Second Nature: A Review

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    CALDERON, KIM DYAN A. 1 October 2011

    MA SDS SDS 298 Anthropology of Development (SAT 9:00-12:00)

    SECOND NATURE: A Review

    The lessons that the villages of Sandaya and Toly,

    featured in Second Nature, teach us are far from

    the conventionally accepted thesis of

    environmentalism. The notion that

    environmental degradation can be traced from

    anthropogenic causes has come to be the most

    widely acknowledged understanding of ecological

    destructions since the Industrial Revolution.

    Descending upon the roots of this paradigm, towhich most of todays international development

    agencies and government agencies adhere to,

    would lead one to the year 1968, when Garret

    Hardins Tragedy of the Commons rose into

    popularity. This article assumes human rationality

    in dealing with what common resources are

    available to him. Using the herdsman in a

    pastureland scenario to illustrate the simplistic

    calculus governing utility, Hardin explains that the

    only rational decision for a herdsman to make isto increase his herd, since the positive utility he

    derives by doing so is greater than its negative

    utility. That negative utility pertains to

    overgrazing, the effects of which are shared by all

    herdsmen in the pasture. Such scenario leads him

    to the following conclusion:

    Adding together the component partial utilities, the

    rational herdsman concludes that the only sensible

    course for him to pursue is to add another animal to

    his herd. And another.... But this is the conclusion

    reached by each and every rational herdsman

    sharing a commons. Therein is the tragedy. Each

    man is locked into a system that compels him to

    increase his herd without limit -- in a world that is

    limited. Ruin is the destination toward which all men

    rush, each pursuing his own best interest in a society

    that believes in the freedom of the commons.

    Freedom in a commons brings ruin to all (Hardin

    1968).

    While this knowledge holds truth to it, the danger

    lies in applying this truism to come up with

    narrativessomething that (social) research has

    been concerned about for some time. The

    commonsthe pastures in this particular

    scenario, has been adapted to pertain to forests,

    oceans, the atmosphere, even the space; and

    humans, armed with their rationality, exist and

    continue to grow exponentially to exploit natural

    resources in an unsustainable manner. This

    narrative has guided policy in the developing

    world, with proposed solutions packaged in the

    form of privatization, resource taxes, and

    regulation.

    In Africa, development works are funded by

    international institutions inclined to subscribe to

    this preconception, undermining local dynamics

    and indigenous knowledge on the ground.

    International development agencies as well as

    scientific organizations operating in the domestic

    level are quick to give the same conclusion about

    the relationship between the local communities

    of people and their natural environment (forests

    and grasslands). The dominant understanding

    within these development institutions is that localcommunities are turning the forests into

    savannahs, through massive deforestation

    practices potentially extending the arid areas of

    Sahel.

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    In the early 1990s, Melissa Leach and James

    Fairhead went to Kissidougou Prefecture in the

    Republic of Guinea in West Africa to find answers

    to certain questions concerning deforestation.

    Kissidougou was of strategic importance during

    that time as it was situated in the middle of two

    regions: drier areas of savannah to the north and

    dense forests to the south. According to Leach

    herself, Kissidougou portrayed a striking contrast

    between the zones of grasslands and the pockets

    of forests, making it interesting to explore the

    way the environment was changing. In the

    villages of Toly and Sandaya, they were out to

    investigate and look for evidences to support the

    assertion that farming, population, and

    urbanization were putting an unbearable strain to

    the forests. The village of Toly was located in the

    forest zone, while Sandaya was in the savannahs.

    As social anthropologists, they employed in depth

    analysis to fully understand the interface between

    the peoples and the forests. Through participant

    observation, they lived in the villages long enough

    for them to grasp the dynamics of the community

    and the environment they lived in. In the film,

    many interviews with key informants, who were

    mostly village elders, were shown. They provided

    vital information, which, little by little, shed light

    into the problems and issues the anthropologists

    went out to investigate.

    However, initial findings by the researchers

    showed exact contrary to the hypothesis of their

    study. Instead of establishing facts that show how

    the village community (Sandaya) contributed to

    the degradation of the forests, the people even

    claimed that they and their ancestors, who

    settled in what was once an area of arid

    grasslands, planted the trees which eventually

    became forests. The researches then decided to

    gather as many evidence to substantiate their

    initial findings. They worked with local

    researchers to conduct a study (COLA) on the

    forests. Evidences started to show that indeed the

    forests were manmade. Tree species not

    indigenous to the area indicated that these were

    perhaps introduced into the village by the people

    themselves. The research was extended to cover

    not only the forest per se but also the local

    market and trading patterns of the people.

    Information from elders in 30-40 villages

    corroborated the same finding: the ancestors of

    the present-day villagers created the forests

    surrounding the communities. Documents from

    archives were collected and scrutinized as well,

    only to confirm what was already apparent.

    Oral accounts for these researchers were still not

    enough so they resorted to studying aerial and

    satellite photographs of the area for the last 40-

    year period. Latest photos also served to update

    their findings. As regards the interpretations

    made from the research findings, the researchers

    participated in the daily work and activities of the

    villagers, during the conduct of which they were

    asked indirectly about their perceptions of their

    forest environment and their farming practices.

    Descriptions of how their farming and fishing

    practices or other resource use have changed

    served as indicators of environmental conditions.

    Fairhead showed this clearly as he related how his

    own experience of working with the village men

    as they toiled the land provided a venue for

    understanding the interaction between the

    community and the landscape. He said that it was

    during these occasions (and everything else in

    between) that people came to talk openly and

    freely about their opinion, which could serve as

    vital inputs into their research interpretations.

    On the other hand, scientists and policymakers

    were more inclined to overlook the accounts of

    local knowledge found on the ground. They would

    rather listen to the landscape than to the

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    inhabitants. The anthropological research came

    up with completely different findings. It was

    established that the remaining forests found in

    the savannah areas were not a product of

    deforestation. The forests were not even there in

    the first place. Aerial photographs showed the

    changes in the areas of vegetation: forest cover

    had increased in areas surrounding the peoples

    places of settlements, while savannah eventually

    encroached areas that were abandoned by the

    villagers. This yielded to the conclusion that the

    growth and wellbeing of the forest are very

    closely linked to the people close by. This,

    according to Fairhead, meant that in the

    savannahs, more people doesnt necessarily

    mean more degration undermining the

    conventional assumption that people are natures

    degraders. The more control and management

    that communities have over the landscape

    resulted to richer landscapes.

    The quality of forests also reflected indigenous

    knowledge and valuation of the forests that they

    created and the lands that they managed. Human

    intervention in the savannahs gave way to richer

    land conditions supportive of forest biodiversity.

    The forests served to protect the settlements

    from bushfires which happened very often in the

    grasslands. The forests also supported their ways

    of farming. Farmers simply form mounds on the

    land and bury compostable materials to fertilize

    the soil. Crop rotation was performed to further

    enrich the soil: rice during the first year, cassava

    in the following year, and ground nuts after that.

    This process enriched and softened the soil at the

    same time. The land was being left uncultivated

    for a period of ten years to allow the first trees to

    grow and provide the foundation for younger

    seedlings to germinate and develop until a new

    forest is given birth to.

    Villagers also intentionally burned areas earlier to

    create barriers for greater bushfires and protect

    plant species that served as their sources of food

    and shade. Distinct plant characteristics were

    familiar to the villagers and they used each

    species for different purposes that support both

    their community life as well as the surrounding

    forests. White grasses were used for thatching

    their roofs while long grasses were left as they

    could later on convert into forests. Tree cuttings

    used as fences would eventually grow to become

    trees surviving several generations.

    A different situation was taking place in the

    village of Toly during that time. Forest areas,

    which were likewise man-made, had expanded

    into the savannahs thereby causing the grass

    species used for thatching to decline. Peoples

    farming techniques had to adapt to the changes

    in the agricultural landscape. In the past, when

    they were farming in the savannahs, preparing

    the soil entailed uprooting the grass and burning

    it. Recently, as the forests have already expanded

    into the farming areas, soil preparation involved

    cutting the undergrowth and felling trees and

    burning the cleared area. The farmers claimed of

    a certain way of burning the fields. When this

    process was carried out correctly, the burning

    process would enrich the soil.

    Without prior knowledge of the history of these

    forests, one would be quick to judge that the

    practice of burning is an indiscriminate act of

    destroying the forests. This practice of managing

    lands have been easily misinterpreted and

    misrepresented.

    A report from the French colonists largely

    misrepresented the practice of burning as

    overexploitation of forests leading further into

    savannization, with very few pockets of forests

    left in the area. Scientists made the same

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    generalizations hence. Leach explained that

    scientific experts have been convinced by what

    they saw in the landscape without delving into

    historical underpinnings of the phenomenon. As

    scholars of natural sciences, they were not

    inclined to look into historical data since they

    perceived history as a distant discipline

    insignificant in the study of forestry. The aerial

    photographs were also left out. This

    misrepresentation then became so deeply

    entrenched that even schools portrayed the

    practice as senseless destruction of the natural

    vegetation.

    The findings of the COLA study came as a shock to

    development workers who continued to operate

    under the conventional assumptions. As local

    research collaborator Dominique Millimouno

    explained, policy makers and development staff

    were skeptic of their findings. Despite that,

    people started paying attention and attitudes

    began to change as well. Development workers

    went out to validate their research discoveries

    and they were able to come up with the same

    conclusions: that the forests have indeed been

    improving. The Forestry Department staff working

    on the ground confirmed that the communities

    and their interventions made possible the

    existence and improvement of these forest

    islands found in what were once wide savannahs.

    However, higher level policy makers source of

    knowledge remained under the monopoly of

    international scientific and policy circles.

    The ethnographic approach made significant

    contributions in policy reforms especially in

    development projects that concern people and

    their environments. Researches such as those

    conducted by Leach and Fairhead and other local

    researchers made it possible for the phrase local

    or indigenous knowledge systems to reach

    development policy reports and discussions that

    used to be the sole domain of strictly scientific

    disciplines. Ethnography has proven particularly

    useful in changing the outlook of development

    staff who have been in constant interaction with

    the people and their environment. The COLA

    study had influenced this sector of the whole

    development bureaucracy to make its own

    investigation. Findings from the different

    development projects opened the minds of

    development workers of opposite situations in

    the targeted areas, which render top-down

    project implementation inapplicable, and

    together with it the simplistic assumptions that

    characterize their project beneficiaries. Although

    higher level management continued to hold on to

    these assumptions, apparent shifts in attitude

    from their end was perhaps only a matter of time.

    Anthropology, with its unique ability to bring to

    the fore several questions that natural scientists

    consider unimportant, plays a pivotal role in

    shifting paradigms that guide development work.

    The study in Kissidougou, teaches us that even

    universal theories can be put into question, that

    environmental narratives dont always end in

    tragedy.

    Leach revealed that parallel findings were

    recently confirmed in different settings across

    Africa. The study opens the possibility of giving

    new meaning to natureone that allows people

    their history. Most importantly, the

    anthropological approach, when employed in

    development research, can help prevent potential

    tragedies from taking place in local settings

    those which may be impacted by misguided

    development projects that continue to disregard

    local knowledge.

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    References

    Hardin, G 1968, The tragedy of the commons, Science, 162,

    pp. 1243-1248.

    Cyrus Productions 1996, Second nature (documentary film),

    with contributions by Leach, M, Fairhead, J & Millimouno, D.