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A Summary of Research Results: 2008–2010

Indigenous socio-economic values and river flows

Summary Report 2011 | Indigenous socio-economic values and river flows

Copyright and Disclaimer

© 2011 CSIRO To the extent permitted by law, all rights are reserved and no part of this publication covered by copyright may be reproduced or copied in any form or by any means except with the written permission of CSIRO. CSIRO advises that the information contained in this publication comprises general statements based on scientific research. The reader is advised and needs to be aware that such information may be incomplete or unable to be used in any specific situation. No reliance or actions must therefore be made on that information without seeking prior expert professional, scientific and technical advice. To the extent permitted by law, CSIRO (including its employees and consultants) excludes all liability to any person for any consequences, including but not limited to all losses, damages, costs, expenses and any other compensation, arising directly or indirectly from using this publication (in part or in whole) and any information or material contained in it.

Tropical Rivers and Coastal Knowledge

TRaCK brings together leading tropical river researchers and managers from Charles Darwin University, Griffith University, the University of Western Australia, CSIRO, James Cook University, the Australian National University, Geoscience Australia, the Environmental Research Institute of the Supervising Scientist, the Australian Institute of Marine Science, the North Australia Indigenous Land and Sea Management Alliance, and the Governments of Queensland, the Northern Territory and Western Australia.

TRaCK receives major funding for its research through the Australian Government’s Commonwealth Environment Research Facilities initiative; the National Water Commission’s Raising National Water Standards Program; Land and Water Australia; the Fisheries Research and Development Corporation and the Queensland Government’s Smart State Innovation Fund.

Citation

Jackson, S., Finn, M., Woodward, E. and Featherston, P. (2011) Indigenous socio-economic values and river flows – A Summary of Research Results: 2008–2010.CSIRO Ecosystem Sciences, Darwin, NT.

A copy of the full report can be obtained from: www.csiro.au/resources/Indigenous-socio-economic-values-and-river-flows

Design and layout by First Class in Graphic Design, Darwin.

Enquiries

Dr Sue Jackson CSIRO Ecosystem Sciences PMB 44 Winnellie NT 0822, Australia Phone: 0438 890 254 [email protected]

Tropical Rivers and Coastal Knowledge http://www.track.gov.au/

DALY RIVER(NT)

FITZROY RIVER (WA)

0 125 250 500km

Darwin

Broome

Cairns

Nauiyu NambiyuPine Creek

Noonkanbah

NgurtuwartaFitzroy Crossing

Darlngunaya

Eight Mile

Muludja

Bayulu

Bidijul

Kybrook Farm

0 15 30 60km 0 15 30 60km

Communities

Road

Major River

Study Catchments

Catchment Boundary

Legend

Figure 1 The research team worked in two TRaCK focal catchments – the Daly (NT) and Fitzroy (WA).

Indigenous socio-economic values and river flows | Assets and Values

This booklet is a summary of the final report from

the Indigenous Socio-economic Values and River

Flows project of the Tropical Rivers and Coastal

Knowledge (TRaCK) program.

Australia’s tropical rivers account for about 70 per cent

of Australia’s total runoff. With water becoming an

increasingly valuable resource in southern Australia

there is growing interest in the water resources of the

north, particularly for irrigated agriculture. There is also

recognition that tropical river systems sustain important

fisheries, and underpin a wealth of other natural and

cultural assets valued by society. The sustainable

management of water in northern Australia requires

good information on our river systems – how they work

and how people value and use them.

Australia’s tropical rivers hold special significance for

Indigenous communities. Indigenous people value

rivers in a number of interrelated ways; they provide

bush foods and medicines; they are part of a culturally

significant landscape; and have the potential to sustain

future water-related businesses and employment.

Indigenous values associated with rivers tend to be

poorly understood by decision-makers, and some are

difficult to relate explicitly to particular river flow

patterns and to address in water allocation decisions.

The Indigenous Socio-economic Values and River Flows

project addressed these issues in two catchments, the

Fitzroy River of Western Australia and the Daly River of

the Northern Territory, over three years (Figure 1). The

project team combined qualitative and quantitative

methods to understand the spatial and temporal

pattern of resource use, its social, cultural and economic

significance to local communities and their economies,

and the eco-hydrological dependencies of the aquatic

resources consumed by Indigenous households.

Fitzroy River (WA) catchmentDaly River (NT) catchment


Stage 1: Resource and values assessment

• River-use mapping• Qualitative social research• Household surveys

(Year 1-2)

Stage 2: Economic valuation

• Quantification of harvested species• Calculation of replacement value• Qualitative social research

(Year 2-3)

Stage 3: Impact assessment

• Modelling of flow regimes, and potential flow alterations

• Assessment of impact and cost to Indigenous livelihood

• Social and cultural impacts of flow alteration

(Year 3)

page 2 Summary Report 2011 | Indigenous socio-economic values and river flows

The aims of the project were to:

1. Document the significance of water and river systems (including groundwater) to Indigenous communities,

particularly to Indigenous belief systems and environmental philosophy.

2. Quantify the direct economic value derived from Indigenous use of wild resources found in, or reliant upon, rivers

and wetlands.

3. Assess the social, cultural and economic impacts of changes to flow regime on Indigenous communities.

4. Collaborate with Indigenous land management agencies to develop and trial a participatory monitoring program

for flow regime changes and wild resource use.

We wanted to answer the following questions:

Stage 1 Resource and values assessment (Years 1-2)

1. Where and when do people go fishing, hunting

and gathering?

2. How often do people fish, hunt and gather?

3. What can Indigenous people tell us about the

ecology of river flows?

Stage 2 Economic valuation (Years 2-3)

4. What is being caught and harvested?

5. Who is consuming the harvested plants

and animals?

Stage 3 Impact assessment (Year 3)

6. What might be the effect of water use decisions

on Indigenous values?

7. What participatory monitoring methods might

suit Indigenous groups?

Project aims

Project stages and methods are shown in the

diagram below:

A significant effort was devoted to recording local

ecological knowledge (reproduced in multiple forms

including seasonal calendars), and to enhancing local

capacity for environmental monitoring.

TRaCK – Research to support river and estuary management in northern Australia

TRaCK brings together leading tropical river researchers and managers from Charles Darwin University, Griffith University, University of Western Australia, CSIRO, James Cook University,

Australian National University, Geoscience Australia, Environmental Research Institute of the Supervising Scientist, Australian Institute of Marine Science, North Australia Indigenous

Land and Sea Management Alliance, and the Governments of Queensland, Northern Territory and Western Australia.

Australia’s tropical rivers account for

about 70% of Australia’s total runoff.

With water becoming an increasingly

valuable resource in southern Australia,

there is growing interest in water

in the north, particularly for irrigated

agriculture. There is also recognition that

tropical river systems sustain important

fisheries, and underpin other natural and

cultural assets valued by society. If we

are to ensure that greater use of water

in north Australia is sustainable, then

water planners and land managers will

need good information on our tropical

river systems – how they work and how

people value and use them.

Assets and Values

Indigenous socio-economic

values and river flows

Project 2.2 – Newsletter no. 1 | August 2009

This newsletter is the first in a series

reporting on research progress in the TRaCK

Indigenous socio-economic values and

river flows project. The research team, led

by CSIRO’s Dr Sue Jackson, is now half way

through the project and has the following

results to present.

Photo: Skyscans

TRaCK – Research to support river and estuary management in northern AustraliaTRaCK brings together leading tropical river researchers and managers from Charles Darwin University, Griffith University, University of Western Australia, CSIRO, James Cook University, Australian National University, Geoscience Australia, Environmental Research Institute of the Supervising Scientist, Australian Institute of Marine Science, North Australia Indigenous Land and Sea Management Alliance, and the Governments of Queensland, Northern Territory and Western Australia.

Australia’s tropical rivers account for about 70% of

Australia’s total runoff. With water becoming an

increasingly valuable resource in southern Australia,

there is growing interest in the water resources of

the north, particularly for irrigated agriculture. There

is also recognition that tropical river systems sustain

important fisheries, and underpin a wealth of other

natural and cultural assets valued by society. If we are

to ensure that greater use of water in north Australia

is sustainable then water planners and land managers

will need good information on our tropical river

systems – how they work and how

people value and use them.

Assets and Values


Project 2.2 – Newsletter no. 2 | October 2010

This newsletter is the second in a series reporting on research progress in the TRaCK Indigenous socio-economic values and river flows project. The research team, led by CSIRO’s Sue Jackson, is now three-quarters of the way through the project and has the following results to present.

We thought you might be interested in receiving our ‘Aboriginal people and rivers’ project update!

This short newsletter is to let you know what has been happening with TRaCK project 2.2 - ‘Indigenous socio-economic values and river flows’. This is the project that is looking at the importance of the Fitzroy River to the Aboriginal people that live along it.

This is the third update which covers our visit to the Fitzroy in June and July 2009.

When did we visit? 8 June – 3 July 2009

Who did we talk to? We talked with people who live at Bayulu, Bungardi, Darlgunya, Junjuwa, Muludja, Ngurtuwarta and Noonkanbah.

Marcus talking with school children about food webs at Kulkarriya School, Noonkanbah

What did we discuss with people on our last visit? When we visited earlier this year we talked with people

around Fitzroy Crossing and at Noonkanbah about doing a survey to find out what people are hunting and collecting from the river and wetlands along the Fitzroy. We have now started the survey in Fitzroy and have been asking people how many times they have been to the river or billabong in the past 2 weeks and what bush tucker they got each time they went hunting or fishing.

AAbboorriiggiinnaall ppeeooppllee aanndd rriivveerrssPPrroojjeecctt UUppddaattee –– FFiittzzrrooyy RRiivveerr

JJuullyy 22000099

The Fitzroy River at Fitzroy Crossing, Western Australia.

The Daly River at Nauiyu Nambiyu, Northern Territory.

Project e-newsletter updates and brochures were distributed throughout the course of the project.


Who did we work with?

In the Daly River region in the NT the project team

worked with the communities of Kybrook Farm and

Pine Creek and Nauiyu Nambiyu (Daly River). In the

Fitzroy Valley of the Kimberley, residents from the

communities of Bayulu, Bungardi, Darlgunya, Junjuwa,

Ngurtuwarta, Muludja and Noonkanbah were engaged

along the Fitzroy River. Representatives from a number

of language groups were involved in the research,

including Ngan’gi, MalakMalak and Wagiman speakers

from the Daly region and Bunuba, Gooniyandi,

Walmajarri and Nyikina-Mangala speakers from the

Fitzroy region.

The research team worked closely with the project

Steering Committee, which included representatives

and specialists from the Northern Territory’s

Department of Natural Resources, Environment, the

Arts and Sport, Western Australia’s Department of

Water, the Australian National University’s Centre for

Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, the University

of Western Australia and CSIRO. We sought to keep

participating communities and local and regional

stakeholders updated through regular e-newsletters.

River mapping with residents of Ngurtuwarta, Fitzroy River.

River mapping with residents of Bayulu, Fitzroy River.Documenting species harvested at Muludja Community. Emma Woodward (CSIRO) with June Davis and Helen Malo.


The project involved the following activities:

1. River-use mapping – gathering data on Indigenous resource use.

This information was gathered in small meetings

in each community and was used to:

• Create maps of the spatial distribution of resource

use to help understand which habitats were most

commonly used and how river flows (particularly

flooding and drying cycles) might affect those

habitats; and

• Contribute to the development of seasonal

calendars representing Indigenous ecological

knowledge of seasonal change.

How did we do the research?

George Brooking signing off on a household survey that he has just completed with Marcus Finn (CSIRO), Brooking Springs, Fitzroy Crossing, WA.

Pippa Featherston (CSIRO) conducting a household survey with Peter Martin and family, Nauiyu Nambiyu, Daly River, NT.

Below left: Daisy Smith being surveyed by Pippa Featherston (CSIRO) at Bayulu Community, Fitzroy Crossing, WA.

Below right: Marcus Finn (CSIRO) interviewing Roderick Andrews for a household survey, Junjuwa Community, Fitzroy Crossing, WA.


2. Household surveys – quantifying the harvest and consumption of aquatic resources.

Approximately 20 per cent of households in

the selected communities of Nauiyu Nambiyu

(NT), Pine Creek (NT), Fitzroy Crossing (WA) and

Noonkanbah (WA) were surveyed. Surveys involved

fortnightly interviews eight times a year with a

senior member of each household. The survey

targeted aquatic species and habitats and asked

how often people in the household went fishing

or hunting, who participated, the location, total

harvest, how much the surveyed household

consumed, as well as some broad questions on

the sharing and use of the harvested species. The

surveys began in 2008 and were completed by

November 2010.

Working on a Photovoice project with students at Noonkanbah, Fitzroy Catchment, WA.

Photos and stories from Nauiyu Nambiyu: results of a photography project (Photovoice) with community members, Daly River, NT.

Working on the ‘Walmajarri words from the river side’: Left to Right, Joy Nuggett, Amy Nuggett, Nancy Bangu and Emma Woodward (CSIRO).


3. Social and cultural studies of Indigenous values.

In collaboration with participating communities,

the research team identified a range of research

activities and methodologies to reveal the social

and cultural value of river systems. These included

documentation of local social histories and

cultural knowledge, community artworks, seasonal

calendars, river mapping, and a photography

project with school children and community

members. These activities have contributed to a

better understanding of the social effects of water-

use changes.

Molly Yawulminy fishing with a handline at a Daly River billabong during the late dry season.

Fishing at a pool on the Margaret River, a tributary of the Fitzroy River.


1. Where and when do people go fishing, hunting and gathering?

In the Daly River catchment, harvesting sites radiate

from the Nauiyu community along the Daly River.

Additional harvesting sites were indicated along

tributaries and low-lying floodplain areas downstream

of the community. River-use mapping conducted with

residents from Pine Creek and Kybrook Farm showed

a cluster of sites around Claravale Crossing at the

upstream limit of sites, extending downstream for a

substantial distance.

In the Fitzroy River catchment, harvesting trips were

distributed well upstream and downstream of the

Fitzroy Crossing communities where river-use mapping

took place. Comparison of river-use mapping data

and household survey data suggests that physical

access to fishing locations can play a substantial role

in influencing where people go and the frequency of

the trips undertaken. There are substantial differences

in the way survey respondents in the Fitzroy and Daly

River catchments use aquatic habitats.

Harvesting activities in the Fitzroy River are largely

focussed on use of the main river channel, with visits

to the main river channel making up more than 70%

of all trips throughout the year. In the Daly, however,

harvesting activities showed a clear switch from use

of the main river channel during the wet season, to

billabongs becoming the focal point of activities as the

dry season continued (Figure 2). By the late dry season,

70% of all Daly trips are to billabongs, whereas at the

same point in time in the Fitzroy, billabongs account

for only 10% of trips (Figure 2).These differences reflect

the accessibility of different aquatic habitats. Whereas

the main river channel was accessible to Fitzroy River

communities throughout the year, the locations in

which our Daly River respondents live tend to become

isolated by floodwaters during the wet season, and

much of the country they usually visit for harvesting

activities is inaccessible.

What did we find?

11%

72%

1%

1%15%

7%

28%

28%

51%

33%

4% 13%

73%

6%8%

5%11%

21%

69%

12%

5%6%

16%4%

12%

72%

7%5% 4%

10%

85%

1%

1%3%

6%

33%

1%

44%

16%


Figure 2 Where people hunt and fish in the Daly and Fitzroy River regions.

0.0

0.5

1.0

1.5

2.0

2.5

Wet

Early D

ry

Mid

Dry

Late

Dry

Fitzroy River

Daly River

Nu

mb

er o

f fi

shin

g/h

un

tin

g tr

ips

per

fort

nig

ht


These differences in flow regimes and accessibility

also result in differences in the seasonal pattern of

harvesting effort (Figure 3). During our household

surveys at the height of the wet season in 2009 and

2010 in the Daly River, 45% of respondents mentioned

they had not been fishing because “the water is too

high”, it is “too boggy” or the river was “running too

hard”, compared to a similar response from only 8% of

survey respondents in the Fitzroy.

While harvesting locations are also isolated by

floodwaters in the Fitzroy catchment, flooding in the

Fitzroy and Margaret rivers stays largely within the

river channel. This allows our survey respondents,

most of whom live within walking distance of the river

channel, ready access to the river for fishing during the

wet season.

This period in the Fitzroy is also well known as an

excellent time to catch Barramundi (Lates calcarifer)

and Catfish (Neoarius spp.) at locations where flooded

creeks are running back into the river. Fitzroy River

survey respondents often commented on people

“going mad for Barramundi” at this time, and so the

fishing effort was substantial, as the graph in Figure 3

illustrates.

The plants and animals harvested for customary use

are often associated with particular habitats during

particular times of the year. For example, Magpie

Geese (Anseranas semipalmata) and Long-necked

Turtle (Chelodina rugosa) are often harvested from

billabong habitats late in the dry season, when they

are found in large numbers. Understanding species-

habitat linkages, and knowing which habitats are most

commonly used for harvesting activities, can help

prioritise the management of valuable areas.

Figure 3 Seasonal patterns of harvesting in the Fitzroy River and Daly River catchments.

0.0

0.5

1.0

1.5

2.0

2.5

3.0

Kybrook Fa

rm

Pine C

reek

Nauiyu-Nam

biyu

Noonkanbah

Bayulu

Fitzr

oy Cro

ssin

g

Mulu

dja

Fitzroy River

Daly River

Mea

n n

um

ber

of

trip

s p

er fo

rtn

igh

t

Turtle hunting at a Daly River billabong.


2. How often do people fish, hunt and gather?

The frequency of fishing and harvesting trips

ranged from 0.49 trips per fortnight for the

households that we surveyed in Pine Creek (Daly),

to an average of 2.7 trips per fortnight for survey

households in Muludja (Fitzroy) (Figure 4). Overall,

survey households from the Daly River tend to

undertake more fishing and harvesting trips (1.52

trips per fortnight) than survey households from

the Fitzroy River (1.37 trips per fortnight).

Figure 4 Number of trips undertaken by survey respondents in the Fitzroy River and Daly River catchments.

Long-n

ecked Tu

rtle

Lotu

s Lilie

s

Black B

ream

Magpie G

oose

Short-neck

ed Turtl

e

Barram

undi

Spangled Perch

Wate

r Lily

Mulle

t

Catfish

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

Harvest

Consumption

Tota

l nu

mb

ers

har

vest

ed/c

onsu

med

Right: Lotus Lily (Nelumbo nucifera) seed pod and flower.

Below left: Magpie Goose (Anseranas semipalmata).

Below right: Long-necked Turtle (Chelodina rugosa).


3. What is being caught and harvested?

The most commonly caught and harvested species

in the Daly River catchment were Long-necked Turtle

(Chelodina rugosa), Lotus Lily (Nelumbo nucifera),

Black Bream (Hephaestus fuliginosus), Magpie Goose

(Anseranas semipalmata) and Short-necked Turtle

(Emydura/Elseya spp.) (Figure 5) This dominance of

non-fish species reflects the frequent and widespread

use of billabong habitat in the Daly catchment.

Figure 5 Daly River – species most commonly harvested and consumed.

Tota

l nu

mb

ers

har

vest

ed/c

onsu

med

Harvest

Consuption

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

Bony Bre

am

Spangled Perch

Black B

ream

Catfish

Cherabin

Fresh

water M

ussel

Fresh

water C

rab

Frog

Barred G

runte

r

Mouth

Alm

ighty

Right: Long-necked Turtle (Chelodina rugosa).

Below: The collection and consumption of Lotus Lily (Nelumbo nucifera) by residents of Nauiyu Nambiyu, Daly River, NT.


In contrast, four of the five most commonly

harvested species in the Fitzroy catchment were

fish: Spangled Perch (Leiopotherapon unicolor), Bony

Bream (Nematalosa erebi), Cherabin (Macrobrachium

rosenbergii), Black Bream (Hephaestus jenkinsi) and

Catfish (Neoarius spp.) (Figure 6).

Figure 6 Fitzroy River – species most commonly harvested and consumed.

Above: Spangled Perch (Leiopotherapon unicolor)

Below left: Cherabin (Macrobrachium rosenbergii)

Below right: Catfish (Neoarius spp.)

Bottom: Black Bream (Hephaestus jenkinsi)


Two of these fish species, Bony Bream and Spangled

Perch, are small bodied species predominately used as

bait for catching other fish. Black Bream and Catfish

are two popular food species, and were harvested

in relatively high numbers. These results are

supported by Toussaint’s (2010) qualitative

data on fishing in the Fitzroy where Black

Bream is “regularly caught if not always

actively sought” because they are easily hooked and

can be cooked and consumed on the spot. Cherabin,

also known as freshwater prawns, are a large-bodied

decapod crustacean that is captured from rivers

and billabongs.

Turtle hunting at a Daly River billabong.

Right: Black Bream (Hephaestus jenkinsi)

Below: Freshwater sawfish (Pristis microdon) (left) and the Fitzroy River at Noonkanbah (right)


4. Who is consuming the harvested plants and animals?

Household consumption of species was always lower

than the amount harvested (Figures 5 and 6). This is

because catches were widely shared with others, who

may or may not have been involved with harvesting. In

particular, Magpie Geese and Long-necked Turtles are

harvested by a small number of households and shared

around or traded with extended family and friends

locally and in surrounding communities. In contrast,

smaller species such as Black Bream are often eaten

immediately over a camp fire at the site of harvest.

Given the important social role of food exchange, it

is clear that any changes to water use that have a

detrimental impact on key species like turtle may have

a wide impact, affecting communities living beyond

the areas from which aquatic resources are harvested.

Amy Nuggett, Joy Nuggett and Emma Woodward (CSIRO) creating the ‘Walmajarri words from the river side’ seasonal calendar, Fitzroy Crossing.

Biddy Lindsay and Emma Woodward (CSIRO) with the MalakMalak and Matngala plant knowledge calendar.

Working on the Ngan’gi Seasons calendar at Nauiyu Nambiyu; L to R Benigna Ngulfundi, Mercia Wawul, Molly Yawulminy (obscured), Catherine Ariuu, Emma Woodward (CSIRO) Maureen Warrumburr and Patricia Marrfurra McTaggart.


Seasonal calendars were compiled with four different

language groups. The calendars are based on

Indigenous knowledge of the different plants and

animals that are available and harvested in varying

quantities throughout the year The calendars depict

the ecological cues and indicators that signal people

to start hunting or collecting specific resources. In

contrast to calendars with seasons that have pre-set

dates, like the Gregorian calendar, Indigenous seasons

are defined by one or more indicative events, which

herald the arrival of a new season (Woodward

et al. in press).

Climatic and meteorological conditions drive the

seasonal cycle of resource availability with river flow

conditions triggering some customary harvesting

activities, either directly or indirectly. River flows can

determine triggers for feeding or movement of species,

and these flows are often recognised by those hunting,

gathering and fishing as an indicator of the probability

of harvesting success. Such examples include the

increased capture of Bull Sharks (Carcharhinus leucas)

during the first muddy or ‘dirty’ water coming down

the river in the pre-wet season storms; the increased

harvest of Long-necked Turtles late in the dry season

as they aestivate (bury themselves and slow their

metabolic processes) in the mud of drying billabongs,

and the increased harvest of Magpie Geese during the

build-up as they feed on billabongs in preparation for

breeding. Frequently, seasonal indicators including

fruiting and flowering events are linked to the

availability of aquatic species, and will signal to fishers

that particular fish or turtle species are in abundance

or ‘fat’ and ready to eat.

What can Indigenous people tell us about river flow ecology?

Wurr bengin tyerrfalWurr wirribem

dudutyamu

Wudupuntyurrutu

Wu

rr wirrib

em fi lgarri

Wurr bengim

miyerr

Wurr bengin derripalWirirr marrg

u

Wan

gi

Wal

kity

den

taN

gung

uwe

Lirrim

em

Kudede

Wurr tisyari

Nauiyu - Daly River N

ORTHERN TERRITO

RY – AUSTRALIANg

an’gi

Seaso

ns

Awin (black bream) favour migemininy (bush apple) when it falls into the River.

Yerrwire (woollybutt) fl owers during Wirirr marrgu, attracting akerre (the native honey bee).

Yerrwire fl avoured fungguli (native honey) is found in tree hollows, old ant nests and in ground hives during this time.

The seed heads of minimindi (waterlily) and miwulngini (red lotus lily) are collected from billabongs during the dry season months.

During Wurr bengin derripal you can hear the atalmerr (barramundi) ‘chomping’ on baitfi sh that have swum down the creeks into the River.

Ngambaty is the tide – ‘a big arm herding the fi sh

upstream’, replenishing food resources in the River.

At the fi rst sounds of thunder old people feel sad for those who have passed away over the year. The fi rst rain is seen to wash away the footprints in the sand of those who have died and is a time of healing and looking to the future. It is a good sign if a baby is born, takes its fi rst steps or says its fi rst word as the fi rst thunder sounds.

Mudskippers are seen until the fi rst rains.

Anganisyi (king brown) mates during Lirrimem.

Ngan’gi ecological knowledge contributors:Patricia Marrfurra McTaggart, Molly Yawulminy, Catherine Ariuu, Dorothy Daning, Kitty Kamarrama, Benigna Ngulfundi, Maureen Warrumburr, Mercia Wawul.

Compilation and Production: Emma Woodward (CSIRO).

Images: Auscape, David Curl, Greg Miles, Rob Wyatt (woollybutt), Jiri Lochman: Lochman Transparencies (king brown), Gunther Schmida: Lochman Transparencies

(barramundi), Skyscans (bush cucumber in hands), Peter Christophersen.

Design and layout: First Class in Graphic Design.

to shoot.

(circ

adas) sin

ging/callin

g out for ra

in.

duri

ng th

e m

iddl

e of

the

day.

Burr

owin

g an

imal

s

Start of wurr panangalan (speargrass) cycle. The

Very h

umid

period of ‘b

uild-up’ ju

st before

Ngu

nguw

e m

eans

‘mira

ge’. I

t is v

ery

hot a

nd

time when speargrass seeds begin

thunder

is heard

. River w

ater is warm

. Afi ti

hum

id w

ith

no ra

in. A

hea

t shi

mm

er ca

n be

seen

is when the wurrmuy knock together and

whi

ch a

re b

eing

laid

now

.

open up – telling you rainfall is nearing the

The season when wurrmuy (speargrass seed

Yerr

wur

umbi

and

yen

ingg

isyi

(red

kap

ok) fl

ow

erin

g

heads) are swollen and hanging heavily. Taddo

– co

llect

ew

errm

isye

(fre

sh w

ater

cro

cod i

le) e

ggs

end. The River is at maxim

um height –

come into Nauiyu by boat.

fruiting season.

Wurrm

uy are puffi ng open. ‘When the

river rises it’s time to collect fruit’. G

ood season is com

ing. Seeds are still intact.

down speargrass.

feeling’ about going hunting and looking fo

r

turtle as you don’t get to

o hot.

and turtl

e hunt

ing

in th

e ev

enin

gs.

That time of the year w

hen speargrass stalks start

All the seeds have fallen from wurrmuy. Dry season and burning grass time. Black ash

Time of t

he nor

th-w

este

rly se

a br

eeze

.

Speargrass is dead and dry and

Angantyamu (bush turkey), emengginy

Afungi (m

osquito

es) a

nd a

ngan

nisy

i (ki

ng

to die and turn a reddish colour – a sign the dry

Electrical ‘knock em down’ storms knock from the fi rst fi res is on th

e ground. ‘Good

A ‘p

eacefu

l’ win

d th

at b

rings

goo

d fi s

hing

ready for burning.

(goanna) and tyirraty (w

allaby)

brown) e

mer

ge w

ith th

e se

a br

eeze

.

hunting time.

gathering. River is clear.

Amisyawuni (stick insect) comes out. Mundupan (green ant queens) ready Misyawuni (bush potato) available for

for eating.

Anganifi nyi (echidna) and

anganfepinimbi (rock python)

fattening up.

Turtles start moving after being in hibernation – ‘happy to be going

Dagum – the fo

g and dew that a

re pre

sent i

n th

e m

orni

ngs.

The

fog

is a

goo

d si

gn to

go

fi sh

ing.

back into the water’. Still fat – still good hunting.

Awarrapun (saltwater crocodile), anganifi nyi and anganfepinim

bi hunting time. Anganifi nyi

and anganfepinimbi som

etimes found sharing the sam

e burrow.

Good turt

le h

untin

g

Good fi shing tim

e – awin

(bla

ck b

ream

), ep

elen

(arc

her fi

sh)

,

adilmi (mullet),

anganggurr (ch

erab

in a

nd p

raw

ns) a

nd c

reek

fi sh

ing

for a

tyalm

er (b

arra

mun

di).

Very

goo

d turtl

e hunting

Yirr

ng (p

ig-n

osed

turt

le) is

layin

g egg

s. Mem

enyirr is

the

seas

on n

ame

that

refe

rs to

yirrn

g con

sta

ntly lif

ting her

feet

as s

he la

ys h

er eg

gs in

the h

ot, b

urning sa

nd.

Awuyi (possums) and efekimi (

band

icoo

t) h

untin

g

season.

Mimuy (long

yam) digging

time and

throughout

the wet grass m

ats.

nests.

Anganni (magpie

Ye

rrmanggi

Aniyen (sand frogs)

geese) laying

(fr

eshwater

burrowing as

eggs on fl oating

m

angrove)

awerrbaw

urr

wurrfugar

fl owerin

g.

(antlions) (w

ild rice) build their

miw

isamuy (w

hite currant) and

leav

e the nest

for their fi

rst fe

ed.

star

ting

to h

atch

.m

undupan (bush cucumber).

Fruits ready for gathering: midam

urri,

Ewer

rmisy

e (fre

shwater c

rocodiles) hatch

Pods

of y

enin

ggis

yi a

re b

row

n an

d m

imeli (black currant), m

iwerrm

isya,

with

the sh

oots of n

ew tree leaves and

crac

king

ope

n –

ayer

rsyi

nge

babi

es

Seeds are brown and start to fall. W

ind starts

blowing from

the east. Dry season is starting.

coming. Ayiw

isi also tell people it’s a

good time for barram

undi fi shing.

Ayiwisi (dragonfl ies) arrive to greet the new

Wadat (fl ying fox) babies are seen

season and tell people the dry season is

clinging to their mothers.

Minim

indi (waterlily) opening up

Young birds are seen. Eperrperr

– the smell of the lily on the w

ind

(Burdekin ducks) are seen walking in

clears, cleans the air and the spirit.

single fi le with th

eir young.

As the big w

et subsides Agurri, the big black

there are lots of kangaroo that lives in

anganggurr (prawns)

the hills, wakes w

ith

in the river and the arrival of ayiw

isi

creeks.and sings the w

ind,

blowing it from

the east.

First rains, very start of monsoons and the wet

season. Angaga (tree frog) comes out.

Ngalwangga (short-necked

turtle) and yirrng eggs

Awunytyerryin’gini (baby

hatch with the fi rst rains

catfi sh) are seen around

Angankurinimbi (water

while atyalmerr sink

wunytyerr (cane grass) –

goanna) about.

down into the river as

the two are thought of

Anganni eggs hatching.

they know the storms

together. Good time

are coming.

for catfi sh.

Mun

ggun

mungg

unnyi

(whi

rlwin

d) se

ason.

retr

eat t

o th

eir h

oles

–

telli

ng p

eopl

e Li

rrim

em is

com

ing.

‘Mirin

ggi marrg

u’ (‘new

leaves’= newborn

ewerrmisye).

Fungguli (native honey)

all through the

Dry

.

Dun

y (T

erm

inal

ia m

icro

carp

a) fl

ower

ing

Way

arrfi

riny

(pap

erba

rk) fl

ow

erin

g.

Dun

y fr

uiting

Afurra (m

ussel

) and

am

urri

yi

(crab) c

olle

ctin

g.

Collect minim

indi (wat

erlil

y), m

iwul

ngin

i (re

d lo

tus

lily), midugu (w

ater c

hestn

ut),

mife

tyen

(pea

nut-

like seeds) and m

ibuym

adi (

bush

ban

ana)

.

Miga

ga (fi g tre

e)

fruiti

ng and yirrng

eating it.

Anganggurr

(cherubin)

carrying

eggs.

Anganni egg

collecting.

(sha

rk),

emel

pe (s

tingr

ay) a

nd sa

wfi sh.

billabongs

as t

hey

dry

up, t

o th

e la

rger

bill

abon

gs a

nd R

iver

.re

ady

to c

atch

. Whe

n th

e Ri

ver i

s rea

lly lo

w – good tim

e for a

dany

m

alarrgu (l

ong-

neck

ed tu

rtle

s) o

n th

e fu

ll m

oon,

from

the

smal

ler

Yerr

wur

umbi

(gho

st g

um) b

ark

star

ts p

eelin

g – sharks a

re fat a

nd

Away

irrw

urr: th

e m

igra

tion

of d

any

(sho

rt-n

ecke

d tu

rtle

s) a

nd

Pundumirri – Late dry season when it is humid and hot.

Ariwarik – The monsoon time.

Aridangit – Early to mid dry season when it can get cold at night-time.

Dirrikwak –Late wet season when the rains are stopping.

Kaleykaley – The refreshing wind called Kaleykaley begins to blow.

Punggulerrp – The wind from the south east, Dangit, begins and the stems of the spear grass dry out and burning can begin.

Arimada – Early rains begin. The north-west sea breeze, Nol, begins to blow.

AriwaThe mon

DirrikLate werains are

is

o mid get cold

esst sea breeze, wes Nol, beggins to blow.

ulerrpPunggu – from the south The wind f

east, gitDangg , begins and of the spear the stemss

out and burning grass dry oocan begin.b ib i

ulerrpPunggu –

AT

d

MalakMalak ecological knowledge contributors:

Biddy Yingguny Lindsay, Helen Kuwarda, Frances Miljat, Rita Pirak, Kitty Waliwararra.

Compilation and Production: Emma Woodward (CSIRO).

Images: Jacinda Brown, Emma Woodward.

This compilation draws on work published in Lindsay, B. et al (2001) ‘MalakMalak and Matngala plants and animals: Aboriginal fl ora and fauna from the Daly River area, northern Australia’.

Design and layout: First Class in Graphic Design.

The bark of Elu (Mal), Kerewey (Mat) Buchanania obovata is used in a preparation for the treatment of skin sores and fungal infections.

Lemberrengety (Mal) Ngarangga (Mat) Flacourtia territorialis. A favoured sweet fruit that is eaten when red-brown.

Yyety Cochlospermum fraseri . The fl owers signal that freshwater crocodile eggs are ready to be collected and eaten.

Wulngum (Mal) Pindalany (Mat) Planchonia careya. This plant is spiritually and culturally important to MalakMalak and Matngala people.

Palaty (Mal) Kuri (Mat) Dioscorea bulbifera. This yam is

ready to collect in the wet season. It takes lengthy preparation,

soaking in running water and roasting, to make it safe to eat.

Mungam Grewia retusifolia. Fruit are eaten when they turn brown. The leaves and roots are boiled in water and used to treat diarrhoea.

Wulngum (Mal) Pindalany (Mat) Planchonia careya fruit ready for eating.

Muram muram (Mal)Tyangatya (Mat) Pandanus spiralis

Mer (Mal) Meriki (Mat) Brachychiton megaphyllus pods are burnt before the seeds inside are eaten.

Din’girri (Mal), Bunggarra (Mat)

Syzygium eucalyptoides produces a sweet fruit, and

fl owers that attract bees and sugarbag (native

bee-hives).

Muntyalk (Mal) Keter (Mat) Nymphaea

macrosperma has large seed heads that can be roasted

or eaten raw. In the past the seeds were collected, dried and

kept wrapped in Paperbark in preparation for the wet season

when food was short.

Nimir (Mal) Tyambor (Mat) Dioscorea transversa. The ‘long yam’ is highly sought after, often found in jungle patches and dug up during Kaleykaley.

The leaves and pods of Darik Acacia

auriculiformis may be rubbed in water to

produce a soapy lather for washing. The lather

can also be used as a fi sh poison to stun fi sh

in small pools.

The fl esh of ripe Pinyyakper Morinda citrifolia can be chewed to

treat colds and fl u.

Menytyil (Mal), Menyyer (Mat)Barrringtonia acutangula leaves and bark are used as a fi sh poison, Taratywolul, and also to heal skin sores.

MalakMalak and Matngala plant knowledge

JANUA

RY FEBR

UA

RY M

ARCH APRIL MAY

JU

NE

JU

LY

A

UG

UST

SEP

TEM

BER

O

CTOBER

N

OVEMBER DECEMBER

Yilik (Mal) Mirang (Mat) Nelumbo nucifera. The seeds are called Numurru (Mal) or Miyangmiyang (Mat) and can be stored for when food is scarce during the wet season.

Palaty (Mal) Kuri (Mat) Dioscorea bulbifera. This yam is ready to dig up when the ‘cheeky yam grasshopper’ called Palaty (Mal) sings out to let you know.

Elu (Mal) Kerewey (Mat) Terminalia ferdinandiana

Muntyalk (Mal) Keter (Mat) Nymphaea macrosperma

Nging Antidesma ghesaembilla

Bemburrtyak Syzygium suborbiculare

Mungam Grewia retusifolia

Munenput (Mal) Matyamatya (Mat) Flueggea virosa

Ali (Mal) Warwi (Mat) Ficus racemosa

Elu (Mal) Kerewey (Mat) Buchanania obvata

Pulu (Mal) Tyerrak (Mat) Brachystelma glabrifl orum

Wom (Mal) Bon (Mat) Vitex glabrata

DALY RIVER, NORTHERN TERRITORY, AUSTRALIA


Ngan’gi Seasons, Daly River, NT > www.csiro.au/resources/Ngangi-Seasonal-Calendar

MalakMalak and Matngala plant knowledge, Daly River, NT > www.csiro.au/resources/MalakMalak-Plant-Knowledge-Seasons-Calendar

Working on the Gooniyandi Seasons calendar; Helen Malo, June Davis, Mervyn Street with Grandson Jai and Emma Woodward (CSIRO), Muludja Community, Fitzroy Crossing, WA.

Talking through the MalakMalak & Matngala Seasonal Plants calendar; L to R Emma Woodward (CSIRO), Rita Pirak and Biddy Lindsay.

Children playing with the rotating Ngan’gi Calendar at the Merrepen Arts Festival, Daly River.


At the community known as Nauiyu Nambiyu, on the

Daly River, knowledgeable Ngan’gi speakers know

that as the billabong levels drop during the seasons

of Wirirr marrgu and Wangi, a range of lilies can be

accessed along the margins of billabongs and swampy

areas. This period can be described as the mid-dry

season: burning has started and there is black ash on

the ground.

Water dependent species targeted during these

seasons include Waterlily (Nymphaea macrosperma),

Lotus Lily (Nelumbo nucifera) and Water Chestnut

(Eleocharis dulcis). Native Peanut (Horsfieldia

australianum), found in monsoon vine forests,

and Bush Banana (Marsdenia viridiflora) are also

collected at the same time. With lower water levels,

it is much easier to collect mussels and crabs on the

exposed edges of billabongs, creeks and springs, and

turtle hunting begins. In the Daly River, Waterlilies

(Nymphaea macrosperma) and Lotus Lilies (Nelumbo

nucifera) are collected for their seed heads, stems,

tubers and roots.

According to the Ngan’gi Seasons calendar compiled

during the project, turtle hunting intensifies as the

water retracts. The heating and drying experienced

over the coming months creates increasing areas of

drying billabong margins. This soft mud is searched

with crow-bars and feet in an attempt to find

hibernating animals. In the seasons of Ngunguwe

and Lirrimem, it is said to be the best time for hunting

turtles hiding under the mud. These seasons occur in

the late dry season, just before the wet season starts.

Gooniyandi knowledge of flow ecology from the Fitzroy

River catchment is tightly linked to observations of

wind and rain. Wind direction dictates the strength

of winds, and whether the associated ‘storm’ will

bring calm soothing rain which is good for fishing, or

potentially destructive rain. People know that when the

river flows for the second time (after the first flush) the

ripe fruits of Ficus coronulata fall into the river, feeding

the turtles and fish and fattening them up.

Images: A range of food resources from lillies.


When the rain finishes at the end of the wet season, a

change of wind direction brings the Garrawoorda wind

from the south. At this time the water is high and it is

a good time for fishing for Sawfish (Pristis microdon).

However, as the river channel pools dry up during the

season of Barrangga, trapped Sawfish and Barramundi

will stop biting, and Catfish (Neoarius spp.) and Black

Bream (Hephaestus jenkinsi) will run for the bait. At this

time, people know they must target the deeper river

sections if they want to catch Sawfish or Barramundi.

Detailed Indigenous seasonal knowledge, only briefly

discussed here, indicates the strong reliance of people’s

subsistence strategies on healthy aquatic ecosystems.

The Fitzroy River at Fitzroy Crossing.


Indigenous people hold distinct cultural perspectives

on water relating to identity and custodial

management responsibilities to traditional estates.

In Indigenous belief systems, water is a sacred and

elemental symbol of life and aquatic resources

constitute a vital part of the non-market Indigenous

customary economy, as much as they inspire everyday

experiences.

Consumption of aquatic species contributes to family

incomes and diets, and the act of fishing contributes

to the maintenance of social networks, thus enhancing

the social and cultural wellbeing of Indigenous

people. Fish and fishing is of immense importance to

Indigenous people in the regions in which the project

team worked, as are hunting and gathering activities.

These activities allow time with family, a break

from the demands of community life, and provide

opportunities for families to both teach young people

about the country and renew social and environmental

connections.

Even if they do not have a market value, some of the

economic contributions made by aquatic ecosystems

(e.g. from fish obtained for food or plants obtained

for arts and crafts) can be measured and their value

related to river flows. Non-market valuation is

increasingly being undertaken as a means of revealing

‘hidden’ values and to bring to light the importance of

resources or environments not exchanged in market

transactions but nonetheless beneficial to human

societies (Emerton 2005). Although these methods are

increasingly popular, there are numerous limitations

that have been well documented in the literature on

valuation. The limitations are fully discussed in the

final report from the project (Jackson et al. 2011).

There are two reasons for attempting to estimate

the value of the aquatic species harvested by

Indigenous people:

1. To quantify one type of cost that Indigenous

people may experience as a result of water use

decisions, either at the local or regional scale, and

2. To assist water managers who have limited

resources and knowledge to target management

action to areas of greatest economic value to

Indigenous people.

This project assumed that a principal indicator for

assessing the health of a water body is its productivity

and the food and other materials sourced from it

by Indigenous people. The project therefore focused

on quantifying the direct use (subsistence) value of

aquatic resources to Indigenous people and, in doing

so, to redress the relatively small amount of research

into the economic value of the use of wild resources

by Indigenous people in Australia (Gray et al. 2005;

Altman 1987).

The results on Indigenous use of aquatic resources will

also serve as a baseline for long term monitoring of

changes to water resources in the regions under study.

What might be the effect of water use decisions on Indigenous values?

Rep

lace

men

t va

lue

of h

arve

st ($

AU

D)

$0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

$50,000

$60,000

Long-n

ecked Tu

rtle

Short-neck

ed Turtl

e

Barram

undi

Black B

ream

Magpie G

oose

Lotu

s Lilie

s

Snapping Tu

rtle

Pig-n

osed Tu

rtle

Mulle

tShark


Replacement value of aquatic resources

The economic value of resources consumed by

households was calculated using the replacement

goods method (Altman 1987); a standard method used

relatively widely. According to this method, the market

price of a similar product to that being consumed (a

proxy) is used to estimate its value. It is only a partial

economic value and does not attempt to account for

intangible cultural and social values associated with

wild resource harvest which are reportedly significant

(Jackson 2006; Toussaint et al. 2001).

The valuation nonetheless provides useful information

on the likely lower-bound value of Indigenous flow

related resource use to the customary economy.

We used shop bought items as proxy values to:

1. Generally reflect the type of food item the

species represent (e.g. turtles were given values

representing the cost of meat from a shop, fish

were given replacement values representing the

cost of fish from a shop); and

2. Reflect the general preferences for species that

were made apparent to researchers through

the project.

For example, Pig-nosed Turtle were considered a prized

species by Indigenous survey respondents and so were

given a more expensive “fillet steak” value. Long-necked

Turtle were usually treated as a more general food

source, and so were given a less expensive “T-bone

steak” value (for a full discussion of the assumptions

involved and steps taken in the valuation see the final

Figure 7 Replacement value of harvested aquatic species on trips by survey households in the Daly River catchment. This figure only shows the ten “most valuable” species.

$0

$2,000

$4,000

$6,000

$8,000

$10,000

$12,000

Long-n

ecked Tu

rtle

Short-neck

ed Turtl

e

Barram

undi

Black B

ream

Magpie G

oose

Lotu

s Lilie

s

Snapping Tu

rtle

Pig-n

osed Tu

rtle

Catfish

Shark

Rep

lace

men

t va

lue

of s

urv

ey h

ouse

hol

d c

onsu

mp

tion

($A

UD

)


report, Jackson et al. 2011). The valuation data provided

within this report allows the ranking of species by their

economic contribution to Indigenous households.

This allows a subset of economically important species

to be identified, and their flow requirements assessed,

as well as a ranking of the economic contribution

harvesting sites make to Indigenous households.

With the exception of the Lotus Lily, the species that

made the largest contribution to replacement value

in the Daly were also the species that were harvested

in the greatest numbers (Figures 7 and 8). The top five

species, with the highest (harvested) replacement

value in the Daly River, accounted for 91.6% of the total

replacement value.

However, when the replacement value of harvest from

the top 5 sites in the Daly River was calculated, they

accounted for only 63.9% of the total replacement

value. Most of the species harvested in large numbers

(and with a high replacement value) in the Daly River

were relatively large-bodied species, with the bait

species commonly harvested in the Fitzroy River not

being harvested in great numbers (Figure 6). This

can be attributed to the target species and fishing

methods utilised. The main harvesting methods for

Long-necked Turtle (searching drying billabongs) and

Magpie Goose (shooting) do not involve the use of

fishing lines and bait.

The five species with the highest replacement value

(harvest) in the Fitzroy River accounted for 91.7% of the

total replacement value. However, in contrast to the

Daly River, the five “most valuable” sites used by survey

households in the Fitzroy represented only 29.9% of

the total replacement value (Figures 9 and 10). The Daly

River households concentrate their effort on a small

number of floodplain sites where large bodied species

like Magpie Goose and Long-necked Turtle aggregate.

Figure 8 Replacement value of aquatic species consumed by survey households from the Daly River.

$0

$4,000

$8,000

$12,000

$16,000

Black B

ream

Catfish

Sawfis

h

Barram

undi

Cherabin

Long-n

ecked Tu

rtle

Spangled Perch

Bony Bre

am

Stingra

y

Sleepy Cod

Rep

lace

men

t va

lue

of h

arve

st ($

AU

D)

Black B

ream

Catfish

Sawfis

h

Barram

undi

Cherabin

Long-n

ecked Tu

rtle

Spangled Perch

Bony Bre

am

Fresh

water C

roco

dile

Fresh

water M

ussel

$0

$1,000

$2,000

$3,000

$4,000

$5,000

$6,000

$7,000

$8,000

Rep

lace

men

t va

lue

of s

urv

ey

hou

seh

old

con

sum

pti

on ($

AU

D)


Figure 9 Replacement value of aquatic species harvested in the Fitzroy River catchment. This figure shows only the ten “most valuable” species.

Figure 10 Replacement value of aquatic species consumed by survey households from the Fitzroy River catchment.

Daly River Fitzroy River

Harvest Consumption Household consumption as % median income Harvest Consumption Household consumption

as % median income

Top 5 Species $245.83 $60.66 4.5% $67.24 $33.26 2.7%

Top 10 Species $262.11 $67.11 5.0% $71.62 $35.24 2.9%

All Species $268.25 $69.17 5.1% $73.36 $35.92 2.9%

Harvesting Long-necked Turtles in the Daly River

catchment.


As shown in Figure 11, the customary sector represents

a substantial component of the Indigenous economy

in our study regions. The value of aquatic resources to

surveyed households equates to 5.1% of the median

household income in the Daly and 2.9% in the Fitzroy.

It is worth bearing in mind that the economic

contribution the customary sector makes to Indigenous

households can change depending on the location, and

harvest in outstations and remote areas is generally

higher than in townships and larger centres (Altman et

al. 2011). Our focus on aquatic species, the conservative

nature of our valuation, and the township-based

nature of most of our survey households suggests

that the replacement values we have calculated are an

absolute lower bound figure.

Figure 11 The value of aquatic resources in the Daly and Fitzroy river catchments.


With the exception of the Freshwater Sawfish (Pristis

microdon) in the Fitzroy River, which is listed as

vulnerable according to national environmental law,

all of the species that made a large contribution to

replacement value were common and widespread

species. Water resource development that reduced

the number or distribution of these common species

would therefore have an impact on Indigenous

livelihoods (Finn and Jackson 2011).

Furthermore, the top 5 species (by replacement value)

in the Daly and Fitzroy Rivers have flow linkages that

span the entire flow regime. In the Daly, the floodplain

billabongs are of critical importance in sustaining

the very popular turtle and geese harvested in large

numbers during the dry season. So water planners

should consider the flow requirements of the

harvested species throughout their life cycles.

It is especially important to consider the impacts of

dry season water extraction on the ecology of these

rivers. Models of current and future water extraction

scenarios in the Daly River show that the bulk of

impacts to discharge occur during low flows in the mid

and late dry seasons (Chan et al. 2010); a situation we

expect is relevant to other northern catchments.

We also assessed the potential for impact on important

Indigenous harvest species during the wet season

as well as the dry, as there is some potential for

infrastructure projects and capture of higher flows in

the future. In 2011, for example, the Western Australian

Premier reaffirmed his commitment to pursuing large

water capture and transport projects that may well

include the Fitzroy River at some time in the future.

Potential low flow impacts

A number of species in our study that substantially

contribute to Indigenous household incomes have the

potential to be severely impacted by dry season water

extraction (Kennard et al. 2010).

These species included Black Bream, Barramundi and

Mullet in the Daly River catchment, and Black Bream,

Barramundi, Bony Bream and Sleepy Cod in the Fitzroy

River catchment [The risk assessment of Kennard et al.

(2010) and quantitative modelling of Chan et al. (2010)

was conducted using data from the Daly River. We have

extrapolated from that data for the species harvested

in the Fitzroy.]

Spangled Perch and Catfish in the Fitzroy catchment

presented lower levels of risk. The quantitative risk

assessment of Chan et al. (2010) further shows

Barramundi and Black Bream might be substantially

impacted by water extraction in the dry season.

According to our valuation of the ten species that

contributed most to Indigenous household economies

in each catchment, those that are highlighted as

being at high-medium risk of late dry season water

extraction (Kennard et al. 2010) make up 2.2% of

median household income in the Daly River, and 3.1%

of the median household income in the Fitzroy River.

Because we don’t have information on the risks to all

harvested species, it is difficult to quantify what this

level of risk might mean to total replacement value.

Nonetheless, if water extraction resulted in a

significant reduction in the harvest of these high

risk fish species, the contribution that customary

harvest makes to Indigenous households could

decline substantially. If, for example, dry season

water extraction reduced the Indigenous harvest of

those high and medium risk species by 50%, their

contribution to the total replacement value we

calculated is halved. This would result in our calculated

replacement value declining by 11% in the Daly River

and 27% in the Fitzroy.

Flow changes and their effects on Indigenous resource use

The Fitzroy River – Early dry season 2011.


Potential impacts of post-wet season flow changes

While the qualitative risk assessment and modelling

undertaken by Chan et al. (2010) focused on dry

season water extractions, our summary of the life

histories and flow requirements of the five species

contributing most to replacement value suggests that

flows occurring immediately after the wet season may

be important to many species harvested heavily by

Indigenous households.

There is some potential for alteration of these

flows early in the dry season as heavy extraction of

water into off-stream storages with declining wet

season flows could limit the extent and duration

of downstream flooding (Pusey et al. 2004) and

substantially increase the rapidity of drawdown.

Barramundi spawn in saline conditions near the

mouths of rivers during the wet season (Staunton-

Smith et al. 2004). Larvae spend a short amount of

time in flooded, saline coastal habitats before moving

into freshwater (Keenan 1994). When possible,

Barramundi juveniles make their way upstream into

freshwater, where they grow faster and have a higher

survivability (Milton et al. 2008).

Large wet season flows are critical for the maintenance

of the flooded coastal habitats used by juveniles, while

early dry season flows allow juvenile Barramundi to

move upstream into the more productive freshwater

habitats. Freshwater Sawfish appear to have a similar

life history to Barramundi; pupping in estuaries (Whitty

et al. 2008), with the juveniles moving upstream and

spending their pre-maturity lives in freshwater habitats

(Stevens et al. 2008).

Water extractions during the drawdown of the wet

season may impact the ability of juvenile Freshwater

Sawfish to move upstream. This is particularly true

of the Fitzroy River, which dries back to a series of

disconnected pools in the dry season, and has a

human-made barrier (Camballin Barrage) and natural

barrier (an upstream rock-bar) along its main channel.

While there is the potential to improve fish movement

across human-made barriers by using fishways, there

is no information available to suggest Freshwater

Sawfish use such structures (Doupe et al. 2005;

Morgan et al. 2005).

A significant correlation has been found between late

wet season discharge (April) in the Fitzroy River and

Freshwater Sawfish recruitment (Whitty et al. 2008),

suggesting that water extractions affecting discharge

over this period will have a clear impact on this species.

Below left: Pippa Featherston (CSIRO) and June Davis on the banks of the Margaret River in the Fitzroy region, WA.

Below right: Bayulu-Gooniyandi Ranger, from left, Nehemiah Barnes, Canian Skeen and Morris Mackie using litmus paper to determinethe pH of a billabong in the Fitzroy region, WA.


As for Freshwater Sawfish and Barramundi, Cherabin

appear to rely heavily on the longitudinal connectivity

made available by higher discharge periods.

Cherabin spawn in brackish water near estuaries, and

after approximately a month of development (Thanh

Huong et al. 2010), make their way back upstream

to freshwater habitats (Lee and Fielder 1979). Given

that marine salinities kill Cherabin larvae (John 2009),

and that post-larval and adult Cherabin grow faster

in freshwater (Thanh Huong et al. 2010), connectivity

appears to be a key feature of the productivity of

Cherabin populations. This is especially true in many

northern Australian rivers that dry to (or close to)

disconnected pools later in the dry season. Cherabin

have been observed and sampled moving upstream

in April in northern Australia (P. Novak, pers. comm.),

suggesting that juveniles take advantage of the

receding wet season flows to move back upstream to

more productive habitats.

Potential impacts of altering wet season floods

Should wet season flows be altered, there would

be substantial impacts to some of the key species

harvested by Indigenous people in our focal

catchments. Long-necked Turtle lay their eggs under

water along the edges of seasonally inundated

billabongs (Kennett et al. 1998). The eggs need to dry,

then re-wet for development and hatching (Kennett et

al. 1993; Fordham et al. 2006).

Long-necked Turtle alone make up 51% of the total

value of the harvest in the Daly River catchment,

according to the replacement method of valuation. So,

any flow alterations or changes to land management

that impact Long-necked Turtle are likely to have a

substantial effect on Indigenous household incomes.

Magpie Goose also depend on floodplain habitat for

nesting, and aggregate in vast colonies during the wet

season (Brook and Whitehead 2005).

Like Long-necked Turtle, any reduction in the area

of inundated floodplain would also effect Magpie

Goose populations, and this impact would likely

reduce Indigenous harvest rates. While the severity

of economic impacts of alteration to wet season

discharge is not as clear cut in the Fitzroy River

Below: A MalakMalak billabong was one of the sites selected for the participatory monitoring program. Feral pig damage is evident in the late dry season (top) with more extensive disturbance in the wet season (below).


catchment due to the smaller contribution of

Long-necked Turtle and Magpie Goose to harvest,

both Barramundi and Freshwater Sawfish have life

history stages dependant on wet season discharge.

Barramundi populations have been shown to

be positively correlated to wet season discharge

(Staunton-Smith et al. 2004), while Freshwater Sawfish

recruitment has been shown to be positively correlated

to late wet season (April) discharge (Whitty et al. 2008).

Wet season discharge to estuaries is also likely to

create extensive brackish water habitats required for

the successful spawning and larval development of

Cherabin (de Bruyn et al. 2004). Reductions in wet

season discharge could reduce or remove these brackish

spawning habitats, and reduce the Cherabin populations

highly valued by Indigenous people. Reductions in wet

season discharge would likely reduce the population size

and Indigenous harvest of these species, which make up

34% of the total value of Indigenous harvest.

Calculating the reduction in the total value of

Indigenous harvest associated with flow alterations is

very difficult. The difficulty arises because published

information on quantified relationships between all

of the species harvested and riverine discharge is not

available, although scientific understanding is steadily

improving as demonstrated by recent advances in

knowledge relating to Freshwater Sawfish and a

number of fish species from the Daly River catchment.

Although clear quantification is difficult, knowing

the effect of changes to flow regimes on key species

harvested by Indigenous people will allow water

managers to more readily assess the potential impacts

of water management decisions.

Delton Cox and Cainan Skeen of the Bayulu-Gooniyandi Rangers with Marcus Finn (CSIRO) taking a series of photographs at a permanent photo point in the Fitzroy catchment.

Wagiman Ranger, Patrick Huddlestone.


A participatory monitoring program with Indigenous

communities in the Daly and Fitzroy River regions

developed suitable indicators to monitor outcomes for

water management plans. The monitoring program

was rolled out in two steps over 12 months.

1. Workshops were conducted with each of the

four groups to select monitoring sites. A large

number of sites were selected because of their

significance, as well as the perceived risks to

their values. They were sites that “people wanted

to keep an eye on”. A smaller number of sites

were chosen to ensure frequent access and

data collection. Information collected at sites

included Indigenous knowledge of hydrology,

plant and animal species, perceived impacts

(e.g. feral pig damage), and the social, cultural,

and environmental significance. Indicators were

selected to facilitate monitoring of the significant

aspects of each site.

2. A range of methods and indicators for monitoring

of the sites was tested. Methods were selected

based on the indicators selected in the workshops,

the perceived utility, and their relative ease of

implementation.

Methods and Indicators

1. Permanent photo points.2. Measurement of water quality.3. Catch rates and recording of fishing trips.4. Using transects to assess landscape change.

As each of the monitoring groups chose their own

methods and indicators, not all groups shared the

same monitoring plans, or tested all available

methods. However, there was some consistency

amongst the groups, particularly in the use of

permanent photo points.

1. Permanent photo points.

Permanent photo points proved to be a quick,

consistent and easy-to-replicate way of collecting

information on water levels, aquatic and riparian

vegetation changes, disturbance by cattle and feral

animals, and, in some cases, the characteristics

of cultural sites. While the results of the

permanent photo points were not quantitative

measurements, the photos gave Indigenous

research participants the opportunity to view

temporal changes at a single point in time. Obvious

impacts that could be assessed included weed

growth, feral pig damage, and bank erosion.

Participatory monitoring in the Daly and Fitzroy

Bayulu-Gooniyandi Ranger Roneil Skeen doing a transect along the billabong’s edge. The transect measured the occurrence of cattle disturbance along the water’s edge.

Two photos of bank erosion on the Daly River, taken 9 months apart from a permanent photo point.


2. Measurement of water quality.

A range of water quality measurements were taken

at a number of sites. The use of water quality as an

indicator reflected group perception that it was a

legitimate indicator of aquatic health from a western

science perspective. A manual water quality kit was

used, and limited training in the use of the kit meant

that solo application by the groups was difficult. More

consistent results could be obtained by using a more

automated water quality testing unit that does not

require in-field mixing of chemical reagents.

3. Catch rates and recording of fishing trips.

Recording and measuring of fish catches was popular

but problematic due to the limited time available.

Fishing, and the subsequent measuring of catch,

was done on an opportunistic basis. This meant that

other methods (such as photos and water quality)

tended to take priority and fishing activity was usually

completed “after knock-off”. Ensuring that catching

fish and the recording of data was the day’s primary

monitoring activity would result in a more adequate

implementation of this technique.

4. Using transects to assess landscape changes.

The use of transects for assessing weeds and

disturbance by cattle and feral animals was only

successful in some communities. The number of

younger rangers in a group determined the success

of this method. More senior rangers were physically

challenged by walking transects across rough terrain.

Nehemiah Barnes of the Bayulu-Gooniyandi Rangers and Marcus Finn (CSIRO) using a river monitoring program made using CyberTracker software in the Fitzroy Catchment.

Morris Mackie, Roneil Skeen and Cainan Skeen from the Bayulu-Gooniyandi Rangers with Marcus Finn (CSIRO) 2nd from left, performing an electrical conductivity experiment on a water sample, Fitzroy Catchment, WA.


Results

The results of the individual monitoring programs are

reported in group specific reports available from CSIRO.

In summary:

• Permanent photo points were by far the most

accepted technique of recording information,

and the easiest to implement;

• While the main focus of the monitoring program

was a “test of concept”, changes were observed at a

number of significant sites, resulting in management

responses. These changes included extensive feral pig

impacts and Noogoora Burr infestations;

• Monitoring methods that were technical and

relatively complicated, or were onerous to

implement, e.g. walking transects during the

“build up”, were not well accepted;

• Most groups did not have easy access to computers

or the relevant training required for data storage,

analysis, report writing and production of

publications. Participatory monitoring programs

should consider requirements for training, support,

and equipment;

• Monitoring programs need to commence

with an assessment of capacity, and support

and training will need to be provided to

ensure the program is a success.

Below left: Reporting research results back to Daly River communities.

Below right: The research provided opportunities for inter-generational transfer of knowledge.


This project focused on assessing the socio-economic

significance of tropical rivers to Indigenous people in

two major catchments: the Fitzroy River of Western

Australia and the Daly River of the Northern Territory.

It is clear that aquatic resources make a substantial

contribution to household incomes in regions where

average incomes are very low and are essential to daily

social and cultural life. The economic contribution,

currently unaccounted for in mainstream metrics of

Indigenous household economies, provides a means for

Indigenous households to supplement their incomes.

Aquatic resources consumed by Indigenous people are

not traded in a market and therefore their economic

value is difficult to estimate. Their value has been

largely unquantified and unrecognised in assessments

of environmental flows and other water use decisions.

As a result, water resource development may put at risk

species that provide a significant contribution to the

Indigenous economy. For example, if we made the very

general assumption that extensive flow alterations

reduced the consumption of aquatic resources by 50%,

and all other factors such as effort remained constant,

the result could be a 2.5% reduction in household

incomes in the Daly River catchment (representing

approximately $35.00 per fortnight).

Presumably the use of this water would increase the

size of the regional market economy via commercial

production, but it is unlikely that more than 0.5% - 1%

of these benefits would filter to Indigenous people

(Stoeckl et al. 2011). So, water resource extraction

would likely lead to a decline in the contribution

that the combined market and customary sectors

make to Indigenous households. Maintaining current

Indigenous household incomes would therefore

require increased levels of government support.

Our quantification of value focuses only on the

consumption of aquatic species. If the broader range

of productive activities contributing to the customary

economy such as hunting, fishing, gathering, art, craft,

and caring for country activities (Buchanan et al. 2009)

were included, the value of the customary sector would

be much larger than the figures reported here.

A relatively large proportion (>90%) of the gross

replacement value calculated for aquatic species

was comprised of a relatively small subset of high

value species. Yet this value was distributed across a

large number of locations from which species were

harvested. This is an important feature to note for

water resource management, particularly when

attempting assessments of environmental flows.

Conclusion


While a relatively small subset of species will encompass

a large proportion of the replacement value, a subset

of aquatic sites will not. Scoping for Indigenous values

and flow assessments should aim to be spatially

inclusive, but can focus on small subsets of key species.

Substantial gaps in knowledge remain, ranging from the

flow requirements of species harvested by Indigenous

people to the relationship between species’ population

dynamics and Indigenous harvest success. These

gaps mean that clear calculations of changes in the

replacement value of aquatic species associated with

flow alteration scenarios remain problematic.

The research confirms that access to wild species, and

the aquatic habitats that support them, is critical to

maintaining a vibrant customary economy. Assessing

the impacts of water resource development on key

species, and allocating or protecting flows to minimise

socio-economic impacts, cannot occur effectively

without a clear understanding of the Indigenous

values associated with aquatic resources, and the

flow requirements of supporting these. The scientific

determination of Indigenous water requirements

will be essential if governments are to fulfil their

obligations under the Native Title Act to guarantee

traditional owners customary rights in water for

subsistence. Implicit in the right of customary use is a

need to maintain Indigenous people’s access to river

resources (and so the direct-use value they can derive),

an issue that the National Water Initiative (NWI) also

seeks to address. As acknowledged by the National

Water Commission (2011), the scientific determination

of Indigenous water requirements remains a priority

for Australian water planning. CSIRO is contributing

to this research agenda by conducting research

similar to that described here in partnership with the

Kowanyama Aboriginal Land Management and Natural

Resources Office in the Mitchell River delta of Cape

York in Queensland, and in collaboration with

Aboriginal organisations in the Murray Darling Basin

in New South Wales.

Another requirement of national water policy is to

ensure that Indigenous people directly participate

in water planning and management. Community-

based management efforts such as river monitoring

provide one important avenue for participation and

representation in water use decisions. The research

reported here will provide a baseline for monitoring

the effects of water resource development in the

Daly and Fitzroy River regions. The methods and

approaches trialled will be of assistance to water

planners and communities looking to mitigate the

negative impacts of increased water use on Indigenous

values as well as enhance Indigenous participation in

water management.

Acknowledgements

We thank the many people who assisted with the

research. A complete list of acknowledgements is in the

final report. CSIRO wishes to emphasise its gratitude to

the traditional owners of the Daly and Fitzroy regions,

and to the Northern and Kimberley Land Councils for

supporting the research.


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References

TRaCK receives major funding for its research through the Australian Government’s Commonwealth Environment Research Facilities initiative; the National Water Commission’s Raising National Water Standards Program; Land and Water Australia; the Fisheries Research and Development Corporation and the Queensland Government’s Smart State Innovation Fund.

visit www.track.gov.au

email [email protected]

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