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Man the Envier

THROUGHOUT HISTORY, in all stages of cultural development, in mostlanguages and as members of widely differing societies, men haverecognized a fundamental problem of their existence and have given itspecific names: the feeling of envy and of being envied.

Envy is a drive which lies at the core of man's life as a social being, andwhich occurs as soon as two individuals become capable of mutualcomparison. This urge to compare oneself invidiously with others can befound in some animals but in man it has acquired a special significance.Man is an envious being who, were it not for the social inhibitionsaroused within the object of his envy, would have been incapable ofdeveloping the social systems to which we all belong today. If we werenot constantly obliged to take account of other men's envy of the extrapleasure that accrues to us as we begin to deviate from a social norm,'social control' could not function.Man the envier can, however, overshoot the mark and arouse orrelease inhibitions which have a retarding effect on the ability of a groupto adapt to new environmental problems. Envy can also turn man todestruction. Almost all the fragmentary literature which has hithertodealt with envy (essays, belles-lettres, philosophy, theology, psychology) has constantly seen its destructive, inhibitory, futile and painfulelement. In all the cultures ofmankind, in all proverbs and fairytales, theemotion of envy is condemned. The envious person is universallyexhorted to be ashamedof himself. And yet his existence, or the belief inhis ubiquity, has at the same time always provided enough latent apprehension of other people's views to allow a system of social controls andbalances to evolve.

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MAN THE ENVIER

Although some schools of modern psychology have practically deleted t?e word 'envy' from their vocabulary, as if it simply did not existas a pnmary source of motivation, the available evidence leaves no doubt

~ h a t e v e r of its universality. In almost all languages, f rom those of theS i m p ~ e s t primitive peoples to those of the Indo-European group, inArabic, J ~ p a n e s e and Chinese, there is invariably a term to indicate envyor the envious person. Proverbs of the most varied cultures deal with it inhundreds of different forms. Aphorists and philosophers have touchedon it. For i n s ~ a n c e envy had a particular significance for Kierkegaard,who even attnbuted envy to those who aroused envy in others. In fictionenvy often plays a role and sometimes a major one; and every one of ushas encountered envy in his own life. It is the great regulator in allpersonal relationships: fear of arousing it curbs and modifies countlessactions. - -

Considering the key role played by envy in human existence and thatnothing new in the way of conceptual apparatus was needed order to

r e ~ o g ~ i z e it, it_ is truly remarkable how few works have dealt exclusivelywith It. They mclude an essay by Francis Bacon; a short book by theFrenchman, Eugene Raiga, written in the late 1920s, and a Russiannovella, Envy, of the same date; besides these, there is a novel by thealmost forgotten nineteenth-century French author, Eugene Sue, severalaphorisms in Nietzsche and a study by Max Scheler which in fact dealsmore_with the special case of resentment than envy proper.

. Thi_s b o o ~ disturb many readers, including those with widelydif fen ng opm10ns on social and political issues. I believe, though, that Ican demonstrate two things: first, that envy is much more universal thanhas so far been admitted or even- realized, indeed that envy alone makesany kind of social co-existence possible; secondly, however, I believeenvy as the implicit or explicjt fulcrum of social policy to be much moredestructive than those who ""have fabricated their social and economicphilosophy out of envy would care to admit.

. !hat our fellow man is always potentially envious-and the probab ~ h t y _as w ~ l l as the degree of his envy increases in ratio to his propmqmty-Is one of the most disturbing, often one of the most carefullyconcealed yet most basic facts of human existence at all levels of culturaldevelopment. The inadequacies, the historical limitations of so manyrespected social philosophies and economic theories, become obvious

THE WORLD FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF THE ENVIER 5

when it is realized how much they depend on the assumption that humanenvy is the outcome of arbitrary, haphazard and p u ~ e l y t e ~ ~ o r a r ycircumstances-in particular that it is the result of gross mequahues andmay disappear once these are removed: in other words, that it can bepermanently cured.

Most of the achievements which distinguish members of modern,highly developed and diversified societies from members of primitivesocieties-the development of civilization, in short-are the result ofinnumerable defeats inflicted on envy, i.e., on man as an envious being.And what Marxists have called the opiate of religion, the ability toprovide hope and happiness for believers in widely differing ~ a t e r i a lcircumstances, is nothing more than the provisionof ideas which b e r a ~ ethe envious person from envy, the person envied from his sense of gmltand his fear of the envious. Correctly though Marxists have identifiedthis function, their doctrines have remained blind and naive when facedwith the solution of the problem of envy in any future society. It is hard tosee how the totally secularized and ultimately egalitarian society promised us by socialism can ever solve the problem of the residual envylatent in society.However, it is not only the determining philosophical and ideologicalcontent of a culture but also social structures and processes, themselvesin part supported by or derived from ideological factors, which exert aninfluence on the part played by envy

The world from the viewpoint of he envierWe must begin by looking at the world as seen by the envious man. Acertain predisposition to envy is part of man's physical and s o c i ~ lequipment, the lack of which would, in many situations, simply result mhis being trampled down by others. We use our latent s ~ n s e envywhen, for instance, we examine social systems for their effiCiency:before joining an association or firm we try to discern h e t h e r it hasintrinsic structure which might arouse strong envy m ourselves or mothers. If so, it is probably an organization which is not very well adaptedto particular functions. In the recent past a few American colleges anduniversities have tried to attract able academic celebrities as professorsby offering salaries perhaps twice as high as those earned by the

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MAN THE ENVIER

5taQdard full professor. I know of several cases of a man being unable tobring himself to accept the offer because, as he told me, he could notbear the thought of being the object of so much envy in the faculty.Further, potential envy is an essential part of man's equipment if he isto be able to test the justice and fairness of the solutions to the many

problems which occur in his life. Very few of us, when dealing withemployees, colleagues, etc., are able to take a position which consciouslyignores the existence of envy, such as that adopted by the master in theBiblical parable of the toilers in the vineyard. No matter how mature,how immune from envy a personnel manager or plant manager mayhimself be, when he has to deal with the taboo subject of wages or staffregulations he must be able to sense exactly what sort of measures aretolerable, given the general tendency to mutual envy.

The phenomenon _described by the word _'envy' is a fundamentalpsyc!J.ological p r ~ c e s s which of necessity presupposes a social context:the co-existence of two or more individuals. Few concepts are so intrinsk a part of social reality yet at the same time so markedly neglected inthe categories of behavioural science. I f I emphasize envy as a pureconcept representing a basic problem, I am not claiming that thisconcept, or the theory of the role of envy, explains everything in humanlife, in society, or in cultural history. There are various related conceptsand processes, as there are various other aspects of man's social existence, which cannot be explained by reference to his capacity for envy.Man is not only Homo invidiosus, he is also Homo ludens and Homo

faber; but the fact that he is capable of associating in lasting groups andsocieties is primaril y due to his being subject to a constant, frequentlysubliminal urge to be envious of-all those deviating from a norm.

I f we are to recognize the role of envy this phenomenon must beunmasked, as sex has been unmasked by psychoanalysis. I do not wish togive the impression, howev\'!f, that I consider the tendency to envy as au_niversal ultimate cause: envy does not explain everything, but it throwslight on more things than people have hitherto been prepared to admit oreven to see.

Envy has the advantage of other modern terms such as ambivalence,relative deprivation, frustration or class war, in that as a concept it has apre-scientific origin. For centuries, indeed for millennia, countlesspeople who have never regarded themselves as social scientists have I

THE WORLD FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF THE ENVIER 7

. 1 observed a form of behaviour-envy-:-consistently and ~ n a n ~ m o u s y h were often the etymological equiV-h" h they descnbed m words t at Iw lC . h 1 nguages. .alents of the same words mo t er. a . t ve and passive roles in socialAn exhaustive study of envy m us ac h motion and motivational. . t only because t 1s ehistory IS Important no . . . 1 h li."e it is also relevant to 1 n md1v1dua uman 1' 'syndrome are cructa l t of the phenomenon of envy,Politics , since the right or wrong s s e f s f i s m t e n and above all the unfoundedf tion of Its e ec s,the under- or over-es Ima . 1 istence as to create people orhope that we can so order our slolCia e.xderations of immediate politi-. "d f envy are a consi . .societies devol o ' ic and social pohcies arecal significance, particularly where econom

concerned. f ny psychological states such asIf envy were no more than o?e o rna . and so on one might be. ry disgust, avance ' .homesickness, desire, wor ' le know what envy IS andd h t n the whole most peopPrepared to a mit t a o d. task and one of greatld fl l be a rewar mg ' .what it involves. It ':ou s l such as child psychology, educatiOnalimportance to many fields of t ~ d y . f stematically all that we knowscience or psychotherapy. to c ~ ~ ~ i ~ a l ~ ~ into a theory. This book is alsoabou t envy and to develop It me . 1of man's potential for envy, aan attempt to do that. But a ?roper p p r ~ I s t a ce could in years to come. hty and pers1s en , . 1ealization of Its umversa . . ed in the domestic socmh on sense IS exerc1s .determine how m ~ c . comm . ntar democracies, as well as in theirand economic pohcies of parhame . y f ns As we shall show, we aredealings with the so-called e v ~ l o p m g na .d social matters when we. sibly m economic an . .leas t capable of actmg sen . b f. ary of our decision. Th1s IS. f an enviOus ene lCl .face, or believe we ace, . 11 lves that his envy is a duecttrue especially when we miStakenly te ourse. . . ndenc to hide concrete phenomena, for

I Bronislaw Malinowski once cntlcized the te t" yus neologisms: 'l must admit thatd under preten 10 which we have perfectly goo terms, been quite clear how we are gomg tofrom the point of view of field-work Ihhav. ne:edrable yet vague entities: euphoria andth se somew at tormi tetest measure or assess e l h t te of being satisfied . . . mto concred y s ~ h o ~ i a .... When we_ try to t r a n : ; ~ ~ : l ;t:t: of consciousness but rather with s u ~ hcases we are faced not With the com t thwarted ambition, jealousy, economicindivldual factors as personal resentmdenh' ncrete and detailed manifes tations ofh not stu y t e co h grievance.... In any_ case,. w Y. d f hiding them behind euphoria and dysp o ~ I aresent ment and of satisfactiOns mstea o H b" Law and Order in Polynesw,writ large., (In his introduction to: H. Ian og m,London, 1934, pp. xxiv ff.; Hamden [Conn.], 1961.)

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MAN THE ENVIEROlO.SeqUence of our being better off, and will necessarily wane when wepuder nen to unrealistic demands. The allocation of scarce resourcesin any society, is rarely optimal when-our decision rests on fear of othe;men's envy.

The loneliness of he envious man- ~ e extent to which envy is a social form of behaviour, i.e., necessarily

drrected at someone else, is also apparent from the fact that without theot?er person the envier could never envy. Yet as a rule he specificallyreJects any social relationship with the envied person. Love, friendliness, admiration-these approaches to another person are made in theexpectation of reciprocity, recognition, and seek some kind o f link. Theenvier wants none e - r e _ c o g n i z ~ d as envious by the object of his envy, with whom, giventhe ~ m c e , he would prefer not to associate. The pure act of envy can bedescnbed thus: the more closely and intensively the envier concernshimself with the other person, the more he is thrown back on himself_ n s e ~ f - p i t ~ . o?e can envy without knowing the object of envy, or atleast Imagmmg him; but unlike other kinds of human emotional relation

~ h i p s the env ier can expect no reciprocal feelings. He wants no envymreturn.As people have always realized, however, the envier has little interest

in the transfer of anything of value from the other's possession to hisow_n. He would like to see the other person robbed, dispossessed,

s t n ~ p e d , h u m i l i a ~ e d or hurt, but he practically never conjures up ad ~ t a l l e d n;tental picture of how a transfer of the gther's possessions tohimself might occur. The pure type of envier is no thief or swindler in hisown cause. In any case, where that which is envied is another man'spersonal qualities, skill or_prestlge, there can be no question of theft; he

_ may quite well, however, harbour a wish for the other man to lose hisvoice, his virtuosity, his good looks or his integrity.The motives for envy, the stimuli of envious feelings, are ubiquitous,and the intensity of envy depends less on the magnitude of the stimulus

than on the social d ispari ty between the envier and the envied. The kindof maturi ty achieved by an individual which enables him to conquer hisown envy does not seem to be a universally attainable attribute. The

GOODLUCKANDBADLUCK 9

reasons for the varying role or effectiveness of envy in different societiesmust be sought, therefore, in the ethos of the respective cultures. ~ ~ t hthe envier, who must somehow come to terms with observed inequahtlesin his life, and the envied person in trying to ignore the other's envy ( a ~ dboth these emotional processes can sometimes occur simultaneously mone and the same person) will make use of creeds, ideologies, p r o _ v e r ~ s ,etc., which will tend to reduce the power of envy and thus allow daily hfeto proceed with a minimum of friction and conflict.

Good luck and bad luckIt is not true, as many social critics would have us believe, that o ~ l y themore fortunate people in this world, those with inherited possessions orchance wealth, have a vested interest in an ideology that inhibits envy.Such an ideology is in fact much more important to the envy-proneperson, who can begin to make something of his life only when he ?ashammered out some sort o f personal theory which diverts his attentiOnfrom the enviable good fortune of others, and guides his energiestowards realistic objectives within his scope.

One of the beliefs capable of repressing envy is the concept of the'blind goddess' Fortune. A person is either lucky or unlucky, andwhatever number he draws in life's lottery is unconnected with the goodor bad fortune of his neighbour. The world has, as it were, an inexhaustible supply of good and bad luck. The most envy-ridden tribalcultures-such as the Dobuan and the Navaho-do not in fact possessthe concept of luck at all, nor indeed the concept of chance. _In suchcultures no one is ever struck by lightning, for instance, without amalignant neighbour having willed it out of envy. .It is not easy to conclude from the general nature of a culture Its degreeof development or its economic institutions, e.g., which of its elementsare generally regarded as immune from envy and which most vulnerable.Almost everywhere it is felt that universal values, such as personalhealth, youthfulness, children, have to be protected from the evileye, theactive expression of envy, and this is evident in the proverbs thebehaviour patterns that are employed by so many peoples to ward It off. Itcan, perhaps, be safely assumed that between individuals within aculture there is relatively little potential for envy in respect of those

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MAN THE ENVIER

values and inequalities which serve to integrate their society, e.g., thef ~ r m a l pomp and luxury exhibited by a head of a state, such as that stilldisplayed by some of the remaining monarchies in Europe.2

The c a ~ a c i t y for envy is a psycho-social datum, not infrequentlyaccompanied by marked somatic epiphenomena. Envy, as an emotion,can be t ~ e a t e d as a problem of individual psychology; but there is far

. more _to_It than that, for it is also a sociological problem of the first order.How IS It that so basic, universal and intensely emotional a constituent ofthe human psyche as envy-and the fear of envy, or at least the cons tanta w ~ e n e s s of i t-can lead to such different social consequences invarious c u l t ~ r e s ? There are cultures which are obsessed by envy; virtually everythmg that happens is attributed to it. Yet there are others whichseem have largely succeeded in taming or repressing it. What causessuch ~ I f ~ ~ r e n c e s ? IsJt perhaps the varying f r ~ q - u e n c y of certain types of

p e _ r . s o ? a h t ~ and character? A considerable amount of research points int ~ i s . duect10n. It may be that certain cultural patterns encourage theenvious_ the less envious to set the tone; but this still does not explainwhat ongmally produced that tendency in a particular culture.

Although 'envy' exists in our language as an abstract noun and is usedas such in literature, there is, strictly speaking, no such thing as envy.There are people who envy, even some people habitually prone to envy,and we can observe emotional stirrings in ourselves and others whichwould be defined as feelings of envy; yet it is impossible to experienceenvy as an emotion _or as a mood in the same way that we can feel anxietyor s a d ~ e s s . Envy more comparable with 'being afraid'; we envysomethmg or o m e ~ n e in same way that we are afraid of somethingo ~ s _ o m ~ o n e . Envy IS a duected emotion: without a target, without aVictim, It cannot occur.. A susceptibility to envy x i ~ s to a much r ~ a t e r degree in man than in

other creature. A prime cause of this is the duration of childhood,- which exposes the humal} individual far longer than any animal to the2 A group which in 1966 might have been s p e c i f i ~ a l l y classified as resentful of themonarchy and the d i s p l a ~ of royal pomp were the Amsterdam Provos. A dispute as towhether crownmay s ~ I l l fulfil an envy-free function in a society developed betweenEdward _Shll,s_and N. Bunbaum (see E. Shils and M. Young, 'The Meaning of theC?ronat10n, In The Sociological Review, Vol. I, December 1953, pp. 63-81; and N.Birnbaum, 'Monarchs and Sociologists,' idem, Vol. III, July 1955, pp. 5-23).

I IGOOD LUCK AND BAD LUCK

experience of sibling jealousy within the family. On rare o ~ c a s i o n ~ , as incertain poems, envy is invoked as a stimulant, as somethmg subhme orconstructive. In such cases the poet has made a poor choice of words; heis really referring to emulation. The really envious person almost neverconsiders entering into fair competition.Envy as such no more exists in a concrete sense than do grief, desire,joy, anxiety and fear. It consists, rather, of a set of psychological andphysiological processes occurring in the individual which indicate certain qualities and which, if interpreted as the constituents of a whole,correspond to the meaning of one of these abstract words. In the mostdiverse languages the term 'envy' is sharply differentiated from othersimilar phenomena, yet it is remarkable how seldom 'envy' has beenpersonified in art. Grief, joy and fear obviously lend themselves muchmore easily to representation. Nor can envy or an envious person beshown without some other point of reference. We can depict a personwho is woebegone or joyful, but it is practically impossible to represent aman by himself in such a way that anybody who looks at picture w_illinstantly grasp that this man is envious. To do so requires a socialsituation, or symbols whose connection with envy is common knowl-edge to everyone within the particular culture.3 .The case is different in regard to the institutionalization of envy m asocial structure. Envy can become more easily institutionalized than,say, desire or joy. We hold days of nationa l mourning or rejoicing, but it ishardly possible to give to any emotion other than envy the status of aninstitution. As examples of envy manifested in social forms one mightperhaps cite instances such as steeply progressive income tax, confiscatory death duties and corresponding customs among primitive peo-ples, such as the 'muru raid' of the Maoris

Envy represents an almost entirely psychological and social phenom-enon. Conceptually it can be differentiated much more sharply fromother or similar psychological processes than can the processes derivingfrom it, which the behavioural sciences today employ as conceptual3 In earlier centuries envy (or the envious man) was sometimes depicted as a manriding on a dog with a bone in its mouth, e.g., the illustration 'Envy' on p. 14 ofHeinz-Giinter Deiters' Die Kunst der lntrige (The Art of Intrigue), Hamburg, 1966.The picture is taken from a series of woodcuts entitled 'The Seven Deadly Sins' by ananonymous master from the Constance region, ca. 1480-90, in the Albertina, Vienna.

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~ ~ depth psychology has long since taught us to suspect that represSion IS at w?rk. The ~ b j e c t has been felt by many writers well equippedto h ~ d l e It to be distasteful, unpleasant, painful and politically ex~ l o s i v e . ~ a n y remarks that will be cited in this book support thismterpretatlon.

Much I should like to agree with all those authors who for millennia. have consistently e ~ c r i b e d and condemned the negative and destructiveaspect of envy once It has b e ~ o ~ e an in itself, data will be presentedto s_how that man cannot exist m society without envy. The utopia of asociety from_ envy, and in which there will no longer be any groundsfor ~ n v ~ , IS unlikely to be replaced by the totally utopian plan of

e r a ~ I c a t m g ~ n v y from human nature by means of education; although sofar m the history of social experiment people have been rather mores u c c e s s f ~ l :when attempting to create the sec-ond sort of society than

stnvmg towards one composed of unenvious equals.. very man ~ u s t be p r o ~ e to a small degree of envy; without it the

~ n t e r p l a y s o c i ~ l f ~ r ~ e s within society is unthinkable. Only pathologIcal_ envy the m ~ I V I d u a l , which tinges every other emotion, and thes o c ~ e t y ~ n t l r e l y ~ e s i g n e d to appease imagined multitudes of enviers ares o c i a ~ l y moperatlve. The capacity for envy establishes a necessary ~ c i a l

w a r ~ m g system. Here it is remarkable how seldom the vernacular forms?f d i ~ f e r e n t languag_es permit one to say directly to another person:Don t do that. It Will make me envious!' Instead we tend to talk a b s t ~ a c t terms of ustice, saying that something or ~ h e r is intolerableunfatr, or r e l a ~ s e into sour and bitter silence. No child warns hisparents a_gamst takmg an ill-considered step by saying something like 'I fyou d o / g i V e / a l l o ~ that, I h a l ~ be n v ~ o u s of Jack/Jill.' The taboo againstan open ~ c l a r a t 1 0 n of envy IS effective even at this level, although it is -true that m both English 3 1 n d ~ German one may say: 'I envy you yoursuccess/your property'- i .e . , one may only speak of one's own envy

w h e ~ the a ~ t u a l situation.between the participants, at least the 'official'versiOn of It, excludes the possibility of genuine, destructive maliciousenvy. '

Oddly enough, in German one cannot even say: 'I resent you.' There isno such ~ e r b , the alternative construction (literally, 'I have a resent

m e ~ t agamst you ) sounds so clumsy and pompous that no one is likely touse It. In English one frequently hears and reads the expression: 'I resent

lSALliNG AS THOUGH THERE WERE NO ENVY

that,' or 'I resent your action, your remark,' etc. This does not indicateresentment so much as a feeling of indignat ion or annoyance at a piece ofthoughtlessness or carelessness on someone else's part, an unreasonablesuggestion or an impugnment of our motives.Acting as though there were no envyTo anticipate one of the main theses of this work: the more both privateindividuals and the custodians of political power in a given society areable to act as though there were no such thing as envy, the greater will bethe rate of economic growth and the number of innovations in general.The social climate best suited to the fullest, most unhampered deployment of man's creative faculties (economic, scientific, artistic, etc.) isone where accepted normative behaviour, custom, religion, commonsense and public opinion are more or less agreed upon an attitude whichfunctions as if the envious person could be ignored. This represents aconviction shared by most members of such a society, enabling them tocope realistically, and relatively unconsumed by envy, with the evidentdifferences that exist between people; the attitude, in effect, whichenables legislators and governments to offer equal protection to theunequal achievements of the members of the community, while ?noccasion even offering them unequal advantages so that the commumtymay benefit in the long run from achievements which initially, perhaps,only few are capable of attaining.In real ity these optimal conditions for growth and innovation are nevermore than partially reached. On the other hand many well-meant proposals for the 'good society' or the completely 'just society' are doomedbecause they are based on the false premise that this must be a society inwhich there is nothing left for anyone to envy. This situation can neveroccur because, as is demonstrable, man inevitably discovers somethingnew to envy. In the utopian society in which we all would have not onlythe same clothes but the same facial expressions, one person would stillenvy the other for those imagined, innermost feelings which wouldenable him, beneath the egalitarian mask, to harbour his own privatethoughts and emotions. 55 David Riesman has pointed out that in a materially egalitarian and consumptionoriented society such as the American, people are still prone to imagine that another

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person enjoys greater sexual gratification and to envy him for it: 'I f someone else has anew C a d i ~ l a c , the other-directed person knows what thai is, and that he can duplicatethe expenence, more or less. But if someone else has a new lover, he cannot know whatthat means. Cadillacs have been democratized. So has the sexual glamour, to a degree. . . But there is a difference between Cadillacs and sexual partners in the degree ofmystery. And with the loss or submergence of moral shame and inhibitions .. . the

_other-directed person has no defenses against his own envy .. . he does not want to miss . . the qualities of experience he tells himself the others are having.' (The LonelyCrowd, New. Haven, 1950, p. 155.) Man's fear of being envied for having a uniquesexual expe nence may have led, at least in part, to the various rituals, designed to wardof f n ~ i o u s spirits, performed prior to the consummation of marriage in many tribalsocieties.

2Envy in Language

Bor H IN LITERATURE and in discussions with a number of people as towhat they understand by envy I have been struck by the tendency touse the word 'jealousy' instead of 'envy,' the former no doubt beingmore tolerable to those who confess to it than the latter, which is anignominious sentiment. The jealous man has been defeated in a strugglefor power or in competition; he is not inferior in relation to the assetunder contention as, by definition, the envious man is. Yet even thebehavioural sciences often shirk the phenomenon of envy and of enviousbehaviour as though it were taboo, disguising the motive of envy withconcepts such as ambivalence, aggression, tension, rivalry, jealousy andsimilar indirect descriptions.

The primary role of envy in human society and the comparativelyunproblematical nature of common jealousy-or what is usually meantby the term-are apparent both from language and from proverbs.

Envy and jealousy in EnglishThe Oxford English Dictionary 1 treats 'envy' and 'envious' as 'jealousy'and 'jealous.' About four columns are devoted to both terms.

'Envy' and 'envious' in modern English are derived from the Latininvidia and invidiosus, which have the same meanings. The verb 'toenvy' corresponds to the Latin invidere. In Spanish, Portuguese andItalian there are similar derivatives from the Latin to denote the samestates of mind.1 Oxford English Dictionary, Vol. 3, Oxford, 1933.

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