Secwepemcésk̓e: Secwépemc Personal Names and...
Transcript of Secwepemcésk̓e: Secwépemc Personal Names and...
Secwepemcésk̓e: Secwépemc Personal Names and Naming
by Theodore Gottfriedson
Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Arts
in the
Department of Linguistics
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
© Theodore Gottfriedson 2019
SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY
Spring 2019
Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation.
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Approval
Name: Theodore Gottfriedson
Degree: Master of Arts
Title: Secwepemcésk̓e: Secwépemc Personal Names and Naming
Examining Committee: Chair: Nancy Hedberg Professor
Marianne Ignace Senior Supervisor Professor
Ronald Ignace Supervisor Adjunct Professor
Date Approved: April 17, 2019
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Ethics Statement
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Abstract
This research addresses the subject of Secwepemcésk̓e, Secwépemc personal names
and naming, in order to increase knowledge about our traditional names, and help to
revitalize the use of Secwepemctsín names as an important domain in the use and
knowledge of our language. It is a contribution to the overall revitalization of our
endangered language. To recover Secwépemc traditional names that our ancestors from
Skítsestn and Tk̓emlúps were given during the 19th and early 20th centuries, I worked
with archival records such as Baptisms 1867-1882 and Marriages 1873-1874 from the
Kamloops Catholic Diocese; the 1881 Canada Census (Yale Division); the 1877-1878
Joint Reserve Commission Census; and early band lists from the 1920s. In focus group
sessions and interviews, I discussed these with a group of Secwepemctsín speaking
Elders, mainly from Skítsestn, who provided translations, correct pronunciations, the
meaning and context of names, and cultural background information. The information
from these sessions, a literature review of previous ethnographic writings and analyses
of names by ethnographer James Teit, and research completed by Drs. Marianne and
Ronald Ignace all combined to provide a comprehensive examination of Secwépemc
names and practices of name-giving. In addition, these works, combined with the focus
group sessions with Elders, revealed various categories of Secwepemc names,
including ancestral names that derive from spirit-guardian quests (étsxem) but were then
passed down to keep the memory of ancestors alive, as well as nick-names that refer to
characteristics of a person, and names that directly name the guardian spirit of a person.
To enable better understanding of the linguistic structure of Secwepemcésk̓e, I provide a
linguistic morpheme gloss of names across these categories, in the hope that this will
enable new generations of Secwépemc to engage in naming practices true to the
practices and protocols of our ancestors.
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Keywords: Secwepemc, Indigenous Personal Names, anthroponymy
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Dedication Firstly, it is important to thank the Elders who have endured and held onto the things that
make us Secwépemc, I am grateful for your strength and perseverance in the face of
what were insurmountable odds. Without your indomitable spirit, we would have nothing
left to save and be truly lost.
I would also like to thank the Elders at the beginning of my language learning journey
who took the time to share our language, teach me our beautiful language, and inspire
me to continue learning our language: Lizzie Thomas, Mildred Gottfriedson, Clara
Charlie, Vivian Williams, Daniel and Loretta Seymour, kukwstsétselp.
A special thank you to the Elders who in later years continued to unselfishly pass on
their knowledge: Daniel and Leona Calhoun, Christine Simon, Amy Slater, Garlene
Dodson, Julie Antoine, Doris Gage, Bill Pete and ‘The’ Mona Jules who through her
many years of hard work and dedication to our language, is the undisputed Dr. of
Secwepemctsín, kukwstsétselp.
Thank you to my supervisor, Dr. Marianne Ignace, for all your guidance, support,
patience, and your many years of dedication to the Secwépemc, ell re xqweltén-kt. Yerí7
re skukwstsétsemc!
I would also like to thank Tk̓emlúps te Secwépemc (TteS), with special emphasis to the
Education Department, for all their support. Through their actions TteS has
demonstrated that their belief in the importance of revitalizing our language goes beyond
words.
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Thank you to my family: mom, dad, sisters, brothers, aunts, uncles, nieces and
nephews, kukwstsétselp for all your support and especially for the loud gatherings and
laughter; having a supportive extended family such as this, truly allows us to be who we
are.
Thank you to my wife Sharon, ren sxuxwyéyem – “my one” who is a true partner and
confidant; and my children: Ted, Alexis, Emma and Mackenzie, ren púp̓smen – “my
heart” kukwstsétselp for giving me the greatest joy of all, fatherhood.
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Table of Contents
Approval ............................................................................................................................ ii Ethics Statement ............................................................................................................... iii Abstract ............................................................................................................................ iv Dedication ........................................................................................................................ vi Table of Contents ............................................................................................................ viii List of Tables .................................................................................................................... ix List of Figures.................................................................................................................... x The Sounds of Secwepemctsín Written in the Practical Alphabet ................................... xi
Chapter 1. Introduction ................................................................................................ 1
Chapter 2. Literature Review ..................................................................................... 10
Chapter 3. Methodology ............................................................................................ 14
Chapter 4. Data Analysis ........................................................................................... 19
Chapter 5. Conclusion ............................................................................................... 37
References ..................................................................................................................... 38
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List of Tables
Table 1. ésq̓t suffix ................................................................................................ 23 Table 2. éscen/élst suffix ....................................................................................... 23 Table 3. qín/qen suffix ........................................................................................... 24 Table 4. étkwe suffix .............................................................................................. 25 Table 5. ín̓ek suffix ................................................................................................ 25 Table 6. íts̓e7 suffix ............................................................................................... 26 Table 7. el̓qs suffix ................................................................................................. 27 Table 8. el̓cken, l̓cken suffix .................................................................................. 27 Table 9. (s)tím̓t suffix ............................................................................................. 28 Table 10. Warrior names ......................................................................................... 32 Table 11. Adapted Christian names ........................................................................ 35
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List of Figures
Figure 1. Skítsestn Elders Group (excluding: Dr. Ignace and Ted Gottfriedson) Front Row L-R: Leona Calhoun, Amy Slater, Daniel Calhoun, Christine Simon Back Row L-R: Dr. Marianne Ignace, Julie Antoine, Ted Gottfriedson, Doris Gage Missing: Garlene Dodson ............................... 13
Figure 2. Brainstorming Session ............................................................................. 16 Figure 3. Baptisms (1867-1882) and marriages (1873-1874) from the Kamloops
Catholic Diocese ...................................................................................... 17 Figure 4. Elder Christine Simon’s explaination of the name Kekéwqen ................. 29 Figure 5. Elder Christine Simon’s explanation of the name Sentéws ..................... 30 Figure 6. The Calhoun Family Tree ........................................................................ 36
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The Sounds of Secwepemctsín Written in the Practical Alphabet
Vowels Description Usage a similar to a in father ah in Eastern Secwepemctsín é similar to a in tan a in Eastern Secwepemctsín e (schwa)
similar to a in alone or e in enough
unstressed e is deleted in Eastern Secwepemctsín in the surroundings of syllabic l, m, and n and semi-vowels w and y
i similar to ee in feet or ea in beam
retracted to ia before throat sounds (uvulars and pharyngeals)
o similar to o in rod or augh in naught
u similar to oo in noon retracted to o before throat sounds (uvulars and pharyngeal)
Consonants Plain stop Glottalized stop Fricative Plain resonant Glottalized resonant
Labial p p̓ m m ̓ Dental-lateral t t ̓ ll n, l n̓, l̓ Alveolar ts ts̓ s Palatal y y̓ Velar-plain k k̓ c r r ̓ (rare) Velar-rounded kw kw̓ cw w w̓ Uvular-plain q q̓ x Uvular-rounded qw qw̓ xw Pharyngeal-plain
g g̓ (rare)
Pharyngeal-rounded
gw gw̓
Laryngeal 7 h
Note: the diacritic ́is used to indicate syllable stress, which can be born by any syllable containing the vowels é (as opposed to the always unstressed schwa e) i, a, or u. In destressed syllables, u is reduced to ew, and e, i, and a are reduced to the unstressed e. In addition, a period is used to separate two letters that are also used in combination to represent a phoneme (e.g., t.s versus ts and c.w versus cw). And parentheses are used to indicate a variation in the spelling and pronunciation of a word, which often reflects a dialect and speech community difference or in some cases an optional affix (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. xxii).
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Chapter 1. Introduction
Indigenous peoples have the right to revitalize, use, develop and transmit to future generations their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing systems and literatures, and to designate and retain their own names for communities, places and persons (United Nations, 2007).
My mother (Evelyn Gottfriedson nee Thomas) and father (Theodore Gottfriedson
Sr.) were and continue to be fiercely proud of their Secwépemc roots, a quality they
handed down to their children and grandchildren. My mother’s story is one of an
incredible journey of perseverance in the face of overwhelming odds. Evelyn’s parents
were: Squwéy (Edmund Thomas) of Tk̓emlúps, and Núnxwenxw (Elizabeth Thomas nee:
Lampreau) of Simpcw. Together Squwéy and Núnxwenxw had five sons and five
daughters, my mother being the youngest child. Evelyn’s father was a man whose early
life was rich with the language and culture of our people, a fully complete life. In his
childhood, Squwéy’s parents shared with him what it meant to become a ‘human being’
within Secwépemc society, sadly, later on in his life, it was a path that became too
difficult for him to stay on. He was a fluent speaker of the language, well versed in the
culture of our people, performed the tasks to earn his name, his songs, his power – he
completed his étsxem.
By going ‘up in the mountains,’ a young person had to live in solitude for days, potentially weeks and months, often on more than one stay. Through étsxem, which included fasting and prayer in solitude, individuals found their personal seméc (spirit guardian power). They were told, ‘Me7 etsxemíncwes re7 seméc’ (‘You should train for your guardian spirit power’). Seméc is thus conceived of as a spiritual quality and essence that does not exist accidentally or automatically but instead can be obtained and channelled by training and working hard for it. While away from the distractions of community and other people, young people on the étsxem went through rigorous fasting and physical training that allowed them to communicate with the spirits of animals. Songs would come to them, given by an animal or force of nature, like fire or water, that thus showed itself to the person questing and transferred its spirit power. These acquired
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seméc, embodied as a certain animal or a force of nature, would come to people, often during their dreams or while they were in a trance state. These seméc would become part of them, giving them special powers derived from the characteristic of the animal spirit or force of nature they received (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 384).
By all accounts, Squwéy was set up to enjoy a successful life as a Secwépemc
man. He continued his journey and married a young Secwépemc woman from a
Tqéltkemc (Upriver People) community, the Simpcw. Núnxwenxw (Elizabeth Lampreau)
was a beautiful young lady who had come from a family of survivors, not unlike every
other Secwépemc family during this era. Her father Seymour Lampreau was the son of a
French trapper and Secwépemc wife. Seymour was a man who had lost his own wife in
an influenza epidemic and raised his surviving children as a single father in difficult
times. Being a single parent, reluctantly he was left with no choice and sent his children
to residential school. Before attending residential school, Núnxwenxw was given a name
as a child, not the formal process as set out in Secwépemc Society, but a name given to
her by her family regardless.
Children receive a name sometime after they are able to walk easily. A few children, however, are named while yet in the cradle. A child could be named from either its father’s or mother’s ancestors or people. The most honorable and satisfactory method of giving a name is that of calling the neighboring people together, giving a feast, and proclaiming before them the name by which the child is to be known (Teit, 1900, p. 290).
Núnxwenxw was the first generation in my mother’s family to attend residential
school (her husband Squwéy did not). Unlike her husband she did not have the formal
cultural training he received, as she was in residential school; she did not perform the
tasks expected of a young female to complete her étsxem. The attacks on Núnxwenxw’s
identity were swift, calculated, brutal and continued throughout the duration of her
‘education’. It was at the end of her time at residential school that her father’s mixed
heritage played a pivotal role in deciding her future as a Secwépemc woman and
eventually mother. As was the norm in residential schools, the priests and nuns
assumed and exercised absolute control over every aspect of the lives of the children,
insofar as to influence their lives after residential school. In the case of Núnxwenxw, to
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choose a marriage they deemed appropriate for her betterment (assimilation). It was in
this instance that Seymour asserted his own views on the subject, that his daughter was
autonomous and free to choose her own husband. This was unacceptable to the nuns,
and as they discussed the matter and their opinions of him in French; Seymour stood
patiently by waiting, and upon the completion of their discussion he again asserted his
view, and to their distress, in French. Seymour was like most of the First Nation’s people
in our area, he was a polyglot, he spoke: all four Interior Salish Languages, English,
French and a little Cree.
It was years later that my mother Evelyn was born. She never had the
opportunity to meet her Grandmothers, Grandfathers, nor truly to get to know her father
Squwéy. It was in the few years before my mother’s birth and the early stages of her
childhood that her father entered into a downward spiral that would end his life. Squwéy
was prepared for the expectations of a Secwépemc man, to hunt, to fish, to care for the
territory of his people, to be a contributing member of his community, to provide for his
family and make the basic decisions needed for the betterment of himself, his family and
his community. What he was not prepared for was a colonial system that would
challenge every aspect of the duties expected of a Secwépemc man.
The years took their toll, and before my mother was born it became legal for
Indians to drink alcohol. My grandmother Núnxwenxw had said, “Your grandfather was a
good man, until he drank.” It was shortly after my mother was born that Núnxwenxw
ended her marriage with Squwéy. Like so many of our people who were left without
hope, Squwéy filled the hole left in him with alcohol. Squwéy died when my mother was
nine or ten years old, he was alone, intoxicated, and defeated on a railroad track far from
home.
It was through this time that my mother grew up in residential school, the same
as all of her older siblings. In the years since my grandmother Núnxwenxw was in the
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school, the school did not evolve into an educational system with the goal to help our
people become successful. Instead it continued to work towards the ambition of the
Government of Canada, ‘to kill the Indian within the child’. As was the case with
Núnxwenxw, albeit – with a reduced vigour, the priests and nuns would settle for a
husband who wasn’t Indian. The efforts of the residential school had the opposite effect
on my mother and thoroughly entrenched in her the desire to hold on to what she could
about being Secwépemc. It was only an idea she determinedly held on to, the notion of
being Secwépemc, as by this point in our family the language was now absent as were
the cultural teachings; teachings that were only one generation away from my mom. At
one family dinner my mother succinctly put her stance into the most memorable words.
Myself and my wife, my sisters and their spouses, and all the grandchildren (no small
number) were at a family dinner when the subject came up and my mother commented
on the efforts and attempted influence of the nuns and priests, “When I left there
(residential school), and they tried to make us ashamed of who we were, I didn’t want
them to win, I chose the toughest, brownest little Indian I could find – and that was your
dad.” It is from her determination that one more piece fell into place and affirmed my
resolve; it would be my responsibility to honor her and all those who came before her,
and those who will come after us to learn and pass on our language and ways of being.
The story of my father and his parents though similar in many aspects –
especially in terms of attending residential school, differs greatly in the fact that his
parents were better able to hold onto who they were, where they came from, each other
and remain focussed on what needed to be done. My father’s father was August (Gus)
Gottfriedson, an Okanagan man who transferred to the Tk̓emlúps band before marrying
my dad’s mother, Mildred Gottfriedson (Millie) C.M. (nee: Manuel) who was from
Tk̓emlúps. Gus’ transfer from the Okanagan Indian band he was born into, to Tk̓emlúps
speaks to the type of man he was, for it was no easy task. Gus proved to be honest,
loyal, a leader, and hardworking - all traits that were essential to what the Secwépemc
considered in making a good man.
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After his successful transfer and marriage to Millie, they raised their twelve
children and numerous foster children. Gus and Millie were constant pillars of the
Tk̓emlúps community as evidenced by the number of foster children they raised;
committees and societies they organized, and established – at community, regional,
provincial, and national levels; and for us today – their legacy laid the foundation for the
Secwépemc on which we can continue to rebuild our society.
Despite being a very busy couple, Millie and Gus found the time to encourage
and support their children in their children’s pursuit of sports, especially rodeo. Gus and
the Secwépemc were avid horsemen and found great satisfaction in breaking, riding,
raising, and being around horses. This love of horses transferred to the competitive
world of rodeos where Gus and his sons enjoyed success. While Gus and his sons took
care of the livestock, ranching duties, and any work to be done outside; Millie and her
daughters were taking care of the home. Millie found the time to share the traditional
songs, dances and spirituality with her children; as she spent the majority of her time
with her daughters, they were the ones who benefited from the majority of her teachings.
Sadly, neither Gus nor Mildred taught their children Secwepemctsín (nor Nsyilxcen – the
Okanagan Language, a language belonging to the Interior Salish Language Family, Gus’
language). The story of my paternal side is a story of the strengths found between two
people and their ability to not just see their family through a dark time in Canadian
history, but to enjoy personal success and pass on knowledge of their culture to future
generations.
It is from these two sides of my family that I draw inspiration. Leading to a desire
to find answers and feeling the optimism to continue looking.
The history of my family is a shared history by the Secwépemc Nation and all
other First Nations in Canada. It is from the remnants of the destructive, violent path of
colonialism that we must pick up the pieces of our languages and cultures and put them
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back together to rebuild our societies. This will not be an easy task, for the path we face
is perforated with obstacles that have been set out for generations and are woven into a
system that is not only foreign, not fully understood by the Secwépemc, but also
designed to stop us. Once we get past these obstacles, we face others of a practical
linguistic nature. Finding fluent speakers from an ever-decreasing pool to draw from is
reaching near impossible odds. In my community we are down to two remaining fluent
speakers, both of whom are elderly. After finding the necessary fluent speakers, the
complex system of sounds found within Secwepemctsín are difficult to overcome and
master; the structure of the language (a member of the Salish Language Family, and a
language which is estimated to be approximately 6,000 years old) has been thoroughly
studied by the linguist Aert Kuipers, and with in-depth research, has demonstrated how
sophisticated the structure is; the nuances of meaning are very difficult to translate much
less understand, which leads to the difficulty inherent in the translation of the language.
Translating Secwepemctsín through an English lens drastically limits the meaning both
culturally and linguistically.
Translation, in its broadest cultural sense – but also in narrower terms – is a complex process that requires nuanced understanding of the layered cultural meanings inherent in word, not least in names (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016).
As Grenoble reminds us,
Beyond the actual number of speakers across generations, language use across domains is important. In order for a language to be vital, it needs to be used by a community of speakers in a large number of domains. One of the key signs of language shift is the use of the language in dwindling domains; in order to revitalize it, the domains need to be increased (Grenoble, 2013, p. 797).
The subject of personal names in Secwepemctsín is quickly becoming a lost
domain within the culture of the Secwépemc. Through past colonial practices of
assigning the Secwépemc with Christian names a practice initiated in the 1860s, and
which in the subsequent generation became the surname of this generation’s children.
The Secwépemc have suffered the loss of an entire system of identity, history and social
customs, save for the knowledge of some Elders who still carry or remember ancestral
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names, and save for some individuals who have carried on practices of traditional
naming of their children.
The topic of my research will be the principles of naming in Secwepemctsín, their
meanings, customs, and significance. Included will be narratives associated with the
traditional names, the origin, reasons for the names, who “owned” the names, and any
noteworthy information. Personal names in Secwépemc culture performed more than the
task of being the name of a person, they were a source of familial history, spiritual
strength, personal milestones (coming of age). Over time, through an adaptive process
to overcome the loss of naming, an informal process was created and embraced.
New names are being invented all the time, and these are often transmitted to children and grandchildren. Such names are nicknames, like ‘Struck-on-the-head,’ the name of a man who when a boy had been struck over the head by a warrior; ‘Shot-back,’ a man who had been shot in his back by an arrow; ‘Hairy-face,’ a man who had heavy whiskers (Teit, 1900, p. 291).
The use of nicknames played a significant role in Secwépemc society, a practice
that has evolved through time and continues presently. Within my family for example,
nicknames play a significant role in our interactions within our family group. A nickname
is used to form close links and offer a means in which we share in the personal history of
individuals. The nicknames used within our family can be based in Secwepemctsín, on a
significant event that the individual is known for, or a noted characteristic of the bearer of
the nickname. A significant aspect of this project will be to reclaim traditional names and
understand the processes involved in creating traditional personal names. This domain
in Secwepemctsín is under-researched and with the passing of each fluent speaker the
opportunity to understand this aspect of the Secwépemc Culture and Language
vanishes.
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To overcome the obstacles and successfully revitalize our language and culture
and rebuild a healthy society, our language and culture are vital elements; but in order to
bring back our language and culture, we need to have a healthy society.
Researching Secwepemcésk̓e is a domain in our language and culture that is
vitally important in reclaiming our identity, in many distinct aspects: literally, spiritually,
culturally and socially.
‘A rose by any other name would smell as sweet’
Or would it? The line above, as uttered by the female lead of William Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet, is often cited to convey the notion that names are merely perfunctory words that have no bearing on the quality or function of the objects they denote. This volume questions such assumptions by analysing how, more than just performing a simple labelling duty, names can represent deeper kinds of identity, act as objects of attachment and dependence, and reflect community mores and social customs, while functioning as powerful determinants of inclusion and exclusion. Importantly, the contributors to this publication examine why names are not only symbols of their referents but also manifestations of cultural, linguistic and social heritage in their own right (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1).
We need to know what we named ourselves, the processes involved in how we
came to those names, the cultural significance, understand the nuances of the meaning
of the names and the subtleties found within the meanings of the names, cultural rules
and the rights and responsibilities associated with the names. This knowledge will help
to heal our communities and bring unity back to our people; as understood and
expressed by Teit,
This idea of the unity of the family is most strongly brought out in the hereditary names of the Indians. Each family had certain names, and no one but members of the family were permitted to use them. Thus the same names in different dialectic forms are found among the Shuswap, Okanagan, and Upper and Lower Thompsons. These names can always be traced to a common ancestor of the persons bearing them. They do not seem, however, to have been the property of families for a long time, new names being often invented. It is not known whether there are any other
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customs based on the idea of the unity of all the descendants of a remote ancestor (Teit, 1900, p. 290).
As a side note, another important aspect of naming in Secwepemctsín that needs
to be addressed is that of toponymy. The place names within our territory will explain our
relationship to our territory, the way we approached the use of resources, the laws we
applied, in general it will reveal the attitude we have towards the land. To understand our
place names and reclaim them, will be another means in which we can reduce the
impacts of colonialism and return to a healthy society; it will be our geographical map to
health.
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Chapter 2. Literature Review
Initial study, although not an official linguistic work, and research of
Secwepemcésk̓e was conducted by the Nineteenth Century ethnographer James Teit.
His research on the Thompson Indians (Nlaka’pamux) of British Columbia (1900) and
followed by The Shuswap (Secwépemc) (1909) proves to be an invaluable resource to
the Secwépemc and Nlaka’pamux or Nlleképemc, as we call our neighbours, of today.
His research covered many different aspects of these peoples ranging from: games and
pastimes, to social organization, religion, medicine, to an extensive collection of myths.
His research continues to provide valuable knowledge and insights into the Secwépemc
and Nlaka’pamux of 1900’s and is relied upon for today’s researchers. Teit dedicated
much time and effort in accurately recording the data needed for the Jesup North Pacific
Expedition publications. It can be argued that Teit’s work in the field was integral to the
success of the publication.
Teit’s field notes from 1898 housed a great deal of information on names and
naming. In his notes he wrote about the importance of names and different classes of
names. He referred to names which he described in the following,
First, those names which are hereditary or have been handed down in families for several generations. Second, those which have originated during the lifetime of the person bearing them, and recording some circumstance in connection with his birth, or some important event in his life, of descriptive of some peculiarity of his person. Third dream names, which are taken by a person because of some dream he has had. The first class are by far the most numerous, although it is evident that many of them have originated in the same way. As examples of the second class of names may be given. (1) Ncikcinkekin (Struck on head) so named because when a boy he was struck several times on the head with a tomahawk by a Shuswap warrior who formed one of a war party who attacked some of the Slaxaiux. (2) Nkaiups (Shot posterior) so named because he was shot in the posterior with an arrow by another man. (3) Wopus (Harry face) so named because endowed with quite a lot of whiskers which grew particularly thick along his cheeks, some of the hairs even growing out over his cheekbones. He did not pluck his whiskers, as was the custom. (4) Sakwae (Squash) which name was taken by a man of the Nkamtcinemux who at the time was known by the name of Hatemelst. When going through another man’s garden one day, he saw a very large squash growing, which he stopped and admired. He said to himself ‘I will name myself after this
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plant’ so he called the people near bye to a feast and announced to them his new name by which he was henceforth called.” (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 1)
As noted by Teit the names found in the first class are similar to the traditional
Secwépemc personal names and these names were passed down in families through
several generations. The second class as demonstrated by his examples highlight the
Secwépemc names that do not fall within the typical traditional structure and are based
in life events or other circumstances that would be marked by a name, such as
nicknames. The third class would fall within the category of étsxem names, dream
names. As further evidenced in Teit’s examples of dream names
(1) Tsitsiatko (Similar Lakes or Waters) which name was taken by a woman who dreamed of seeing two lakes close together of exactly similar appearance. She considered this a good omen, and changed her name accordingly. (2) Skait (Reached the Top) a boy dreamed of a strange man who approaching him addressed him by this name. In consequence of dream the boy’s parents named him Skait. (3) Oipenwelin (Able to make a blaze) a woman took this name because of a dream she had. These dream names became the property of the people adopting them, and were handed down to their children, thus becoming hereditary names. (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 2)
Teit’s dedication to not only gathering the data, but also to the people from which
he gathered the data provided the Secwépemc, Nlaka’pamux and other tribes in British
Columbia with a much-needed friend and ally. His work endeared him to the people,
through his hard work and dedication for those he worked with; he gained the trust of the
people. The legacy he left for the Secwépemc will forever be fondly remembered by the
Secwépemc.
The book “Yerí7 re Stsq̓ey̓s-kucw, Secwépemc People, Land, and Laws” by
Marianne and Ron Ignace provides further insight into the Secwépemc. Their research
into the Secwépemc covers a vast range of topics and span time back to antiquity. Initial
habitation of the territory of the Secwépemc is discussed through a Secwépemc
stsptekwll (legend/story/narrative) in which The Old One sends Sk’elép to set the world
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right for the coming of the Secwépemc; a world that was becoming larger, emerging
more and more from the waters. There are interesting similarities between the stsptekwll
(oral traditions and histories) and the climactic changes that were occurring in
Secwepemcúl̓ecw, similarities that go beyond mere coincidence and point to the
obvious, that the stsptekwll, which are thousands of years old, are based in truth.
Additionally, oral histories which have long been thought of as “less-than” written
histories, must be afforded the same legitimacy as their written counterparts. (Ignace &
Ignace, 2017, pp. 31-72) A topic relevant to this research is the chapter that discusses
Secwépemc names. Names for males and females could be recognized by the lexical
suffix endings, “-esq̓t (day), -éscen (mineral rock), and -qín/-qen (head), whereas female
names typically end in -étkwe (water), and -in̓ek (bow, derived from the bow shape of a
pregnant belly). Other suffixes like -íts̓e7 (skin or blanket), -el̓qs (robe), and -em̓t/im̓t
(skin or dress) can involve either male or female names” (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p.
354).
Names and Naming; People, Places, Perceptions and Power written by various
contributors, edited by Guy Puzey and Laura Kostanski provided excellent background
information and a general source of ideas. The book covered many aspects in names
and naming, in “Part 2: Attitudes and Attachment” Katarzyna Aleksiejuk discusses a
contemporary subject; internet personal naming practices and trends in which she
demonstrates how personal naming works online and the similarities between online and
offline personal naming. “In every culture, naming is an institutional or conventionalised
practice. There are always more or less explicit regulations related to both the act of
naming … the structure of the personal name …and in many societies names are
required for official registration” (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1). She also discusses how
usernames “demonstrate strategies of identity construction through usernames” (Puzey
& Kostanski, 2016, p. 4). Chapter 3 titled - Introduced Personal names for Australian
Aborigines; Adaptions to an Exotic Anthroponymy reminds us that colonial practices and
effects were not just limited to the Americas, “In the earliest days of the colonisation of
Australia – from 1788 onwards in Sydney – Aboriginal people were often known solely
by their Aboriginal names. Fairly soon after colonisation, however, Aboriginal people of
the Sydney area acquired introduced personal names, which were adopted to
13
accommodate the anthroponomic conventions of setters. Thus began a pattern whereby
a person typically had a range of Aboriginal names as well as introduced names” (Puzey
& Kostanski, 2016, p. 1). Also that the process of revitalization is well underway in other
parts of the world, and faces the same problems of lost knowledge as well, “More
recently there has been a reversion to Aboriginal names and, in some instances, a
complete rejection of all introduced names. Although some Aboriginal people have
essentially discarded introduced names, the current situation does not replicate the
naming practices that we presume were in place for centuries prior to 1788” (Puzey &
Kostanski, 2016, p. 1).
Figure 1. Skítsestn Elders Group (excluding: Dr. Ignace and Ted Gottfriedson)
Front Row L-R: Leona Calhoun, Amy Slater, Daniel Calhoun, Christine Simon Back Row L-R: Dr. Marianne Ignace, Julie Antoine, Ted Gottfriedson, Doris Gage Missing: Garlene Dodson
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Chapter 3. Methodology
The information gathered for my research involved: focus group sessions,
individual interviews, and research of archival records. The focus group sessions were
conducted with a committed group of master speakers from the neighbouring community
of Skítsestn (Skeetchestn Indian Band). The community is located about 60 kilometers
west of Tk̓emlúps. Although with a population lower than that of Tk̓emlúps, through the
efforts and determination of past Elders of that community, and in part, the isolation of
the community, they were better able to hold onto Secwepemctsín and thus have a
higher number of fluent speakers.
It is important to note that the term fluent speakers would be limited to those
speakers who are Secwepemctsín - first language speakers, who are extraordinarily
fluent and knowledgeable, who also have the ability to converse in the language as long
as the occasion warrants. They also are willing to share their language and knowledge
with others. Fluent speakers are the resource people for anyone interested in
Secwepemctsín: from language learners to language champions even to other speakers
who would themselves be recognized as proficient speakers.
Secwepemctsín is divided into two major dialects. The Eastern dialect spoken by
five bands is spoken by the bands surrounding the town of Chase, extending east to the
Rocky Mountains. The Western dialect, which is the focus of this research, is spoken by
twelve bands, further divided into smaller sub-dialects one of which is the dialect spoken
by both Tk̓emlúps and Skítsestn – a dialect that is in critical danger with one remaining
fluent speaker in Tk̓emlúps and five fluent speakers in Skítsestn. 1
1 It should be noted that the one remaining speaker in Tk̓emlúps, one who is married into the Simpcw community, and another who is married into the St̓uxtéws community were originally from Skítsestn.
15
The involvement of the Skítsestn fluent speakers was crucial to the success of
my research. With the residual effects of the residential school still reverberating
throughout our communities, the ability to find a fluent speaker of Secwepemctsín is
difficult. To compound the issue, it is difficult to find a speaker who is not only willing to
speak the language, but to share it as well. Through the routine practise of shaming our
people in residential schools, many of our people are unable to find the honour,
importance and beauty in our language and culture and regain the dignity in ourselves.
So, to find a group of able, willing and committed Elders is a treasure beyond calculation.
I was truly honored to conduct the bulk of my research with the Skítsestn Elders
focus group, a group consisting of seven steadfast Elders. As a group we met on six
occasions. The sessions were full day sessions scheduled from 9:00 in the morning to
3:00 in the afternoon with a break for lunch. These Elders embody the fundamental spirit
of what an elder is to the Secwépemc and the importance they play in our society.
Resolute, giving, kind and patient they provided me with guidance, fortitude and
welcomed me into their illustrious company without hesitation or expectation. The Elders
ranged in age from the youngest at age 77 to the oldest being 87 years of age a lady in
superb health and full of energy. True to the vitality, surviving spirit and sense of humour
which are the prevailing characteristics of the Secwépemc, our group enjoyed the hours
filled with laughter, stories and sharing – times I will cherish forever.
Our group met in the Skítsestn Natural Resources Building located on the aptly
named, Lemonade Flats (a hot dry arid field, one in which a lemonade is most welcome!
This is my own personal take on the name of the area). One session was dedicated as
an unstructured session; a dynamic amusing session of brainstorming of any and all
types of names the Elders could recollect (see figure 2 below). Some names were
traditional of ancestors of the distant past, some were of names of their parents’
generation and their grandparents’ generation. Others were names from their childhood,
names of childhood friends and relatives. All manner of names had a story associated
with it and the session provided a wealth of knowledge.
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Figure 2. Brainstorming Session
Throughout the other sessions we worked through the archival records from:
Baptisms 1867-1882 and Marriages 1873-1874 of the Catholic Church, Kamloops
Diocese. In these archival records early missionaries documented the baptisms of the
Secwépemc. In 1909, Teit commented, “at present day most Indians, beside their own
tribal names, have baptismal or other names given to them by the whites. A large
percentage of these are French” (Teit, 1909, p. 571). The priests followed a flexible
outline in which they wrote the given Christian name on the day of the baptism, typically
followed by the traditional Secwépemc name and in some cases the names of the
parents of the newly baptised.
As drawn from Ignace and Ignace,
in keeping with the adaptive nature of the Secwépemc, new Christian names were changed into a “Secwépemc” way of pronunciation and thusly claimed by the Secwépemc. Since the Oblates were French, the new Christian names were French, some examples include: Victoire became Mektwál, Fidèle became Pitél, Edouard or Edward became Etwá, Marie or Amélie became Melí, and Eugenie became Wesní. Like the hereditary Secwépemc names describe above, these baptismal names were consequently, and into the present, passed down in alternating generations to keep the memory of the previous name bearer alive (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 354).
Wading through the archival documents proved to be a difficult task for four
reasons:
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1) the physical quality of the documents is inconsistent and difficult to read (the
only remaining available copies are photocopies of photocopies filled with an abundance
of ‘back-ground noise’) as demonstrated in figure 3 shown below.
Figure 3. Baptisms (1867-1882) and marriages (1873-1874) from the Kamloops Catholic Diocese
• 2) During this era, Secwepemctsín was an oral language, there was no accepted
orthography of Secwepemctsín resulting in the priests’ ad hoc philosophy when
confronted with writing sounds they were not familiar with. For example, one
Secwépemc suffix used in the names of males “-ésq̓t” was written as “-kred”, with
the writing becoming increasingly smaller and difficult to distinguish into basically
a scribble; equivalent to someone verbally answering a question and when not
fully knowing the answer, lowers their speech and reduces their words to
mumbling. A much easier suffix to identify was the female suffix “-étkwe” written
as “-atkwa” in some cases, or “-atkoa” in others.
• 3) Most of the priests were by no means fluent speakers and as such, vital
components/sounds of the names were beyond the scope of the priests hearing
and therefore, missed or altered. An example is found in the name “Ritatkwa”
with the missing sound “c” added to the beginning of the name and “t” sounds
replaced with “l” to get the name “Crelrelátkwe”.
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• 4) Combined with all of the above, and the loss of understanding of a ‘specialized
higher form of Secwepemctsín’ as described by Elders from late in the eighteenth
century who in their own right did not fully understand the higher form of the
language and could only comment on what their Elders had shared with them,
contemporary Elders found it difficult to comment on the possible nuances of
some of the names and/or their meanings. As Teit comments, an added obstacle
is found in pronunciation, “Most of the names are pronounced differently from the
ordinary word that has the same meaning as the name. They are either
contracted or amplified” (Teit, 1900, p. 292).
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Chapter 4. Data Analysis
The data and data analysis of this project focuses on what I determined to be
four different naming categories of traditional naming. Three of them are within what our
Elders/fluent speakers would refer to as Secwepemcésk̓e. The first category is traditional
names which could also be considered formal names based on structures and rules
governing these as established centuries ago, perhaps even more than a thousand
years ago. These names were and are considered hereditary and were usually passed
down from the grandparent to the grandchild generation, although sometimes, especially
in cases of chiefly succession, from father to son. The second category includes étsxem
names or spirit guardian questing names based on the process of earning a name
through the vision/guardian quest, usually conducted in one’s youth. The third category
includes nicknames, also called Secwepemcíl̓t, which were given by family or friends
based on a wide variety of circumstances; they describe in Secwepemctsín the personal
characteristics, behaviour or appearance of a person. In a small number of cases I
found, these nicknames involved puns or word-play in Secwepemctsin. The final and
forth category consists of Christian baptismal given names that were modified from the
original French given names into a Secwépemc way of pronouncing them.
Traditional Secwépemc names are formal hereditary ancestral names that were
handed down through countless generations. The origins of these names date back
thousands of years as evidenced by James Teit’s observation; “…it appears clear, from
the large number of names (from about 35 to 65 per cent in various bands) common to
the Upper Thompson Indian and the Shuswap, that these people are of common
descent. Either they were one people originally, or they have intermarried often. Even in
bands that, so far as tradition goes, have never lived close together nor had any direct
intercourse, - like the Lytton band of the Thompson tribe, and the Shuswap bands of
High Bar and Big Bar, - nearly half the names are identical” (Teit, 1909, p. 570).
At the time of Teit’s research (1890s-early 1900s) very little was known of the
time depth of Interior Salish language relationships, let alone of archaeological time
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periods and historical time depth of Secwepemc and Nlaka’pamux interrelationships. Teit
himself noticed references to the “Coyote People” as the common ancestors of the
Secwepemc and Upper Nlaka’pamux, who lived in the country of the Thompson River
east and north of Lytton, and the Nicola, Similkameen, Okanagon and southern
Shuswap regions (1898:20). They were described as living at a long-ago time of “great
winds, fires and floods” (Teit 1909 p.559; see Ignace and Ignace 2017 p.41). We know
from historical linguistics research (Elmendorf 1965; Ignace and Ignace 2017 pp. 40-41)
as it triangulates with archaeological data and oral histories, that upon the introduction of
Salish from the coast to our homeland some 5,000 years ago, the languages “dispersed”
as people moved into what became their/our homelands, beginning 4,500 to 3,500 years
ago with Okanagan and St’at’imcets. Nlaka’pamuxcin and Secwepemctsin were the last
languages to split about 2,000 years ago (Ignace and Ignace 2017 p. 40).
The close similarity in the linguistic structure of names, and of naming practices
that Teit noticed thus plausibly speaks to their origin more than 2,000 years ago! Teit
thus demonstrates the kinship of the two peoples, back to a time when the Secwepemc
and our neighbors, the Nlaka’pamux were a single people. The commonality of names,
the matching rules and structures of naming between the two people are more than
coincidence and points to common ancestry which we can now, at least roughly place in
time and space.
As Teit noted, with minor variations that account for sound shifts in
Nlaka’pamuxcin, the lexical suffixes used in personal names of both people also
correspond. The lexical suffixes used in Secwépemc names of category one are as
follows (the lexical suffixes are given in their stressed forms first, followed by the
unstressed form - which is attached to lexical roots with strong stress. (Kuipers 1974: p
23) Forms that include resonants (l, m, n) or semi-vowels in the lexical root often move
the glottalized resonant left to the root as is common with other roots) (Kuipers 1974):
1) for men specifically
a. - ésq̓t, -sq̓t day, sky
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b. -élst, -álst, -lst , -cen rock, mountain. Also refers to leadership as “solid”
c. -qín, qen head/top. In names: leader (C. Simon pers. com)
2) for women specifically
a. -étkwe, -kwe water
b. -ín̓ek, -n̓ek bow/curved surface (shape of a pregnant belly)
3) Lexical suffixes shared by both male and female names:
a. -ítse̓7, -tse̓7 skin or blanket
b. el �qs, -l �qs robe or clothing
c. -el �cken, -l �cken body, small body, having a quality (Kuipers 1983:118)
d. –(s)tím̓t, -(s)tem̓t dressing, clothing, outer shell
The above suffixes are also referenced in Teit’s field notes which reinforce my
findings and as well he provides further insights into the suffixes, their meanings, to the
person, and exemplifies the connection to the land.
A large number of men’s names have the termination “qin” or “qain,” meaning the “most prominent,” the “highest” part or head of a person, a mountain, or almost any thing. It is probably the compound form of “qom qin,” (“head” of a person). It enters into the names of mountains, as “Spe limoa in,” (“flathead”), having reference to a flat prairie land on top or head of that mountain; and again it occurs “kimna in,” (“the top most part of a tree”) or “skimpa in” (“the headwaters” or “sources of a river”). (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 3)
Teit continues to expand on the suffixes with the following.
A number of names, of women as well as of men, end in “itse,” the compound form of the words meaning “skin,” “blanket,” “robe,” and sometimes “shirt.”….Some hereditary names of the Upper Nlak a pamux are identical are identical with Shuswap names; and in a few cases at least the families in both tribes bearing these names are related, their names being traced to a common Shuswap ancestor of several generations back. Many of the Shuswap and Okanagon names, which are similar in origin and construction to Upper Nlak a pamux names, terminate in “e llst,” “kin,” and “e skit.” After due consideration, I concluded that “e lst,” “e llst,” or “a llst,” the termination of a large class of Upper Nlak a pamux names, is
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probably the same as, but older than, the compound form of “stone,” viz., “aist.” The Shuswap for “aist” is “e lst;” and in some of their words the Nlak a pamux still retain the “l,” as several word-termination have “alk” instead of “aik,” etc.” (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 4)
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Table 1. ésq̓t suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Tmesésq̓t tməsɛsqʼt t-məs-ɛsqʼt on top-four-day
four days Four is a sacred number within Secwépemc beliefs
Sisyésq̓t sisyəsɛsqʼt sisyəsɛsqʼt REDplay-day
play-day Hyacinth Jules. Former Chief of Skítsestn
Tsecwmésq̓t t ͡ʃəxwmɛsqʼt
t ͡ʃəxw-m-ɛsqʼt happy-INT-day
greet, wish well+day
He greets the day
Tkw̓ellpésq̓t tkw’əɬpɛsqʼt
tkw’əɬp-ɛsqʼt under-day
underneath + day Up Under the Sky
Ts̓elcésq̓t t ͡səlxɛsqʼt
t ͡s-əlx-ɛsqʼt stand-body-day
stand-up + day Standing by Day
Basil Paul
Table 2. éscen/élst suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Q ̓esnéscen q’əsnɛxən q’əs-nɛxən old-mineral rock
Old Rock
Qwímtscen qwimt ͡ʃxən qwimt ͡ʃxən Qw(i)-refraction of water+m=action
1)Nels Mitchell 2)Tk̓emlúps chief buried in Skítsestn
Sqweqw̓iymélst sqwəqw’imɛlst sqwəqw’im-ɛlst REDblack-rock
Black Rock
Qyexpélst qyəχpɛlst qyəχ-p-ɛlst crazy-STAT-stone
Crazy stone
Welemélst wələmɛlst wələm-ɛlst iron-stone
Iron stone
24
Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
T ̓lel̓télst t’ləl’tɛlst t’ləl’-t-ɛlst frozen-STAT-rock
“frozen” into stone T ̓ult refers to medicine people’s ability to turn energy into matter, to “freeze objects into place” with their power (R. Ignace, pers. comm)
Table 3. qín/qen suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Kekéwqen kəkɛwqən kəkɛw-qən far-head
Far away head One who reads the stars
Tcwelqúm ̓qen txwəlqum’qɛn txwəl-qum’-qɛn turn-skull-head
Turn Head
Nq̓úmqen nq’umqən nq’um-qən skull-head
Skull
Tkwékweltqen tkwɛkwəltqən tkwɛkwəlt-qən REDgreen-on.top
Green on top
Pépwe7sqen pɛpwəʔsqən pɛp-wəʔ-sqən REDbeat.hit-top.back-head
Hit on back of head Possibly refers to the ability to see visions
Louis Deneault
Qmutqín qmutqin qmut-qin hat-head
Hat on head
Wesqín wəsqin wəs-qin elevated-head
High head
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Table 4. étkwe suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Kw̓etmétkwe kw’ətmɛtkwə kw’ətm-ɛtkwə walk-water
Walk Water Walks in Water
Qwiyqenétkwe qwiqənɛtkwə qwi-qən-ɛtkwə blue-on.top-water
Blue on top Water Blue Headwater
Crelrelátkwe xɹəlɹəlatkwə
x-ɹəlɹəl-atkwə inside REDstrong-water
Strong Water
Cmegmétkwe xməʕmɛtkwə
x-məʕm-ɛtkwə inside- REDwarm-water
Warm Water
Nekw̓étkwe nəkw’ɛtkwə nəkw’-ɛtkwə one-water
One Water
Wecemétkwe wəxəmɛtkwə wəxə-m-ɛtkwə to.live-STAT-water
Living water
Table 5. ín̓ek suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Tskwín̓ek t ͡ʃkwin’ək t ͡ʃ-kw-in’ək STAT-get.hold.of-bow
Bow
Nekw̓ín̓ek nəkw’in’ək nəkw’-in’ək one-bow
One Bow
Xyemín̓ek χyəmin’ək χyəm-in’ək big-bow
Big Bow
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Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Ts̓elcín̓ek t ͡səlxin’ək t ͡s-əlx-in’ək stand-body-bow
Standing Bow
Tseqwín̓ek t ͡ʃəqwin’ək t ͡ʃəqw-in’ək red-bow
Red Bow
Wecemín̓ek wəxəmin’ək wəxə-m-in’ək to.live-STAT-bow
Living Bow
Weyín̓ek wəyin’ək wəy-in’ək come.visible-bow
Comes into sight bow
Table 6. íts̓e7 suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
K�wellpetmíts̓e7 kwəɬpətmit ͡səʔ
kwəɬ-pət-m-it ͡səʔ under-take.after.resemble-INT-blanket
Under shirt
Ts̓elpíts̓e7 t ͡səlpit ͡səʔ t ͡səl-p-it ͡səʔ Stand-STAT-blanket
Standing Blanket
Sq̓iyemíts̓e7 Sq’iyəmit ͡səʔ s-q’iyəmn-it ͡səʔ NOM-blue-blanket
Blue Blanket
Wícts̓e7 wixt ͡səʔ wix-t ͡səʔ life-blanket
Comes to Life Blanket
Xyemtíts̓e7 χyəmtit ͡səʔ χyəmt-it ͡səʔ big-blanket
Big Blanket
Segwállts̓e7 sʕwaɬt ͡səʔ s-ʕwaɬ-t ͡səʔ NOM-shiny-blanket
Shiny Blanket
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Table 7. el̓qs suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Semecél̓qs səməxɛl’qs səməx-ɛl’qs guardian.spirit-clothing
Guardian Spirit Clothing
Xyemél̓qs χyəmɛl’qs χyəm-ɛl’qs big-robe
Big Robe
Pen̓tpél̓qs pən’tpɛl’qs pən’tp-ɛl’qs find-robe
Found Robe
Sqwiyqwiymél̓qs sqwiqwimɛl’qs S-qwiqwi-m-ɛl’qs NOM-REDblue-STAT-robe
Blue Robe
Semtél̓qs səmtɛl’qs səm-t-ɛl’qs to.live-STAT-robe
Living Robe
Table 8. el̓cken, l̓cken suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Tsecwél̓cken t ͡ʃəxwɛl’xkən t ͡ʃəxw-ɛl’xkən to.greet-quality
Greeting Quality
Kw̓etmém ̓el̓cken kw’ətmɛm’əl’xkən kw’ətmɛm’-əl’xkən walk-REDbody
Walking body
Ests̓elmét ̓l̓cken əst ͡səlmɛt’l’xkən əs-t ͡səl-mɛt’-l’xkən sudden-stand-mix-body
Standing mixed body
Xyemél̓cken χyəm ɛl’xkən χyəm-ɛl’xkən big-body
Big Body
Qlléllel̓cken qɬɛɬəl’xken qɬɛɬ-əl’xken get.better-body
Healed body
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Table 9. (s)tím̓t suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography
Name – International Phonetic Alphabet
Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers
Skllíken̓stem ̓t skɬikən’stəm’t s-kɬikən’-stəm’t NOM-back.fat.-outer.shell
Back fat man Character in “Coyote and his host”
Styú7qenstem ̓t styuʔqənstəm’t styuʔ-qən-stəm’t fish.oil.-head-outer.shell
Fish oil man Character in “Coyote and his host”
Sqlew̓stím ̓t sqləw’stim’t sqləw’-stim’t beaver-outer.shell
Beaver man Character in “Coyote and his host”
Ts̓lostím ̓t t ͡slostim’t t ͡slos-tim’t king.fisher-outer.shell
Kingfisher man
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As the tables show, the patterns for names and naming in Secwépemc follow a
predictable pattern. It cannot be stressed enough the difficulty inherent in bridging the
gap between the literal translation of the names and the metaphorical meanings of the
names. One example of this difficulty can be found in the name Tsecwmésq̓t
(t͡ ʃəxwmɛsqʼt); while literally meaning ‘Happy Day’, the added cultural context reworks the
meaning of the name to ‘He greets the Day’. Within this meaning are undertones of a
spiritual nature as explained by Skítsestn elder Christine Simon. The bearer of this name
would have been a man who approached each day with the traditional fervor of
ancestors long since gone, offering a prayer and tobacco to greet the day and
maintaining the same approach to all matters he would encounter – no matter how
unimportant the event may be. A man who would take nothing for granted, a truly
thankful individual; the basis for the Secwépemc view and approach to the world.
Another excellent example is the name, Kekéwqen (kəkɛwqən). While the literal
translation is ‘Far away head’ upon further explanation by Christine Simon the meaning
is explained as a man who could read the stars; his head could look far away and foretell
the upcoming year/season based on the revelation of distant objects, the stars. Below is
a snapshot of the process Elder Christine Simon’s explanation added cultural context
(see figure 4).
Figure 4. Elder Christine Simon’s explaination of the name Kekéwqen
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An additional characteristic of naming in Secwepemcésk̓e is the shifting of stress.
In some words that are distinctly treated as proper names, as opposed to using them in
the conventional everyday use, as in the name of an animal or whatever concept the
name maybe based upon, stress will shift left toward the first syllable. (MBI pers. comm)
As in the name Stsmél̓qen (Ron Ignace), the personal name meaning “Arrowhead”. The
conventional word for arrowhead is stsmel̓qín. The stress moves from the lexical suffix
“qín” to the root “stsmél”. Another example can be found in the personal name
Sexwéyl̓ecken meaning “Buck/Male Deer”. The stress is moved from its initial placement
near the end of the word sxwelécken to the beginning/middle of the personal name. This
process performs the function of distinguishing a proper, personal name from that of the
conventionally used word.
As is the case in life, there are those who do not follow the rules. Through this
research I have found some interesting exceptions to the rule. These traditional names,
which are traditional beyond question, use lexical suffixes different from the list of
standard lexical suffixes. An excellent example can be found in the name, Sentéws. The
glossing of this traditional name is as follows: “Sen” is a superlative prefix meaning
“best/outstanding/exceptional”. The “t” indicates a completed action. The suffix “éws”
meaning “road/trail”. Merged together into the name as mentioned earlier, Sentéws, the
literal meaning being “Best Road” but in consultation with Elder Christine Simon, the
name’s true meaning is that of “Trail-blazer”, a person with leadership qualities, the
name of a leader. (see figure 5 below) Another personal name from this list is
Sk̓elepwílc. The root of this name being sk̓elép meaning “coyote” with the lexical suffix
“wílc” meaning “become”. Creating the brilliant name, “Becoming Coyote”. A name of
significance as names associated with coyote are names of high regard.
Figure 5. Elder Christine Simon’s explanation of the name Sentéws
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Another interesting element found within Secwepemcésk̓e is the changing of
names that can occur in an individual’s life, particularly among chiefs. An example of this
is found in the names of Hyacinth Jules, his baptismal name. He was known by his
traditional name Sisyésq̓t. Through burning grasslands to deter settlers from grazing
their cattle in his homeland and in general to oppose the settlement of his homelands, he
earned the honorific name “Sqw̓exúlecw” (Smoke coming out of the ground) (Ignace &
Ignace, 2017, p. 4). This aspect of Secwepemcésk̓e shows that naming in the
Secwepemc culture performs more than the simple function of naming someone. The
names can show accomplishments, growth, and can be a roadmap for the individual’s
journey through life; marking important stages along the way.
Names with their basis in names for animals and may, or may not, be based on
étsxem; additionally, they do not follow the grammatical structure of traditional, more
formal names. These names may reflect the nature of the person who owns the name.
Names such as: cméye (House Fly), a person who was so named for her tendency in
persistently being an over active child. Or as in the case of one of the ancestors of a
member in the Skítsestn elder’s group was named ‘Scencéllcw’ (Packrat) a man named
for his fondness for collecting many things, both necessary and unnecessary.
Names based on animals may have also been chosen so that the bearer could
emulate the desired qualities of the animal. These names were of increased
consequence, in that they were the spirit guides obtained during an étsxem. These
names came with an individual’s power song, and the ability to call upon the animal for
guidance and strength. These names also provided direction as to how the bearer was
to be a successful person, if adhered to, good things were sure to follow as Teit explains
Some warriors painted their bodies the color that their guardian’s body was believed to be, and most men painted their faces and bodies as directed by their guardians in dreams….some men were told by their guardians in dreams to eat only certain part of some animals, or to eat certain parts of an animal first, or to eat certain parts raw, or cooked in a particular manner, and by doing this they would always have luck in hunting (Teit, 1909, p. 609).
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Found within this category are interesting names belonging to warriors. Examples
of these names are found in stories of warriors in Teit’s book; the names reflect a
segment of Secwepemc society that is regarded as a warrior society. A society in which
some of the names do not always reflect traditional names. Names such as, Qéqxe
(Little Dog); Taléxen (Stretched Out Wings); Cagrékst (Cut Off Hand); Qéxe (Dog). Other
étsxem names are based upon the dreams of the person performing the étsxem. These
names have a greater degree of difficulty in understanding their meaning; unless
someone can personally recall the meaning of the name, its meaning may be lost for all
time.
Table 10. Warrior names Name Meaning Additional
information Source Orthography
Tahu’tllkutxen Unknown Warrior (Teit, 1909, p. 543)
James Teit personal
Selpa’xen Unknown Famous Tk̓emlúps Warrior
(Teit, 1909, p. 550)
James Teit personal
Niɬti Unknown Noted War Chief High Bar
(Teit, 1909, p. 551)
James Teit personal
Sowâ'xecken Unknown Warrior Fraser River
(Teit, 1909, p. 558)
James Teit personal
Ana'na Unknown Warrior (Teit, 1909, p. 559)
James Teit personal
Nicknames are another category of naming. The process of these types of
names vary and can be quite creative; having their origin in any manner of a person’s
life. They can be a play on words in names with their origins in a mixture of
Secwepemctsín and English like the name Sésem̓cen. The name is derived from the
English name Sam. Following the process of “Secwépemc-izing” a given Christian name,
Sam is changed into Sem which is also happens to be the root for the term for “white
person”. The process of diminutive reduplication2 is applied resulting in Sésem̓ to which
the lexical suffix for feet “-cen” is then added which is used in nicknames or children’s
names as an additional diminutive. Leaving a creative, humorous name meaning “Little
White man Sam Feet”. This name exemplifies the humour, adaptability and creativity
2 This is a process of reduplicating (repeating) the sound immediately in front of the stressed vowel directly after it. This process is used to indicate a smaller version of the object. i.e.: “pésellkwe” (lake) repeat the “p” before the stressed “e” after it, resulting in, “pépsellkwe” (small lake).
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found within the Secwépemc and applied to a name. Another name to exemplify this
sense of humour is Sxéymtqen (sχɛymtqən) a very honourable name meaning “Big
Head”, referring to leadership ability. Due to the similar sound, another name is derived
Sxwéxweym̓tqen; a name meaning in essence a “Ladies’ man”.
The final naming category is that of the process whereby given Christian names
are modified to reflect the Secwepemctsín method of pronouncing the name. The overall
process consists of Secwepemc speakers replacing French phonemes that do not exist
in Secwepemctsin with sounds available in Secwepemctsín, as is the case in any
languages in which sound systems do not correspond.3
Examples of the constructs can be found in the following:
1. In the name David;
a. The voiced alveolar stop (d), and the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ), do not
occur in Secwepemctsín.4
b. The voiced sounds are thus replaced with their corresponding Secwépemc
counterparts: the voiceless alveolar stop (t), and the voiced bi-labial stop (p)
(which is the nearest voiced bi-labial).
c. The result being daⱱid is pronounced as tapit written in the Secwépemc
orthography as Tapít.
2. In the name Fidèle;
a. The voiceless labio-dental fricative (f), and the voiced alveolar stop (d), do
not occur in Secwepemctsín.
3 Initially Secwépemc Christian names were given by French Oblates on the day of baptism of a Secwépemc person, thus the Christian names were of French origin and the modifications reflect French names. 4 Although it should be noted that some Secwepemctsín speakers may pronounce them with near-voicing.
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b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial stop (p), and the voiceless alveolar stop
(t).
c. Resulting in fiːdɛl pronounced as piːtɛl written in the Secwépemc
orthography as Pítel.
3. In the name Philippe;
a. The voiceless labio-dental fricative (f) does not occur in Secwepemctsín.
b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial stop (p).
c. The result being filiːp is pronounced as pɐliːp written in the Secwépemc
orthography as Pelíp.
4. In the name Julienne;
a. The voiced post-alveolar fricative (ʒ).
b. Replaced with the voiceless post-alveolar fricative (ʃ) or the voiceless
alveolar fricative (s).
c. The result being ʒuːlyɛn is pronounced as ʃuːlyən or suːlyɛn written in the
Secwépemc orthography as Súlyen.
5. The name Victoire has two variations;5
a. In one variation the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ) and the voiced uvular
fricative/approximant (ʁ).
5 The sound r, pronounced in French as either a voiced uvular fricative/approximant (ʁ), a voiceless uvular fricative (X) or an uvular trill (R), is generally pronounced nowadays as (ɹ). The change from French voiceless uvular fricative (ʁ) to a postalveolar approximant (ɹ) may be a transfer from English but could also be a transfer of the Okanagan Language (Nsyilxcen). The postalveolar approximant (ɹ) exists in Secwepemctsín, an example being kerníyem (embroider) and perniyem (visit), although more often, Nsyilxcen (ɹ) is realized as (l) (the older form in Secwepemctsin: e.g. melánllp vs. merinlp (barred l).
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b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial nasal (m)6 and with the open back
unrounded vowel (ɑ).
c. The result being viktaʁ is pronounced mɜktwɑː written in the Secwépemc
orthography as Maktwá.
d. The second variation has the voiced uvular fricative/approximant (ʁ).
e. Replaced with a combination of the open back unrounded vowel (ɑ) and the
voiced alveolar lateral approximant (l).
f. Thus, another pronunciation for viktaʁ being mɜktwɑːl written in the
Secwépemc orthography as Mektwál.
Table 11. Adapted Christian names Baptismal Name Secwépemc Orthography IPA Orthography Elizabeth Líspet lispət Thomas Tommá toma Daniel Tonyél tonyɛl Simon Símu simu Jean-Baptiste Sa-Petíst sa pətist Celstin Selestá sələsta Patrice Patsís pat ͡ʃis Sylvie Sylpí səlpi Eugenie Wesení wəsəni Edouard Etwál ətwal
As with the traditional names, the process of handing down names through
generations to keep the memory alive of ancestors was continued and extended to the
modern era of Secwepemcésk̓e. Thus, Christian given names were treated similarly to
that of traditional names, as evidenced by the names “Daniel” and “John” in the Calhoun
Family Tree (see figure 6 below).
6 Early Secwépemc speakers may not have heard the voicing of the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ), in David and thus replaced it with the voiced bi-labial stop (p). In contrast they may have heard the voicing quality of the initial voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ) in Victoire and replaced it with the voiced bi-labial nasal (m).
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Figure 6. The Calhoun Family Tree
Daniel/Tl-humb. 1816
Ester "Hotspa"Gétspqen
Peter Bushy Julie K'wetmétkwe
Daniel/Tl-humb. 1841
PhilomeneKw'etmétkwe
John T'cumCalhoun
AgnesCelenaEsts'elmét'lcken
Sam Calhoun Metlén Catherine
John Calhoun Darren Daniel
Daniel (Harold)Calhoun
Leona Calhoun
Willie John
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Chapter 5. Conclusion
This research has reaffirmed my belief in the importance of Secwepemcésk̓e; as
every element found within Secwepemc beliefs is expressed in personal names. Our
names recognize our people for who they are, their individual characteristics are
acknowledged, appreciated and accepted and reflected in their names. Our relationship
to the land, how we viewed it, the importance it held for us, was reflected in personal
names. The comprehensive understanding of animals, birds, fish and all things living in
nature, as well as role/importance in nature. The characteristics a person exemplified
and shared with an animal were considered when using the names of animal in
Secwepemcésk̓e. For example, while Squwéy was his étsxem name, he was also seen
as a mischief bird and my grandfather was well-known to have a mischievous streak.
The resilience, resourcefulness and adaptability of the Secwepemc is revealed in
taking names that are not our own and making them our own. This was accomplished
through our process of changing the names to better suit Secwépemc pronunciation of
the names and then applying to these new Secwépemc names the accepted custom of
handing these names down through generations. Imaginative nicknames were inspired
by creatively using Secwepemctsín, English or French either in combination or in
isolation. The importance of names for the Secwépemc continues to manifest itself
through the use of nicknames. This research has provided an unexpected beneficial
outcome for me personally with the opportunity to work with Elders who gave unselfishly
and offered unconditional encouragement. People who have wholeheartedly earned the
title of Elder. I am left believing in the hope for our future as Secwepemc.
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References
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Kamloops and District Baptisms 1867-1882, Marriages 1873-1874. (n.d.). Kamloops, British Columbia: Kamloops Museum and Archives.
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