Schemeil Article in Cosmopolis - Hal-SHS
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From Mutual denegation to Mutual RecognitionYves Schemeil
To cite this version:Yves Schemeil. From Mutual denegation to Mutual Recognition. Cosmopolis, 2009, pp.1-16. <halshs-00735817>
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From Mutual Denegation to Mutual Recognition: NGO / IGO partnership in
Trade and Atom1
Yves Schemeil
(Institut d’Etudes politiques, Grenoble, and Institut Universitaire de France ;
Visiting professor, Sophia University![2008-2009])
Introduction
Intergovernmental Organizations (IGO) are active in a world framed by national states –
a world where their decisions and non decisions are also contested by Nongovernmental
Organizations (NGO). Therefore, IGO are squeezed between two powerful stakeholders:
governments may belong to the past, but they still keep a last resort capacity to validate
multilateral resolutions; advocacy coalitions may have to wait to play a role in the future but
they already urge international institutions to fully endorse emerging norms and duly
implement adopted policy measures2. That so many IGO manage to resist cross pressures of
this sort in the long run is a challenge to most IR theories.
In this paper, I shall not address the relationships between states and IGO, nor the
competition or cooperation between IGO themselves: I limit the discussion to the confrontation
between intergovernmental organizations and their nongovernmental challengers. Assuming
that collaboration between “unlike units” (Waltz) is not natural in a state of anarchy, it is
nonetheless true that international bodies do collaborate in spite or their variety. Since IGO and
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%1 A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the International Studies Association 49th Annual
Convention, San Francisco, 25-28 March 2008.
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NGO are still more dissimilar than great powers and weak states are, it is worth testing the
theoretical prediction that they, too, must cooperate.
To test this assumption, I shall review the softest and the hardest possible examples of
such collaboration: commerce and security. Kantian and Hobbesian visions of IR – the
institutional and liberal explanations on the one hand opposed to various sorts of realisms on the
other hand – seem best documented, respectively, by the WTO and the IAEA. Moreover, these
two agencies have achieved some degree of enforcement with little equivalent in peer
institutions – the WTO through its “dispute settlement mechanism”, the IAEA via its
“additional protocol”.
The exemplarity of the WTO and the IAEA also stems from the fact that despite the
technicality of their mandate they address broader and sensitive issues like the opposition
between the haves and the have-nots. Both are dedicated to the current redrafting of the social
contract between the affluent and the deprived – i.e., the rich and the poor within the WTO; or
the nuclear powers and the non-nuclear ones within the IAEA. In both agencies, there is a deep
asymmetry between ordinary members and the founding fathers (the “four major trade
powers”; the “ten most advanced in the technology of atomic energy”). The former are
increasingly tempted to contest the original situation, and depart from the juridical obligations
to which they once consented at a time they were much weaker than now. The United States of
America and the European Union, as well as Japan (within the WTO) and Russia plus China (in
the IAEA) are therefore pressed to relinquish some of their privileges by emerging commercial
(Brazil, India, Korea) or nuclear (Iran, Pakistan, India, South Africa) states. Impatience in the
South is growing since the North is years away from agriculture’s deregulation and nuclear
disarmament.
There is one more similarity between the two agencies that especially matters for this
paper3: contrary to the UN, they tend to accredit very few NGO. Of course, from time to time
both invite some non governmental stakeholders to a “seminar” (WTO) or a “forum” (IAEA),
but these events on which more will be said later are too loudly celebrated by the organizations’
websites to be considered routine. Additionally, visits to their headquarters show that going
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%3 Actually, they share other characteristics as well, like having been created later that most other multilateral
agencies (1957 for the IAEA; 1994 for the WTO). However, their staff shows an equal reluctance to acknowledge
any similarities between the two institutions.
along with NGO is not on the top of their agenda: raising the issue in face-to-face interviews
generates embarrassment if not confusion. There seems to be no ready made answer on the role
played by NGO in the organization’s life. No list of accredited nongovernmental organizations
can be produced, contrary to the UN4. Some NGO are even banned from the decision-making
system at any level since they are perceived as hostile, not only by the IGO staff, but also by its
member states that are little tolerant towards outsiders’ watch5.
Comparing the WTO and the IAEA – a non UN and a UN agency – is therefore an
appropriate way to test a global model of interaction between international actors that was
designed in another context to explain cooperation and competition between IO!(international
organizations)6
. The model predicts that full cooperation between the three types of
stakeholders in world affairs is inevitable: national states, IGO, and NGO must collaborate on a
permanent basis and should increasingly do so. Even governmental and intergovernmental
agents will opt for closer relationships with specific non governmental ones when alternative
strategies do not suffice to consolidate their position in the international system.
However convenient they are to explore strategic interaction between IGO and NGO,
both cases have their limits, too. For instance, their perimeter of action is blurred since
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%4 A prominent staff member of IAEA recently declared that “IAEA not being a UN Agency has it own rules on
NGO relations; for many years only technical or industry bodies had been accredited, but in recent years the type
of NGO had been expanded (e.g. Greenpeace is now accredited).” [CONGO Board meeting, Vienna, August
22-23, 2006, available at http://www.ngocongo.org/files/minutes_of_congoboard_vienna_aug_2006doc.doc]. 5 Although these two organizations have similar privileges that distinguish them from other international
institutions, we must keep in mind that their scope of action is not similar. The WTO imposes change in trade
policies because its internal Appellate Body is a supreme court that can authorize major retaliatory measures
against members that are reluctant to comply with its verdicts. On the contrary, prior to any sanction the IAEA
must rely on an external institution, the UN Security Council, for possible endorsement and follow-up of its
recommendations. In spite of this, few organizations are as influential. The only examples that come to mind are:
the WIPO arbitration system whose decisions on domain name assignments are uncontested; the Wassenaar
agreement against chemicals dual-use and light weapons that achieved some success in a comprehensive ban of
both; the recently established tribunals, like the International Criminal Court – but all have their shortcomings.
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commerce is confused with finance, whereas non-proliferation is mistaken for disarmament.
Therefore, more NGO are involved in the public debate launched by the WTO and the IAEA
than should be normally the case in terms of actual expertise, a fact that complicates data
finding. To the opposite, usual caveats are not as problematic here as they may be elsewhere:
interviews are easy to organize, discussions are long and lively, questions are answered
sincerely and exhaustively, and censorship is nonexistent.
This paper is organized as follows: first, I present a theoretical model of cooperation
with three hypotheses: (HYP 1) cooperation between IGO and NGO is possible in spite of the
theoretical problems raised by such possibility, and despite mutual denegation that it happens at
all at both ends; (HYP 2) strategic cooperation between IGO and NGO is of limited scope, and
it takes the shape of “mutual recognition” – a form of collaboration which is not explicit but
implicit, not formalized but informal, and not symmetric but asymmetric; (HYP 3) conditions
for a successful cooperation between IGO and NGO are: firstly, sufficient NGO specialization
on the issues addressed by the targeted IGO; secondly, network building among NGO to
facilitate joint action. In the second part of the paper, I test and probe these hypotheses on the
World Trade Organization and the International Atomic Energy Agency: each is actually
surrounded by a cob-webbed sort of partnership with the NGO active in its field, but only the
WTO managed to establish a partnership with them. I close the section with a brief review of
factors that may account for the differences between the two partnerships. In a third part, I try to
give a broader account of the possibility of cooperation between unlike units.
Part 1. Towards a new look at cooperation and institutionalization in world politics
In international studies, cooperation is an enigma. It is difficult to tell why states should
cooperate, and even more difficult to explain why they establish international institutions and
consolidate them once the initial conditions that led to their creation disappear. The perfect
example of such resilience is NATO, operating in Afghanistan against the Taliban after the fall
of the Berlin Wall and the correlate dismantling of the Warsaw Pact. For a counter example, the
UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva is permanently contested and could not only be
reformed, as was recently the case, but shut down, as periodically demanded by human rights
activists. However, even though states have more leeway in international politics than on the
domestic stage to close an agency, they rarely do it: Germany, Japan, and Italy did leave the
League of Nations, but the US and the UK pulled out temporarily from UNESCO.
Inertia may be attributed to resilient bureaucracy7, or to adaptive strategy. Since each
organization’s legitimacy is reinforced by the gains in reputation of neighboring institutions
with which it collaborates, cooperation between organizations is a better guarantee of their
survival than routinely servicing their members’ cause in international negotiations. For IGO,
obsolescence, irrelevance, or dereliction are major threats; and the most appropriate way to
avoid such a bleak perspective is to generate new assignments. The problem stems from the
simultaneity of such moves: since every IGO tends to enhance the scope of its activities, they
inevitably interfere with each other. Do they have options? They do not: if they enlarge their
mandate, they create redundancy; if they don’t, they risk obsolescence. At any rate, they must
willy-nilly associate with their very competitors, at the risk of empowering their rivals, and
enhancing their competitors’ relative relevance.
This sort of collaboration is strategic because it is both calculated, and kept to a
minimum8: it is rational, and not emotional; instrumental, and not expressive; cautious, and not
bold; discrete, and not public. As such, it is better depicted by rational choice than
functionalism: the cooperative trend is also a cognitive turn. Stakeholders learn how to adjust to
globalization, and build up cognitive skills to resist its subversive effects on institutions that
were designed nearly (or more than) a century ago. This does not validate RC!(rational choice)
as the best possible paradigm in IR, since, as already said, IGO strategists have actually no
choice: they must “cooperate or perish” (which, in that particular case, means being dismantled
or merged with rivals). Moreover, organizational constraints are so strong that they tend to
convert rational calculation into a collective, diffuse, and bounded rationality: our hypothesis is
that the interactivity and mutual adjustment at the root of IGO!external decision-making cannot
be fully utilitarian, individual, and egoistic. By referring to “rational” choice, we simply point
out the “logic of consequentiality” and its impact on the emergence of cooperative attitudes,
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%7 As in Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore, Rules for the World: International Organizations in Global
Politics, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2004, 226 p.
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whereas the “logic of appropriateness” is still effective when opting for going it alone instead of
going along is at stake9.
Finally, strategic cooperation is also multifold: four cooperative styles can be identified,
that may be adopted separately, or simultaneously: mandate enlargement and its derivatives:
uncontrolled overlap, controlled overlap, nesting, and mutual recognition10
.
The rationale behind mandate enlargement is trivial: to fight irrelevance, secretariats are
always looking for new ventures. Most just trim the aging parts of their mandate and define
more fashionable goals: the WMO, for instance, progressively added to its core activity –
weather forecast –, the conservation of rare water and the mitigation of climate change (it is
now the “Weather, Water, and Climate” section of the UN). In this process, IGO’s staff
members display a tremendously imaginative propensity to endorse emerging norms and apply
them to their field. Examples abound, from the “precautionary principle” to “education for all”,
“food security”, “traditional, knowledge” or “creative heritage”. This language is not only
weird; it also pre-empts a realm of competence, evincing the contestants that cannot catch up
with the pace of change, and disclaiming future competition. However, “parametric” overlap11
resulting from simultaneous and contradictory initiatives with no consideration for the impact
of one’s decisions on the other, and with no coordination whatsoever leads to duplication and
waste. To avoid this undesirable outcome, it must be controlled. In this case, mandate
enlargement stops at the doorsteps of potential partners’ benchmark activities. The WMO race
to enlargement, for instance, includes water management but leaves apart river basins’ issues as
well as depletion of non-hydraulic environmental resources since powerful institutions or
regional organizations claim responsibility in these realms12
.
In this race to the enlargement of their initial mandate, IGO increase the likeliness that
they may face new challengers coming from the nongovernmental sector. It raises new
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%M% R03(%'06'#@3$%4/#%B*$'2$$#B%*6%\4)#$%;F%14/'(%46B%\0(46%?F%<+$#6,%8#B*$'0"#/*67%>6$3*323*06$9%
A(#%</746*S43*064+%R4$*$%0U%?0+*3*'$,%:#T%!0/W,%./##%?/#$$,%OM`M,%KK_%@F% %10 Since this theoretical design was elaborated during an empirical survey of dozens of organizations – that are
counted by the hundreds – the possibility to find several additional strategies when other IGO are reviewed cannot
be discarded. 11 To quote Charles Lindblom, The Intelligence of Democracy, New York, The Free Press, 1965, 352 p. 12 In Sub-Saharan Africa, the NEPAD, the African Union, the International Commission on Large Dams and the
World Commission on Dams are expected to keep control of such schemes, although they lack the hydraulic
expertise provided by the WMO.
opportunities for NGO that gained reputation in very specialized fields to coalesce and address
broader issues together – and this is precisely what these organizations themselves need to
survive. Since size is of the essence, to make the grade with IGO despite differences in purpose,
status, scope, and funding, large NGO networks must be built. Once established, they hold
“international partners’ conferences” whose statements are endorsed by dozens of participant
organizations, then disseminated via each NGO’s website (with links to each other’s
publications). The network puts tremendous pressure on a targeted IGO, until it releases
classified information about sensitive issues, or amends its decisions. Conversely, IGO adapt to
this new context, they learn how to control the information that they let circulate among NGO,
and to pay lip service to their cause without changing the substance or their resolutions.
According to this explanatory model of collaboration between international
stakeholders, the WTO and the IAEA are each flanked by a constellation of NGO working
closely together on a series of related issues (intellectual property and access to drugs; nuclear
safety and access to radiotherapy). In this process, NGO specialize, and division of labour
eventually brings about a powerful advocacy coalition made of policy networks, activist groups,
and epistemic communities. The multi-positioning of prominent scientists, experts, jurists,
economists, physicians, is a guarantee that demands will be heard and recommendations
examined. Time after time solid connections are established on a piecemeal basis between
NGO and IGO, even though a full organizational partnership is not yet reached. The
relationships between these strategic “partners” are both positive and negative, and critics are
frequently exchanged at the two ends. However, the overall legitimacy of the spokespersons, if
not the legitimacy of the entire organization on behalf of which they issue statements and make
recommendations, is greatly increased. This is a sort of cross-validation of each organization’s
claims, within the constraints that must be accepted by both partners: respect for the other and
open-mindedness towards the opinions expressed provided they are conveyed with a minimum
honesty on the IGO side, and with sufficient professionalism, on the NGO side. Furthermore,
mutual recognition is an additional instance of the “strength of weak ties”, or an example of
loose ties that complement stronger links between IGO, and between their member states when
it is not possible to adopt a more cooperative and more enduring strategy.
I shall now focus on this IGO/NGO’s empowerment strategy in the two selected cases.
Part 2. Mutual recognition: the ultimate resource in strategic cooperation?
The WTO and the IAEA became really prominent after the end of the Cold War, as if both came
to the fore simultaneously and promised a brighter future to the peoples of the world. Actually,
each puts “peace” at the heart of its activities: “commerce helps to keep the peace” is the first of
the ten benefits expected from the WTO; “atoms for peace” are the IAEA raison d’être.
From its creation, the WTO came under severe critics from which its predecessor, the
GATT, was exempt. This difference is probably due to a coincidence between the birth of the
new trade organization and the emergence of a so-called “international civil society”. It may
also stems from the capitalist nature of commerce once communism lost the last war: the
newborn organization emerged just in time to be the scapegoat of an unfair distribution of
economic resources between North and South. As for the IAEA, although it existed for nearly
four decades when the Marrakech agreements were signed, the agency was less exposed to
criticism since its very existence remained somewhat hidden. In spite of its dealing with the
most threatening issues for the planet – until ozone layer depletion and greenhouse effect
became known – the IAEA lived a discreet life in Vienna, far from the seats of most IGO
headquarters. Fame came with the Gulf war, when inspections of possible nuclear sites in Iraq
were under the spotlights.
In recent years, addressing NGO assessments of IGO activities became nonetheless
normatively correct within the two IGO themselves. Moreover, NGO in the field became
depicted as “allies in the fight”, actors whose “usefulness” had been proved by their own
achievements in the realm of disarmament13
. The sudden popularity of references to NGO
within IGO does not imply that the latter are fully open to cooperation with the former: it simply
means that talking cooperation and trying to organize or to contain it is now considered
inevitable at both ends.
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%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%13 Rhianna Tyson, “Reframing the Debate against Nuclear Weapons”, IAEA Bulletin, 46/2, 2004. 14 Most empirical data were collected by Rachel Polaud during the completion of her Ph.D. thesis on this topic,
under my supervision. I am grateful to her for authorizing me to use her findings. I made additional interviews
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in Vienna on “Nuclear Verification and Nuclear Fuel Cycle”. 18 Interview, head, external relations, 14 February 2008, Vienna. 19 INFCIRC/14, 7 November 1959, IEAE, Vienna.
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%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%20 Interviews, policy officer, division of information management, 14 February 2006, Vienna. 21 See the 26 September 1958 agreement with UNESCO; the 21 November 1958 agreement with the ILO; the 228
May 1959 agreement with the WHO; the 12 August 1959 agreement with the WMO; the 1st October 1959
agreement with the International Civil Aviation Agency; the 18 November 1959 agreement with the FAO
(INFCIRC/20/23 September 1960). Later on, the agency signed agreements with major regional organizations. 22 GC (XVI)/RES/291, November 10, 1972, Vienna.
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%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%23 19 non-governmental organizations have formal consultative status with the IAEA. Twenty others have been
invited by the IAEA Board of Governors as observers to the General Conference or to undertake specific tasks.
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Be it as it may, this is not yet the case. For the moment, NGO working with or against
the IAEA are mostly focusing on security issues. An example of this tendency is the inclusion of
one NGO only (International Crisis Group) within the “High-Level Panel of Experts to
Recommend Future Course for IAEA”28
. As long as specific nuclear issues will be considered as
broader disarmament issues, NGO access to the IAEA will remain limited. Therefore, the
potential benefits from the agency’s regulation process are concealed behind its limited success
in disarmament. This is particluarly obvious when rewiewing NGO statements about the IAEA.
Comparison between the two partnerships
A comparison between the two cases under review shows that some conditions must be met for
an IGO/NGO partnership to succeed. The first condition is the focalization of the IGO. That the
relationships between the atomic agency and NGO are less structured than is the case in
commerce may be due to the larger range of problems discussed in the WTO compared to the
specificity of the issues raised within the IAEA. Whereas experts involved in trade deregulation,
intellectual property, drug patents, agricultural exports, and access to domestic services are
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%27 Interview, safeguards information analyst, 14 February 2006, Vienna. 28 IAEA Press Release, Vienna, 25 February 2008.
countless, few scientists are able to understand atom. This discrepancy in topic may explain why
the eldest organization of the two was the latest to be targeted by NGO.
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Part 3. Discussion, comparison and concluding remarks
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%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%29 Interviews, Swiss Pugwash, 18 March 2008.
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%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%30 Cf. Saurugger (Sabine) Européaniser les intérêts ? Les groupes d'intérêt économiques et l'élargissement de
l'Union européenne, Paris, Budapest, Torino, l'Harmattan, 2004.
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%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%31 Interview, director, division of information management, 14 February 2008, Vienna. 32 Interview, head, non proliferation and policy making organs section, 14 February 2008, Vienna.
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%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%34 Interviews, policy officer, division of information management, 14 February 2006, Vienna.
Table 1. The WTO/NGO strategic partnership on intellectual property NGO full name and
acronym, date of creation,
and headquarters
Type (A = activist/advocacy;
E = epistemic/expert) and
spokesperson
Focus/mandate
(self -reporting)
Interaction with the
WTO (channel,
frequency)
Recommendations made to the
WTO (topic, statements)
Consumer Project on
Technology, CPTech (1995,
Washington, Geneva,
London)
E (James Love)
Production and access to knowledge
(medical inventions, information and
knowledge goods)
Frequent statements &
memos
International Center for Trade
and Sustainable
Development, ICTSD
(Geneva)
E (Graham Dutfield)
Bridging trade and sustainable
development communities; providing
original, non-partisan reporting and
facilitation services
BRIDGES, weekly
periodical
Accredited by the WTO
(1996)
Trade Knowledge network,
symposium
Calls for a distinction between
natural resources and human
products
IP Watch
(Geneva)
A
(T. Gerhardsen)
Reports on interests and behind-the-scene
dynamics that influence the design and
implementation of international IP policies
Naming and shaming of
member states
Against the “green rooms”
processes?
Médecins sans frontières,
MSF (Paris)
A/E (Bernard Pecoul,
Ellen t’Hoen)
Apply special and differentiate
treatment for drugs against
pandemics in the South
NGO Energy Caucus E
Lobbying to establish an
International Sustainable
Energy Fund
Support the Doha Development
round
Oxfam International (Oxford,
1995) A
Quakers United Nations
Office, QUNO (1999,
Geneva)
A
Training WTO and other
IGO’s representatives
and NGO activists
South Center (1995,
Geneva)35 A/E (Carlos Correa)
Promotion of South solidarity, and South
to South cooperation Strategic Work Program
Make a distinction between
“discoveries” and “inventions”
Transatlantic Consumer
Dialogue, TACD
(Washington, 2000)
A Impact of IP rules on consumers of health
care services
Third World Network, TWN E (Martin Khor) Research on development and
North-South issues
South North Development
Monitor, SUNS (Geneva)
Press the WTO to accept
compulsory patents
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%% %%%%%%%%%%
Table 2. The IAEA/NGO strategic partnership on nuclear safety and disarmament issues %
NGO full name and
acronym, headquarters
Type
(A: activist/advocacy;
E: epistemic/expert; I
= interest)
Focus/mandate
(self -reporting)
Interaction with IAEA (channel, frequency) Recommendations made to IAEA (topic,
statements)
Acronym Institute for
Disarmament Diplomacy (1994, London)
E/A
(Rebecca Johnson)
Promote further ratifications and the
full implementation of arms control
treaties
Promote talks among the nuclear weapon
states and identify concrete measures for
further progress in transparency, arms control
and confidence building
Help the IAEA to be “implementing
organization” of the NPT and empower it
to oversee important aspects of the Treaty
American Physics Society E Arousing the conscience of science; promoting
international freedom of scientists; building bridges
with other NGOs
Unknown Unknown
Bellona (1986, Oslo) A work on nuclear contamination in Russia Reporting on IAEA’s inspections in Russia Unknown
CivilG8 (Russia) During G8 summits Nuclear Safety first (Chernobyl, Armenia)
Global Threat Initiative (GTRI)
E/A To build and broaden international support for
efforts by national authorities to identify, secure,
recover, and/or facilitate the disposition of high-risk
nuclear and radioactive materials that pose a
potential threat to the international community
Conferences (e.g., The Global Threat
Reduction Initiative (GTRI); International
Partners’ Conference took place in Vienna,
Austria, from September 18-19, 2004. More
than 590 representatives from 100
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
Member States attended the GTRI
Support IAEA programs,
recommendations, and codes of conduct.
Encourage states to consolidate, expand,
and accelerate domestic, regional, and
IAEA programs that address unsecured
vulnerable nuclear and radioactive
materials, as deemed necessary by Member
States
Global Policy Forum (1993, New York)
A Monitors policy making at the UN, promotes
accountability of global decisions, educates and
mobilizes for global citizen participation, and
advocates on vital issues of peace and justice
Indirect: bringing alternative interpretations
into many mainstream media outlets +
providing public speakers and organizes
international events and conferences
Support Mohammed el-Baradei’s
reelection against the will of the Bush
administration in the aftermath of the Iraq
inspection program
Institute of Nuclear
Material
Management(INMM)
E/I Advancing quality nuclear materials management
practices worldwide
Reporting, lobbying Support IAEA’s activities to promote a
safer energy
International Institute for
Peace (Vienna)
E Contributing to the maintenance and strengthening
of peace
Research activities, and dissemination of
knowledge
Unknown
International Network of
Engineers and Scientists
(INES, 1991, Berlin))
E/A Promoting a more responsible science;
enhance the awareness of ethical principles and the
specific responsibility of scientists and to support
those who have been victimized for acting upon
such principles
Meetings and papers (about a hundred NGOs) Unknown
International Peace
Society (London, 1816)
Against war Books, reports Unknown
International Physicians for
the Prevention of a Nuclear
War (IPPNW,
E/A) Fighting the undesirable effects of atomic science ;
prevent the catastrophic health and environmental
consequences of a nuclear war and advance
Meetings and papers
International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear
Stop IAEA interference with the WHO
(e.g., Chernobyl), free the WHO from its
subordinate status to the IAEA
Massachusetts + regional
branches)
understanding of the causes of armed conflict from
a public health perspective; produce a new research
study on health aspects of both vertical and
horizontal proliferation
Weapons (ICAN)
Send birthday e-cards to the IAEA for its 50th
anniversary
Substitute a new NWC Agency to the
IAEA: “unlike the IAEA, it would not
have the task of promoting nuclear
energy.”
NGO Committee on
Disarmament
E to inform NGOs worldwide of the status of the
disarmament negotiations, country positions, major
obstacles and opportunities
conference organizer, network clearing house,
newspaper publisher, international networking
Support IAEA’s inspections in Iran
Nuclear Age Peace
Foundation
A/E Pressure on states (and US candidates to the
presidency)
Networking e.g., “think outside the bomb
network”
unknown
Nuclear Energy Institute (Washington)
I promoting a clean source of energy Lobbying
Nuclear Threat initiative (NTI)
E
( Sam Nunn)
Towards a nuclear-free world
Galvanize global action to reduce urgent nuclear
dangers + build support for reducing reliance on
nuclear weapons, ultimately ending them as a threat
to the world
Consulting Agreement with IAEA on Yugoslavia in
2002
Expanding the mission, personnel, and
funding of the IAEA’s Office of Nuclear
Security, as there are many steps the
widely-respected international
organization can take more effectively than
the United States can unilaterally
Peace and Security
Pugwash (1957, Nova
Scotia)
E/A
[ (Joseph Goldblat, then
Paolo Cotta-Ramusino
(SG). Jeffrey Boutwell
(Director)]
Action to mount a global campaign to eliminate
weapons of mass destruction
Promoting a pacific use of atoms
Framing issues “academically”: meetings,
Journals (e.g., the International Student/Young
Pugwash ISYP Journal on Science and World
Affairs, No. 1, 2005)
Extending current IAEA prohibitions
(signing a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty,
FMCT); better NPT governance
(associating IAEA and the UN Office for
Disarmament Affairs)
Suggesting financial compensations to
Iran to help this country sign the
Additional protocol and stop enriching
uranium
Women’s International
league for Peace and
Freedom (WILPF)
(Rhianna Tyson) Strengthening the NPT Reporting The completion and implementation of the
Trilateral Initiative among the USA, the
Russian Federation, and the IAEA.
The placement of excess military fissile
materials under IAEA or other
international verification and the
disposition of such material for peaceful
purposes.
NGO full name and
acronym, headquarters
Type
(A = activist/advocacy;
E = epistemic/expert; I
= interest)
Focus/mandate
(self -reporting)
Interaction with IAEA (channel, frequency) Recommendations made to IAEA (topic,
statements)
TABLE 3: Selected NGOs’ statements on IAEA’s field and activities
Source Statement
http://www.nuclearfiles.org
“Article IV of the NPT, the mandate of the IAEA and agreements made between the IAEA and the World Health Organization are documents of their
time and reflect historically specific moments in science and in politics. Assumptions made in 1945, or 1968 about nuclear technology have to be
reevaluated in a world that has experienced Chernobyl and Three Mile Island. When the Non-Proliferation Treaty was negotiated, nuclear power was still
a relatively new technology. There were high hopes and indeed some assumptions that it would be safe, clean and cheap and that its proliferation risks
could be contained. Experience has now given us the data to say that these assessments cannot be supported. Indeed the risks were gravely
underestimated.”
“Agreements such as the 1994 Convention on Nuclear Safety go to the heart of the contradiction inherent in the mandate of the IAEA in recognising the
difficulty of simultaneously promoting and controlling an industry. Article 8 paragraph 2 of this agreement states that, "each contracting party shall take
the appropriate steps to ensure an effective separation between the functions of the regulatory body and those of any other body or organization
concerned with the promotion or utilisation of nuclear energy." This article of the 1994 Convention makes visible the need to structurally alter the
mandate of the IAEA on the understanding that history has proved the promotion and controlling function unworkable. If the International Atomic
Energy Agency promoted the support of the development of sustainable and environmentally safe energy sources, it would be a mandate that fitted better
with the role of safeguarding nuclear.”
PSR (Switzerland), WHO working
group on Chernobyl, 25 March 2001
http://www.aerztekomitee.ch/content/f
r/index_fr.htm
The IAEA Conference on Chernobyl accident acknowledged only 27 to 31 deaths directly attributable to it; plus several hundred irradiations that had to
be cared, and thyroid cancers that were considered benign and easy to prevent (see the "Proceedings of an International Conference, Vienna, 6-12 April,
1996".). Therefore, the IAEA was able to make 9 millions victims disappear from the statistics, although “numbers are consistently increasing until
now”, according to Martin Griffith, Head, U.N. Department of Humanitarian Affairs (WHO Conference, 1995).
Representing the nuclear lobby in the U.N. the IAEA, whose status principally assigns to "speeding and increasing the contribution of atomic energy to
peace, health, and prosperity in the whole world”, sees itself as a very victim of Chernobyl since no nuclear energy plants have been built in the West in
the past 15 years. The nuclear lobby throws discredit on, or even eliminate scientists who tell the truth about Chernobyl. Conversely, it supports those
academics who are prepared to contradict research revealing the scope of the medical disaster due to Chernobyl radioactive rains and fallouts.
PSR/IPPNW tries to assist researchers when they are under arrests (Bandazhevsky), since they are sidelined, ruined or destroyed by such interventions,
noteworthy when they come from persons who are close to the nuclear lobby.
ICAN: “An SOS for the Human Race:
Securing Our Survival (SOS) The
Case for a Nuclear Weapons
Convention
http://www.icanw.org/files/SOSSumm
aryIntlFin.pdf
Governments are the principal actors but civil society plays an important role. The experience of many international and intergovernmental bodies will
be useful, including the UN General Assembly and Security Council; the IAEA; the Conference on Disarmament; nuclear-weapon-free zone
implementation agencies; the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization; the International Court of Justice; and regional organizations such as the
EU. The scientific, medical, legal, policy, and other expertise of NGOs make them key partners in the process. It appears that neither the U.S.
government nor the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has a comprehensive, prioritized list assessing which facilities around the world pose
the most serious risks of nuclear theft.
The recently launched Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism may provide the best forum to pursue some of these goals. For other goals,
high-level bilateral initiatives such as the nuclear security agreement reached between President Bush and President Putin in 2005 may offer the most
effective approach. For still other efforts, cooperation led by international organizations such as the IAEA may be the forum that other countries most
readily accept.