Schmidtke.JSAI36

The Institute of Asian and African StudiesThe Max Schloessinger Memorial Foundation

Offprint from

JERUSALEM STUDIES INARABIC AND ISLAM

36(2009)

Sabine Schmidtke

The rightly guiding epistle (al-Risalaal-hadiya) by Abd al-Salam al-Muhtad

al-Muh. ammad: a critical edition

THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEMTHE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES

JSAI 36 (2009)

THE RIGHTLY GUIDING EPISTLE(AL-RISALA AL-HADIYA) BY ABD AL-SALAMAL-MUHTADI AL-MUH. AMMADI: A CRITICAL

EDITION

Sabine SchmidtkeFreie Universitat Berlin

Manuscript collections around the world hold a number of epistles writ-ten against Judaism by Ottoman Muslim authors writing between thelate 15th and the late 16th century. Apart from the apparently widelyread tract against Judaism by the prolific Ottoman scholar Ah.mad b.Mus.t.afa T. ashkubrizade (d. 968/1561),1 two additional texts in Arabichave so far been encountered by the present writer, both of them writ-ten by Jewish converts to Islam. The shorter of these, entitled Risalatilzam al-yahud fma zaamu f l-tawrat min qibal ilm al-kalam, was writ-ten by one al-Salam Abd al-Allam and is extant in a single undatedmanuscript.2 The second one, al-Risala al-hadiya by a certain Abd

This article is part of a larger project involving the edition, translation and anal-ysis of a number of polemical treatises by Ottoman authors against Judaism; seeCamilla Adang, Ilker Evrim Binbas, Judith Pfeiffer, Sabine Schmidtke, Ottoman In-tellectuals on Judaism: A Collection of Texts from the Early Modern Period (forth-coming). The present writer gratefully acknowledges the following institutions andpersons for granting access to the manuscripts discussed: Nevzat Kaya, the formerDirector of the Suleymaniye Library (Istanbul) and his staff; the Special Collectionsdepartment at Leiden University Library, and particularly Arnoud Vrolijk, curatorof the Oriental Collections, and the director and staff of the Princeton UniversityLibrary. The acquisition of materials and research was supported by a grant fromthe Gerda-Henkel Foundation. Parts of this paper were prepared in the course of ascholarly residency at the Rockefeller Foundations Bellagio Study and ConferenceCenter during the summer of 2008. Thanks are also due to Camilla Adang, IlkerEvrim Binbas, Wilferd Madelung and Judith Pfeiffer for helpful remarks on earlierversions of the introduction and edition.

1For an edition of the tract with an annotated translation, see Sabine Schmidtkeand Camilla Adang, Ah. mad b. Mus.t.afa T. ashkubrizades (d. 968/1561) polemicaltract against Judaism, al-Qant.ara 29 (2008): 79113.

2MS Fatih. 2994; for an edition of this tract, see my Epistle forcing the Jews [toadmit their error] with regard to what they contend about the Torah, by dialecticalreasoning (Risalat ilzam al-yahud fma zaamu f l-tawrat min qibal ilm al-kalam) byal-Salam Abd al-Allam, in Camilla Adang and Sabine Schmidtke (eds.), Contactsand controversy between Muslims, Jews and Christians in the Ottoman Empire andpre-modern Iran (Wurzburg, 2010), pp. 7382. For a translation, see Camilla Adang,

439

440 Sabine Schmidtke

al-Salam al-Muhtad al-Muh.ammad or al-Daftar, by contrast, seemsto have been a popular text, as is suggested not only by the fact thatit is described in H. ajji Khalfas (d. 1067/1657) Kashf al-z.unun,3 butalso by the relatively large number of manuscripts preserved.4 It is thissecond tract that is presented here in a critical edition. What Risalatilzam al-yahud and al-Risala al-hadiya have in common is that they bothcontain conversion accounts that are included in their respective intro-ductions, which both refer to Bayazid II (reigned 886/1481918/1512) asthe sultan ruling at the time of composition. Thus, both texts predateT. ashkubrizades tract by several decades. An additional indication ofa more precise terminus ante quem for al-Risala al-hadiya is offered bythe earliest dated manuscript of the text, MS Ahmed III (Topkap) 1735,dated 902/1497.5 Other than this, next to nothing is known on the lifeof either of the two authors.6

Al-Risala al-hadiya reflects the characteristic Muslim perspective onJudaism: it is to prove that the Quran, containing the final divine dis-

A polemic against Judaism by a convert to Islam from the Ottoman period: Risalatilzam al-yahud fma zaamu f l-tawrat min qibal ilm al-kalam, Journal Asiatique297 (2009): 131151. For a discussion of a number of features of the text, see alsoJoseph Sadan, A dialogue between a converted Jew and the Ottoman Ulama, [He-brew] Peamim 42 (1990): 91104; id., Naivete, verses of Holy Writ, and polemics.Phonemes and sounds as criteria: Biblical verses submitted to Muslim scholars by aconverted Jew in the reign of Sultan Bayazid (Beyazit) II (14811512), O ye Gen-tlemen. Arabic studies on science and literary culture in honour of Remke Kruk,eds. Arnoud Vrolijk and Jan. P. Hogendijk (Leiden, 2007), pp. 495510 [an Englishtranslation of the article in Hebrew].

3H. ajj Khalfa, Kashf al-z.unun an asam al-kutub wa-l-funun (Beirut,1413/1992), vol. 1, p. 900, and vol. 2, p. 2027. See also Moritz Steinschnei-der, Polemische und apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache zwischen Musli-men, Christen und Juden, nebst Anhangen verwandten Inhalts (Leipzig, 1877; repr.Hildesheim 1966), p. 64 no. 51.

4References to and quotations from the text can also be foundin contemporary Muslim literature on interreligious issues; see, e.g.,http://arabic.islamicweb.com/christianity/besharat/b2 text.htm [consulted 30

September 2008] which contains a reference to al-Risala al-hadiya of Abd al-Salam and a lengthy quotation from 25 (no textual source is indicated), andwww.ebnmaryam.com/monqith/monqith5/5.htm [consulted 30 September 2008]

where Abd al-Salams al-Risala al-hadiya (specifically the discussion included in 26) is referred to together with Samawal al-Maghribs Ifh. am al-yahud (again, notextual source is given).

5For a description of this manuscript (non vidi), see Fehmi Edhem Karatay, Top-kap Saray Muzesi Kutuphanesi. Arapca yazmalar katalogu 14. Istanbul 196266,vol. 3, p. 89 no. 4945.

6For the scant biographical information on the author of al-Risala al-hadiya, seeCamilla Adang, Guided to Islam by the Torah: The Risala al-hadiya by Abd al-Salam al-Muhtad al-Muh. ammad, in Contacts and controversy between Muslims,Jews and Christians in the Ottoman Empire and pre-modern Iran, pp. 5772, thatalso contains an annotated edition of al-Risala al-hadiya.

The Rightly Guiding Epistle 441

pensation, abrogates the earlier revelations, including the Torah, andthat accordingly, the Jewish claim of the eternity of the Mosaic law isto be rejected (al-qism al-awwal: f ibt.al adillat al-yahud [ ala abadiyyatdn Musa]); that the Prophet Muh.ammad has already been predicted inthe Pentateuch (al-qism al-than: f ithbat nubuwwat sayyid al-kawnaynMuh. ammad alayhi al-s.alat wa-l-salam min nafs al-tawrat bada maghayyaraha l-yahud), and that the divine revelation to Moses was latertampered with by the Jews (al-qism al-thalith: f ithbat taghyr bad.kalimat al-tawrat). Despite the fact that the Risala repeats the tra-ditional arguments familiar from medieval polemical literature, it hasa number of distinctive features, which can also be found in T. ash-kubrizades similarly structured polemic against Judaism.7 In bothtracts, the Biblical material that is quoted or referred to is nearly exclu-sively taken from the Pentateuch. Moreover, in addition to the Biblicalmaterial, both authors are evidently acquainted with a wider range ofJewish religious literature.8 As is the case with T. ashkubrizade, Abdal-Salam al-Muhtad explicitly refers to Abraham Ibn Ezra (d. 1167),the most renowned Jewish exegete (az.am mufassir al-tawrat min al-yahud), in Part Three of the tract ( 28, 31), adducing some of the verseslabelled by Ibn Ezra as the mystery of the twelve9 as evidence for the

7Fas. l 1: f tazyf dalail al-tabd wa-hiya sitta (exposing the spuriousness of theproofs [adduced] for the eternity [of the religion of Moses], which are six in number);fas. l 2: f dalail nubuwwat nabiyyina Muh. ammad s.al am (concerning the proofs ofthe prophethood of Muh. ammad); fas. l 3: f bayan ma yadullu ala tah. rfihim al-tawrat (explaining what indicates their distortion of the Torah). Only the very brieffas. l 4 of T. ashkubrizades tract, f mat.ain al-yahud f h. aqq al-anbiya (on the Jewsdefamation of the prophets), has no equivalent in al-Risala al-hadiya. Al-Salam Abdal-Allams Risalat ilzam al-yahud fma zaamu f l-tawrat min qibal ilm al-kalam,by contrast, is more independent from both al-Risala al-hadiya and T. ashkubrizadespolemic. Generally on the topoi of Muslim polemics against Judaism, see HavaLazarus-Yafeh, Intertwined worlds. Medieval Islam and Bible criticism (Princeton,1992); Camilla Adang, Muslim writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible. From IbnRabban to Ibn H. azm (Leiden, 1996).

8This is perhaps not surprising in the case of the converted Jew Abd al-Salamal-Muhtad, but is in that of T. ashkubrizade.

9What Ibn Ezra labels as the mystery of the twelve, specifically referring toDeut. 34:112 which describes Moses death and burial, was one of several cases inthe text of the Pentateuch which suggest that the entire Torah cannot have beenwritten by Moses. In his exegesis on Deut. 1:2, Ibn Ezra also lists the followingverses among the mysteries: Gen. 12:6, Gen. 22:14, Deut. 3:11, and Deut. 31:22.This was later taken up in detail by Baruch Spinoza (d. 1677) in Chapter Eight of hisTractatus Theologico-Politicus (tr. S. Shirley [Leiden, 1989], pp. 162163). Referencesin the edition to Ibn Ezra are to his Perush ha-Torah. In Torat h. ayyim. H. amishahh. umshei Torah 17. Mugahim al-pi ha-massorah shel Keter Aram S. ovah ve-al-piha-nusah. shel kitvei-yad ha-qerovim lo, im Targum Onqelos. Jerusalem: MossadHarav Kook, 5757/1997.


alteration of the Torah by the Jews ( 2831).10 While T. ashkubrizadealso explicitly refers to the commentary by Moshe ben Nahman (betterknown as Nahmanides, d. 1270) and uses other, not further specifiedexegetical literature, Abd al-Salam refers to other exegetical literatureexclusively in a more general way: mufassiru l-yahud ( 5), mufassirul-yahud min al-mutaqaddimn ( 7), or, polemically, al-qas. irun min mu-fassir al-yahud ( 6).

Among the proofs adduced by the Jews for the eternity of the Mo-saic law, Abd al-Salam al-Muhtad cites the typical Biblical referencesthat support the Jewish position. First he provides a transcription ofthe original Hebrew in Arabic characters; this is followed by an Arabictranslation, and finally he adds a detailed refutation. Thus Ex. 31:16(Wherefore the children of Israel shall keep the sabbath, to observethe sabbath throughout their generations, for a perpetual covenant.)( 5) is followed by a detailed discussion that the term brit olam (aperpetual covenant) may have a variety of meanings, only one of thembeing eternity other possible meanings are an extended period oftime or fifty years ( 67).11 A similar discussion, which reflects theinner-Jewish debate on the various meanings of this term, is also in-cluded in T. ashkubrizades tract.12 Other Jewish Scriptural argumentsthat are refuted one by one by Abd al-Salam are Num. 23:19 ( 89),13

10For similar ideas in T. ashkubrizades Part Three, see Schmidtke/Adang, Polem-ical tract, pp. 9597 [Arabic], 110113 [English].

11On this issue, see Saadya Gaon, Kitab al-amanat wa-l-i tiqadat (= The Book ofBeliefs and Opinions). Translated from the Arabic and the Hebrew by S. Rosenblatt(New Haven, 1948; repr. 1976), p. 171, where the various positions are summarized:Now some of the proponents of the theory of abrogation base their view on ananalysis of the term forever (olam) concerning which they assert that they notethat it has in the Hebrew language a variety of meanings. Our rejoinder is: yes, ithas three possible meanings. One of these is fifty years. The other is the lifetimeof the thing referred to. The third, again, is as long as the world will exist. Nowwhen we apply this term to the Sabbath law, the first two possibilities are at onceeliminated, only the last being retained. For we note that Jeremiah, although helived something like nine hundred years after Moses and the lapse of many centuriesand generations of the offspring of the Children of Israel, exhorted them to observethe Sabbath and to refrain from working on it. Thus Scripture says: Neither carryforth a burden out of your houses on the sabbath day, neither do ye any work, buthallow ye the sabbath day, as I commanded your fathers (Jer. 17:22). Since, then,the period of fifty years, as well as that of the lifetime of the individuals in question,is eliminated, the only one of the [different] types [of meaning that can be applied tothe term olam] that remains is [that of] the duration of the world.

12Part I, The sixth proof [of the Jews]; see Schmidtke/Adang, Polemical tract,pp. 8991 [Arabic], 103105 [English ].

13This verse is discussed in T. ashkubrizade in Part I, The second proof [of the Jews],see ibid., pp. 8788 [Arabic], 99100 [English].


Deut. 13:1, 3, 5 ( 1011),14 Deut. 5:22, 24 ( 1213),15 Deut. 12:32( 1415),16 Deut. 33:4 ( 1617),17 followed by alleged instances ofabrogation within the Torah ( 18).18

As for the Scriptural predictions of the Prophet Muh.ammad, Abd al-Salam al-Muhtad adduces and discusses the following Biblical passages:Deut. 18:17, 1819 ( 1922),19 Deut. 34:10 ( 23),20 Deut. 33:2 ( 24),21Gen. 49:1, 10 ( 25),22 and Gen. 17:15, 20 ( 2627).23

Again, the similarity of most of these discussions to T. ashkubrizadestract is striking, although the latter is often arguing in a more re-fined manner than Abd al-Salam al-Muhtad. Moreover, there are alsosome issues mentioned in al-Risala al-hadiya that have no parallel inT. ashkubrizades tract and vice versa. Abd al-Salam adduces, for ex-ample, the legend of the Septuagint among the proofs for the alter-ation of the Bible at the hand of the Jews which, he states, is men-tioned in the Talmud ( 32).24 While this legend is not mentioned byT. ashkubrizade, the latter has a nearly verbatim quotation from the Tal-mud (Baba Bathra) which has no parallel in al-Risala al-hadiya.25 More-over, when refuting the Jewish argument for the eternity of the Mosaiclaw on the basis of Deut. 12:32 (. . . thou shalt not add thereto, nordiminish from it.), T. ashkubrizade refers to Ibn Ezras interpretation ofthe verse according to which the meaning is do not add nor diminish onyour own account (min indi anfusikum) which thus does not exclude

14This verse is discussed in T. ashkubrizade in Part II, The third proof [provided bythe Muslims], see ibid., pp. 93 [Arabic], 1078 [English].

15Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part I, The third proof [of the Jews], see ibid.,pp. 8889 [Arabic], 100101 [English].

16Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part I, The first proof [of the Jews]; see ibid.,pp. 87 [Arabic], 9899 [English].

17Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part I, The fourth proof [of the Jews]; see ibid.,pp. 89 [Arabic], 101 [English].

18Cf. a similar discussion at the end of Part I of T. ashkubrizades polemical tract,see ibid., pp. 9192 [Arabic], 105 [English].

19Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part II, The first proof [provided by the Mus-lims], see ibid., pp. 92 [Arabic], 106 [English].

20Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part II, The second proof [provided by theMuslims], see ibid., pp. 93 [Arabic], 107 [English].

21Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part II, The fifth proof [provided by the Mus-lims], see ibid., pp. 94 [Arabic], 108109 [English].

22Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part II, The third proof [provided by the Mus-lims], see ibid., pp. 93 [Arabic], 107108 [English].

23Cf. T. ashkubrizades discussion in Part II, The sixth proof [provided by the Mus-lims], see ibid., pp. 9495 [Arabic], 109 [English].

24On the Islamic versions of the legend of the Septuagint, see Abraham Wassersteinand David J. Wasserstein, The legend of the Septuagint: from classical antiquity totoday (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 174273 (Chapter 7: The Muslims and the Septuagint).

25See Schmidtke/Adang, Polemical tract, pp. 9697 [Arabic], 112 [English].


the possibility of God abrogating His revealed law.26 Abd al-Salam al-Muhtad, by contrast, argues that what is meant in this verse is thatabrogation of the conditions of what has been commanded is renderedimpossible by this verse (shurut. al-mamurat), but not abrogation of theprecept itself (nafs al-mamur) ( 145). Despite the similarity betweenthe two tracts it is therefore unlikely that T. ashkubrizade used al-Risalaal-hadiya as his source.27

*****

The edition is based on the following manuscript copies of the tract intheir apparent chronological order:

1. MS Leiden Or. 17.054, ff. 125b127b [ ]. The copy is incompletein the beginning and contains only a fragment of Part One of the text. Itis part of a collective volume with texts in Persian, Turkish, and Arabic,transcribed by several copyists, one being dated 876/1568.28 The copyis replete with omissions and mistakes.

2. MS Manisa 8061/1, ff. 1b16b []. The copy, which is dated905/14991500 (f. 16b), is often unreliable as words are omitted on nu-merous occasions.

3. MS Laleli 3706/36, ff. 385a393a []. The manuscript representsa slightly different recension of the text and the introduction is com-pletely missing, so that neither the title of the treatise nor its authoris identified in the manuscript. On the title page (f. 386a) that pre-cedes the beginning of the text on f. 386b, it is stated: tashtamilu alaithbat ma ghayyara ah. bar al-yahud min kalimat al-tawrat wa-inkarihimli-nubuwwat Muh. ammad s.al am. At the end of the text, there is a scribescolophon dated 7 ?afar 989/13 March 1581 in Qust.ant.aniyya signed byImam al-Dn b. Muh. ammad b. Qasim al-Bat.aih. al-Khall.

4. MS Esad Efendi 6/5, ff. 1a7a (each item having its own foliation)[

@]. The copy concludes with a colophon (f. 7a), dated 1205/17901,

stating that it was copied by the mudarris Fayd. Allah al-Aff. The

26See Schmidtke/Adang, Polemical tract, pp. 87 [Arabic], 9899 [English].27A detailed discussion of the relationship between the various extant tracts against

Judaism from the Ottoman period (including an additional tract in Ottoman Turkish)may be encountered in Adang/Pfeiffer/Schmidtke, Ottoman Intellectuals on Judaism(forthcoming).

28For a brief description of the manuscript, see Inventory of the PersianManuscripts in Leiden University Library. Compiled by Jan Just Witkam, partlyon the basis of existing catalogues and partly by autopsy. Leiden [unpublishedmanuscript] 2002, p. 242.


same codex contains other texts copied by the same scribe, and in oneof the colophons the scribe provides some additional information (f. 39a)when he states: h. arrarahu l-faqr Fayd. Allah al-Aff al-mudarris bi-Daral-Salt.ana al-aliya f sanat 1205 . . . Dar al-Salt.ana al-aliya heredoubtless referring to Istanbul.29

5. MS Princeton Garrett 974H/3, ff. 68b78a [H. ].30 The copy con-cludes with a colophon stating that the text was transcribed by Mus.t.afab. Ah. mad Falyuz and that it was completed in Jumada I 1267/March1851. The collective manuscript, entirely written in the hand of the samescribe, has another colophon (f. 68a) in which Falyuz provides additionalinformation on his descent.31 Both

@ and H. represent the same version

of the text; both contain a lengthy paragraph towards the end of the textthat cannot be found in any of the earlier manuscripts as well as somefurther brief additions throughout the tract. Moreover, although H. wascertainly not copied from

@, it was evidently collated at some stage with

@ as is suggested by the numerous corrections and notes throughout H. .The orthography has been silently modernized, e.g., C for .

The various abbreviations used in most of the manuscripts such as Kfor AK, for C@ J, @ / for QA @ /QA , h for

YJ Jk, @for A

@, . for AK. were not specifically mentioned in the footnotes.

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