prisonlife.

So,as a

result,I dont want to

talk at all. So thats the trouble around here. The yard dontinterest me.

Although these inmates clearly desired to withdraw fromthe main activities of the convict world, this adaptation isnot usually an individualistic one. As Irwin observes (1980:197-206), those who choose this strategy for dealing withthe stresses of their environment are likely to be embeddedin a network of like-minded friends.

STAGES OF THESERIOUS ARTISTS CAREER

Typically, serious artists do not see themselves as highlytalented amateurs before beginning to paint. Rather, theirdesire to &dquo;doart&dquo;emerges out of a search for some means tomake &dquo;doingtime&dquo;less burdensome. One artist reports thathe chose to do art after he felt he had exhausted hisattempts to find ways to be released by using lawyers andthe law library. Once he had resigned himself to acceptingthat he was going to be in for a while, he began to look for



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some activity that would make the stay easier to endure.Some stumble across

drawingas a means of

distractingthemselves. One inmate states:

I got hooked when I was locked up in Elmira. Twenty-fourhour-a-day lock-up. I had a magazine, one piece of paper,and a pencil stub and thats what started me sketching; somewoman in the magazine advertising a window.

Anotherstates:

J I got started when I was on death row.... Priest kept cominrin and talking. It was OK. I was a real nervous wreck. He wasthe one that suggested that I start sketchin. It helped a lot.Its calming.

But simply having the desire and sketching on ones own

does not get one far along the career ladder. Once a mandevelops the desire to &dquo;doart,&dquo;he must pass through aprocess of socialization to achieve legitimation of the

r identity of serious artist. The first step is to complete the art~ program class. Some of the serious artists never drew or

painted before taking the class, which they chose to dosimply as a way to pass time or be with friends. Very few ofthose who take the class go on to become serious artists.

The only way to get started in here is in the art class. Unlessyou transfer in with all yourequipment. Then they [the staff]know youre an artist. The beginners in the class are there topass the time. Its an easy job assignment. When you beginyoure not really serious about it. The guys there just do it topass the time.

Looking back, those that did become serious artists seethe art program as an extension of the larger prisonpopulation from which they have subsequently withdrawn:

It [the art program] is just a dumping ground. The class isnoisy. A lot of hell raising; you cant get nothing done inthere. Put yourself in a class with 40 convicted felons. They



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just throw those guys in there. They have no talent. They justdont give a damn about art. There are things to steal fortrade. Thats what they want. Palette knives-thats the bigone. Or theyll steal paint and trade for cigarettes, favors,whatever. They run around in there like cockroaches andplay-make &dquo;pretty&dquo;pictures and send them home or tradethem for a lousy carton of cigarettes.

The second step in the aspiring artists career is to displayand sell his work for small amounts at the hobby shop salesoffice in the prison. In addition to paintings done in artclasses, the hobby shop displays and sells leather, wood,glass paintings, and other craft products. Buyers includeother inmates and a few guards. Most beginners who sellthrough this outlet never move beyond this stage. Seriousartists view these beginners with disdain, since most areusing their artistic skills primarily to better their standingwithin the prison economy. Many use their work as amedium of exchange, acquiring supplies and other commod-ities from other inmates. Selling paintings to guards, otherinmates, or through the sales shop are no longer valuedafter a man becomes recognized as a serious artist, but for anovice these outlets are a means to obtain income, build areputation, and possibly move on to a better niche. Again,the withdrawal theme is apparent in the reactions of oneartist to those who are at this career stage:

There are other guys who do art here, I guess you could callit art. These are the glass painters. These guys are all overthe place. A few have some talent. But they got a long way togo. But theyre too much into other things besides art.Theyre too much into prison, you know what I mean?

An important step in consolidating the identity of seriousartist is to be recognized as an artist by the guards, whichan inmate can achieve by accumulating a body of work,selling to other inmates or to people outside, or, in somecases, doing a painting for a guard. Once the guards accepta man as a serious artist, he is more likely to be given access



11/29

430

to supplies and less likely to have his equipment con-fiscated during periodic inspections. More will be saidabout these privileges when we discuss constraints andresources.

Full consolidation of the identity requires acceptance bythe network of serious artists. In several cases a moreadvanced artist plays the part of mentor in the transformationof a beginner into a serious artist. Serious artists, with theirorientation toward a withdrawal strategy, are always waryof con artists looking to exploit them; but under the rightconditions an established artist will allow a beginner toattempt to achieve legitimation under his direction.

A glass painter, D., that locks in the next company, asked meto help him. He sketches. Wants to get away from all theglass painting shit. So I said, &dquo;OK.&dquo;If it is someone who hasan interest in it and is sincere, Ill take him under my wing, soto speak. You get a lot of guys who say, &dquo;Idlike to learn, canyou teach me?&dquo;I say, &dquo;Well ...&dquo;Theyre just talking, all thetime youre getting down to business, and theyre offsomewhere else. Its not for everybody. you know. This guyD., hes doing all right. Hes working at it.

The mixture of wariness and willingness to help under theright conditions is apparent in the story of how one seriousartist moved beyond beginner status:

This guy tricked me into painting. He was an artist in the cellnext to mine at the Tombs. I asked him to do a painting of me.He handed me a panel board and said, &dquo;Look,you know howto sketch a little bit. Do a sketch of yourself.&dquo;I did and when Iwas done with it, I said, &dquo;Whatdo

youthink of it?&dquo;He said,

&dquo;Damn,thats pretty good. Listen, do me a favor. Im busy.Heres some brushes and paints. Just put in the roughcolors. This goes here and that goes there.&dquo;He helped mealong the way. Next thing I know, ! was painting. I wouldntgive his stuff back to him. I got hooked.

In a group mterview one artist discussed his criteria for

acting as mentor to a beginner:



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431

if some fellow had a certain amount of background andknew the basics, I might look over his stuff and if they weredone over a period of time-not just last night. Lets just say,for example, somebody like-[agreement f rom the group]. Icould see hes been working along on it and see the progressin his work. I would, most likely, help him along.

The final steps in the serious artists career come when hesells paintings on the outside, but even here there aregradations of success. One way to sell outside is throughorganizations like PACE (Prisoners Accelerated CreativeExposure), a national organization that specializes in sellingthe work of prison artists. Although many serious artists usethis outlet, the most valued outlets are nonprisoner artshows and dealers. Both types of outlets require makingcontact through the mail. To be recognized as an artist, notjust a prison artist, is the final step in the career of theserious artist.

One might think that those who reach this final stagewould continue their careers after leaving prison. However,one of the most accomplished artists, who had beenreleased and rearrested prior to being interviewed, reportedthat he never painted on the outside. Another artist who hasbeen released since being interviewed also is not painting.It seems that at least for these men, their careers as artistsbegin and end in prison.

THE ART WORLD OFTHE SERIOUS ARTIST

REWARDS OF THE NICHE

Having achieved validation by serious artists and guards,the aspiring inmate artist finds himself in an art world(Becker, 1982) in which he is able to gain access toresources that facilitate his work. Once recognized by theguards as a serious artist, he may find it easier to be placed



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on the honor block. To be placed on honor block requiresthat a man stay free of discipline &dquo;reports&dquo;for at least sixmonths, but being known as an artist who is serious abouthis work does not hurt a mans case. Of the 15 seriousartists, 8 resided there. The cells are 50% larger than cells inother blocks, allowing for more room for supplies. Prisonersthere are allowed to move in and out of their cells during theday, and they are allowed to congregate in groups of threeor four in the cells. Although artists in other blocks are stillable to paint in their cells during their free time, they sufferfrom the lack of contact:

I know D. of course, J., The-, and 0., all the guys. But I dontget a chance to see them too often. My work is at a standstillbecause Im not motivated. Were restricted; were separated.Theres nobody in -block to motivate me. Now if I were in-

block Id paintmore

often; becausewe

couldmore

or lessshare each others ideas. But lm at a standstill now.

Once accepted as a serious artist, a man gains access to anetwork of exchange within the group that enhances thevalue of his niche. In addition, he becomes a part of theongoing process of creating and maintaining the groupsculture and values. Eventually, he gains a place in thegroups status order. The existence of the network isapparent in the density of exchanges and in the mutualrecognition of each other. One artist reports:

As artists were more aware of each other. We know eachother. We have something to talk about, even if we dontknow each other. Like when D. came back into prison. Of

course, I knew about him. I heard he was here. I waved tohim. He probably said, &dquo;Who thehell is that and what does hewant?&dquo;to the guy next to him. &dquo;ThatsM., hes an artist.&dquo;Immediately his face went from &dquo;Whothe hell are you?&dquo;to&dquo;Ohyeah, how ya doin?&dquo;

Within the network members exchange supplies, books,and criticism. Restrictions on supplies would hamper the



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efforts of the artist who is not part of the network. Forexample, artists are allowed only a small quantity ofturpentine. When one of the group is in the middle of apainting and runs out of turpentine, he may trade brushes,paints, or canvas. Books are another media of exchange:

If you cant trade things off, you have to spend money. Likethese books Im reading-once I read them two or threetimes, somebody will come along with something I want. Ill

just trade them off. Nice way of doing things. No strings. Weall run our own little lending libraries. Like right now I gottaget a good color theory book. Its the only thing Im missingin my whole wide world.

These exchange processes are more informal and flowmore easily on the honor block. The honor block alsoallows mutual criticism, leading to the development ofemergent norms and values. As one man states:

If Im having trouble Ill ask L., J., or ... D. most of the time. T.,if I see him, or L. I dont go to L. much, even though hes juston the other side. You ask other people and theyll say thatlooks great-because they dont know; it just looks &dquo;pretty&dquoto them. You cant get no advice. So I talk to the guys [theserious artists]. We help each other out.

Another artist reports:

lll look at other peoples work-explain things. I oftencriticize J.s work. Its constructive criticism and hell make

changes, then laterwhen I see his work theres improvement.Ill get after him; he realizes what Im doing and says, &dquo;Yeah,Ill try to work at it.&dquo;Hes making progress.... Even I takecriticism! I dont mind criticism when I think it is fromsomeone who knows what theyre talking about. Im my ownworst critic. Ill often take things to J. and say, &dquo;Lookat this; itwas a good idea in my head but its not going down.&dquo;So hellsay, &dquo;Well,look at this part,&dquo;or &dquo;Whatcan you do here?&dquo;Whatever, and you talk. So when I cant put it off any more, Ido something, Ill experiment-got nothin to lose and it



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434

goes down nice. Ill say to him, &dquo;Comeup and take a look atit,&dquo;and hell say, &dquo;Wow,it worked.&dquo;Thats really great.

A mans status in the group of serious artists is dependentupon commitment to the values of the group. If a man isseen as &dquo;notserious&dquo;because he does not spend the timeon art that others do, does not show progress as defined byart theory books, engages in main-line convict activities, oris not seen as talented, he may be placed in a marginalposition by the group. In discussing such a person on honorblock, one artist claims:

I used to take his black paint away. Hed always use blackinstead of learning how to mix in order to use the propershadow or use complementaries. Now after maybe a year orso hassling with him I said, &dquo;Fine,do it the way you want to.&dquo;L. still paints the way he did 10 years ago. What a rut! Hesmaking very little progress. I dont like telling him that. Heshighly temperamental about it.

Those who come to be viewed as &dquo;temperamental&dquoandnot serious may also be categorized as &dquo;dangerous&dquo;-onewho may react violently or involve others in exchanges withthe more threatening subcultures in the system. Seriousartists are likely to minimize contact with such people, eventhough they may be recognized as serious artists by guardsor market agents.

The highest status goes to those who sell outside orreceive awards from sources other than either the prison oragencies like PACE that specialize in prison art. Though allIartists report that non-prison-related avenues provide more

money for ones work, they also seem to be valued as meansto enhancing ones self-esteem and ones claim on theidentity of artist.

I know Im considered the best in here. But thats nothing. Itslike Im the only guy thats locked in this cell, and you comealong and say, &dquo;D.,youre the nicest guy in that cell.&dquo;Youknow what I mean? Who are you in competition with?



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&dquo;Yourethe best guy in the cell; youre the most talented.&dquo;Whatever. I want to really know how good I am to the outsideworld-thats the real world.

Another artist expresses his aspirations:

Im in here for a reason, yeah. But thats not all I am. Theythink thats [crime is] all we know. We arent animals, freaks!We have talent. We are artists. Wed like to be treated likeartists. I dont want somebody to hang my painting up andsay, &dquo;Thiswas done by an artist in [prison].&dquo;I want them tosay &dquo;Thiswas done by an artist named J. B.&dquo;

Although prison artists gain many rewards, the mostfrequently reported reason for &dquo;doingart&dquo;is money. Themoney allows the artist to live comfortably and safely in theprison, providing an alternative to entering the prison

economyto meet

personalneeds:

You gotta have money here. If you have money, you donthave to rely on anybody-youre the boss. You do what youwant to do. Whereas if you dont have the money, then youhave to rely on someone else. You dont want to be in thatposition. You might get beat or cut. You might get hurt.

In addition,money

can be a means ofmaintaining

a more

meaningful relationship with people outside:

Selling helps me get the things I want. My needs arent greatin here, but I can buy things just to have them. I need moneyfor my lawyers and things of that nature. Thats expensive! Ialways send money to my girl and my mother. Now thats areal nice feeling!

Besides monetary gain, the role of artist offers psy-chological benefits. The absorption in painting enables theartist to deal with the strains of boredom, and it provides anoutlet for expressing inner tensions:

It kills the time-it kills most of the time. When you like topaint, its the only thing you have to kill the time. Its the only



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strength I have to maintain my sanity. Ive been able to do mytime with it. Ive been in the

jointfor seven

years.Theres a lot

of pressure, not just from in here, but out there, familyproblems. All the time I have to do is enough to make mecrazy. I feel its my strength. Ive been able to &dquo;maintain.&dquo;When Im depressed, I go to my painting. Im in anothertypeof world when I work. I block out everything around me.

Finally, the role of serious artist brings recognition and

self-esteem, and it insulates the inmate from the threats ofthe prison environment. Rather than being defeated by thedegradations of the total institution or stressed by thethreats of the violent inmate culture, he is buoyed up by theself-enhancing interchanges. As one artist states:

I do have a reputation as an artist. Three months ago I waseven in the

prison newspaper. Almost

everybodyhere

knows of me, I guess. People know me by my painting, as anartist, not a tough guy. I dont do tough guy stuff, I paint.

Another states:

You get some respect as an artist. People respect you foryour talents. A lot of people know you because of it. Some

guys play on you so they can get something. They give you alot of conversation, but you dont know if theyre sincere. Itsbetter to stick to yourself or with other artists. I tell them,&dquo;Dontlet my talent get in the way.&dquo;

Thus, the career of artist enables the inmate to carve out aniche that includes psychological, social, and monetarygains, as well as distance from the more threateningaspects of prison life.

CONSTRAINTS ON THE NICHE

Although the role of serious artist provides access to arewarding niche in prison, that niche is still bound byconstraints that set limits on the artist. Most of the



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constraints emanate from the guards. The guards re-sponsibility for security makes them wary about supplieslike palette knives and turpentine. They forbid somematerials that are seen as security risks; clay, for example,is prohibited because it may be used to jam locks. Metalsculpture is forbidden because metal can be fashioned intoweapons. Security is maintained through periodic searches,which can disrupt work for several days and lead tohumiliation:

The hacks will come into your cell. Theyll break things,threaten you, say, &dquo;Getover there! Keep your mouth shut!&dquo;When a shakedown comes up, they dont care who you are.They do what they want-take everything. Theyre childishand vindictive.

However, an inmate who is recognized as a serious artistmay receive special treatment during these episodes.Guards may look the other way if he cannot produce apermit. They may speak in his favor when he is questionedfor having contraband items. Or they may allow him to keepequipment that is against regulations:

They had a shake-down. Now, they know artists have paletteknives. Well I had a few of them; had no

permitfor them. So

one of them took them. They said it was a weapon. When Iwent to the board [disciplinary board] to see about it, therewas this particular officer who knew me-knew my work. Iwas worthy of doing something for him, so he more or lessbacked me and told the lieutenant the purpose of thoseknives. My explaining wasnt good enough, but his wordcarried weight. So, they cut me loose.

Another artist tells a similar story:

I had stretches and things-lots of wood back in my cell-all Iagainst regs! I had everything stacked up nice and neat. Ashake-down came along. The guards came in. I had donesome work for one guy once. He knew me as an artist. They



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gave me a break. He said, &dquo;Wellhave to send them out, butwell

keepthem for

you.&dquo;Normally they justtake it.

I gotthe

stuff back.

Serious artists are particularly dependent upon the use ofthe mail service. When they do not have access to visitorswho can bring them supplies, they must rely on mail orders.They must also use the mail to send their paintings to artshows, dealers, and buyers. On the other hand, guards areconcerned about maintaining security and stopping theflow of forbidden items in and out of the prison. Theirinspection of packages can delay or block the flow ofcontact with the outside world. It can also lead to the loss ofvaluable paintings:

One time I sent five paintings out.) sold three paintings and

the other two never came back. I was waiting for them andthen I was told that they dont know where they were. Theywere lost. I got a letter that they were lost. I was trying forabout six months to get them-prove that I did send them.

Almost a year later I was still signing forms and forms andforms. Finally I just said, &dquo;Forgetit!&dquo;

The serious artist develops a strong investment in thisniche and has much to lose if it is jeopardized. Theinvestment leads to caution in dealing with guards and toefforts to cultivate their goodwill:

Every inmate is going to get away with whatever the hell hecan get away with. Hell evaluate the risks, the consequences,and the chances of success. Hes goin to do it, so he needsthis much

chanceif

hethinks

hell succeed. Others,particularly guys in art, theyre more cautious. They figure,&dquo;Iworked hard. I dont want them to take away my supplies. Iwant to keep painting.&dquo;We have more to lose. The artists area lot smarter.

Another artist states:

You mighthave to ask them

[guards]to lean

your way alittle

more and youd hope theyd do it. You want to give them



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good cause to. &dquo;Well&dquo;,theyll say, &dquo;Hesbeen here since 19-.He keeps to himself. Hes talented. He hasnt had a pinch[report].&dquo;So, I would more or less hopefully expect a littlemore consideration than some guy who hasnt done anythingconstructive in the joint. I think thats the way it should be.

This caution and concern with staying out of troubleworks to the advantage of the authorities. Nevertheless,guards orientation toward serious artists remains am-bivalent, colored

by theusual staff-inmate

paranoia,as well

as, in some cases, envy at the recognition and income ofsuccessful inmate artists. The precarious equilibrium in thisrelationship can be disrupted by the slightest wrong moveon the artists part. For example, as a package room guardreports:

We have a lot of packages going through here every day.They all have to be checked for contraband. Some guycomes in and wants things sent out right away. I cant justdrop everything and do his stuff before everybody elses. Alot of those guys [the artists] will come in wanting to sendthings right away. Now, you gotta be suspicious of that rightoff. Theyre a lot of trouble. A lot of times, packages will bethe wrong size to go out, or theyll get stuff in thats againstregulations: flammables, things they can use as weapons.Theres enough hassles here. A guy hassles me aboutgetting something out-I say, &dquo;Letit sit.&dquo;Now, if somebodycomes in-the guys nice-Ill get it out for him, maybe a littlequicker than somebody who isnt so nice.

Serious artists develop skill at navigating in this unstableadministrative environment. They have to develop thecorrect balance between

boastingand

groveling-makingthe guard aware of their abilities without appearing arrogantor threatening. One inmate reports:

When I go to the package room, I always give the guard alittle courteous rap. Now I do this whether I like it or not.Because, you see, hell remember me. Each time I bring upsome paintings to go out, I say, &dquo;Wouldyou care to see my



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paintings?&dquo;Hes going to look at them anyway. But at least Ishowed him some consideration. Now, as it goes, hesgotten to know me. You see? I walk up and start to take outmy ID card and he says, &dquo;No.Thats OK.&dquo;You see?

While cultivating the goodwill of the guards, the artistmust also be careful not to violate the norm against beingoverly friendly with guards:

I dont like topaint

on the inside[for guards

or

inmates].I

have and still do, every once in a while. G. [a block guard]came to me one day with a picture of his kid with all thesereligious robes on. He asked me if Id do it. What can yousay? I dont like screws. I dont want people runnin aroundsayin paint for screws all the time. But hes on my block. SoI did it.

CONSTRAINTS ON ARTISTICCONTENT AND STYLE

The constraints of prison places limits on the seriousartists choice of media, style, and subject matter. Theconstraints on clay, metal, and other material lead toconcentration on oils and watercolors. Serious artists

complain of the weakening of their perceptual abilities.Most of the respondents talk of the problems they have withcolor, tone, detail, form, and scale. One artist complains: &dquo;Icant paint a tree. I havent seen one in 14 years. You cant doit right from a picture.&dquo;Much of the artists work is done indark and muted colors. One respondent attributes the toneof this work to the environment:

Being in the joint has an effect on what comes out on canvas.It shows in my work. Dark, my work is dark. I want to getaway from them colors and brighten things up around here. Itry, but it doesnt come out on canvas. Maybe when I get onthe street. Things are brighter on the street.



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Another reports:

You lose colors in prison. You actually lose colors! Its drabin here. The brightest thing I see is a building, lookingthrough dirty glass. Theres no light... colors and shadoware off. Its a bitch-real drab.

Some artists react by using especially bright colors,although this may lead to peer criticism: &dquo;J.is always afterme to tone down my colors. but I love to see them!&dquo;

There are no formal restrictions on the content of art inprison. However, artists rarely do what they call &dquo;jailhouseart&dquo;-graphicportrayals of the hardships and indignities ofprison life. The artists fear that bleak portrayals of life inprison may alienate the staff:

I started this painting. I called it &dquo;TheShake-down.&dquo;I was

really gettin intoit. One day I stood back and really looked at

it. I said to myself, &dquo;Noway. Im really gonna catch myselfshit for this.&dquo;So, I gessoed it over. Its too bad. Even if thehacks on the block didnt see it, it never would have made itto the outside.

But artists also avoid jail-house art because of a desire toescape prison life through their paintings. Most of the

paintings are reaiistic portrayals of pastoral scenes (suchas landscapes), portraits of family members, and nudes.These themes serve to connect the artist with images andmemories of the outside world.

SERIOUS ARTISTS ANDOTHER INMATES:

A COMPARISON

Irwin (1980) has suggested that the general withdrawalstrategy of adaptation to prison is more likely for older,white prisoners who desire to escape the general populationand public areas that are dominated by younger black and



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Hispanic gangs. Comparing serious artists to the generalinmate population, we find support for Irwins observation.

Demographically, serious artists are atypical members ofthe prison population. Their average age is 14 years olderthan that of inmates in the general prison population. Andalthough they differ little in education from other prisoners,artists are twice as likely to be white and twice as likely to beserving long sentences for serious offenses.

These characteristics may well make prisoners moresusceptible to the stresses of the prison environment andhence provide a stronger motivational push to enter theniche of serious artist. Long-term prisoners may be morestrongly motivated to find a stable niche that enables themto endure the time. Like our respondent who joined the artclass only after exhausting legal channels of release, theymay begin an art career as part of a search to find ways tomake a long stay in prison more tolerable.

White prisoners are particularly subject to threats ofinmate-inmate exploitation. In prisons characterized byracial tensions, blacks and Hispanics tend to be morecohesive than whites. Because the vast majority of guardsare white, blacks draw on the ideology of racial dis-crimination to rationalize their violent and exploitiveorientation to whites. Both Toch (1977) and Jones (1976)report that, in general, white prisoners report a greater fearof physical danger than black prisoners. Whites also scorelower on measures of self-esteem, show more signs ofpsychological distress, and are more likely to consider andactually commit suicide (Carroll, 1982).

Because of their position as a vulnerable minority, olderprisoners are likely to find the prison environment morestressful than younger prisoners. Older inmates oftencomplain of being surrounded by noisy, aggressive youngmen who boast about their adventures. Younger prisonershave fewer investments and commitments and are oftenless secure about themselves, hence more prone to seekconfrontations and to badger older inmates (Jensen, 1977;



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TABLE 1

Serious Artists Compared to General Population of Inmates

-- ----- - ---~-a. New York State Department of Corrections Annual Report, 1980.b. Total is over 100% because one man serves time for two crimes.



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Johnson, 1966). Older men in a system consisting ofpredominantly younger men are less likely to find friendswho share their concerns and perspectives (Johnson, 1982).

However, it also may be that the overrepresentation ofolder whites among the serious artists is due to prejudiceand discrimination on the part of the guards. Acquiring andmaintaining the niche requires the cooperation of theguards to obtain supplies, store materials, and sell art work.The staff is predominantly white and may be more inclinedto cooperate with white prisoners. In contrast, blackprisoners may find it difficult to use successfully thestrategies necessary for cultivating a relationship with theguards.3

CONCLUSION

To a great extent an inmates passage from the generalpopulation to the niche of serious artist is regulated by thestructures provided by the prison and the emergentsubculture network of serious artists. The art programprovides a beginner with access to material resources andbasic training. Successful completion of the programconfers a modest degree of legitimacy to the aspiringartists claim to the identity of artist. But the full benefits ofthe niche accrue to those who persist to the point ofreceiving acceptance by a mentor into the subculture ofserious artists. Once in this network, he gains access tomore advanced socialization, and to a network of exchangeof supplies, books, ideas, and emotional support. Thoughsanctions from the network may constrain the choice of

style and subject matter, participation in the networkprovides guidance in developing skills, helps sustain artisticcommitment, and allows entry into the wider art world.

Many men take the art classes, but only a few persist tobecome serious artists. Movement up the career ladderinvolves a combination of self-discovery and supportiveresponse from guards and established serious artists.



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Those who make it into the network are likely to be personsmotivated to withdraw from the threats and intrigues of thegeneral population-older, white, long-term prisoners. Theniche they carve out together is a variant on the withdrawalaccommodation described by Irwin (1980).

Once in the network, serious artists are distanced fromthe general inmate population, but also become dependentupon the goodwill of the guards to maintain the suppliesand contacts needed to continue working. This dependencyprobably makes them more orderly and conforming. Theserious artist must walk a fine line between the hostilecamps of the guards and the more violent prisoners-cultivating the favor of the guards without arousing theresentment or suspicion of other inmates.

The serious artist subculture is a situationally motivatedaccommodation to prison life. It provides distance fromsome of the dangerous aspects of prison life, and it providessome relief from the more distressing aspects of institutionalcontrols. However, if the reports of the few prisoners weinterviewed who were released are generalizable, the artistsdo not carry their accommodation beyond the prison walls.

Farrell (1982) argues that, in the world outside of prison,participation in a friendship circle facilitates the de-

velopment of young artists and other professionals. Usuallyforming while the members are in their twenties, thesecircles validate identity aspirations before they are fullyvalidated by the professional world, consolidate the instru-mental socialization of the young professional, assist inworking through emotional blocks to productivity andcreativity, and help sustain commitment through exchangeof emotional, instrumental, and intellectual resources.While in prison, the subculture of serious artists seems toplay a similar part in the career of the artist. But for theserious prison artist, release and freedom disrupt thisnetwork. The loss of the reference group, coupled with theremoval of the stresses that generated the accommodation,may be factors leading many such artists to set aside artistic

pursuits on the outside.



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The serious artist subculture is only one type of accommo-dation to prison. There are many others, including thereligious subcultures, those that form around prisonindustries, the weight-lifters, the jail-house lawyers, and theethnically polarized gangs. These subcultural networksvary in their degree of openness, withdrawal, and de-pendence upon interacting with the guards or the generalpopulation of inmates. Irwin has suggested that thesesubcultural networks are crystallizing into a new socialorder in prisons, an order that has taken shape in the wakeof the riots and reform movements that characterizedprisons during the early 1970s. It would seem useful toexamine the internal structure and interrelations of thesevarious networks. A better understanding of this emergentorder and the effects of participating in it may help makeprisons more effective in bringing about constructivechanges as well as making them more humane places to&dquo;dotime.&dquo;

NOTES

1. See Irwin (1980: 197-201) for a description of a balanced form ofwithdrawal.

2. Hagel-Seymour (1982) argues that the stresses of prison can be reducedby a vulnerable prisoner to the extent that he can find a "niche" where hisenvironmental preferences match an ecological subsetting. Drawing on in-depthinterviews, Toch (1977) has extracted seven dimensions of desirable envi-ronmental settings that prisoners recognize and use: freedom from restrictions,physical safety, privacy, structure or predictability, support or programs andservices that facilitate self-improvement, emotional feedback (love, appreciation,

caring), and activity (distraction, filling up time). Not surprisingly, Hagel-Seymourfinds that the most commonly expressed environmental preference is forfreedoma setting that reduces the presence of formal control and allows formore egalitarian staff-inmate communication. However, both authors present anindividualistic perspective on prisoners styles of adaptations, downplaying thedegree to which adaptations tend to be socially constructed solutions to theproblems of adjustment to prison.

3. This research cannot sort out the extent to which the overrepresentation ofolder whites is dependent upon the motivational push of escaping stress or upon



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these sorts of blocks experienced by blacks. To do so would require a systematiccomparison of institutions.

REFERENCES

BECKER, H. S. (1982) Art Worlds. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.BOWKER, L. (1982) "Victimizers and victims in American correctional institutions,"

pp. 63-76 in R. Johnson and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains of Imprisonment. BeverlyHills, CA: Sage.

CARROLL, L. (1982) "Race, ethnicity, and the social order of the prison," pp.181-203 in R. Johnson and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains of Imprisonment. BeverlyHills, CA: Sage.

FARRELL, M. P. (1982) "Artist circles and the development of artists." SmallGroup Behavior 13: 475-495.

FARRELL, M. P. and C. HART-BAROODY (1985) "Serious artists and jailhouselawyers: subcultural adaptations to prison." Presented atthethirty-fifth annualmeeting of the Society for the Study of Social Problems, Washington, DC.

FULLER, D., T. ORSAGH, and D. RABER (1977) "Violence and victimization

within the North Carolina prison system." Presented at the annual meeting ofthe Academy of Criminal Justice Society.

GOFFMAN, E. (1961) Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patientsand Other Inmates. New York: Doubleday.

HAGEL-SEYMOUR, J. (1982) "Environmental sanctuaries for susceptibleprisoners," pp. 267-284 in R. Johnson and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains ofImprisonment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

IRWIN, J. (1980) Prisons in Turmoil. Boston: Little, Brown.IRWIN, J. (1970) The Felon. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.JACOBS, J. B. (1977) Stateville: The Penitentiary in Mass Society.

Chicago:Univ.

of Chicago Press.JENSEN, G. (1977) "Age and rule-breaking in prison. a test of sociocultural

interpretations." Criminology 14: 555-568.JOHNSON, E. (1966) "Pilot study: age, race and recidivism as factors in prison

infractions." Canadian J. of Corrections 8: 268-263.JOHNSON, E. (1982) "Life under sentence of death, pp. 129-145 in R. Johnson

and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains of Imprisonment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.JONES, D. A. (1976) The Health Risks of Imprisonment. Lexington, MA. D. C.

Heath.

LERNER, S. (1984) "The rule of the cruel." New Republic (October): 17-21.SYKES, G. M. (1958) The Society of Captives: A Study of a Maximum Security

Prison. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.SYLVESTER, S. F., J. H. REED, and D. O. NELSON (1977) Prison Homicide. New

York: Spectrum.TOCH, H. (1977) Living in Prison: The Ecology of Survival. New York Free Press.



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CYNTHIA BAROODY-HART is completing her Ph.D. in Sociology at the StateUniversity of New York at Buffalo. She has worked as an Instructor at the StateUniversity of New York College at Fredonia. In her current research she iscomparing serious artists with jailhouse lawyers, testing hypotheses derived fromnetwork and social support theones.

MICHAEL P. FARRELL received his Ph.D. in Sociology from Yale University and iscurrently Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies at the StateUniversity of New York at Buffalo. His published work includes articles on health-care teams, friendship groups, artist circles, and male development.

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