Title How trading-links influence the globalisation of musical cultures: The

dissemination of lute-type instruments Author(s) Larry Francis Hilarian Source Publisher

Scientific Conference Traditional Music in Globalization Context (pp. 248-276) Vietnamese Institute for Musicology

Copyright © 2005 Vietnamese Institute for Musicology This document may be used for private study or research purpose only. This document or any part of it may not be duplicated and/or distributed without permission of the copyright owner. The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Citation: Hilarian, L. F. (2005). How trading-links influence the globalisation of musical cultures: The dissemination of lute-type instruments. In Scientific Conference Traditional Music in Globalization Context (pp. 248-276). Hanoi, Vietnam: Vietnamese Institute for Musicology. This document was archived with permission from the copyright holder.

HOW TRADING-LINKS INFLUENCE THE

GLOBALISATION OF MUSICAL CUL TURES

THE DISSEMINATION OF LUTE-TYPE

INSTRUMENTS

LARRY FRANCIS HILARIAN

AM NH�C DANTQC

? '

CO TRUYEN TRONG BOI CANH TOAN CAU HOA

Scientific Conference

Traditional Music in Globalization Context

HQI THAO TRONG KHUON KHO cAc NUOC ASEAN TRUNG QUOC, HAN QUOC, NHAT BAN. '�/;£ wnfnrncf. in th,. frnmwJotk of df�Edfc:/V counhio, China, !J(oua, Japan.

VIETNA!v1ESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

NATlONX ',··0.T, -. � ry· �fll Jr,ATIClf'l

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Caquan t6 chftc h<)i thdo: VIEN AM: NHAC

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Conference Organker Institution: VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

Ca quan tai fr<! h<)i thdo: 1. BQ Van hoa Thong tin Vi�t Nam

2. Hi�p h◊i Nh?t Ban, Quy hqp tac giaohru van hoa chau A

Grant organiwtions: l. Ministry of 0.Ilture andInformation of VietNam2. The Japan Foundation,

Cultural Cooperation in Asia

MOI LIEN KET THlfONG MAI ANH HlfONG NHlf THE NAO TOI QUA TRINH TOAN CAU .HOA CUA VAN HOA AM NHA,C­

Sl/ PHO BIEN CUA cAt: NHAC Cl) HO DAY CHI GAY

HO\V TRADING-LINKS INFLUENCE THE GLOBALISATION OF MUSICAL CllLTlJRES .. THE DISSEMINATION OF LUTE-TYPE

INSTRUMENTS

Prof.Dr. Hilarian Francis Gi:?:ing vien tro giang -Truong D�i h9c c6ng nghe Nanyang

Nanyang Technological University

Tci�1 cau h6a theo m<)t nghia nao d6 c6 the dvac biet oen nhtr la mot hien tLtong m6i.. dien ra trc)ng thoi gim gful <lily. rihung tren thlfc te, n6 c1a c6 m<)t qua tdnh lich su lau dai va phat tri�n, th(mg qua uhung ho�t d9ng kinh doanh va thirlmg meµ o hen khAp cac lanh th6. lheo nghia n�y, c6 le se chltng c6 di�m "f:16i." ve tac d<)ng toa.n cau t rong c�c ncn van h6a fun nl1�1c. Toi se fon ly led� c�ung minh rang cac nh"1C C�l da lu6n dong harm ding v& XU the chfnh ttj, xam ltr9<= va khai. thac kinh te gifm cac c(mg dc'mg c6 I ien h¢ rn�t thiet t6i thuong m�i rri_�u djch, dau ca va giAj tri. Nghien cuu v� nh�c ct.� dua chtmg ta t(Ji gic10 di�m Cll,1 fr1crn r3p I 16,1 \ 1 ')l( p1 1:"\q 1;11 I, k I ,f,ng

)48

Globalization in a sense may seem to be best understood as a recent pheno­menon but in fact it has had a long history of expansion, through trade and commerce over a vast tract of territories. In this sense, there is very little that is 'new' about the global effect on musical cultures. I will argue that musical instruments have always joun1eyed along the gram of politics, conquest and economic exploits amongst the communities so linked to trade. mercantilism, adventure and their source of entertainment. 'The study of musical instruments brings us to the intersection of globalization and dias­rura, not in the rommercial sense but

phai theo y ngrua thtrc.mg m�u ma la theu m6i quan h� cl�t che gifra St! ma r9ng va St! thich ung giua cac nen van h6a.

Tuy nhien, c6 m9t s6 van de phuc 14P cful pha.i duc;x: nh� thuc r6 truoc khi ban 11.$1 ve S{! khao sat loan cau h6a cac nhac cu am nhac. Truoc tie n la SU hoat d9ng ctk �c si, am �c cua h9 �'a cic nhac cu. Thu hai la, sue manh tharn nhuan tu tu6ng van h6a am �c loan

cau, dieu c6 sue thuyet phl;}C, eta an sau ben rt va duc;x: hi�u nhu la tac d9ng toan cau d6i v6i fun �c qua thau kinh h� tu tu6ng sau sac. Ix> v�y, c6 � xem "khan gia toan cau" la m¢t sy- thanh c6ng va la gia ttj van h6a khi nhtmg nlu:tc cy d6 va nhung tac phfun fun nh�c duc;x: c6ng nhan.

Toan cau h6a �c cy thu¢c hQ day gay truyen thong cua Malay duc;x: biet den v6i ten g9i thong dtµ1g gambus la m9t thi dy minh hQa cho truong hqp nay. � nh�c Ct;l nay c6 h9 hang gan gili va c6 m6i quan h¢ loan cau kh6ng chi v6i Lid cuaA A-�p ma con v6i dim !Ille cua chau Au, guitar cua Tay Ban Nha, bouzouki cua Hy µtp, qanbus cua Yemeni, barbat cua Ba Tu, kobuz cua Th6 Nhl Ky, pipa cua Trung Quoc, biwacua Nh�t Ban va clan [)1 ba cua Vi�t Nam va con v6i nhieu Illl�C Cl:! thu(>c �9 day gay khac cua Dong Au va Trung A.

Vi� �p trung vao toan cau h6a anhung the ky dau v6i St/ buon ban trai dai gifra vung Trung Dong va quan dao Malay se duc;x: thao lt.$1 sau. Toi se ban ve nhung dieu Cl;}� cua cac qua trinh 4ch su, dua ra m9t vai �a thiet nao d6 ve SI! khai dau va phat trien cua cac � Cl;} day gay qua St! di tru 4ch SU Cua loan cau h6a. Tmh �g van h6a d!a JX:Liong seduc;x: tha)' r6 thong qua St/ bieu lli�n Cua "san pham" 4th SU vi dy nhu cac fllli:lCCl;I. V1 the, ly thuyet lien quan den SI! dl! nh�p cua cac lo.� � Cl} day gay c6 t1�e

tu the clm,c.: aJfotily ut inle1ddlltiJl aggranJizemc:nt and adaptation.

lloweve1, there a re some c0mplc;, issues that have: to Ix: understood before an exan1ination of globalization of musical instrurnenb could be disi.:.,us­sed. The fu·stly is Lhe mo\'ement of musicians, its music and tilusical instruments. Secondly, the force t1-1at imbue the notion of global musical culture, which ha<; the 'power of �r­suasion' is deep roote.d and could be understooo as having global effect on music through profound ideological lenses. Hence, a 'global audience' can ocseen a;; a success and cultural w011h when such instruments and musical practices are recognised.

A case u i reference is the globa­lization of the traditional lvfalay lule-type instrument commonly known as the gambus in the Malay world. It shares 'kinship' and 'global' ties with not only the Arabian 17d but also \Vith the European lute, Spanish guitar, Greek bouzollki, Yemeni qanbus, Persian barbat, Turkish kobuz, Olinese pipa,Japanese biwa, Vietnamese d im ty baand also with many other Central Asian and Eastern Euro�an lute instru­ments.

As well as focussing on the early centuries of globalization with trade plying between Middle East and the 1v1alay Archipdago will be discussed in some depth. I will discll<;S a Jxllticular manifestation of historical processes, devising some hypothesis on the inception and development of the lute­type instruments through their historical migration of the globalization. Local cultural statement is seen through the manifestation of historical 'product' such as musical instruments. Tin1;s,theo1ies pertaining to the arrival of the

249

du<;X: xem la "nhung ly thuyet c6 tM c6" dtra tren co s6 nhln nhan lich su theo "qua trinh" hon 1a theo. "kit qua" boi chung ta kh6ng c6 bang chung cy � nao ve cac � cy hQ day gay nguyen maubandau. Thuong m�i toan cau - St! chuyin

giao cac nh�c c� h9 day gay

Thuong nhan va thuang gia c6 � d6n& m(>t vai t:ro quan trQng trong vi� truyen giao cac � c� am �- M(>t finh \'\TC se dU'C;t: thao lt$1 chi tiet d6 fa St;( du �p cua � Cl:l l°':U gambus vao q� dao Ma Lai. &;f tiep $ cua toi c6 le bat dau ru vi� JX1a11 ung d6'i vai gia thiet chung rang gambus c6 � du� nghien CU\l bat dau ttr cac nru_lC Cl;} day gay cua A-�p va Ba Tu. Tuy nhien, ding c6 � tranh cai rang cac chat li�u mroc ngoai q� dia i:nuong h6a khong JNti fa cua A-�p va Ba Tu, boi nghien cuu cua t6i cho thay mQt so bang chung nao d6 cua su lien ket va khai niem van h6a dta phuong. Ro rru:ig rang, �I/ anh hllctlg ru nguoi Ba tu, A-�p va An I)(> lan CQng len truyen thong am � Melayu va toi se chung to ran� gambus du khoog {ilru Ja � C\} 00 ngurn goc tu Ma � nhung trai qua nhieu tre Icy chinh n6 da � ra oon s&: ijch su cua rieng n6.

, Toi se bat dau vai m9t nghien cuutong quat ve ijch SU cac m6i lien ket thuong ll}<;U ma qurui dao Ma Lai da c6 vai Tay A. Ibuong phap tiep $ cua toi fa dua ra tn(>t s6 gia thuyet ve st;r du �p cua � cy h<;> day gay. Co nhieu ly thuyet khac nhau lien quan den cau hoi cac � cy day gay (gambus) da du �P vao quan dao Malay nhu the nao. Trong cuon sach cua Picken (1975:269), Nh{ic Cl;' ddn gum tu Th6 Nhf Ky da de c�p den �c Cl._l gambus. Ong phat bi�u �g cu6n sach rang 'Ten g9i gambus(tu ln-do-ne-x.i-a [Alam Melayu] va

250

VIE:TNAl\l[SE INSTITUTE FOR MlJSICOLO(;Y

lute-l)'J:e instruments could be argued as only 'µ-obable theories' based on historical hindsight of 'ixocess' rather than 'pnxluct' as there is an absence of physical evidence of early µuto-l)'J:e lute instru­ments.

Global trade the transmission of lute

type instruments Traders and merchants could play a

vital role in the transmission of musical instruments. One area that will be discussed in detail is the migration of the gambus-� instruments to the Malay Archipelago. My approach probably began as a reaction against the general assumption that the gamquscould be studied from the perspective of the Perso-Arabo lute instruments. How­ever, it could also be argued that localised foreign materials do not have to be Arabian or Persian as my study shows some evidence of local cultural association and concepts. Undoubtly, there is a widespread Per­sian, Arabian and Indian influences on the Melayu musical tradition and I will argue that the gambus although of non­Malay origins may have over the cen­turies created a historical identity of its own.

I will begin with an overview of a historical study of the trading-links the Malay Archipelago had with West Asia. I will approach my study. by drawing some hypotheses on the mig­ration of lute-type instruments. There are various "theories" as to how lute­� instruments (gambus) arrived in the Malay Archipelago. Picken (1975:269) mentioned gambus in his book Folk Musical lnsll'uments' from Turkey, i n which he states: "The name gambus (from Indonesia [Alam Melayu] and gabbus [Zanzibar], applied to structurally related lutes

gabbus [Zanzibar], da ap diµig cac nh� Cl:} day gay CO CaU true tuong t\! v6i rebab a Tay Bae chau flu, la nhung hlnh thCrc cua kopuz - nhtr Sachs da cong nh�--- va St_I bien mat cua ten g9i kopuztu nhung vung trung tam cua H6i giao, chi ra rang St_1 truyen giao t6i Zanzibar Va Madagascar, cung nhtr t6i In-<lo-ne-xi-a (Borneo), co le da xuat hien rat s6m".

Theo tai li�u cua nguoi Trung Que:,c6 mot thu6c dia Ba Ttr tren ban dao Ma Lai trong suot the ky thu 5 va 6. Heuken (2002: 13-29) cho biet rang da c6 500 gia cfmh nguoi Ba Ttr den song a Tun-sun tren ban dao Malayan trong the ky thtr 4. Cic thuong gia Gujarat va Ba Tu da �o ra m◊t m¥}g luoi fQllg 16n cic � thong thuong buon ban, do H6i giao Melaka ki<im soat vao nam 1414, va do nguoi Giava va Temate ki<im soat vao CUOJ. nam 1460 sau cong nguyen. Giao str Mohd. Anis Md. Nor da quy s,t_1 du �p cua gambus la do nguoi A-�p trong thoi gian �o hoi h6a Melaka 6 the ky 15. Gia thiet ma toi dua ra ve St_1 truyen giao gambus vao quan dao Ma Lai c6 � la tnroc the ky 15. Vi nguoi Ba Tuva A-�p buon ban oquan dao 1!a Lai ngay tir the Icy thu 9, nen t6i cho rang cac � Cl;J nay c6 � duqc mang ra nuoc ngoai tren nhGng chuyen tau phl;JC � giai tri ca nhan. Barbat, qanbus va udc6 � duqc cac thuong gia nay du �p vao khi h9 buon ban dQC theo quan dao Ma Lai. St! du �P cic � c9 l� gambus vao quan dao Ma Lai khong c6 nghla rang cac lU;li nh<;tc Cl;! ay dtrqc chap nh� va ban d!a h6a ngay l�p rue, ma phai trai qua m9t qua trinh thich ung clan clan. Nhiing nq�c c9 nay c6 le chi do cac thuong gia A-�p va Ba Tu 6 cac tr;µn thong thtrcmg bu6n ban Ma Lai SU dtµig. C6 le chi sau khi Melaka bi Hoi giao h6a thl gambus hoan toan dtrqc h9i nh�p ao khu Vl_IC, �c bi�t sau khi phan con l<;li cua Ma Lai da tro thanh �o H0i

V1£TNAM£SE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

resembling the rebab of North-west Africa, are forms of kopuz - as Sachs recognized ... and the disappearance of the name kopuz from central regions of the Islamic world, indicate that transmission to Zanzibar and Mada­gascar, as well as to Indonesia (Borneo), p:obably occurred at an early date".

A Persian colony on the Malay Peninsula during the 5tt and (Ji centuries is re_IX)rted by Oiinese sources. Heuken (2002: 13-29) mentions that five hundred Persian families lived dwing the 41h

centmy in Tun-sun on the Malayan Peninsula. Gujarati and Persian mer­chants created a wide network of trading posts entirely controlled by Muslim Melaka in 1414, Java and as far as Temate in the late 1460 A.D. Professor Mohd. Anis Md. Nor has attributed the arrival of gambus to the Arabs during the Is lamization of Melaka in the 15th century. The hypo­thesis that I am suggesting for the transmission of gambus to the Malay Archipelago could be earlier than the 151h century. I am suggesting that as the Persians and the Arabs were trading in the Malay Archipelago as early as the 91ti century these instruments could have been carried on board their ships for personal entertainment on long voyages. The barbat, qanbus and ud could have been intrcxluced by these traders when trading along the Malay Archipelago. The anival of the gambus­type instruments into the Malay Archi­pelago may not imply that the accep­tance and indigenization of the instru­ments was immediate but rather happened through a gradual process of adaptation. These instruments may have been used only by Persian and Arab traders based in the Malay trading ports. It was probably after the Islamization of Melaka that the gambus

251

boa.

S� du nh�p cua nh�c q1 lo�i Gambus

'Ih�t thu vi khi biet rang, Sachs da de c�p den S\f du nh�p cua Imµ day gay Ba Tu vao quan dao Ma Lai thong qua "sl! xam chiem va di tru cua nguai Hoi giao". Theo quan diim cua Sachs, canphai c6 m(>t cu(>c khao sat ve S\f anh huang to 16n c6 th� c6 cua nguai Ba Tu doi v6i khu V\fC Dong Nam ch�u A tnr6c S\f du nh�p cua nha buon A-�p Hoi giao a the ky 15 1

•

1 Sachs < 1940: 25 I-252) tuyen b6 rang � Cl,! day gay cua Ba Tu (barba!) da tii � (J vung � d6ng Hoi giao vao nhung the ky sau. Hop len

. day d� u6n coog ve µ1fa sau thaiih hlnh luoi li�m va m(>l ben ro gan cic tI1:JC len day. TI1;1C mac day kh6ng nam (j µ1fa truoc nhlDlg nam b dfu.l !hap hoo cua thAn dan va h¢p c¢ng htn1g � tx;x: oong da. � m6 ta nay gful giong mi Sl;l' mo ta cua � c� � Melayu gambus � {ilat hi� oAlam Melayu (Ma Lai). OS le Sl:f di cu da rnang lexµ day gay mien dong Ba Tu nay t6i Celebes [�wesi] a In-oo-ne-xi-a (gambusu), va dong thoi t6i 2.anzibar (gamb,m) va Madagascar (kabosa ). Ong ket ll.$1 rang � Cl,! day gay nay dong thoi cGng du � Yao Ai � vao khcxbg nam 1200 sau cong nguyen. Ngay nay,� Cl,)

day gay nay da bi birn mat o vung Q.n dong. Oion tan ru difu Grove Ye fun � va cic � SI cling de qp m9t each tom tat Sl1 giao thi�p vai hoi hl.J'OOg thutJng m;:u da dem ¼li nhifo anh huoog tu cac ngu6n ta.i Ii� cua ngum Ba Tu a A-r.w. Gambus 7 day cttn;x: de qp 001 nlllI m(>t troog nhung I� day gay da neu (Mantle Hocxi, 1980: T�9:215).

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VIETNAM[SE INSTITUTE fOR MUSICOLOGY

was more fully integrated into the region, especially after the rest of the Malay World becamelslamized.

The Arrival of the Garn bus Type instruments

It is interesting to note that Sachs mentioned that the Persian lute could have anived in the Malay Archipelago through "Islamic migration and conquest". Sachs's view clearly requi­res an examination of the probable dominant Persian influence on Southeast Asia before the anival of Muslim Arab traders in the 15th

century. 1

1 Sachs ( 1940: 251-252) also claims that the Persian lute (barbat) reappeared in the Islamic Near-East many centuries later. Its peg-box was bent backwards in a sickle shape and contained lateral pegs. The string holder was not frontal but at the lower end of the body and skin-rovered soundboard This description is closely aligne.d to the gambus Melayu-type instruments found in Alam Melayu (the Malay World). The migration could have earned this lute eastwards from Persia to Celebes [&tlawesi] in Indonesia (gambusu), and also to 2.anzibar (gambus,) and Madagascar (lwbosa). He concludes that it was also introduced to Egypt around 1200 A.O. Today this lute is extinct in the Near-East. The New Grove

Dictionary of Music and Musicians also briefly mentioos that contact with the early spice trade brought many influences from Arabic-�ian sources. 'The 7-stringed gambus was mentioned as one of them (Mantle Hood, 1980: Vol.9: 215).

Day la m(>t lu�n ditim quan trQng boi v1 n6 de c�p den m<')t s6 y tuang xung quanh van de "truyen giao" c6 lien quan den quan dao Ma Lai.

Barbat c6 th� duqc du nh�p boi nhfrng giao s1 Sufi tu Ba Tu, nhfrng nguoi da di tuyen duang bi�n cua nhfrng thUC1Jljs gia Hoi giao t6i Dong Nam A.

� ki�n quan tn;mg nay duqc nh�c den trong m<)t dcxµi trich da.n cua Sachs. Dieu nay minh h9a them cho gia thiet, rang barbat c6 le duqc du nh�p vao quan qao Ma Lai tnr6c ca khi cac nha buon A-�p Hoi giao den Melaka vao theky 15.

Oic nha hQC gia A-�p va Ba Tu da thu thanh va ghi chep ve c6ng vit?Ctrong nhung chuyen di cua mlnh. Tuy nhien, duang nhu kham itia ban dau ve Dong Nam A cua nguoi A-�p Va Ba Tu chu yeu duqc tht!C hi�n boi cac tang lop thuong nhan va thuong gia, nhi1ng nguai da den khu Vl!C nay d<i kinh doanh huon ban. do v�y h9 da kh6ng gh. ' ' ·- l'

7 mlnh D;:.-' • , ,,-g vi� am cua . .1 .. x1.11g

c,hw1g i�Ch SU' chCmg minh rang ngubi A-�p va Ba Tu da kinh doanh buon b.ir1& quan dao Ma Lai ngay tu the ky thv 9-'.

2 Kunst (1994:175) mieu ta Sumatra va n.hiingban dao phl_.l c:1I1 da bi anh huong mot each m�hme b6i nen van h6a A.-r.ip a Ba Tu va H6i giao. Ongn6i r<illg gambus lo<!,i day gay 7 day bill ngu6n tu BaTu va ban dao A.-r.ip. � lh<).l nay xac minh them vem(>t trong nhiing gia lhuyet rfulg gambm Melayu la c6 le c6 ngu6n goc tu Ba Tu.

3 Lu khach ngucri Hoa, I-Ching, vao nam 671 sau cong nguyen da len m(>t chiec tau Ba Tu (Po-sse o Trung Qu6c) di Palembang. M(>t ban tuong thu�t khac cua ngucri Hoa da n6i rangnhfrng chiec tau cua I3a Tu vao nam 717 sau c6ng nguycn (16i Palembang) va vao nam 727 da den Ma Lai (Hourani: 1995:46-62 va Heuken 2002: 11 ). Mohd. Taib Osman (1988: 262) cho r�ng nhfrng thtrang gia H6i giao khacva A-rap da bu6n ban o quan dao Ma Lai ngaylit the ky 1hu 9 sau c6ng nguyen. Tham khfo(McAmis, 2002:9).

\'11::"(r;.-H,lt::Sl IN:,llfl:11:: FOi< �iL'�llOI.OG\'

1rus IS an imp)Jtant 4uote as it discusses some of the ideas sWTOUnding the 'transmission' with regard to the Malay Archi�lago.

The barbat, could have be en brought by Sufi missionaries from Persia who plied the trade route of the Muslim merchants to Southeast Asia.2

This vital fact \Vas mentioned earlier in a quotation by Sachs. It supports the hypothesis that the barbat may have been introduced into the Malay Archi­�lago even before the anival of i\1uslim Arab traders to Melaka in the 15m century.

Persian and Arnb scholars have recorded and documented much of their work and travels. It seems however, that the early exploration of Southeast Asia by Persians and Arabs were mainly by tra:lers and the merr:hant classes who came to the region for economic rea­sons, thus not recording their exploits_ There is historical evidence to prove that Persians and .A.rabs were trading in the Malay Archi�lago as early as the 9-th century. 3

2 Kunst (1994: 175) describes Sumatra and the sunounding islands as being strongly influenced by Islam and the Persian-Arabic culture. He mentions the gamb11s of the 7-stringe<l � lute as having come from Persia aoo the Arabian F�ninsula. lhis f.a fUI1her surµ::x1S ooe of my hYPJ{heses that the gamb1LS Me/a)tt is p-ob.ilily of Fhsian crigin.

3 � tra\elh, 1-Gung, in 671 AD.

emoorked ma fusiar1 (Po-sse in Ounere) ship to falernoong. � � �ts aro lllcfltimed fusiai1 ship; in 717 AD. (to Palemoong) am in 727 to Malaya (Hourani.: 1995: 46-62 and H.euken XD2:

11). Nldtl Taib Osman (1988: 262) mcntim.s dlal Arna; am cther Muslim merchanl5 were tra::iing in the Malay Archipdago as early as the ninth century AD. Aro <£e (McAmis, 2002: 9).

253

Alatas ung he) gia thuyet rang da c6 m◊t so lrn;rng 1cm, dan buon ban dµm cu Hoi giao nguCJi A-r�p va Ba Tu o quan dao Ma Lai4

• Ong cilng nh� dµm: c6 m◊t cang sam uat da ton tµ o bo bi�n phia Tay cua ban dao Ma Lai vao the ky thu 9 (duqc g9i la Kalah h�c Klang), noi nhiing ngl}'ffi theo tin do Hoi giao tir Ba Tu va An DQ den sinh song. Kalah thu(x: bang Selangor nam o thu do Kuala Lumpur.

4 Oic bai tom cit vt- "sl! JXlM tan cua Hadhrami" da duoc dua ra thao lu� b hqi ngh! � Alwehdah (Hi�p hqi nhfing nguoi A-rap (J Singapore) vao ngay 20 !hang 8 nam 1995. Nguoi dien thuyel la Tien SI Farid Alatas, Alwiyah Abdul Aziz, Harasha bte. Khalid Banafa va Heike! bin Khalid Banafa Tham khao The gioi Hoi giao 75 nos.3-4, (Alatas, 1985: 163).

5 Alatas (1985:163-4) da de cap trong m6l bai viet ''Gic chu giai ve nhfing ly thuyet khac nhau lien quan den Hai giao h6a cua quan dao Ma Lai" cic nha dja ly va SU h<?C A-rap 6 the ky thu 9 da biet den SI! ton � cua de che Srivijaya (Indonesia) bao gom ca nhiing phan rqng 16n cua qu.in dao Ma Lai. Ya' quibi, viel ve SJ! lien ket buon ban gifra Kai ah o bo biin phfa Tay cua ban dao Ma Lai va Aden (Yemen). MQt tac gia khac, lbn al-Faqih (902), da de cap den chu nghia the gioi cua Kalah. Abu Zayd cua Suaf (d.916) n6i rang Kalah nam b ch�g giiia Trung Qu6c va A-rap va Kai ah la m◊l thanh (X16 phon vinh noi c6 cic tin do Hai giao tu k D◊ va Ba Tu cu tru. M<;>t nguon tai lieu khac o the ky thu IO cua Ismail b. Hasan da n6i den vung nay trong mqt chuyen tu� hang hai, mqt cong vi¢c JXlan nao d1:fa vao nhiing chuyen di o quan dao Ma Lai. Tuy nhien, nhiing nha 4ch SU Andaya va Andaya (1982:51) mo ta thu◊e dia buon ban nguoi Hai giao cua Kalah giong nhu o mien 8&: cua ban dao Ma Lai. Kalah Bar, o Kedah lu�n d;µ (phfa 8&:) cua ban dao Malayxia va Tiuman (Pulau Tioman -phfa dong cua ban dao Malayx.ia) la nhiing cang quan tn;mg vao the ky thu IO cho nhiing thuong gia A-rap (Hourani, 1995:71). Heuken (2002: 13) n6i rang trong suot .the ky thu 9 Kalah (duc;,c nguai Trung Quoc g9i la Ko-lo) tro nen quan tn;mg d6i v6i nhfing nguoi di bien A-rap, h9 cung nguoi Ba Tu buon ban 6 do voi thuC111g gia Trung Quoc va Ma Lai thoo mo ta cua Ibn Khurdadhbih. Tat ca nhfing Sl! k.ien nay xac minh bang chung nguoi Hai giao tu Ba Tu, A-rap va k Do sinh song o m◊t s6 cang quan trong o quan dao Ma Lai ru 1.he ky thu 9.

254

\'lfTNAI\IESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

Alatas supports the hypothesis that ther� were large Persian and Arab trading Muslim settlements in the Malay Archipelago.4

He states that a thriving port also existed on the west coast of the Malay Peninsular in the 9111 century (named Kalah or Klang) inhabited by Muslims from Persia and India. Kalah is in the State of Selangor where the capital Kuala Lumpur is situated. 5

4 &munary of papers on "Hadhrami Diaspora" were discussed in the conference at Alwehdah (Singapore Arabs Association) on the 20th August 1995. S{eakers were: Dr. Farid Alatas, Alwiyah Abdul Aziz., Harasha bte. Khalid Banafa and Heike! bin Khalid Banafa. Also see Muslim World 75 nos.3-4, (Alata'>, 1985:163).

5 Alatas (1985:163-4) mentions in an article "Notes on Various Theories Regarding the Islamization of the Malay Archipelago" that the Arnb lustorians and goographers of the 9th century knew of the ex.istence of the Srivijaya Empire (Indonesia), wluch included large parts of the Malay Archipelago. Ya'quibi, for example, writes of the trading connections between Kalah on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula and Aden (Yemen). Another writer, lbn al-Faqih (902), mentioned the cosmopolitanism of Kai ah. A.bu Zayd of Straf ( d.916) said Kai ah lay half-way between Ouna and Arabia and mentioned Kalah as a prosperous town inhabited by Muslims from India and Persia Another l 0th century source by Ismail b. Hasan mentioned this region in a condensed nautical treatise, a work ba'ied in part on travels in the Malay Arclupelago. However, historians Andaya and Andaya ( 1982:51) describe the Muslim trading colony of Kalah as being in the northern part of the Malay peninsular. Kalah Bar, probably al the modem Kedah State (north) of Peninsula Malaysia and Tiuman (Pulau Tioman eastern side of Peninsula Malaysia) became important ports in the Ia" century for Arab traders (Hourani, 1995:71 ). Heuken (2002: 13) mentions that during the 9"' century Kalah (known to the Ounese as Ko-lo) became important to the Arab seafarers, who, together with the Persians traded there with Chinese and Malay merchants as described by Ibn Khurdadhbih. All these facts support the evidence of Muslims from Persia, Arabia and India inhabiting some of the important ports in the Malay Arclupelago since the 9"' century.

Khong VO ly chut nao khi n01 rang nguoi Ba Tu da mang barbat t6i quan dao Ma Lai. Dieu dang thac mac la lieu cac nhac cu loai gambus c6 ngu6n g6c t,u Ba ·r"u ha·y tu ban dao nguai A-r�p? Lo;;ii gambus Melayu du nh�p vao quan dao Ma Lai co th� mot la loai con chau trlJC tiep cua b�rbat Ba Tu hoac tu Yemeni qanbus, mot loai co thi duqc tien hoa tir "barbat"6

• .

Ve m�t cau true gambus M elayu co SlJ gi6ng nhau n6i b�t v{;i ca lex_u nh;;ic Cl) barbat va qanbus. Lich sir chung minh rang con duang du nhap tu Ba Tu hay A-�p deu co thti xay ra. � tucmg dong giiia gambus va barbat cung la Sl! lien ket v& gambus voi qanbus7.

Ngay ca day dan cua ca hai lo<;ti nh<;tc c1:1 gambus c17ng duqc len day theo quang b6n dung gi9ng nhu hau het cac lo;;ii day gay A-r�p va Ba Tif.

6 Shiloah (l 979: 180) de c�p trong bai viet cua minh rang IW dtrc;,c phat minh tx1i. m◊t nha triet h<;>c Ba Ttr fbn Hidjdja (b.1366-d.1434), ngtrai dii goi n6 Ia barbat.

1 Mo ta cua Jean During (1984: T�p 1:156)trong Tan Tu diln Grove ve' cac nhac cu phan biet r6 barbat vai gambus Melayu. Tuy nhien, During khong M c�p ncri xua't xu cua gambus nht.rng ong n6i rang: "Barbat co 4 day to, d6i khi duoc nhart doi, duqc Jen day a quang 4 vadtr(JC gay bang m◊t rnieng gay ... Vao thai ky dau, barbat duqc du nh�p vao A-�p qua Ai­Hira a Ephrates. Kwitra Bae Phi va iid A-�p cothi dtrqc coi nhu barbat, ding nhtr pipa cua Trung Qu6c va biwa cua Nh�t Ban."

8 Jean Lambert (1997 :90) da rnieu ta trongcu6n sach cua ong La medecine de l'dme (Vi

thu6c tam hon) rang qanbus fir Yemen c6 ba day kep duc;:,c Jen day tang dful a quang b6n ngo� trir day don tram dtrc;,c len day a quiing tam thap hon day kep cao. Vi¢<: ten day a quiing b6n ia tuong tu vai hfo het gambus Melayu va ga111b11s Hadhrm11.a11t c,;a Alam Melayu.

VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

It is not unreasonable to suggest that the Persians brought the barbat to the Malay Archipelago. The question that comes to mind is whether the gambus­� instruments come from Persia or the Arabian PeniIBula? The gambus Melayu that aure to tre Malay Archi­�lago coold re eitlu a direct cb:emant of tre RT.;ian barlxrt er furn tre Y enmqanbus, \Wlicl1 itself may ha\e evolved frun tre ''barbat ''.6

The gambus Melayu has striking resemblances to both barbat and qanbus -� instruments in its Ifiysical stxoctures.There is historical evidence to suggestthat either of these routes from Persia andArabia were �ible. The similaritiesbetween the gambus and the barbat arethose that also link the gambus with· theqanbus.7 Even the strings of both �sof gambus instruments are tuned inperfect 4ths, as is the case with mostPersian and Arabian lutes.8

6 �oah (1979: 180) mentions in his writing that the ud was invented by a Persian philosopher lbn Hid jd ja (b.1366-<l. l 4 34 ), who called it a barbat.

'The description given by Jean During (1984: Vol.l: 156) in The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments closely identifies the barbat with the gambus Me/ayu. However, During did not say where the barbat came from but he did say: 'The barbat had four silk strings, sometimes doubled, tuned in 4ths and plucked with a plectrum ... At an early date it was exported to Arabia via Ai-Hira on the qfuates. The North African kwitra and Arab ud can be considered descendants of the barbat as can the Ounese pipa and Japanese biwa".

8Jean Lambert (1997:90) described in his book La medecine de l'dme that the qanbus from Yemen has three double-course strings tuned progressively in 4ths except for the low single string which is tuned an octave lower than the high double-course strings. The tuning in 4ths is similar to mos! gambus Melayu and the gambusHadhram.aut of Alam Mefayu.

255

Thong tin ve S(! hlnh thanh CL:a gambus !i-1elayu tuang t(! nhu cua barbat. Ella Zo!_l-is (1973: 179-180) trong cuon sach Am nhac c6 die'n Ba Tlt ket lu�n rang barb.at duqc hlnh thanh tu m9t mieng go. Trfch dan Zonis: "Ngay vao g1a1 doan Sassanian, [224-651 sau co�g nguyen] ngttoi. Ba Tu da c6 ild duqc g9i la barbat. StJ hlnh thanh nay rat khac �o v6i SlJ hlnh thanh cua day gay A-r�p, b6i. vi than, can dan barbat duqc cJu thanh tu mieng g6, con lo�i LW A-r�p. hai cau true b¢ ph�n d6 rach rm nhau.

Trfch dan neu tren xac dinh SU tl!°ang d6ng ch�t che ve SlJ cau thanh cua barbat va gambus Melayu. Bat cu ai ding khong thti nghi ngo kha nang anh httang ve phuang thuc cau th�1� l9�i gambu,s Me(ayu_. Nhungmo ta cua Sachs va Zorns ve gambus c9 y �hi def1 nh�c c� ma ngu6n g6c cua no c6 the tu Ba Tu.

Dong thoi cung theo Farmer, barbat da du nh�p vao ban dao A-rap tu Ba Tu._ Dieu !lay c6 thti ly giai St!tuang dong gan gui gifra iid va qanbus tu Yemen9

.

9 Shiloah da n6i v6i toi rang, hau he·l, neu khong �ai lat ca, cac ngu6n tai li¢u tharn khao cua nguoi A-r:<lp duong nhu phan biet barbat v6i iid vira la mottrong nam ten goi cua iid vira nhlI la mot bien d,�riggan giii cua n6 (Ngay: 26 thang 3 nam 2CXXl). Diiunay cang gay kh6 khan cho hai I� nh� cu hQ daygay nay VI tu barbat hay iid Mu c6 thl duac .>L!dung & mo ta ca hai nhac Cl;l nay. Poche (l 984·: T� 3: 168) chi rd rang hmh dang cua Yemeni qanbus c6 quan he gan giii v6i iid sa khai cua Hai giao. Gifra iid va qanbus luon lu6n c6 SI! tuong tac Ian nhau. Tuy nhien, qa11bus duac boc bang da cuu non son mau xanh nhu mau cua H6i giao va c6 7 day, 3 c� dar kcf va m9t day don tram. Poche da n6i rang tai Sana O Yemen, qanbus duac gqi la IW cua Sa'na hoac 1Id co b6n day, ck phan biet qanbus v6i iid A­r.ip c6 ditn, trong Tan n't diei, Gro,·e 11101 ,-i cacnhac cu.

256

YIETN,1 MfSE INSTITU ff FOR ML,SICOLOGY

Infonnation gathered aoout the construction of the gambus tvlelayu is similar in manner to the conslluction of the barbat. Ella Zonis (1973: 179-180) in her oook Classical Persian Music concludes that the barbat was cons­tructed from one piece of wood. To quote Zonis: "As early as the Sassanian period, [224-651 A.O.] the Persians had an i7d called the barbat. The construction was different from that of the Arab lute, since in the barbat, the bcx:ly and the neck were constructed of one graduated piece of wood, in contrast to the Arab 11d, where the two were separate".

The above quotation confirms the close similarities apparent in the construction of the barbat and gambus Melayu. One cannot doubt the possibility of Persian influence in the construction method of the gambus Melayu. The descriptions by Sachs and Zonis about the gambus imply the instrument may be of Persian origin.

Also, according to Farmer, the barbal was exJ:X)rted to the Arabian Peninsula from Persia This may explain the close similarities between the Lui and the qanbus from Y emen.9

9 �ilooh menticoed to me that rna;t, if not all, ref ercnces in Arabic sources soon to i<bltify the barbo.t

with the ,Id eilher as one out of the five nacres cl IDr,Id or a'i a de.re variant of it ([}dle:261 1 M.art:h: XXX)). This makes the is.<a: of� l\'.O 1YfCS of lute imtrurrtnt moo:

� as the v.ad bo.rbo.t or iid cm Ix u<ro to describe either instrumenL F\:x:he (l 984: Vol. 3: 168) p'.)inted out that the sh� of the Yemeni qanbm is closely related to the early 1-Jamic iid. There ha'i been cootinuou� inier<dioo between the iid and the qanbus.Ho.,..ever, the qa11bus is covered with lambskin �led in gro.:n a'i the coloor of Islam ald it ha'i �\01

S1rings, tlure chible-�g and a single low string. Poche mentioned that at Sa'na in Yemen the qanbu.s is called the rid of Sa'na or the 1Id with four strings, 10

distinguish it from the classical Arnbian 11d, in The

New Grm·e Dictionary of Musical !mtnu11e11ts.

Faimer da ket lu�n rang, lo�i d�y gay Ba Tu xam nh�p vao A-r�p vao cu6i the ky thtr 7 ooi nhfrng nguoi. no le Ba Tu lam viec 6 Mecca va mot sokhu Vl!C khac 6 ban dao A-r�p10•

Yao the ky thtr 8, Zazal da gi6i thi�u m(>t lo�i lW m6i thay the barbat.Chinh St! phat minh rq6i loc_U iid nay da du nh�p vao �hau Au do Tay Bap Nha xam luqc A-r�p va tra nen noi tieng a phuong Tay nhu m(>t Io�i daygay (Farmer, 1967: 108)11.

10 Den the ky thu 5. bmbat duac cac c6 gai ca hat ngtrai Ba Tu va thu6c de qu6c La Ma phuang Dong su dung. Ud A-rap da xuat hien 6 Mecca vao the ky thu 6 (Marcuse, 1975: 413 ).

11 Farmer(l93la: 91-107) ket lu� rang lo.u day gay loai barbat hmh qua le c6 xua, khong c6 can dµm am, ct.a tiep tuc t6n � song song v6i i'id trong Castigas de Santa Maria

(nguon goc cua day gay A-r� va Rebec (da.n vi6long ba day)). Sachs (1940:252) ding mo lJ. each SU dL,mg lo.u guitar Ma-roe (J the ky th(r 14 "la g11itarra ,norisca" cua nguai Tay Ban Nha la cang ngay ca.rig bi anh htrang b6i lo� day gay hi�n nay ma bat ngu6n tu itd. John M.Schecter (1984:508) trong T dn lie dienGrove w! cac nhac ctt mo ta "laud" nhtr lathuat ngu cua Tay Ban Nha cho ,'"id A-rap van6 duqc dua vao Tay Ban Nha b6i nguoi A­r�p vao the ky thu 13. Anthony Baines (1992:19-20) trong The Oxford Co111[xmion toMusical lmtmments S6 fay Oxford cac loai

nhac rn ding mo ta "laud" v& than c6 canh hlnh gqn song hoac hlnh trai xoan den �p thtrong la v6i lo thoat am va day kim loai tu Tay Ban Nha. N6 co sau day kep va dLrac len day theo htr6ng di xuong a quang b6n. Theo m6 ta nhac cu nay c6 quan he gan p.iii v6i ,d A-rap (gm11h11s lfadl!it'! 1 /U1fif).

VIETNAMESE INSTITllTE roR MlJSIC'OLOGY

Faimer concludes that Persian lutes were taken to Arabia in the late seventh century by Persian slaves who worked in Mecca and other parts of the Arabian Peninsula. 10

In the 8th centwy Zalzal introouced a new type of 1td which superseded the barbat. It was this new invention (i7d)that was brought to E� by the Arab invasion of Spain and became knmvn to the West as the lute(Fanner,1967: 108).11

10 By the 5d, century, the barbat was used by Byzantine and Persian singing girls. The Arabic ,id appeared in Mecca in the 6th century (Marcuse, 1975: 413).

11 Farmer (1931 a: 91-107) concludes that the old pear-shaped barbat type lute, without a definite neck, continued to exist side by side with the ,id in the Cast/gas de Santa Maria(The Origin of the Arabian Lute and Rebec ). Sachs ( 1940:252) also describes how a type of Moorish guitar of the 141h cennuy 'la g11ita,rn mo,isca' used by the Spaniards was more and more influenced by the lute today which descended from the 11d. John M. Schecter (1984:508) in The New Grove Dictionaryof Musical Instmments describes the "laud" as a Spanish term for the Arabian ,id and that it was introduced into Spain by the Arabs in the 1311i century. Anthony Baines (1992: 19-20) in The Oxford Companion to Musical

Instn1111e11ts also mentions the "la,uf' with flat­back, oval or wavy-sided body often with wavy sound holes and metal strings from Spain. It had six double courses and was tuned progressively downwards in fow ths. From the description, this instrument is closely related to the Arabian iid (gambus Hadhra11u111t).

257

Trong tai li�u A/at a/at Muzik Traditional Dalam Masayaralwt Melayu di Malaysia mc)t ban bao cao tcing quat ve Bahasa Melayu cong nh�n Sl! phat tri�n va tien h6a cua LW tu barbat, nhung kh6ng de c�p den bat cu moi quan h� nao cua n6 doi v6i. gambus Melayu. Trich dan Nik Mustapha.

Thu�t ngu '_'al-ud'.' lien qyan den g6 duqc bat nguon tu A-r�p. 0 Tay Ban Nha, LW duqc biet den nhu "aloot'' hay lu�� (�an day gfay).

1

The? gong �ha¥ thm g1an, 10�1 day gay co can ngan la lo�i dan t6 tien cua dan guitar thung ngay nay. Si, phat t_rien cua nh<;tc lW duqc cho la co ngu6n goc tir nh<;tc C'-:} barbat da ton � trong suot thcri d<;ti hoang kim de cheBa Tu (1998:154).

A/at a/at Muzik Traditional Dalam Masayarakat Melayu di Malaysia la m(>t trong so ft nhfrn� cuon sach aBahasa Melayu mo ta va thao lu� m<)t so chi tiet ve gambus. Ngu6n tu lieu Ma Lai nay xac dµm Sl! xuat hi�n cu� hai lo<;ti ganzbus. Tuy nhien, khong de c�p den �i sao chung l<;ti duqc d�t ten nhu v�y, t<;ti sao c6 hai lo� gambus va lam the nao gambus da du nh�p vao Alam Melayu.

M<)t gia thiet khac cho rang c6 le ngucri Ba Tu da mang barbat ho�c tham chi cac nhac cu loai LW t6i. cac quoc gia a phia Bae Sumatran cua Samudra, Pasai va Aceh vao the ky 13, khi nguoi H6i giao dµm cu da duoc hlnh thanh b6i nguoi Ba Tu tnroc kia r2.

12 O1t1ng toi biet tu Marco Polo rang vao giiia nhung nam I 291 va I 292 sau COi ,g nguyen, cang Perlak 6 phfa Nam Sumatra da chuyen cho Hoi · giao (Aldo Ricci, 2002). M<)t hc;x: gia khac la Van Leur, chi ra rang vao khoang cu6i the ky 13, nhung ke thong tri cac tmh mm n6i ten ven bien 6 mien Bae Sumatra da chiem dvoc Hoi giao qua sv giao thi¢p vm bu6n ban mau dich v6i ngvm Indonesia (Reid, 20CX): 16).

258

Vl[Tl'IAi\lES[ INSTITLITF: HJR "tliSICOLOGY

The general statement made in Bahasa Melayu documented in A/at a/at Muzik Tradisional Dal.am Masayarakat Melayu di Malaysia also acknowledges the development and the evolution of the ud from the barbat but does not mention any kind of relationship it may have had with the gambus Melayu. To quote Nik Mustapha:

The term "al-wl" which refers to wood is derived from Arabic. In Spain, tui is known as "aloot'' or lute. According to its chronological evolution, the short-necked lute is the ancestor of the µ-esent day acoustic guitar. The deve­lopment of 11d instruments are said to have originated from the "barbat'' instrument which existed during the Persian Empire golden era ( 1998: 154 ).

Ala1 a/at Muzik Tradisiona/ Dalam Masayirakat Melayu di Malaysia is me of the few books in&hasa Melayu that describes and discusses the gambus in some detail. This Malay source confirms the awarance of two� of gambus. However, nothing, is mentioned about how they got therr name, why there are two � of gambus and how the gambus arrived in Alam M elayu.

There is another hypothesis that claims that the Persians may have brought the barbat or even the z,d type instruments separately to the northern Sumatran states of Samudra, Pasai and Aceh during the 13th century as Islamic settlements were established by

• 12 • the early Persians.

12 We know from Marco Polo that the port of P<>:rlak in North Sumatra was converted to Islam between 1291 and 1292 A.O. (Aldo Ricci, 2002). Another scholar, Van Leur, points out that by the end of the 13th centw-y, rulers of some newly-arisen coastal states in Northern Sumatra adopted Islam through their dealings with Indonesian trade (Reid, 20CX): 16).

lbn Battuta, mot khach du lich nguoi Mar6c trong bao cao cua 6ng da n6i ve chuyen vieng tham cua mlnh den phfa Bae vung cang Sumatra cua Pase (Pasai) vao nam 1345. Ong m6 ta ve dan cu Hoi giao (Gibb H.A.R., 1999). Picken ( 1975: 269) phat bi�u rang "st! thiet l�p Hoi giao b Sumatra vao the ky13 da c6 tuong quan v6i SI! truy�ngiao d�u tien den qu�n dao An D9cua ca\ nh�c c� c6 dang dap cua kopuz,,1..

13 C6 hai van de trong nghien clfl.l cua Picken, khi ong tlm thay nhieu th6ng tin nay tu Sachs. Trvac tien, kopuz (qopuz, qupuz) la dan day gay c6 can dai, hlnh thanh ttr the ky 11, dvqc su dt,mg bai m¢t so bQ l<;tc The Nhi Ky 6 Nam Trung A.Nh�c Cl} nay tve1ng tl! baglama va saz.

Sachs c6 le da sai lam khi su d1,mg thu�t ngii kopllz M chi den qa11b11s hay barbat,

nhiing lo<;ti nh<;tc cy c6 cau true lVC1ng fl! vai gambus Melay11. Thu hai la, tu "quan dao An D¢" da mieu ta trong trich din de gay nham Ian. Ditu nay se hfru fch neu nhv trau chu6t thu�t ngii dja ly de chi ban dao Ma L�i. Toi nghi ngo rang thu�t ngu "Ban dao An D¢" chi "Oic hon dao nho" duqc cac nha tham hiim chau Au SC1 khai am chi den nguoi An D◊ de n6i den "Ban dao Ma Lai" trong su6t thoi gian tham hiim vung dat nay vao the ky 16. Thu�t ngii nay dvqc xac dinh boi Tien s1 Karl Anthony Hack, m¢t chuyen gia ve ljch SU Dong Nam A,Phan khoa lich su, NTU/NlE (Thong tin ca nhan: ngay 28 thang 10 nam 1999).

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lbn Battuta, a Moroccan traveler mentions in his report of his visit to north Sumatra port of Pase (Pasai) in 1345. He described the inhabitants as Muslims (Gibb H.A.R., 1999). Picken ( 1975: 269) states that, "_the establishment of Islam in Sumatra in the 13th century has been correlated with the flfSt transmission to the Indian Archipelago of kopuz-like instruments". 1 :t

13 There are two problems with Picken's research, as he derived much of .this information from Sachs. Firstly, kopllz (qopuz,

qupuz) is a long-necked lute dating from the 11111 century used by some Turkish tribes of south central Asia This instrument is similar to the baglama and saz. Sachs may have erroneously used the term kop11z to mean qanbus, qabus or barbat, which are structurally similar to the gamb11s Melayu. Secondly, the tenn "Indian ArdliJxlago" ocscribed in the quotatioo is anfusing. It may re heq:ful to refine its geo­graµ1ical terminology to mean Malay �Iago. I SUspx:l the term ''Indian Archit:elago" could be referring to the "spice islands", which were comrnooly refemrl to as "Indian" by rarly � explorers to mean the "Malay Archi­�lago'' during the 16th century exploratioo of the region. The regional name ''East Indies" is sometimes used as synonym for the "M�Iay Archi�lago". This term was confirmed by Dr. Karl Anthooy Hack, a srecialist oo Soud1east Asian History, Division of History, NTU/NIE (J.XTSOOal communication: 28th October 1999).

259

Ngucri ta tin tu0ng rang cung dlrih Aceh CJ the ky XlU van giu l�i cac nhac s1 den ti:r Ba Tu1 4 , h9 da duqc men CJ l�i Aceh va ngay nay SI/ anh huong m<;lllh me cua nguai Ba Tu Sufi vful con hi�n r6 trong van h6a Trung Quoc 15

.

Tome Pires, mot nha tham hitm B6 Dao Nha the ky thu XVI cung da nhan m<;lllh rang Hoi giao h6a Ma Lai la do giao thi�p v6i thuang gia Hoi giao (Reid, 2000: 16). Trong suot thoi gian d6 nhieu tac ph�m van hc;x: duqc dich tu ng6n ngfr Ba Tu sang Ma Lai.

St! mo r(mg kinh doanh buon ban va dtra dao Hoi vao Ma Lai

S.Q. Fatimi (1963) cho rang Hoi giao du nh�p vao quan dao Ma- Lai theo bon giai do�n: thu 1ihat, SI/ giao thi�p ban dau tu nam 674 sau cong nguyen; thu hai, Hoi giao c6 V! trf chac chm 6 cac tinh ven bi�n vao khoang nam 878 sau c6ng nguyen; thu ba, Hoi giao bat dau d<:tt duqc quyen lt!C chinh tr! vao nam 1204 sau cong nguyen, Va CUOi Cllllg la SI/ suy tan bat dau tu nam 1511 sau c6ng nguyen (67-70). Kh6 ma trlnh bay m<)t each dut khoat rang gambus da du nh�p vao Alam Melayu khi nao va nhu the nao.

I� Cac Linh fhfa Bae cua Sumatra da bi anh huong b6i nguO'i Hoi giao va cac bia m◊ <lau tien cua hoang ti'r Hai giao duc;x: gh.i leµ vao nam 1297 a Perlak va Sumudra nhu da duoc Tome Pires (Cortesao, 1990) d� cap d�l. � h.ien dien cua m9t s6 CQng dong nguO'i Hai giao a mien Nam Sumatra cung duc;x: Marco Polo gh.i lai qua nhung chuyen di cua 6ng t6i vCmg n;iy vao nam 1292 (Aldo Ricci, 2002).

I� Alat.as (1985:173) n6i r-'ing nh.ieu nha giao

Va hoc gia Sufi da gi6i th.ieu tu lU<Jng triet hoc ben canh thuvt"'r tMi I hoc vao qi 1/l.n oho �fa Lai.

26n

\'l[TNAMESF: INSTITl'lE FOR MUSICOLOGY

It is believed that the Aceh royal court in the 13th century also main­tained musicians from Persia. 14 Persian musicians were invited to stay in Aceh and even today strong Persian Sufi influence is still apparent in Achinese culture. 15

Tome Pires, a 16m century Portu­guese explorer also emphasized that contacts with Muslim merchants was a sufficient explanation of Islamization of the Malay World (Reid, 2CXX):16). During that time many literary works were translated from Persia.11 into the Malay language.

The expansion of trade and the introduction of Islam to the Malay

world

S.Q. Fatimi (1963) has suggested that Islam anived in the Malay Archi�lago in four stages. First, early contacts from 674 A.D., second, Islam obtained a foothold in coastal to\\-TIS around 878 A.D., third, Islam began achieving p::>litical p::>wer in 1204 A.D., and finally decline set in from 1511 A.D (69-70). It is difficult to state categorically when and how the gambus anived in Alam Melayu.

1'1ne Northern states of Sumatra have been influenced by Islam and the earliest gravestone of a Moslem i:rince was recorded in 1297 in Perlak and Samudra as mentioned by Tome Pires (C..ortesoro, 1990). The presence of some Muslim communities in Northern Sumatra was also reported by Marco Polo through his travels to !his region in 1292 (Aldo Ricci. 2002).

1'Alatas (1985:173) mentions that many Sufi teachers and scholars introduced Greek philosophical thought besides Sufi

tlwology to the Malay Archipelago.

Nhfrng cau hoi d�i loai nhu gamblls c6 phim hay la . khongh, ')16 pun.

Gambus c6 day kim lo�i, h(>p c(mg hu6ng hay cac lo�i day khac hay kh6ng? Rat kh6 tra lm, vi kh6ng tim thay tai li�u ho�c cac minh h9a hinh anh. Mohd. Taib Osman (1988) tuyen b6 rang khrning dau the ky XIII ho�c XIV, anh htro'ng cua Hui giao da du nh�p den Ma Lai, t6i quan dao Ma Lai (Nusan�t;tra) thong qua hai nuoc Ba Tu va J\n Do. Dao Hoi khong du dem l�i m(>t ruem .tin tin nguong m6i ma con mang anh h,uo'ng van h6a H6i giao tu Ba Tu va An D9 t6i Ma Lai. M�c du vao dau the ky 16 nguoi. Bo Dao Nha da tim each mo n)ng vi� truyen d�o Co doc giao, nhung cac nha bu6n H6i giao - k� ca dia phuang va nuoc ngoai da phan ung li:li Sl! banh tnr6ng cua nguoi. BoDao Nha bang each bai trir ton giao trong quan dao Ma Lai. 17

16 Schlesinger ( 1925) de c�p rang nhimg nguoi A-r�p (Moor) da dva vao cac nh;,ic Cl,) day Tay Au, nhu day gay' rehab

va tanb11r vai cac phfm co dinh tren can dan.

17 Lai nhu� kinh doanh t;,ii ch6 gan lien v6i cac vuang trieu va cac cang thuang m;,ii, va nhu CUQC chien dau chong !;,ii nguai B6 Dao Nha trong vi¢c chi phoi kinh doanh duqc cac hoang tu Hoi giao ban dia phat d9ng. D(mg ca chfnh tri gan lien voi dong ca thvang m;,ii. H6i giao da hap nhat de tfn do tu khap nai va do vay da d�t dvac cac muc tieu thuong mai va chfnh tri chong ngvoi B6 Dao Nha tlleo dao Ca do .....

\'l[TNAMESE INSTITl!Tf FOR �n:s1coLOGY

Questions such as: Was thegambus fretted or unfretted? 16

Did it have Vvi.re, gut or other types of strings? Are difficult to answer, as no documentary or iconographical evidence has been found. Mohd. Taib Osman ( 1988) states that at about the beginning of the 1 Th or the 141h

century, Islam came to exert its influence on the Malays, brought to the Malay Archipelago (Nusamara)via Persia and India. Islam not only introduced a new religious faith, but also brought in its wake the Islamic cultural influences from Persia and India to the Malay area. Although the Portuguese in the early 16th century provided the stimulus for accelerating expansion of Christianity, the Muslim traders - both local and foreign - reacted to Portuguese encroachment by intensifying proselfisation m the Malay Archipelago. 1

16 Schlesinger ( 1925) mentions that theArabs (Moors) introduced to Western Europe string instruments such as lute, rebab and tanbur with fixed frets on their necks.

17 The local trading interests were vested in the royal courts and commercial ports, and as such the fight against the Portuguese for control of trade was waged mostly by local Muslim princes. The political motive was tied up with that of trade. Islam unified the Muslims from all over and thus attained political and commercial goals against the Oiristian Portuguese.

261

C6 rat ft ho�c hau nhu kh6ng c6 thong tin gi lien quan den S\f du nh�p cua nh�c cl:} lo�i gambus, nghien cuu hi¢n nay chu yeu ph� thu(x: vao danh gia Itch su va nhfrng ly thuyet lien quan den St! H6i giao h6a cua �uan dao Ma Lai trong s uot the ky 15 . 1

Nhung ban tnrang thu�t dau tien cua si, Hoi giao h6a la manh moi quan tn.mg cho vi� tun hi�u si, truxen ba cac nh�c c� day gal Ba Tu va A-r�p b quan dao Ma Lai. 1

Thai vang son cua Jich SU Ma Lai va khai ni�m cua van h6a Melayu bat dau v& de che Melaka va S\f du nh�p cua H6i giao vao the ky thu 15.20

Nhu toi da de c�p b chuang 1, m9t si, ki¢n quan tr9ng trong lich SU Ma Lai xay ra vao nam 1409 khi nguoi sang l�p Melaka, hoang tu nguoi Hindu (Parameswara) ket hon v6i co con gai cua vj vua H6i giao xu Pasai b Sumatra va da duoc cai giao theo d�o Hoi. Ket quii cua c u9c hon nhan va si, cai giao theo

18 Hall (1970); Johns, A.H. (198 I); Wolters (1982); Andaya va Andaya (1982); Alatas (1985); Reid (1993; 2000); Tarling (1992) va Heuken (2002 ).

19 Kunst (1994: 237) de c�p t6'i vi�c defog g6p cua vuang qu6c Hoi gifo (vf d9 ngtrai Ba Tu va A-r�p) trong linh \fl!C a.m nhac bao g6m m<)t vai nh�c c9 thuang duqc SU d1;mg trong xa h<)i Hoi giao (J qua.n dao Ma Lai. Ong da ghi chu vi d9 gambus,

ma,was (tr6ng tay nho) va rebana (tr6ng c6 tang tr6ng) cGng nhu m<)t so giai di�u dtrqc tlm thay 6 Ma Lai c6 nguon g6c tu the gi6'i Ba Tu va A-r�p.

20 Melaka m6'i day da duqc Lien Hi�p Qu6c cong b6 la m(lt di tfch di san the gi6'i.

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With little or no information regarding the arrival of gambus­type instruments, the present research relied heavily on historical accounts and on theories regarding the Islamization of the Malay Archipelago during the 15th century. 18

Early historical accounts of Islam­ization are vital clues for understanding the dissemination of Arabian aoo Persian lute-tw instruments in the Malay Archirelago. 19

The Golden Age of Malay history and of the concept of M elayu culture began with the Melaka Empire and the anival of Islam in the 15th century.�

As I mentioned Olapter One, an important event in Malay history occurred in 1409 when the founder of Melaka, a Hindu prince (Parameswara), manied the daughter of the Sultan of Pasai in Sumatra and in so doing converted to Islam. One result of the maniage of Parameswara and his

18 Hall (1970); Johns, A.H. (1981 ); Wolters (I 982); Andaya and Andaya (1982); Alatas (1985); Reid ( 1993; 2000); Tarling (1992) and Heuken (2002).

19 KtmSt (1994: 237) mentions that the contribution of the Muslim (i.e. Persian and Arabic) realm in the field of music consists of several instruments commonly used in Islamic societies in the Malay Archipelago. He notes for example the gambus, maiwas (small hand­drum) and rebana (frame-drum) as well as the fact that a nwnber of melodies found in the Malay World have come from Persia and the Arab world.

20 Mela.ka has recently been declared a World Heritage site by the United Nations

dao Hoi cua hoang tu c6 le la vi� dua cac nh�c s1 cung dlnh Ba Tu tu Pasai den d� thuang thuc nh�c cung dlnh Melakan. M�c du Hoi giao da duqc Samudra-Pasai truyen ba tu rat s6m, nhung ton giao m6i nay da tro nen gan b6 v6i xa h9i Ma Lai (Andaya va Andaya, 1982). M9t gia thiet nfra duqc gioi nh�c Sl va hQC gia Ma Lai thua nh� d6 la gambus lf,adhramaf'l s6m duqc cac thuang gia .An DQ va A­r�p cai giao theo d�o Hoi dua vao v6i s6 ltrQ'llg 16n tu the ky thu 15. Mohd. Anis Md. Nor gifr vung quan diem nay (xem ban do 2)21 •

Alatas ung h9 quan di�m rang cac thuong gia Hoi giao quyet djnh SU 6n dinh ve kinh le va chinh tri. Quan d{�m nay ctJc ky quan tr9ng cho stJ truyen ba d�o Hoi nham d6i ph6 v6i St! anh hubng cua nguai Bo Dao Nha va sv truy�n ba 9�0 Co­doc o quan dao Ma Lai. Ong l�p lua11 rang cac c9ng dong Hoi giao va A-r�p v6i St! chi ph6i m�nh me ve kinh te va chfnh tri cua Alam Iv1elayu c6 le la nguyen· nhan khien nguoi dan Ma 1-;ai thuc day cac ho�t d9ng van h6a A-r�p d� t�o sv can bang. Van Leur ( 1955) va Schrieke ( 1955) l�p lu�n rang Hoi giao khong t�o ra bat cu "nen van minh cao hon" nao cho cac dat mroc cua qu�n dao Ma Lai, nhung khing d�nh day la cu9c dau tranh mang yeu to chfnh tri hon la vi ly do thuong m�i g iua nguai Bo Dao Nha (Thien chua giao) va Hoi giao (tu An D◊ Duong). Do v�y, Hoi giao da

21 Giao tiep ci nhan: ngay 4 truing 3 nam 1998. Dong thai xem Mohd. Anis Md Nor (1993).

VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

conversion to Islam may have been the bringing of Persian court musicians from Pasai to entertain the Melakan court. Though Islam had been pro­moted earlier by Samudra-Pasai, the new religion became closely identified with Malay society (Andaya and Andaya, 1982). One generally accepted hypothesis amongst Malay scholars and musicians is that the gambus Hadh­rmriaut was brought in large nwnbers by the early Arabs a- Iooian tra±:ls following the vigcrous cm�irn to Islam frcm � 15'1 cennuy. Mdxi Anis Md Na- clearly �kl this view (see Map 2). 21

Alatas SU{l)Orts the theory that political and economic stability, contro­lled by the Muslim traders, was extremely important for the spread of Islam to counteract Portuguese influence and the spread of Ouistianity in the Malay Archipelago. He argues that Arab and Muslim communities with strong political and economic control of Alam Melayu may have been respon­sible for the promotion of Arab cultural activities that were emulated by the Malay population. Van Leur (1955) and Schrieke ( 1955) argue that Islam did not offer any "higher civilization" to countries of the Malay Archipelago but insisted that the struggle was more a Jrlitical factor between Portuguese (Cluistian.s) and � Muslims (from Indian Ocean) rather than for commercial reasons. Hence, Islam recame a symbol of political alliance for the countries of the Malay Archipelago against the anival of Europeans and Ouistian

21Personal commurucatJon: 4th March

1998. Also see Mohd. Anis Md. Nor (1993).

.263

trb thanh bi�u nrqn.g cua lien minh chinh tii cho cac nuoc thUQC quan dao Ma Lai chong l(;ll sl;( du nh�p cua cac nha truyen giao Thien chua giao va ngubi chau Au. M�c khac A.H. Johns(1961) va Fatimi (1963) da phat tri�n each giai. thich trai ngu<JC ve qua trlnh H6i giao h6a quan dao Ma Lai theo d6 �p trung vao cac nha thuyet giao than bi Sufi, nhilng ngubi rat ta..i gioi trong ma thuat va thuc hien sue manh chua�nh theo tinh. than H6i &iio (Reid,200): 17). Qua trlnh phat trien dU<JC tin do Hoi giao trong clan gian ph6 bien va Sl;( chap nh� sau nay cua n6 trong vuong trieu da dong m<)t vai tro chu yeu cho sl;( H6i gia() h6a a quan dao Ma Lai.

Ly thuyet ve Sl;( du �p cua cac qh�c Cl;J laµ gamhus thong qua nguoi A-� p va Ba Tu t6i quan dao Ma Lai lam◊t kha nang rat 16n vl Sl;( tang truO'Ilgkinh te va SU 6n dinh chmh tri c6 th� daanh huO'Ilg den s� thich (mg � hanh vitu m<)t nh6m van h6a cq anh huO'Ilg vachi phoi 16'n hon (ngubi A-r�p}22.

Day la � chung chung to rang nhiing ngubi A-�p so khai a mien Nam Yemen da den Alam Melayu de kinh doanh buon ban va dµm cu (Alatas, 1985; \997). Ngay nay cac c<)ng dong ngubi A-�p b lndonexia, Malayxia va �gapore la chu yeu cau thanh nguoi A..,�p Hadhrami, va gambus va zapin c6 lien quan m�t thiet den h9. StJ hi�n di�n cua Hadhramis c6. the giai. thich cho SlJ du �p cua iid A-�p (gamb11s hadhramaut) va qanbus cua Y emen.23

22 Giao tiep ca nhan: Tien si Farid Alatas: ngay 26 thang 7 nam 1999.

23 Farmer (193 I :73) de c�p tai vi�c nguai dan tu Al-Yarnan (Yemen) da c6 m¢t nh�c Cl! gqi la qa11b11s. hay con duqc g9i I� qo!w!> ti'r thoi tien H6i giao.

264

Vlf.TNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

missionaries. On the other hand A.H. Johns (1961) and Fatimi (1963) developed a rival explanation of the Islamaization process of the Malay Archipelago centred on mystical Sufi preachers who were proficient in ma­gic and possessed powers of healing in an Islamic spirit (Reid, 2000: 17). The gradual irogress made by Islam at a popular folk level and its later acce­ptance in the royal courts played a key factor in the Islamization of the Malay Archipelago.

The hypothesis about the arrival of the gambus-type instruments through the Arabs and Persians to the Malay Archipelago is a strong possibility since economic growth and political tability could have influenced cultural adaptation and behaviour from a more dominant and influential cultural group (the Arabs).22

There is evidence to show that the early Arabs, who came to Alam Melayu to trade and settle down, were from Southern Yemen (Alatas, 1985: 1997). Today the Arab communities in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore are solely made up of Hadhrami Arabs and the gambus and zapin are closely associated with them. The presence of Hadhramis could account for the arrival of the Arabian iid (gambus Hadh­ramaut) and the Yemeni qanbus.23

22 Personal communication: Dr. FaridAlatas: 26th July 1999. 23 Fanner (I 931:73) mentions that the peoplefrom Al-Ya.man (Yemen) had .an instrument called qanbus, which is also referred to as qabus could be traced back to pre-Islam times.

Th�m chf am nh�c ngay nay dong vai tro quan tr9ng trong bi�u diel} zapin 0 c(>ng d6ng Hadhrami. Buoi <lien am nh�c gambus va zapincung mua rat c6 y nghia trong cac CUQC hon le, le cat bao quy dau, cac le h(>i tfn nguong va van h6a khac trong c<)ng dong Hadhrami. 24

Farmer (1967:3) cho rang Hadhramis khong chi la nhfrng nha buon ban ma con la nhfrng ong blu am nh,�c. Ong ket lu� rang " ... am nh�c A-r�p chinh c6ng bat nguon tir Al-Yaman [Yemen], khi ma nhfrng nguoi hat rong Hadhrami luon duqc xem la nhfrng <lien vien chuyen nghi�p cao"25

•

Dieu nay ho trq lu�n di�m rang cac nha buon Hadhrami da mang theo cac nh�c Cl:l khi h9 den quan dao Ma Lai di buon ban va dinh cu. Thuc te cung ung h(> quan di�m nay b{lt

24 Trong m◊t so djp t6i da chung kien cac bu6i bi�u dien am nh�c zapin va mua duqc t6 chuc trong c9ng dong A-r�p (Hadhrami) 6 Singapore. Nhfrng dem bi(u <lien am nh�c nay duqc gQi la samra. Gambus dong vai tro chinh trong phan bie u <lien zapin trong nhfrng dem dien Samra. M◊t thu V! trong cac bu6i bieu dien nay la cac nh�c SI, nhfrng nguoi tham gia vao bo6i biiu dien trong cac chuong trlnh samra den tu Sumatra a Indonexia. Hau het cac nh�c SI thu9c dong d6i nguoi A-r�p (hadhrami). HQ la nhfrng nh�c s1 tai nang hoan hao, nhfrng nguoi kh6ng chi chai nhfrng di¢u A-r�p ma con choi nhfrng ban lagu-lagu Melayu (ca khuc) va am nh�c Hindustani.

25 Aghani, iv, 37 duac trich dan trong "Lich slf am nhpc A r(lp" (Farmer 1967). "Kitab al AglzanC' (sach fun nh�c) do Abu al Faraj al lsbahani nguoi song tu nam 897 den 967 sau c6ng nguyen (Shiloah, 1997) viet.

\'If TNA �ifSt, INST!TU ft, FORM USICOl.(i\ ;\

Even today music plays a significant pait in the Ha<lhranli community in zapin perf01mances. Perforrnances of the gambu.s and zapin music and dance are significant at weddings, circumcisions and other cultural and religious ksti \'als in the Hadlu-ami

· 24 commuruty.Farmer (1967:3) also mentions that

the Hadhramis were not only traders, but great patrons of rnusic. He con­cludes: " ... real Arabian music comes from Al-Yan1an [Yemen], whilst the Hadhrami minstrels are always con­sidered to be su�rior attistes".25

'Ibis suppo11s the point that the Hadhrami traders brought along their musical instrnments when they came to the Malay Archipelago to trade and settle. Another fact that supports this view comes from fieldwork observations that gambus players in

24 On a number of occasions I have \vitnessed the perfonnance of zapin music and dance held within the Arab (l Iadhrarni) com­munity in Singapore. These evening musical perfom1ances are called samra. The gambus plays the main role in the zupin perfom1ance in samra evenings. An interesting observation made at these perfonnances was that the musicians who were engaged to perfonn in the samra were from Sumatra in Indonesia. Most of the musicians were of Arnb (Hadhrarni) descent They were very accomplished musicians who not only playe.d Arabic tunes but also lagu­laW Melayu (songs) and Hindustani music.

Aghani, iv, 37 as quoted in A History of Arabian Music (Fanner 1967). "Kitab al­Aghani" (Book of Songs) was written by Abu al-Faraj al-Isbahani who lived from 897-967 AD. (Shiloah, 1997)_

265

ngu6n tu cac CUQC dien &i thl;IC dia, d6 fa nhfrng nguoi. choi gambus trong cac chuang trinh bi�u di�n samra ho�c sara thuang la nhfmg nguoi. thu(>c dong d6i Adhrami, hi�n dµih cu 6 Alam Melayu.26

Trong cong trinh nghien cuu cua toi da �ho thay nhieu nguoi. trong c<)ng dong A-�p Hadhrami la cac nh�c.s'i tainang. St! du nh�p cua nguoi. A-�p Hadhramaut la m<)t lien ket quan tr9ng d� giai. thich Sl_l truyen giao cua nh�c C1=l gambus t6i Alam Melayu. Cic nh�c Cl;l nay c6 th� duqc nhfrng nha kinh doanh buon ban va nhfrpg nguoi. m<) d�o tu Yemen mang den.

Nhung con dtrong giao thtroqg the ky 19 tir phia Nam ban dao A �p

Vao the ky 19 nhfrng nguoi. A-�p c6 m<)t m6i quan tam 16n t6i vi� buon ban v6i Ma �. va m<)t fan song m6i nhfrng nguoi. A-r�p da dinh cu 6 quan dao, Ma Lai. Nhfmg nguoi. clannh�p cu A-r�p 6 Indonexia, Singapore va Malayxia phan Ian c6 nguon goc nr thung lilqg Hadhramaut 6 phfa Nam qan dao A-�p. Yao the Icy 19, Nguoi. A-�p Hadhrami da c6 m<)t vai troquan tr9ng trong vi� truyen ba Hoigiao cung nhu kinh doanh thuong mai6 Dong Nam A. Nhfrng nguoi. Hadhrami

26 Nguai Ma Lai SU' dt,mg c1,1m tu "Samra" dti chi lo:,i.i dan Zapin Arab. Shiloah chi cho toi thay c1,1m tu " Samra" hay "Zambaras" xuat phat tu Samra hay Muramara cua A r�p, chi do<;lil h¢i tho:,i.i d�m va mo ta mc)t the lo:,i.i "van h9c". Ong cling d� c�p den c1,1m tu "Samra" duac SU'

d1,1ng t:,i.i Yemen, chi ro phan d?m bao· g6m hat, mua va sang tac am nh:,i.c (Personal communication: thang 7, 1999, Phap ).

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VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

samra or sara performances were usually of adhrami descent, now settled in Alam Melayu.26

My observation during my research was that many of the Hadhrami Arabs were more highly accomplished musicians than Malay performers. The arrival of Hadhramaut Arabs is a vital link as it could explain the trans­mission of gambus instruments to Alam Melayu, probably brought by these traders and religious men from Yemen.

The 19th century trade routes from the southern Arabian peninsula

In the 19th century there was a greater interest shown by the Arabs in trading with the Malay world, and a new wave of Arabs settled down in the Malay Archipelago. The Arab immi­grants in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia originated predominantly from the valley of Hadhramaut in the saithem Arabian JXl1ll1Sltla fu ire lg' century Hadhrami Arabs played a significant role in the spread of Islam as well as canmercial � in Sootlrast Asia. 'Ile Hadhrami not rnly arrived in Malaysia, as um-s arrl merchants, but many were cultured arrl scholarly men

26 The Malays use the word "samrd' or "sard' to refer to zapin Arab (zap in of the Arabs).

Shiloah pointed out to me the word "sanv·d' or "zambras' derives from the Arabic sconar or musamara, which means nocturnal conversation and depicts a "literary'' genre. He also mentioned the word "sconrd' used in Yemen, designating anocturnal entertainment. session which includes singing, dances and music-making (personal communication: July 1999: France).

t6i Malaix.ia, khong chI c6 nhung thuang nhan va thuang gia ma con co cac h<;>e gia va nhung nguoi. thong th<_10 '<an h<;>e, t\JC 1� tin nguong va triet hc;x: A-�p. H9 da kinh doanh buon ban tren khap quan dao noi ma h9 duqc uu dai kinh doanh buon ban hon boi h9 c6 cung "chung t¢c" v6i nguoi. sang l�p ra d<_10 Hoi. Toi the ky 19, khuech tnrong �o H6i.tr6 tharlh ml;JC tieu co ban cua pguoi A-r�p va Alam Melayu. Nguoi A-�p khong chI mang theo St! thuong m<;U buon ban ma con co cac truyen thong van h6a phong phu.

M9t nhan to quan tr9ng khac fa St! thiet l�p giao thi�p gan gui hem v6i Trung Dong, dieu nay da bat dau tu the ky thu XIX khi giao thong duong bi�n bat dau phat tri�n v6i con tau bi�n ch<_1y bang hoi nuoc va vi� khanh tharlh kenh Suez vao nam 1869. V6i St! khai thac thu¢c dia ngay cang gia tang cua Anh va Ha Lan, va sg bung n6 kinh te, nhieu St! giao luu han va phat tri�n cua ton giao chinh thong da dien ra giua A-�p va Ma Lai. Sq tharlh cong ve kinh te cua nguoi A �p dong Hadhramis 6 quan dao Ma Lai da keo theo nhieu thanh vien trong fa dinh cua hQ den du nh�p t<;ti day. 7

. Nguoi A-r�p Hadhrami mang den khong chi nen van h6a va am nhac cua ho ma con ket hon v6i cac ph� nu dia phuong. Sau nay, giao s"i H6i giao va hc;x:: gia too giao tu c(>ng mig Hadhrami eta oo1 ctau nnw cu vao vung

27 T6i th�t St! biet cm giao Slf Michael Gilsenan tu Khoa nghien cuu Trung Dong, Truong D�i hc;>c New York, da c6 nhung blnh lu� huu fch ve cac C(�>ng dor·g Hadhrami tu Alam Melayu (thong tin ca nhan: 2000-2002).

VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MllSICOLOGY

imbued in Arabic literature, religious law and {ililosqfiy. They traded exte­nsively in the archi�lago, where they were granted sµrial commercial privileges because they were of the same "race" as the ProJ:iiet By the 1 c/1 century, it had b.xome the spread of Islam that was the i:rimarY goal of the Arabs in Alam Melayu. The Arabs brought aloog not ooly trade but rich cultural traditioos.

Another important factor is the establishment of closer contact with the Middle East, which began in the 19th century with increased steamship traffic and the op:ning of the &Jez Canal in 1869. With increasing colonial exp­loitation by Britain and Holland, and an economic boom, more exchanges and close develqments of religious ortho­doxy took pla::e � the Arab and Malay woods. � ecmanic success of the lhihramis in the Malay Arc�lago led to the arriVdl of rrrre family memb::rs.21

Hadhrami Arabs brought not ooly their music and culture but also inter­manied with local wanen. Later, Islamic mullah and religioos scholars furn the 1-hlmuni canmunity started to arrive in this region. Musical instruments such as the arched-back Cid arrived in this regioo in thel 9th century and became the predominant form of gambus in Peninsular Malaysia. Interestingly, the Hadhrami communities in Alam

271 am grateful to Professor Michael Gilsenan from the Department of Middle Eastern Studies, New York University, for his helpful comments on the Hadhrami community from Alam Melayu (�rsonal communication: 2000-2002)

267

nay. Oic I� Cl:!, nhu Lui U0£1 hinh Vong ra sau da du ohw vao tl-e ky 19 va tra thanh runh ruing chu � cua gconbus 6 ban dao Malayxia �t thu V! khi cac c¢ng dong Hadhrami 6 Alam Melayu dua ra m(>l clan chu:ng Clf � v� cac c¢ng dong � � vi quoc gia H9 hoa � vao cac mtt chu nha nhu Indcoexia, Malayxia va Singaµxe nhung van giu dut;c ban sac van h6a rieng cua mlnh. Dieu nay gi.ai th.fch cho t:n.ing hW � �uan asabiyp cua nguoiHadhramin. Bang chung cua nhung roo.lien ket van h6a Hadhrami ngay nay van(X)l1 ton tai mot each manh me b Gresik,

. . . &1rabaya Ya Jakarta cua Java Ya c(>ng dong ngubi Hadhramis hi� van dang sinh song 6 vung JX1ia Dong &unatra nhu b Melayu, Sialc, Padang, Medan, Jamb� &tkit Si Gunung, Siak, Palembang va Aceh.29

2ll Tien s1 Farid Alatas mo ta dieu nay nhu ban sAc va nhan thuc cua nguoi Hadhrami. Ong chi ra rang trong nhieu the ky "nguoi Hadhramis clo hon nhan ma tra thanh thanh vien cua cac c9ng dong lndonexia a Ma Lai. H9 <la duy tri ban sac van h6a cua clan l(>c h9 ma khong lam mat di y tht'.rc mlnh la nguai A-rap, ooi vi ban sac kh6ng µ1ai do qu6c gia hoac dan toe ma dua tren co so huyet thong" (thong tin ca nha.n: ngay 12 thang 7 narn 1999). Dong thai xin xem Alatas (1996:10).

29 Dang h.ru y rang kh6ng co gia cf mh A-rap n6i tieng nao sinh song o Brunei hi¢n nay. Ong Omar !(hatid (Thu ky) cua Hi¢p h¢i nhung nguai A-r� a Singapore da cho toi biet nhung thong tin nay. � 11, Lorong 3 7, duang Gey tang. (ngay 21 than� 7 narn 1997). Tuy nhien cung c6 nhung nguai A-rap Hadhrami dang sinh song aMa Lai, nhung nguai nay <la khong bi�u 19 bat CU' tl1u6c tfnh van h6a A-rap� tnmg nao, trong khi ruiqng nguoi khac UJ XLOlg h9 trlIOC tien la nguai A-r� va sau d6 m6i. la nguoi Ma Lai. Duong nhLI nhung ngucri di ClI gan day coi hQ la Hadhramic nhi?1 hoo va Ma Lai ft hen Ngu;t 4u, mot s6 ngutri A-r:;ip Hadhrami mi ho nhu la ngooi lvla Lai 1:xri Vl 11hung dac quyen ho n!-$1 duoc nhu funip.iteras (xem chuoog 7) rai Malayxia.

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Melayu provide a fascinating case of transnational communities. They assimilated well into their host countries of Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore but retained their cultural identity at the same time. This is referred to as the Hadhrami practice of asabiyya.28

The evidence of Hadhrami cultural links is still strong today in Gresik, Surabaya and Jakarta in Java and Hadhramis still live in eastern Sumatra in places such as Melayu, Siak, Padang, Medan, Jambi, Bukit Si Gunung, Siak, Palembang, and Aceh.29

28 Dr. Farid Alatas describes this as Hadhrami consciousness and identity. He pointed out that for cenruries, "Hadhrarnis manied into Malay-Indonesian communities and retained their cultural identities without losing their perception of being Arab because such identity is not national or ethnic but kinship-based" (personal commwlication: 12th July 1999). Also see Alatas (1996:10).

�t is interesting to note that there are no known Arab families living in Brunei today. 1his infonnation was given to me by Mr. Omar Khalid (Secretary) of the Singapore Arab Association (Alwehda). No 11, Lorong 37, Geylang Road. (21st July 1997). However, there are also Hadhrami Arabs living in the Malay World who do not display any distinctive Arab cultural attributes, while others identify themselves as Arabs first, then Malays. It seems that the more recent migrants identify themselves more as Hadhramis and less as Malays. On the contrary, some Hadhrami Arabs also prefer to identify themselves as Malays because of the privileges they get as B1111up11teras (see 01apter 7) in Malaysia

d Singapore va Malayxia, c(>ng dong nguoi Hadhrami, m�c du da chap nhan mc)t s6 t�p quan van h6a cua Ma Lai nhung h9 van chua h9i nh�p hoan toan voi c¢ng dong Ma Lai va ho van ua thfch duac coi ho nhu la nguoi A-r�p. St! khac nha� trong am nh�c va mua giua cac c(>ng dong Hadhrami va Ma Lai duqc bay to thong qua SlJ di�n giai cac m�n bi�u di�n zapin (nhu trong zapin A-r�p ho�c zapin Melayu).

Mc)t trong nhung dong g6p van h6a quan tr9ng nhat cua c¢ng dong Hadhramis la nh�c zapin va mua, each SU dl;}ng gambus va marwastrong am nh�c Ma Lai. Ro rang la nguoi Ma Lai da chap nh�n rat nhieu anh huC1ng khac tu Hadhrami vao n�n van h6a cua ho. Chu ''Rabu" (Thu tu), phong each cua nguoi Hadhrami trong ngam vinh Qur 'an, van tl! thuluth, ngon ngfr va kien thuc cua tin do Hoi giao (ilmu)va nhi_;�'.' rhLHmg di�n ve phong tl;}C c6 ,·· ·.' ·1 dau vet cua nhung anh hucmg Hadhrami. Chu adat cung duqc tiep thu tu phai Hadhrami Shafi 'i cua dong Hoi giao Sunni. T�p tl;}C cua nghi thuc cho ngucri da mat (tahlil), vay nam (gamis ho�c tob) va nhfrng cai ten Hoi giao nhu Ali, Husein, Omar, Ahmad, Mohamad, Mohamad, Abullah va Ismail deu la t�p tuc cua nguoi

1') Hadhrami.- l

l'.) M◊l cu◊(: phong van ve van h6a va am nhac Hadhrarn.i da duQC tien hanh vai nhung nguoi 16n tu6i c6 uy tin trong c(mg dongHadhrarni, Syed Ali Alattas nr Johor Bahru, vao ngay 27 lhing 7 nam 2(XX). Tuy i:iruen, dieu nay cho loi biel rang nhl!ng len g<;>i A-rap da neu o tren khong nhal thiel phai la nhung ten g<;>i H6igiao bqi vi chung cung ducJC S11 dtµ1g ooi nhl!ngnguoi A-rap lheo dao Th.ien chua oTrung Dong.

VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

In Singapore and Malaysia the Hadhrami community, although having adopted some Malay cultllial practices, has not integrated fully with the Malay grouping and still prefers to be identified as Arab. The differences between the Hadhrami and Malay communities in music and dance are apparent from the interpretation of �rf orrnances of zapin(as ir1 zapin Arab or zapin Melayu).

One of the most important cultural contributions from the Hadhramis is definitely zapin music arrl danx arrl � use of gambus arrl ma,was in Malay music. Evidently, � Malays have nµed many ctln I-hlmuni influences into their culture. 1he word Rabu(Wednesday), the Hadhrami style in recitation of the Qw· 'an, the thulu1hscri� the language and knowledge of Islam (ilmu) and many asµx;ts of custom can be traced to that of Hadhrami influences. 1he word ada1 was also adopted from the Hadhrami Shafi 'i sect of Sunni Islam. 1he µ-actice of death ritual (tahlil), the male dress (gamis or tob) and Moslem names such as Ali, Hussein, Omar, AhmacL Mohamad, Abdullah and Ismail are all Hadhrami pactises. 30

:u An interview oo Hadhram.i culture and musicwas cooducted with an influential Hadluami canmunity elder, Syed Ali Alattas frcm Jdrr Bahru, oo the 27th June 2(XX)_ However, il has also been (X)inted out to me tha1 all the Arab names mentimedabove are no( necessarily Ma.lern names as they are also used by Ouistian Arabs in the Middle Easl

'269

SI! du nh�p sau nay cua iid hinh vom cung

Trong nhi�u gia thuyet v� SI.J du nh�p va hlnh thanh cua gambus, them m<)t ly thuyet lien quan den i1d c6 the duqc xem xet. Vi�c khai truang kenh Suez vao nam 1869 da rut ngan hanh trlnh va tang toe d9 cho chuyen di tu Trung Dong den Alam Melayu. V <Ji sl.J phat tri�n

cua tau bien hai nuoc va viec khai truang kenh Suez, trien VQng ve kinh te cho ban dao Malay la rat t6t

(Shennan, 2000:6). Ud A-r�p, vao thoi gian nay bat

ngu6n tu cac vimg khac .cua Trung Dong, c6 th� l�i duqc dua vao nhu la "s(! du nh�p Ian hai" cua gambus CJ Alam Melayu. Tinh ph6 bien cua t7d (gambus Hadhramaut) da thay the tinh de;ti chung cua gambus Melayu vao cuoi the ky 19 va dau the ky 20 CJ ban dao Malayxia.31

Nhung nh6m ghazal cua Johor v� dau the ky 20 da dan thay sarangi An DQ bang gambus Melayu va sau nay fa gambus Hadlzaramaut. T� ban dao Malayxia ngay nay, gambus Melayugful nhu hoan toan duqc thay the bang gambus Hadhramaut.

JI Quan diem ve tfnh � chung cua iid da.'lg thay the gamhus Melayu vao cu6i theky 19 d� hau het cac hQc gia am� Ma Lai chia se. Pak Fadzil Ahmad, mQt ngucri bitu clifu n6i tieng gAn oo voi B<} Van h6a, tuyen b6 clng rid da tro nenµ10 bien hon vao khoang nam 1897 a Johor, thay the tArn quan trqng cua gamhus Melayu.M¢t s6 nh,µ: si Melayu khOng d6ng y, va cho nmg iid chi du� du nh� vao nhilng nam 1950.

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The later arrival of the arched - Back iid

Having considered the various "theories" about the anival and· estab­ishment of the gambus, there is one more hypothesis concerning the ud to be considered. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 shortened and sped· up the sea journey from the Middle East to �lam Melayu. With the impetus of steam navigation and the opening of the Suez Canal the economic puspects for the Malay penimular were gocx:1 (Shennan, 2<XX>: 6).

The Arabian iid, but this time caning frcm ctlu µuts of tre Middle East, could ha\e been re-intro:hnxl as a "second caning'' of tre gambus in Alam Melayu. It can be argtUl that tre {Xµllarity of tre iid (gambus Ha:lhramau1) � tha1 of tre gambus Melayu in tre late 1� cr early 2ft cennuy in R-niffiu1ar Malaysia.JI

The ghazal group; of Johor in the early 2fr century were replacing Indian sarangi with the gambus Melayu and later by the gambus Hadharamaut. In Peninsular Malaysia today, the gambus Melayu has been almost completely replaced by the gambus Hadhramaut.

31 This view about the popularity of 'ud replacing the gamb11s Melayu in the late 191h century is shared by most Malay music scholars. Pak Fadzil Ahmad, a distinguished performer attached to the Ministry of Culture, claims that the 'ud became more popular in around 1897 in Johor, replacing the importance of gambusMelayu. Some Melayu musicians disagree, and claim that the iid was only introdu,ced in the 1950's.

C6 le ca Rambus .Mrlayu va gambus Hadhrama111 deu chung m(>t ngu6n goc, due1ng nhu khong c6 Sl_J'

phan bi�t dang chu y nao giiia hai ID<;li nh�c cy nay. M<)t diem quan trQn& khac fa ca hai Jo�i gambus deu c6 the duqc su dt:1ng Iman d6i cho nhau trong phan bieu <lien cac the l� am nh�c Ma Lai nhu zapi11, hamdolok, asii,inrmg, masri, va ghazal.

Ca hai I� gamhus nay deu duqc t1m thay a Sarawak va Sabah - phia Dong Malayxia, dong thoi a Brunei va mien Tay Kalirnantan (Borneo) o Indonexia.

Sachs (1940); Kw1st (1934 ); Picken (1975) va Mohd Anis Md. Nor (1993) da dua rn nhfrng giai thich ve sl_I du nh�p cua gambus b Alam Melayu. Qumg da duqc <lien giai bang vi� ph6 bien cua d<;to H6i. Nhung thong tin ve Sl_J' hi�n di¢n cua nhfrng nguoi dinh cu H6i giao dau tien o Borneo da duqc luu trfr rat ro trong cac Vail ban tieng Trung Quoc tu the ky thu 1 o. Nhung �P quan H6i giao va SI! bi�u dien gambw; da hoa quy¢n v6i m(>t so khia gnh cua fun nh�c Ma L'li. Nguen dan Hoi �iao 6 Ma Lai U;li cac vung veu bien Sabah, Sarawak, Brunei va Kalimantan (Borneo) coi h9 fa H6i giao va xem gamlms 11.hu fa nh�c c_�1 quan tr9ng trong nen van h6a cua h9. Y ngliia tin nguong c6 I� giai thich cho tmh deµ chung va slJ bitiu difu gamblL'I o cac khu \f\l: Hoi giao Sabah, Sarawak, Brune� Kalimantan (ngum lndoucxia 6 quan dao Bomeo ) vaSulawes?. Do v�y, gamhus ngay nay gan lien v6i nguai ruin Hoi giao tren toon b(> Alam J\,f elayu.

J� ·n1eo van bai, lieng Tmng ve lich Slf cua trieuc1"° Sung. tac gia. Om?-Ju- Kua, la m◊t nhangoai giao H6i giao ru Borneo da sang Tru; ig

Qu6c ngay ru nhfo1g nam 977 sau ceing nguyen <.Hinh. F.. va W.W. Rockh:li 1970)_

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A,:, both the gambus Melayu and garnbus Hadhramaut may have come from the same genealogical develoµnent, it seems that no distinction was necessary between the two types of instrument.

Another important fact is that both types of gambus are used inter­changeably in the perfonnance of Malay musical genres such as zapin, hamdolok,as/i, inang, masri, and ghazal. Both types of gambus are found in Sarawak and Sabah in E.ast Malaysia and also in Brunei and west Kalimantan (Borneo) in Indonesia.

Explanations about the arrival of gambus in Alam Melayu have been offered by Sachs (1940); Kunst (1934); Picken (1975) and Mohd.Anis Md. Nor (l 993 ). They are couched in terms of the spread of Islam. Information on the pesence of early Muslim settlements in Borneo has been well documented in Ounese records since the Hf century. Islamic practices and 8antbus performances have become mtertwined with some aspects of Malay music. The Malay Muslim populations of the coastal areas of Sabah, Sarawak, Brunei and Kali­mantan (Borneo) identify with Islam and regard the gambus as an important instrument of their culture. Religious significance may account for the �larity and performance of gambusm Muslim areas of Sabah, Sarawak, Brunei, Kalirnantan (Indooesian Borneo) and &tlawesi.12 Hence, tcxlay the gambusis associated with Muslim populations in the whole of Alam Melayu.

32 In Chlnese records of the History of the Sung

Dynasty, the author, Oma-Ju-Kua. refers to a

Muslim diplomat from Borneo who travelled to

01imt as early a'i A.D.977 {Hirth, F., and W.W.

Rockhill l 970).

271

Nhieu ngum Ma Lai tin r�ng gambus melayu c6 ngu6n goc tu Ma Lai, trai vm gambus Hadh­ramaut la lo�i nh�c Cl;! c6 ngu6n g6c tu Trung Dong. Nhii'ng tranh cai ve gambus ma h9 dua ra khong du sue thuyet phl;Jc va khong the ket lu�n, va trai v6i. b�ng chung da duqc trlnh bay trong bai lu�n van. nay. Vi dl;l duy nhat xem ga,;nbusMelayu nhu kieu mAu ve iid A-r�p duqc tim thay b Brunei. M<}t nh�c Cl;} cua th� lo�i nay ciing da duqc phat hi�n b Sulawesi nhung n6 chi c6 6 day duqc mac kep.

Ket lu�n

St! hinh thrum va SI! truyen giao cua van h6a toan cau duqc can bang theo SI! chuyen djch cua hang h6a, cua cac san phirn va cua y thuc h� nhu thm trang, thai dq va hanh vi xa h(>i. M(>t cau hoi quan tr9ng la cac nha am nh�c dan t(>c hqc nen tiep ciµl nghien cuu SI! da dcµ1g van h6a thong qua SI! toan cau h6a bang each nao, dieu gi da xay ra khi chat li¢u am nh�c "nu&c ngoai" ph6 bien b nhieu noi cua Ma Lai. Cach thfch ung, each cai bien c6 le da ban dia h6a theo nhieu ki�u khac nhau cua. nhiing hinh tuc;,ng van h6a va cac nh�c C\J nay trb thrum mqt phan cua van h6a dja phtr<1ng. M�c du "tuyen b6 van h6<i" da duqc dia phuong h6a nhung kh9ng the duqc dja phucmg h6a b

khap _khu Vl!C theo each d6ng d;µig, c6 bang chung rat phong phu de chung minh cac lo�i nh�c Cl;} nay la SI! thfch ung va vay muqn nhu van de nh�c q1 lo�i day gay.

Nhung bfulg chunB chi ra SlJ dong g6p cua nguoi. Hoi giao tu Ba Tu va A-r�p trong SlJ truyen giao gambus

272

VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

Many Malays believe that the gambusMelayu is of Malay origin, as � to the gambus Hadhramaut, which they acknowledge to be of Middle Eastern origin. The argwnents about the gambusthey have (Xlt forward are uncoovincing and irnnclusive, and cootradicted by the evideoce p-esented in � thesis. The ooly examples of the gambits Melayucoosidered as rncrleled oo the Arabian iidare those found in Brunei. An instrument of this kind has also been found in &tlawesi but it has 6 double-strung strings.

Conclusion

1k creatioo and transmissioo of global culture is leveled at the movement of coounooities, pooocts and ideologies such as fashion, attitudes and social behaviour. An important que.5tioo is how ethncmusicologists should aw:oach the study of cultwal diversity through globalization. One approach is to en­quire and investigate what haR:med to 'foreign' musical materials circulating in different µuts of the Malay world and how �oo and modificatioo may have 1ocalized' in different ways these cultural icons and musical instruments into becoming put of the local cultures. Although localized 'cultural statement' cannot be localized throughout the region in a uniform manner, there is ample evidence to prove these types of adaptation and borrowing with regan\s to lute-type instruments.

Evidence pointing towards the contribution of the Muslims from Persia and Arabia in the transmission of the gambus to the Malay Archipelago is substantial and conclusive. The use of terms such as: Hadhramaut,

t6i quan dao Ma Lai la day du va dang thuyet ph�c. Oich su d�ng thu�t ngu nhu Hadhramaut, Y en_;ien, gambus,zapin, samra, marwas, A-r�p va Hijaz c6 the la St! thua nh� hqp ly ve St! anhhuong va truy�n giao cua nhc:1c c� day gay tu Yemen hon la Ba Tu.33

V 6i St! H6i giao h6a CJ �uan dao Ma Lai v�o the ky thu 15, nhieu nha bucn ban A-�p H6i giao da hlnh thanh nhfrng m6i lien ket kinh doanh buon ban v6i nhfrng vimg khac. Tuy nhien, toi khong oo qua tu "qanbus" trong bat ky m(>t van ban nguyen thuy, m�c du tu "barbat" da dU(JC SU dtµ1g m(>t each thuang xuyen de mo ta nhc:1c Cl;l day gay Ba Tu. Dong thoi cung c6 bang chung ijch SU c� thi minh chung St! xuat hi¢n cua St! anh huang "Parsi" (Ba Tu) CJ Alam Melayu. Cho du t.IVc tiep hay la gian tiep, St! anh huong Ba Tu

len van h6a Ma Lai la rat manh me, d�c bi�t la cac trieu vuong Ma ·Lai. Do v�y, ly le nhc:1c Cl;} day gay Ba Tu da du nh�p vao Alam Melayu khong th� ooqua du<JC.34

33 Xem Poche ( 1984) va Kunst ( 1952/1994 ). 34 Mohd. Taib Osman (1988: 267) n6i rang

st,r anh huong cua Ba Tu len nen van h6a cua Ma Lai rat Ion, � bi�t Ia cung dlnh Ma Lai.Nhung bu6i le cua cung dlnh Ma Lai, tuoc 0 "Slah" cho cac 0 vua ho� ngum thong ttj, van hQC va cac y tuong ve kha ming dieu hanh nha nuoc va vtrong quyen, {XlOng each van hQC cua van chuong cung d1nh, va van chuong tin nguong cua truyen thong S1i' ite, tat ca deu la nhung bmg ch(mg kh6ng the choi b6 v� St! anh huong cua Ba Tu. Dong thoi. theo G.E. Marrison (1955:80), "&,r anh huong cua nguoi Ba Tu len doi song Ma Lai', T�p chi cua nhanh Ma Lai cua xa h9i cung dlnh chau A. XXVIII.

VIETNAMESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

Yemen, gambus, zaprn, samra,nuirwas, Arab, and Hijaz, could be plausible admission of Hadhrami influences and transmission of lute instruments from Yemen rather than Persia. 33

With the Islamization of the Malay Archi�lago in the 15th century, many Muslim Arab traders established strong trade links with these areas. However, I have not come across the word "qanbus'in any µimary text, although the -word "barbaf' has been used frequently to describe the Persian lute. There is also concrete historical evidence that suJl)OrtS the presence of "Parsi" (Persian) influence in Alam Melayu.Whether it was direct or indirect, Persian influence on Malay culture has been particularly strong, esµx;ially on the Malay royal courts. Thus, the argument that the Persian lute came to AlamMelayu cannot be dismissed altogether. 34

33See Poche (1984) and Kunst (1952/1994).

34Mohd. Taib Osman (1988: 267) mentions that the Persian influence on the culture of the Malays has been particularly strong especially on the Malay royal courts. Malay court ceremonies, the title "Shah" for the sultans or rulers, literature and ideas on states craft and kingship, the literary style of court literature, and religi ous literalure of Shi 'ire tradition, all bear indelible marks of Persian influence. Also refer to G.E. Marris on (1955:80), "Pe rsian Influences on Malay Life", Journal of the Malayan Branch of the

Roycil Asiatic Society, XXVIII.

273

Khong ai biet du� m<)t each chmh xac rang sanzbus da du nh�p vao Alam Melayu bang each nao. 1/4.p lt4fl cua t6i theo thy-c te cho rang ca hai laµ ganzbu.s thy-c St! eta phat tri�n m<)t each m� mekhi duqc dtra vao quan dao Ma Lai. Khong c6 chung cu nao v� cac lCx:ti day gay tuong ti! hay nguyen thuy da dU<;X: phat hi�n c6 the lien quan den gambus duc;x:: dia phuong hoa thanh Alam Melayu_'Js Ganzbus c6 le duc;x:: phat tri�n qua nhilu the ky a Alam M elayu. Tuy nhien, sy- gi6ng nhau n6i �t v6i qanbus h�c barbaJ dtra ra ly thuyet cho rang gambus la m(>t � q1 dvqc �p kruiu hon la duqc dia phuong hoa thanh Alam M elayu, dau bay gio da duqc cai bien va thich ung.

Nguoi. lli Tu ding c6 tli da mang barbaJ den Aceh, cung v6i L:tP tl}c c4o Hoi (Sufi) cua h9, vi am � dong vai tro quan tn;mg trong chu nghia than bi Sufi (ong dong trong '40 Hoi).16

�5 Ck nha: SI va toi da lrdO d6i O lnd<.X1Cxia..(S.Bemun), Malayxia (giao su Anis) va 13nmci, (1--laji Nayan bin ¼aig) gan nhlI da nhai tri rdflg gu11UJlLS

Melay11 c6 nguon goc tu Alam AfeUI)-11 nhl.Olg ho kh6ngtl-i dam boo lo ruyen b6 cua hQ mot each lhuyci rJ!uc.

:v,Troog cu6n sach (1979:2#-245) Lv thuyet ve am nh3S troog cic bai viei A-1-:;ip rua 9-iiloah (c.900-1900) de� Al-Kari (Ali b . .'illtan Muhainrrro al-Harnwi b.in Heart d. 1605 a Mccra), la nguoi dung dau cic 6ng dong(�fi) co mot khuynh huoog chung ve ca hat va rntia Dicu quan lf9{lg o m6 tac giii de� man nh� �m a'.ia ruin day, 0:1 tl-i Ia ud, rabab va lxu-bat bi cam vi bi danh dong voi viec sir dtµ1g �- Ly le ma L6i dang neu o day la lxirbat van duoc su dl,lflg dlO 001 tan the k )' XVII. dicu nay co tl-i duoc fun !hay troog bai vici a'.ia Al-Kari. &irba! cung co tl-i duo:: dtta \�� Acch vao the ky XIII. l:xJi chung ta biet r6 \� moi quan he chat che cya &ifi. Tuy nhicn, Lambert da canh txio cho t6i vc hex gia Lin nguoog nhu Al-Kari, day co le khong p1ai la nha am nhce hoc oo thfun quy&i. [):) oo, can i:iJai cin than khi sudung nhung bai viet nhu the lam dan chti'ng. CTing m rn6l s6 nha hoc gia A-rap k.hac, nhung nguai & cap 001 lxntat sa.i � ky lhu 10, OJ � Ia AJ-&llkhali b.12ill di201- dl275 sat cfug nguycn, 1Img txii ,"ici ,e nli.x: cu (3-iik:nJ, I 979: 320� oog eta cno raig 10 gioog , G b..uw.

274

No one kno,vs for :,;ure exact!v how the [!amhus arrived in Aim;1 ,, A-Jelayu. "tv1y argwnl:'nt point-: in the fact that both types of gamhus were already highly developxi wl1c11 introouced into the Malay Archi�lago. 1here is no c,�dence of "similar" or "µirrutive" tyi:x:s of lute f01md that could JX)int to the ganzbttS ocing indigenow; to A.lam Mcla\'lt.1�

'The ganzbus may have develop:xi over the centuries in ,4ia.m A1 elavu. However, the striking resemblance to qa11bus or bu rbal supports the 1h..,"·01y that it wa<; an "irnp)11ed" imtn.llnent rather than being indigenous to Alum ,We!ayu. albeit now m<xiified and adapted..

'lhe Persians could have also b1ough1

the fxuhat to A.ceh. lo2ct.hcr \\ith their '--

S1efi µ,Ktice, as; mu-;ic plays an imrx:xtan! I't)le m· "11fi rnv'c:ti,·i ·1,. -"'

�) ./ � , � .. _.u'- .. ;--, , i -

'.;;: The n1u,1cicu1s anJ �--�·h 1• :!•ff� j sr�.ic ti., :_1:

lndc,ricsia. (Si3cn-ain). /v1aby,i;1. (Pn,k-.-..;,r .A.n,,) ,inJ Bnin,i (l laJ1 Nc1y;-u1 hln l,pu,1g; ·-.,:s:rn t( · ;\f.il.X u,c1t th, ganihtls J\Je!uyu ori;in,ttt"d f1t ff"i\. \/,_ill I -\J(j:. \":; h��� �}'I t-._.

\VCfC unable io supp.:;i1 !heir chtirn cum1nc.mgl"' .ri .91iluil (1979:2-14-24.5) m his txxi,. J'/;,:, 7/ii..'<in ,{,Hu.sic in Aral.>U· Wntings (6(XI l'X.X/1 ff)..'.nt,rm Ai K:111 (Ali b. &uta1 MuJ-urnnal al-i Jaz;w -i h.in I k:ml J. I !'-D5 in Mu.a). lhe S.Lti lca.i.:r "ho ha.:J a gcn.:r.tl 1L.><tl.1K-:,; 1n favoor of

�11g.ing and dancing. llic irnporont fa.1 is i!r.llthe audu mcotims d-ic a::o.xnp&1inx:n1 I ,y �fl!:'.L·d in�runrnl, sp:,,jti(ally iui. rr.1b;;'J ,nJ t .. urtu1 as fc,1hicli·n b.x-&1-e of dieir ;.r.;�x .. i,llKt, ,,il.11 tt�� L:CfhUrnf(Jc·,n ,_{aicohohc drink. llic argum.:nl I am rnaking here i\ li1ai the lxu tw Wd� �ll 1N .. xl a.s Idle a,; ll ic i7!h i..\.··nturv as c:?.'7 x

� fiun N-Kaii"s \Hiting. 0ni..: o..uf.u cuul<l 11,!\C aho b.xninllo..iua:JlOAo.:liintlJ<.: 13''c..:ii11u-y. ,;-; we kno". of i ls strong Sufi .-.u1ncctc�1. Hu--.•<'\."(.T. Lm ;b,.:!1 w1.mcncd n ,-. al--oJt rdigic\!.\ 'ii..:hdai-- •;;_;ch "·' Ai-l<.,:n '-' nn

n-iay "rk .( oc ccnlp.::tcnt mu.-;io_l,gi-h ·i-1x:1dl;n.:. c&,' ,r,n-; h:: taken -.d1c-:t1 using such ,qiti;;gs "" C'.1lh1-.i:. 11!<.'1:· :ut'al.'° cthcr Aral:1 sc.i',,J;-iss '-',he• h�\C 11u1!Ju�::J rt:,_-- inifi;i

after tl1e I O:h G:.nu.rry anJ (llC in r:e.rt,,:ular �J-.\.lf,-i,::di l.J.120I- J. l 275 A.D.. 1r,:n,Jr:rr, i th, ,;, / t, i)--.: -�i; x ,,_ th.: lxvtw in hi.\ ,,n;mg ,i.•\'dt',.i i(, , ,,,<:, .d i.:;-.,:,_,;,,,;_1:t.

(S1ikd1 1cos: 3Jn

Nguon goc cua Gambus c6 le da xuat phat va thay d6i thong qua ho�t d(>ng kinh doanh buon ban, truyen giao khai pha va chinh phyc t�i quan dao Ma Lai. Nguoi ta cho rang, qua cac c6ng vi¢c tren, cac thanh vien cua cac nen am nhac khac nhau c6 le da tiep xuc v6i nhau. Qua m(>t thoi gian, qua SlJ tuong tac van h6a da d�ng, SlJ thfch nghi, SlJ bien d6i va SlJ vay muqn, gambus c6 le da dan dan bien d6i cau true hlnh thuc cua n6 d� thfch hqp v6i nhu cau d!a phuong va xa h(>i.

Toi doan chac tu ly le cho rang gambus lzadhramaut la SlJ du nh�p sau nay t6'i Alam M elayu vl ad chi duqc du nh�p vao Yemen vao the ky 19. Cac nh�c c9 lo�i gambus Melayu c6 le duqc du nh�p vao tru6c. Th�m chi nh�c Cl_l day gay hlnh qua le pipa (Vi¢t Nam g9i la Ty ba) c6 le duqc truyen l�i bai

nhfrng , nguai khac va khong chi nguoi A-r�p tu Hadhramaut.

T6m l�i. ca hai lo�i gambus sau nay da duqc cai bien va bien d6i mang nhfrng d�c trung cua vung va la ban sac cua min di san van h6a Ma Lai. Ca hai lo�i nh�c cl_l gambus nay deu duqc SU dyng trong cac c(mg d6ng H6i giao cua Alam Melayu. 37

37 Nh� c1,1 lo;µ gamb,is khong nen bi nMm lm vai nh� Cl;I day gay hai day (hasapi)duoc chai b6i nguoi Balak a Sumatra. &taks

hau het theo <4to Thien chua vai m9t vai nguoi ngo;µ �- Nghien ClIU nay kh6ng khao sat hasapi b6i vi n6 la m9t lo;µ day gay c6 h9p c(>ng hLtang va khong duc;,c chai OCll nh6m Hoi giao Orang Melayu.

\'1£TNAM£S£ INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

The gambus may have departed from its place of origin and migrated through trade, missionary exploits and conquest in the Malay Archipelago. It is argued that, through these activities, members of different musical cultures may have come into contact with one another. Over a period of time, through intensive cultural interaction, adaptation, mutation and borrowing, the gambus may have slowly changed in its foonal structure to suit the local needs and ·the adop:ion by the society.

I am convinced from the arguments that the gambus Hadlu·amaut was a later anival to Alam Melayu as the iid only anived in Yemen in the 1� century.My research suggests that gambus M elayu type instruments probably arrived first. It could even be possible that these pear-shaped lutes were transmitted by others and not only the Arabs from Hadhramaut.

In short, both types of gambus were later modified and adapted to have regional characteristics and an identity that is today representative of Malay cultural heritage. 'This research has shown that gambus instruments of both types are used in Muslim communities of Alam Melayu.37

3Toe gamb,is-type instruments must not be confused with the two-stringed lute instrument (hasapi) played by the &tak people of Sumatra The &taks are mostly Ouistians with some pagans. This research did not investigate the hasapi because it is a boat-lute and it is not played by the Muslim Orang Melay11 groupmg.

.275

Nguoi ta ban cai rang gambus hi�n nay la St! bi�u hi�n cua truyen thong Hoi giao/ Ma Lai qua St! thfch ung, St! cai bien va St! tuong tac v6i phong tl:)C.; van h6a va ton giao cua nguoi A-r�p. Trfch dan Mohd. Anis Md. Nor (1993:4), "Nen van h6a v�t chat cua nguoi A­r�p la m(>t nguon uy quyen va chinh thong trong vi�c xac dtnh dja gi6i van h6a H6i giao Ma Lai b Malayxia". Capwell (1995:85) ket lu�n: "Vl nguon goc A-r�p hitin nhien cua gambus, n6 da tro thanh d�i di�n cho rinh V\!C ho�t d(>ng van h6a cua H6i giao cho nhieu nguoi Indonexia b Ma Lai va dieu d6 khien ton giao c6 anh hubng m.;inh me hon trong moi truang m6i xung quanh". Dieu nay ro rang da giai thfch, tam quan tn;mg va uy the cua iid A-r�p (gambus Hadhramaut). Ten g9i gambus n6i chung duqc d�t cho ca hai l�i day gay, khong c6 Sl! phan bi�t , vl chung da ton t�i song song b Alam Melayu. 38

38 Dang h.ru y rang Farmer cling da de c�p rang cac tv barbat va ltd la d6ng nghia voi nhau vao the ky 11. Dieu nay la r6 rang rubai viet ve Shifa cua Ibn Sina d. l 037 (Lich su cua am nhac A-r�p, 1967). Cung dang hru y rang, nha triet hoc Ibn Sina (Avicenna) ngvoi da sinh ra a Ba Tv vao nam 980 sau cong nguyen la nha van duy nha't da dung thuat ngii Ba Tv barbat de mo ta dan day gay v6'i can mac day a phia tru6'c trong "Lich su nhac cu" (Sachs, 1940:253). C--6 th� cho rang cac lo<;U day gay nay (barbat, quanbus va 11d) co lien quan den Ma Lai boi thu�t ngii co dac di�m chung "gamb11s", v1 chung da tra thanh mot phan cua van hoa a.in nhac Ma Lai.

276

YIETNA:\lr.SE INSTITUTE FOR l\fllSICOLOGY

It can be argued that the gambus is now the manifestation of the Malay/Muslim tradition through adaptation, modification and intera­ction with Arabic custom, culture and religion. To quote Mohd. Anis Md. Nor (1993:4), "Arab material culture is a source of authority and legitimacy in defining the realm of Malay Islamic culture in Malaysia". Capwell (1995:85) concludes: ''Becau.� of its evident "Arabic" derivation, the gambus has also come to represent the cultural orbit of Islam for many Malay Irxk:o:sians and in so doing has taken oo a sanewhat strooger religious aura in its new surroundings". 1his certainly explains the im{X)rtance and prestige of the Arabian ad (gambus Hadlu·amaut). The name gambus has been generally given to ooth kinds of lute, without any distinction, as they have existed side by side in the Alam Melayu.�

38It is interesting to note that Farmer mentions that the words barbat and '11d were synonymous in the 11th century as well. lru.s is apparent from the writing of �a of Im Sina d. l 037 (A Histo,y of Arabian Music, 1967). It isalso interesting that the pulosopher Im Sina(Avicenna) who was born in Persia in 980 A.O.was the only writer who used the Persian termbarbat to describe the lute with a frontal stringholder in The History of M1LSical lmtmments

(Sachs, 1940: 253). It could be argued that theselutes (ba/-bat, qanbm and iid) were all referredto in Malay by the generic term "gmnb11S", a�they became part of the Malay musical culture.

Tat ca nhung y d!nh nay khong chi nham vao Hoi giao/Ma Lai ma ca khan gia tren toan cau. Tuy nhien, c6 nhfrng dau · hi�u chi ra rang gambus c6 th� gifr vi trf cua n6 trong s an khau the gi6i, nhu chau Au va Bae My can c6 "am nh<;lC the giai". Trong ngfr canh moi truar.g vf, chinh tri va van h6a nhu v�y, trong moi lien quan den trao ltru chfnh thong va Hoi giao, day c6 th� la thoi khac quan tr9ng doi v6i gambus, lo<;1i nht;lc cy lien quan den dt;lo Hoi, m9t ca h9i giup lot;li nh<;tc cy c6 xua nay bu6c vao trung tam san khau va mang lt;li S\J hi�u biet to 16n trong s6 nguoi dan khong thu9c the giai d<;to H6i. Do v�y, c6 thti cho rang qua S\J loan cau h6a, gambus, m�c du khong thll()C ngu6n g6c cua Ma Lai, day gay Ma Lai v6i nhfrng d�c tnrng n6i b�t da tro thanh thu nh<;lc c� de dang nh�n biet.

VIF:TNAI\IESE INSTITUTE FOR MUSICOLOGY

All of these intentionally target a global audience that might not be only Malay/Muslims but also others. Yet, there are signs indicating that the gambus could take its place in the world stage, as North America and Euro� hunger for World music'. In the context of such a cultural and political climate in relation to fundamentalism and Islam, this could be a defining moment for the gambus, which is associated with Islam, an opportunity beckoning this ancient instrument to move into centre stage and to bring about greater tmderstanding amoogst px>ple of the non-Muslim world. Hence, it could be argued that through glo­balisation the gambus, although not of Malay origin has become identifiable as a Malay-lute with its own distinctive characteristics.