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Journal Title: Research on language and social interaction.

Volume: 29 Issue: 2 Month/Year: 1996Pages: 97-123

(s Article Author: Tai, Eika

Article Title: Passing as a Native in Social Interaction: Taiwanese in a Changing Japanese Society

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Research on Language and Social Interaction. 29(2), 97-123 Copyright © 1996, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

Passing as a Native in Social Interaction: Taiwanese in a Changing Japanese Society

Eika Tai Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures

San Francisco State University

Recent studies of language in society have conceived of language practice as a constitutive part of the political economy of states and local communities, and hence a critical point of inquiry has been how to mediate macrolevel social processes and microlevel language practice (Gal, 1989; Irvine, 1989). The present article aims to contribute to this inquiiy by showing how state-level social processes such as colonialism and nation­alism may constrain and be embodied in interactional detail. The issue has recently been raised as to whether fuller ethnographic studies are necessary for elucidating the connections between the antecedent thought processes of interactants and their language and social interaction (Sanders & Sigman, 1994). In the present article, based on an ethnographic study I conducted among Taiwanese residents in Japan, I argue that the incor­poration of ethnographic data is necessary to understand the social signifi­cance of language behavior beyond the confines of specific interactions, and demonstrate some ways in which people may use the linguistic

I thank Professor Meryl Siegal for her valuable comments and encouragement on an earlier version of this article.

Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to Eika Tai, Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures. San Francisco Stale University. 1600 Holloway Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94132.

98 Eika Tai

resources available to them to express, reconstitute, and alter their pre­conceptions of social relationships in the course of interaction.

My research focuses on interethnic interaction in Japan between majority Japanese and "oldcomer" Taiwanese residents. Oldcomer Tai­wanese are those Taiwanese who came to Japan before the end of World War II (1945) and have stayed on in postwar Japan. Although they came to Japan as Japanese nationals, they were legally reclassified as Chinese nationals when the war ended. In what follows, I fu-st discuss a theoretical framework for the current study. Next, I describe the sociohistorical background of interethnic communication between Japanese and Taiwan­ese, sketching the lives of the Taiwanese under Japanese rule and dis­cussing the adaptive strategies of oldcomer Taiwanese in postwar Japan. Finally I analyze in detail one particular conversation between an oldcomer Taiwanese and a Japanese in metropolitan Tokyo, and in doing so dem­onstrate how the linguistic behaviors of the interactants reflect and are restrained by varied social factors.

This discussion is based on fieldwork I conducted in metropolitan Tokyo from November 1991 to August 1992. Following an ethnography-of-comrhunication approach (Gumperz & Hymes, 1972), I investigated the social background of oldcomer Taiwanese in Japan while also looking into their language behavior both in intraethnic communication and in interethnic interaction with Japanese. In conducting this research, I was able to make use of my old ties with Taiwanese residents in Japan: I was bom as a child of a Taiwanese father and a Japanese mother in Japan and grew up participating in a local Taiwanese community as well as in the Japanese mainstream society. The conversation I analyze here is one of the conversations that I tape-recorded during this fieldwork.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The theoretical framework for this study begins with the work of Gumperz (1982a, 1982b, 1992a, 1992b). Through in-depth conversational analysis, Gumperz demonstrated that social categories such as ethnicity are communicatively produced and cannot be taken as given; the dynamic process of constructing social identity can be captured through the notion of contextualization. "Contextualization cues," linguistic features such as prosody and code choice that contribute to "the signalling of contextual

Passing as a Native 99

presuppositions," are essential for maintaining conversational involvement and assessing what is intended and how semantic content is to be under­stood (1982a, p. 131). The larger pohtical economy of society enters into individual interactions as it shapes an individual's "interactive history"; people leam contextualization conventions only through "prolonged and intensive face to face contact" (1982a, p. 152), and such learning rests on "participation in networks of relationships access to which is con­strained by political and economic forces" (1992b, p. 51). When partici­pants employ the same contextualization conventions, the interpretive process tends to be taken for granted and their communication is likely to go smoothly; otherwise, misunderstanding may occur. Further, inter­actants tend to attribute the causes of such misunderstanding to attitudinal factors, not to differences in language use, because they usually engage in the process of interpretation without conscious awareness. This may reinforce negative stereotypes and discriminatory attitudes.

Shea (1994) criticized Gumperz's approach to misunderstanding in cross-cultural communication by arguing that "an overemphasis on this type of analysis not only slights the mediated character of interaction, but also tends to obscure discriminatory social attitudes and practices which unfairly marginalize NNSs [nonnative speakers]" (p. 357). Shifting the focus of analysis away from culturally different communication conven­tions, Shea argued that the interpretation of utterances is mediated by the quahty of conversational participation and by ideological presuppositions about the world, which may include racial prejudice in the case of mi­nority-majority contact. We must note, however, that Gumperz's work has aimed to rectify an earlier overemphasis on attitudinal factors in the literature on intercultural relations. The significance of his work lies precisely in the light it sheds on the unconscious processes of interpretation that, rather than attitudinal bias, are often basic causes for miscommuni-cation. As Shea rightly acknowledged, it is only if a Gumperzian analysis is used "as the exclusive explanation" (p. 360) for the success or failure of communication that it may fail to account for the whole dynamics of intercultural communication. As Shea proposed, we need to work toward a more inclusive analysis of intercultural communication, incorporating all the factors that shape the nature of interaction.

In this article, I work toward the construction of such an integrated model. Thus my approach to interethnic interaction departs from a typical Gumperz-style analysis in several ways. First, I begin with the premise that assumptions of social identity constitute an important part of the

100 Eika Tai

social knowledge that interactants rely on in managing a conversation and interpreting utterances. Mismatch in communication is not limited to mismatch in conversational styles and conventions, but may occur in the assumptions of social identity and social hierarchy that participants bring to and activate in the conversation. Thus I do not discuss the effect of communication solely in terms of the success or failure in achieving conversational cooperation, but also in terms of whether participants are successful in constructing their intended social identities in the eyes of each other.

Second, whereas a Gumperz-style model focuses on how the linguistic features of a minority or nonnative speaker may affect interpretive proc­esses, my analysis problematizes whether nonnative linguistic features are noticeable and signal foreignness to an interlocutor. This question becomes central in my analysis because I present a case in which a participant attempts to forge a native ethnic identity while hiding his own.

Finally, I extend the scope of the discussion beyond the level of interaction to address the issue of how macrolevel social processes enter into interactional detail, taking Gumperz's notion of "interactive history" as a link between these two levels of social phenomena. I expand this notion to include not only the factors that shape one's language use but also the factors that shape one's assumptions of social hierarchy. Drawmg on ethnographic data, I describe the sociohistorical processes within which the participants' lives have been situated and by which their interactive histories have been constrained.

The account of "passing" behavior that I present offers a linguistic correlate to strategies identified by Goffman in his book Stigma (1963). Goffman delineated how people with stigmatic attributes manage to con­ceal or reduce their differenmess in social interaction by using the tech­niques of information control and the strategies of passing and covering. My analysis examines a case of "passing linguistically " shedding light on how passing takes place in terms of interactional details. The stigmatic attribute that I address is Taiwanese ethnicity combined with "foreignness" as it is located in a Japanese social context characterized by exclusionary attitudes toward foreigners. This stigma is mainly symbolized by nonna­tive use of language, as there are no other "immediately perceivable features (p. 4) that would mark it. However, I approach the issue of nonnative speech with the assumption that we cannot always distinguish between native and nonnative dictions due to "the diversity of cultural voices" (Shea, 1994, pp. 360-361), the diversity in language use among

Passing as a Native 101

individual native speakers. To the degree that the distinction is ambiguous, the effect of nonnative speech as an index for foreignness and as a stigma symbol may be difficult to assess and remains uncertain to the analyst.

ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND

Japanese Rule in Taiwan

Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan began as a result of the Sino-Japa-nese War (1894-1895). The Japanese government adopted an assimila-tionist policy to control Taiwanese society with the goal of transforming the Taiwanese into good subjects of the Emperor. The teaching of the Japanese language was stressed from the very start of the colonial era because competence in this language was considered to be the core constitutive element of what made up Nihonjin (Japanese), and was metaphorically regarded as the "spiritual blood" oi Nihonjin (Ueda, 1895). However, contrary to this idea, the distinction of the colonized and the colonizer was rigidly maintained by the family registration system, and Taiwanese were never considered to be Nihonjin regardless of their ability to use Japanese.

The teaching of Japanese to Taiwanese people, who spoke Chinese language varieties (mainly Minnan and Hakka) or aboriginal languages, began with the segregated school system at the turn of the century. After 1922, Taiwanese who qualified as "regular users of the Japanese language" were allowed to go to elementary schools intended for Japanese; however, the number of such students never exceeded one percent of the total number of Taiwanese students, and Taiwanese students continued to be discriminated against in various ways. After reviewing Japanese language and ethics textbooks for Taiwanese students, Tsurumi (1977) suggested that "the common school was definitely meant to assimilate Taiwanese but only at the bottom of the Japanese social order" (p. 145). With the start of Japan's war against China in 1937, the assimilation policy was intensified. The study of Japanese was imposed on adults as well as children; Chinese writing was no longer taught at school, and the use of the Chinese language and Taiwanese vernaculars was prohibited in news­papers and other publications (Ozaki, 1991, p. 120).

102 Eika Tai

Throughout the colonial period, however, the majority of Taiwanese people refused the enforcement of the regular use of Japanese and main-taine'd their mother tongues (Shi, 1993, p. 6). Taiwanese vernaculars were used in private settings such as at home and in neighborhood meetings and served to maintain solidarity among Taiwanese people.

Oldcomer Taiwanese and Ttieir Adaptation to Japan

Since the beginning of the 20th century, Taiwanese as Japanese nationals began to come to mainland Japan, but the number of such Taiwanese remained very small. At the end of the war, there were 34,368 Taiwanese in Japan (Tanaka, 1983), and about half of them left Japan in the following few years. When the San Francisco Peace Treaty came into effect in 1952, those who had stayed in Japan lost Japanese citizenship and officially became nationals of the Republic of China, thus becoming foreign residents in Japan and coming under control of the Alien Registration Law. These are'the people I call "oldcomer Taiwanese." Their legal status was further modified when Japan resumed official relations with the People's Republic of Chifia (PRC) in 1972; under Japanese law, they became nationals of the PRC regardless of their own political affiliations.

The Japanese legal system subjects foreign residents to various kinds of restrictions, and their civil rights are not fully guaranteed. Many of the oldcomer Taiwanese have become naturalized citizens of Japan in order to alleviate the difficulties associated with the status of being a foreign resident. However, naturalization according to the Japanese legal system does not mean simply a change in citizenship, but is rather a process that implicidy requires naturalized people to assimilate to Japanese culture and to efface their own ethnic heritages. For instance, the use of Japanese names is highly recommended by administrators though it is not formally required by the law.

In postwar Japanese society, the nationalistic ideology of tan'itsu-minzoku-kokka (single-race nation) has been strongly asserted. Whether naturalized'citizens or not, people of foreign descent have had to deal with exclusionary attitudes and practices against them. Until very recently, the majority of foreign residents have been those who came from Japan's former colonies, Korea and Taiwan, and their similarity to Japanese people in physical appearance and their relative fluency in the Japanese language have made it easy for them to blend into the Japanese mainstream. Many

Passing as a Native 103

of them have been pressured to "pass" as Japanese by the homogenizing forces of the nation-state, Japan.

The ways in which the oldcomer Taiwanese maintain, enact, and manipulate their ethnic identities in interaction with Japanese are con­strained by these particular sociohistorical circumstances within which their lives have been situated. Due to job discrimination, the majority of them are self-employed or work within their communities. In intraethnic social networks, their verbalized self-identifications tend to revolve around political ideologies related to the two Chinas and the Taiwanese inde­pendence movement, whereas their everyday behavior is dictated more by primordial attachments to their ethnic group. In interethnic interaction, they use a variety of discourse strategies to cope with exclusionary attitudes of Japanese. Many Taiwanese assert Chinese or Taiwanese iden­tity when they are economically successful or when their occupations are related to Chinese culture such as the Chinese restaurant business or acupuncture. Other Taiwanese choose to pass as Japanese, completely or situationally. However, one's success in passing as Japanese largely de­pends on one's ability to use the Japanese language adequately. As I discuss later, the Japanese language that some oldcomer Taiwanese speak is characterized by certain nonnative features.

Social Change

Since the middle of the 1980s, the Japanese social climate in regard to foreign residents has been changing, with an increasing number of foreign students and workers coming to Japan from various counU"ies. The foreigners who have arrived in Japan recently are visible in that many of them are different from ethnic Japanese in physical appearance and in that they speak their native languages rather freely on the streets. They are neither able nor content to play down their ethnic identities. In metropolitan Tokyo and other urban centers in Japan, the presence of foreigners has become part of everyday life. "Foreignness," which was denigrated in the past, has slowly been reconstituted as a casually accepted attribute at least among younger sectors of Japanese society.

As part of this trend, the Chinese population has greatly expanded with an increase of students, trainees, and business people coming from the mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Southeast Asia. Among these various types of Chinese, newcomer Taiwanese have a strong presence

104 Eika Tai

and are often quite confident about their ethnic heritage. The remarkable economic development in Taiwan since the 1980s has surely contributed to this confidence, and the rise of the Taiwanese independence movement has also revitalized Taiwanese identity. Furthermore, the hierarchical relationship of Japan and Taiwan to which the oldcomer Taiwanese were subjected has been undermined by the influence of the United States over both countries after'the war. The "cultural capital" (Bourdieu, 1977b, pp. 183-184) of America has risen above that of Japan in the eyes of new­comer Taiwanese, placing Japan and Taiwan at similar levels in their eyes. They no longer perceive their status as being lower than that of Japanese people. Although it is true that some newcomer Taiwanese attempt to pass as Japanese, many others do not perceive their ethnic identity or foreignness as stigmatic, and they openly express their back­ground in everyday life.

With the arrival of newcomer Taiwanese, the inferior image of the Taiwanese in Japan, which was first constructed as the colonized and then was reconstituted after the war in association with drugs and pros­titution, seems to be changing toward a more positive one. Along with this change, some oldcomer Taiwanese have begun to redefine their once-stigmatized status, but others remain hesitant lo express their back­ground. For the latter, their ethnicity and foreignness continues to con­stitute a stigma.

Language Characteristics

Educated in the Japanese language, the oldcomer Taiwanese generally have native or native-like competence in this language. Yet, the Japanese language many of them speak has certain nonnative features. The Tai­wanese (Minnan) language lacks the voiced sound of d, and the substi­tution for the Japanese consonant d by the consonant I has been pointed to as a problem widely shared among Taiwanese people (Kanamaru, 1942; Terakawa, 1942; Ozaki, 1991). The Japanese syllables da, de, and do are thus pronounced la, le, and lo', Japanese people in turn hear these sounds as ra, re, and ro, because within the Japanese sound system the sound r is the closest to I and is actually pronounced more like I in certain sound contexts (Amanuma, Otsubo, & Mizutani, 1978, pp. 74-76). The gram­matical problems of oldcomer Taiwanese are usually not so serious as to hinder understanding on the part of the listener. The syntactic errors found

Passing as a Native 105

in their interlanguage, such as those in conjugating verbs and adjectives, are shared by other second-language leamers of Japanese.

One needs to be exposed to a certain "linguistic market" in order to develop "practical competence," the competence to use language in situ­ationally acceptable ways (Bourdieu, 1977a). Most of the oldcomer Tai­wanese have been deprived of chances to participate in mainstream socioeconomic networks because of the "gatekeeping" mechanism of society (Erickson & Shultz, 1982) and hence may have difficulty in using Japanese in culturally acceptable ways. The ability to use address terms properly is an important constituent of such competence, and the inap­propriate use of anta (you) is another common problem among oldcomer Taiwanese. The norm of native speakers of Japanese is the ellipsis of the second person pronoun or the use of a title or name in its place. Further, the use of the second person pronoun may indicate the speaker's definition of his or her own status as higher than the other's; if such a hierarchical relation is not assumed by the other party, the speaker may appear arrogant. Many oldcomer Taiwanese use the second person pronoun too frequently. What makes their problem more serious is that they tend to use the word anta, a contracted form of anata\ this may sound casual at best, but is very likely to sound rude.

The fact that there are dialects among Japanese people can also help oldcomer Taiwanese to pass as Japanese. As many Taiwanese informants told me, when Japanese people notice an unfamiliar accent or problem in the use of Japanese by someone who looks Japanese in appearance, they may think that he or she is a speaker of a regional dialect. Many dialects are quite different from standard Japanese in vocabulary and in the conjugation of verbs and adjectives, among other things. In urban centers where people from various regions meet, this "diversity of cultural voices" makes it difficult for an average person to discem "native diction" from nonnative speech.

PASSING AND INTERACTION

In the sections to follow, I analyze one particular conversation be­tween an oldcomer Taiwanese, Mr. Kasai, and a Japanese taxi driver, Mr. Sasaki.' Kasai is in his late 70s, and Sasaki in his late 50s. The conver­sation, which lasted about 45 minutes, took place in a taxi on the way to

106 Eika Tai

the Haneda International Airport located in metropolitan Tokyo. I was in the taxi as I was going to the airport to see Kasai off, and I tape-recorded their conversation from the time we entered the taxi. At the time, neither knew that their conversation was being tape-recorded. Kasai knew before­hand that I would occasionally audiotape him without notice. I informed both about the tape-recording afterward. The conversation mainly took place between Kasai and Sasaki; I kept quiet most of the time and occasionally made short responses such as "I see."

The Initial Claim

The first excerpt took place a few minutes after Kasai entered the taxi. In this initial scene, Kasai made an explicit claim that he is Japanese.^

1 S: Okyaku-san, Taiwan no kata desu ka? Mr. Customer, are you Taiwanese?

2 K: lya, chigau yo. Nihonjin desu yo. No, / am not. I am Japanese.

These utterances do not pose any problems in terms of sequencing and language choice. The utterances are sequentially coherent as they consti­tute an "adjacency pair": a question and an answer (Schegloff, 1984). The utterances are produced in the language styles appropriate to the social relationship ordinarily expected to exist between the two inter­actants. Sasaki's speech style expressed politeness expected of a provider of a service, and Kasai's casual style was appropriate for his role as a passenger. Sasaki used the polite copula desu and the formulaic polite phrase Taiwan no kata (person from Taiwan) instead of the less polite Taiwanjin (Taiwanese person). Kasai used the informal casual verb ending chigau in the first sentence, though he also used the polite copula in the second sentence.

What made this exchange problematic, at least for Kasai, was Sasaki's introduction of the topic of ethnicity in the form of a question. Sasaki must have had reasons to wonder if Kasai was Taiwanese. Before this segment Kasai had told Sasaki that he was flying to Taiwan, and it is not very common for an older Japanese man to go to Taiwan on his own instead of as part of a group tour. Further, the Japanese language Kasai spoke has some nonnative features, as will be discussed.

Passing as a Native 107

The problem of Sasaki's asking the question is twofold. For one thing, the topic of ethnicity in regard to Chinese, Taiwanese, and Koreans has been a very sensitive one in Japanese society, where the relationship between Japanese people and these ethnic minorities has been an asym­metrical power relationship. For another, raising a new topic in the form of a question is a powerful way to introduce the topic because it places the other party in the position of having to answer the question.

In postwar Japanese society, the act of a Japanese asking an Asian resident about his or her ethnic background has the effect of drawing a line between the two parties, of placing them in a hierarchical status relationship, and even of defining the Asian ethnicity as a stigma. The action also places the Asian resident in the position of having to admit his or her lower status vis-a-vis the Japanese, or of pretending to be Japanese. Thus the act constitutes an exercise of power in the sense that it controls the subsequent behavior of the Asian resident (Brown & Oilman, 1972, p. 255; Foucault, 1982, p. 219).

From the cited segment alone, it is not clear whether Sasaki's question and Kasai's response to it are interpreted and performed by them in the way just described. That is, it is not clear whether Sasaki has any intention to define Kasai as an ethnically stigmatized person or whether Kasai takes the question as offensive. It is in the interactional detail of the subsequent conversation that Sasaki and Kasai reveal how they interpret the question and what meanings are relevant to them in this initial scene. Schegloff (1992) stated:

If one is concerned with understanding what something in interaction was for its participants, then we must establish what sense of context was relevant to those participants, and at the moment at which what we are trying to understand occurred. And we must seek to ground that claim in the conduct of the participants; they show (to one another in the first place, but to us students as a by-product) what they take their relevant context and identities to be. [bold in original] (p. 196)

In the analysis to follow, I attempt to demonstrate what Sasaki and Kasai take their relevant context and identities to be during this interaction. I should add, however, that though necessary, fulfilling Schegloff's require­ment is not always unproblematic.

Before analyzing the rest of the conversation, I briefly discuss Kasai's adaptive strategies in Japanese society based on the several extensive interviews I had with him. I did not interview Sasaki because I was afraid that I would have had to reveal Kasai's true identity in the process of

108 Eika Tai

interviewing and that-Sasaki might have changed his perception of Tai­wanese people. Rather, I use my ethnographic data and my interviews withx)ther Japanese to interpret Sasaki's communicative behavior beyond what is revealed in the analysis of the conversation. Because of the nature of my data, I put more weight on the analysis of Kasai's language usage than'on Sasaki's, attempting to shed light on the insecurity Kasai feels about his ethnic identity.

Kasai's Adaptive Strategies

Kasai came to Tokyo from colonized Taiwan to study medicine when he was in his 20s. In postwar Japan, he married a Japanese woman and opened a small clinic after engaging in several types of private business. He has been practicing medicine since then. He and his family became naturalized citizens in the 1960s, and in this process their family name became Kasai, the maiden name of the wife. Kasai did not preserve his Taiwanese name, Sai, as a legal name, to abide by the recommendation from the administrative office. Although he continued to assert his Chinese identity in his Taiwanese circle, he began to pass as Japanese in his interaction with Japanese people. His family moved to another city in order to make passing easier. Kasai sought to avoid dealing with discrimi­natory attitudes against foreign residents. For him, Taiwanese ethnicity and foreignness became a stigma to be concealed.

Kasai's behavior with Japanese people is situational. He distinguishes two kinds of Japanese: wakaru hito (those who are fair-minded) and wakara nai hito (those who are not fair-minded). He reveals his ethnic background to the former, such as his friends and his wife's relatives, and passes as Japanese when he is with the latter or with those Japanese he does not know well. He "leads a double life" (Goffman, 1963, p. 76). When he passes as Japanese, Kasai never knows whether his interactant fmds.him to be non-Japanese. He describes this ambiguity as "some people know and others don't, but I don't know which one is which." This uncertainty characterizes much of Kasai's interethnic interaction.

It is possible for Kasai to pretend to be Japanese because his language use is near-native. But he has some problems common among older Taiwanese residents. According to my interview data, most of the people who know him are aware of the nonnative nature of his Japanese and consider his Japanese language use to be chotto hen (a little odd). But a

Passing as a Native 109

few have not noticed the nonnative qualities of his Japanese and have regarded him as another native speaker though they have known his ethnic background. In interaction with strangers, it is primarily his language usage which would mark his difference from ethnic Japanese.

Analysis of Conversation

The analysis of the conversation as a whole suggests a discrepancy between Sasaki's intent in asking the initial question and Kasai's inter­pretation in responding. Sasaki's utterances in the rest of the conversation indicate that he was simply curious about Kasai's ethnicity and did not intend to make a discrimmatory remark about Asian ethnicity. Sasaki responded to Kasai's utterance in line 2 (asserting he is Japanese) with an acknowledgment, aa soo desu ka (is that right?) and a casual apology, doomo (excuse me), and simply dropped the topic of ethnicity from then on. He proceeded with subsequent interaction in accord with the role of a provider of a service as expected of him in this situation. As will be shown, his commitment to this role is demonstrated in his polite language practice; he used honorific expressions, chose "safe topics" (Brown & Levinson, 1987, p. 112), and frequently expressed acknowledgment of and agreement with Kasai's utterances.

On the contrary, Kasai's language use in the subsequent conversation indicates that he took offense with Sasaki's question. Although accus­tomed to using the strategy of passing in his daily life, Kasai needed to deal with an unusual situation in this encounter where he was confronted with a direct question about his ethnicity. Kasai responded to the question with a lie. Then he treated that as a trouble source that he needed to repair; that is, he attempted to make his lie believable. In the rest of the conversation, Kasai constructed an interactional context as a site of ne­gotiation for ethnic identity, while playing the role of a passenger as displayed in the casualness of his language style.

The discrepancy between Sasaki and Kasai in interpreting the initial question and reacting to it may be ascribed to the different assumptions concerning social identity and social hierarchy that they have developed throughout their lives. Sasaki appears to be tuned in to the changing aspect of Japanese society in which the topic of Asian ethnicity is no longer a taboo. His job as a taxi driver brings him into contact with many kinds of people, and he may have assumed that it would be all right to ask

110 Eika Tai

Kasai, who appeared to be Taiwanese, about his ethnicity. Many new­comer Taiwanese would not take such a question as a sign of discrimi­nation and would answer it casually.

However, Kasai interpreted Sasaki's question according to an older mind set, as evidenced by his lie and the way in which he created his identity within the conversation. For Kasai, Sasaki seemed to be one of those Japanese he calls wakara nai hito (people who are not fair-minded). It is against this collective image of wakara nai hito that Kasai's "im­pression management" (Goffman, 1959) was directed. If it is true that on asking the question Sasaki had no intention of placing his status above Kasai's by virtue of his being Japanese, then Kasai was actually dancing alone while creating an imaginary partner.

Having claimed explicitly that he is Japanese, Kasai could not but bolster the lie and insulate himself from being exposed. After the initial direct move, he made two other kinds of moves to pass as Japanese: interacting like a native speaker of Japanese—^which is a very indirect move but an essential one—and maTcing implicit claims that he is Japanese and that he has a high social status. In the'following sections, I discuss these two kinds of moves.

Passing Linguistically

The following two excerpts exemplify how Kasai used his language resources and interactive strategies to pass as a native speaker of Japanese. The first segment took place about 10 minutes after the start of the conversation. The topic had just shifted from the recent rise of taxi fares to Kasai's car.

In order to make grammatical and phonological mistakes noticeable in the transcript, mistakes are italicized, and the correct forms are provided in brackets placed immediately following the mistakes. However, when a mistake is simply the insertion of an extra syllable, the syllable is italicized without brackets. The mistakes are not reflected in the English translation, but are explained in the main text.

1 K: Uchi mo kuruma aru keredo, batten ga nai n la [da] yo. We also have a car, but the battery is dead.

2 Ugoka nai da kara. Iza shiyoo to omottara, Because it didn't move. When we wanted to move it,

3 Ugoka nai kara. it didn't, so ...

Passing as a Native 111

4 S: Aa, aa, sorede. / see, that's why.

Kasai pronounces most of the Japanese sounds without much difficulty, but he frequently makes the mistake of substituting the syllable la for the syllable da, as observed in line 1. Some of my informants pointed out that it was the frequent occurrence of this phonological problem that gave them the impression that Kasai had an accent.

In terms of syntax, Kasai has some minor problems such as confusion in conjugating verbs and adjectives and the insertion of the syllable da before certain sentence connectors or ending particles. He made a mistake of the latter kind in line 2. However, he often corrects these syntactic mistakes on his own, as demonstrated in this instance; he inserted the extra syllable da in the phrase ugoka nai kara (since (it) does not move), but he eliminated this mistake when he repeated the expression (line 3). The way in which Kasai corrected this error conforms to the norm of the native speaker's repair practice. That is, Kasai self-initiated a repair that is completed successfully within the same turn (Schegloff, Jefferson, & Sacks, 1977, p. 369). Kasai's mistake and self-correction did not affect the flow of the conversation, as shown in Sasaki's quick understanding of Kasai's point: his reason for taking a taxi.

The next segment, which took place as the taxi passed Sasaki's neighborhood, demonstrates how Kasai passes as a native speaker in terms of interaction practices.

1 S: Watashi wa kono chikaku ni sunde iru n desu yo. I live near here.

2 K; A, soo ka. Is that right?

3 S: Hai. Yes.

4 K: Aa, soo ja moo. 1 see, then.

5 S: Dakara, kono hen wa,= So, this neighborhood.

6 K: =Yoku shitteru. You know well.

7 S: Ee, moo Kawasaki wa Nihon mitai na mon desu yo, Yeah, Kawasaki is like Japan to me.

8 K: Hee, sore ja. I see, then.

112 Eika Tai

Here Kasai demonstrated his near-native competence in managing a con­versation at a discourse level. He succeeded in maintaining the smooth flow of the conversation by giving aizuchi (short responses) in lines 2, 4, and 8. Aizuchi, which indicates attentive listening and encouragement for the speaker, is expected from the listener in Japanese-style commu­nication. Further, Kasai created conversational synchrony in cooperation with Sasaki. In line 4, Kasai started to draw a conclusion from Sasaki's utterance in line 1. As soon as Kasai made Ihis move, however, Sasaki took over the floor (line 5) and started to say what Kasai was going to say, showing his quick understanding of Kasai's move. But Kasai in line 6 interrupted Sasaki with latching and finished making the point. In line 7, Sasaki confirmed the point by saying that Kawasaki, his hometown, is like Japan to hjm; that is, Kawasaki is the place in Japan he knows best. In lines 4 through 7, Kasai and Sasaki are tuned to each other in thinking and cooperatively make the point that Sasaki is very familiar with the place the taxi is passing.

This segment about where Sasaki lived also shows how Kasai and Sasaki collaborated in constructing the hierarchical relationship of a cus­tomer and a driver. Kasai used casual expressions such as a soo ka (is that right?) in line 2 and the contracted plain form verb shitteru (know) in line 6. Sasaki used the p6lite first person pronoun watashi in line 1, a formal affirmative reply, hai, in line 3, and the polite copula desu in lines 1 and 7. Kasai is competent in using casual language styles. As he played the role of a customer and did not have to use polite forms, which he often has trouble producing, he obviated the possibility of revealing his nonnative identity in this respect.

Making Claims

As he managed to pass as a native speaker, Kasai made claims to elevate his social status not only in terms of ethnicity but also in terms of other social qualifications. As the taxi passed his son's clinic at an earlier point in the conversation, Kasai told Sasaki that he and his son were doctors and that they had graduated from the same university in Tokyo. Kasai added that his son also attended a medical school in the United States, and repeated the word amerika (America), indicating the connotation of eliteness associated with an American education. In these utterances, Kasai indirectly made a claim that his status was high in the

Passing as a Native 113

social hierarchy by pointing out the economic prosperity and high edu­cational backgrounds of himself and his son, and also by using the cultural capital" of American education and American culture in general.

Discussing Goffman's accounts of stigma management, Ishikawa (1992) argued that the most effective kind of "covering " the adaptive technique of reducing tension associated with a stigma, is to gain status symbols that would compensate for the stigma and thereby soften its effect (p. 208). In claiming a high social status, Kasai performed this kind of covering and tried to deal with his stigmatic attribute.

In the next phase in the conversation, Kasai implicitly made the claim that he is Japanese. The analysis demonstrates the innovative way in which Kasai created a Japanese identity, but also sheds light on how the normative nature of Kasai's language usage works against his impression management.

1 S: Moto wa Tookyoo nan desu yo. I am originally from Tokyo.

2 K: Boku-boku mo Tookyoo kara kita n, kotchi e. /-/ came from Tokyo too, to this neighborhood.

3 S: Aa::a, Tookyoo, dochira desu ka?= / see, Tokyo, where in Tokyo do you come from?

4 K: =Kudan.= Kudan.

5 S; =TWAA::= Wow.

6 K: =>KuucftM«tshuu] chuu de< anta, inochi gake da yo, are. Under the air raid, you see, our lives were in danger.

7 S: Ee? What?

8 K: Kuushuu chuu, hora. The air raid, don't you know?

9 S: Aa, inochi gake desu ne. / see, people's lives were in danger, weren't they?

10 K: Ee, moo, are da yo. Taihen da yo, moo. Yeah, you know. It was hard, really.

11 Inochi gake da yo. Our lives were in danger.

12 S: Aa;: I see.

13 K; Yo-yoku-yoku, konnichi mada ikite iru no ga okashikute. How-how, it's amazing I'm still alive.

114 Eika Tai

14 S: Haa::, osoroshii desu ne. Indeed; it was scary, wasn't it?

15 K: Soo la [da] yo. That's right.

16 Are, moo::, ni-nijuu nen no san gatsu tooka ka? Well, let's see, w<35 it March ten of the year Showa twenty?

17 S: Ee? What?

18 K: Ni-, Shoowa, nijuu nen no san gatsu tooka la [da]. Two, it was March ten of Showa twenty.

19 S: Nani ga? What was?

20 K; Dai kuushuu la [da] yo. / mean the big air raid.

21 S: Dai kuushuu? The big air raid?

22 K; Uu::n. Are wa taihen la [da] yo, moo. Yeah. That waj really tough, you know.

23 S: Tookyoo kuushuu ne. You mean the Tokyo air raid.

This exchange is characterized by Kasai's excitement, which is triggered by Sasaki's introduction of the topic of birth place. Kasai said in an interview that he considered Kudan, the town in Tokyo where he lived when he first arrived from Taiwan, to be his hometown in Japan, and he liked to talk about his experience living there. The stutter and emphasis in line 2 indicate that Kasai was excited about having the opportunity to say that he comes from Tokyo. Sasaki responded to Kasai with a positive ac­knowledgment and a relevant question. In line 4, Kasai said that he comes from Kudan, with latching and emphasis indicating that he was anxious to answer the question. In line 5, Sasaki responded to Kasai's anxiousness with an exclamation of surprise, which indicates a positive assessment. In line 6, Kasai shifted the topic to the Tokyo air raid, which affected this town, also with excitement, as indicated by latching and acceleration.

The topic of his hometown was not only exciting to Kasai, but it was also important to him in this particular conversation; it gave him a chance to present supporting evidence for his initial claim of being Japanese. Kasai had an opportunity to tell Sasaki, in a sequentially natural way, that he was originally from Tokyo, implying that he was bom in Japan and is hence Japanese. Further, by shifting the topic naturally to the Tokyo

Passing as a Native 115

air raid, he had a chance to establish that he and Sasaki share the common experience of having lived in Tokyo during the war. Such an establishment would further consolidate his construction of a Japanese identity. How­ever, it is not clear from the analysis of the conversation whether Kasai was conscious of forging a Japanese identity during this segment; he may have been making a claim to Japanese identity only subconsciously.

In this opportunity to assume a Japanese identity, however, Kasai ironically had more difficulty communicating than in other parts of the conversation, frequently making nonnative mistakes of phonology and syntax. He continued to make the pronunciation aror of substituting the syllable la for the syllable da in lines 15, 18, 20, and 22. In line 6, Kasai made another kind of pronunciation error: He mispronounced kuushuu (air raid) as kuuchuu. Although he corrected this error himself in his next turn, the correction was initiated by Sasaki's clarification request in line 7. Also in line 6, Kasai used the contracted form of the second person pronoun anta, which was not appropriate in this context. As discussed earlier, the word is likely to sound impolite or too casual and is not expected to be used by a doctor.

Kasai also had difficulty in terms of interaction practices. In the exchange after line 6, the synchrony in turn-taking decreased as there were disjunctions in the flow of the conversation. Kasai had difficulty in getting his message across, as indicated by frequent instances of "non-understanding" (Varonis & Gass, 1985) on the part of Sasaki. Until line 23, in which he relabeled the Tokyo air raid in his own way, Sasaki did not fully understand the meanings of Kasai's utterances. In line 6, Kasai had abruptly introduced the topic of the Tokyo air raid and had immedi­ately talked about the fear of the air raid. Here he also mispronounced the key word, kuushuu (air raid). In line 16, he gave the date of the Tokyo air raid without any preliminary relevant remark. Thus Kasai referred to specific points without having supplied the information that would have provided a context for understanding on the part of the listener. The way in which Kasai jumped around these subtopics evidently confused Sasaki.

Sasaki was placed in a state of nonunderstanding in all of his turns from line 7 through 21, but he pretended to understand Kasai's utterances as much as possible. In line 7, he showed nonunderstanding as he re­sponded to Kasai's abrupt introduction of a new topic with a pronunciation mistake. But in line 9, Sasaki indicated that he understood the new topic by repeating part of the ending of Kasai's utterance in line 6. Sasaki's utterances in lines 12 and 14, exclamatory sounds and a comment, seem

116 Eika Tai

to have been coherent responses to Kasai's respective prior utterances. However, Sasaki showed confusion in his next three turns, lines 17, 19, and 21, which suggests that his indication of understanding in lines 9, 12, and 14 might not have signalled a "real" understanding. In short, Sasaki made his nonunderstanding obvious in lines 7, 17, 19, and 21, but con­cealed it in lines 9,12, and 14. By doing so, Sasaki tried to avoid disclosing both his own confusion and Kasai's difficulty in expressing himself.

Kasai's difficulty in managing the conversation seems to be related to Sasaki's unfamiliarity with the topic. In native-nonnative interaction, fa­miliarity with the topic of conversation-plays an important role in improving or hindering the comprehensibility of nonnative talk (Gass & Varonis, 1984). Sasaki was not following Kasai's story about the Tokyo air raid, probably because he did not remember the incident clearly. He was in his late 50s at the time of the conversation and was about 10 years old at the time of the air raid, whereas Kasai, in his late 70s, was about 30 years old then. Further, Kasai did not provide detailed information that would have facilitated. Sasaki's comprehension. Sasaki's low comprehension and Kasai's difficulty in organizing information resulted in frequent negotiation of meaning. It has-been pointed out that negotiation of meaning is more prevalent in interaction involving nonnative speakers than that between native speakers solely (Long, 1983; Varonis & Gass, 1985). In this sense, the exchange here took on a sign of native-nonnative interaction.

While Kasai struggled to create a Japanese identity, Sasaki continued to show politeness to Kasai, playing the role of a provider of a service. He used polite forms such as the copula desu in several lines and dochira (where) in line 3. When he repeated Kasai's utterance, he changed the original casual form to a polite one, as observed in line 9, where he replaced the copula da (used by Kasai in line 6) with its polite form desu in his repetition of Kasai's sentence. Sasaki softened the effect of Kasai's difficulty in telling a story by pretending to follow Kasai's story. On the other hand, Kasai continued to play the role of a customer, as indicated by his use of the informal copula da in several sentences and the plain first person pronoun of male speech boku in line 2.

In the next segment, which took place immediately after the previous one, Kasai continued to have difficulty expressing himself as he elaborated pn the topic of the air raid. Now familiar with the topic, Sasaki followed Kasai's utterances well and was able to repair Kasai's problems.

24 K: Are wa, hi-hi wa hi wa mizu yori-yori mo ooi n la [da]. That was, there was more fire-fire than water.

Passing as a Native 117

25 Dooshite kesareru [keseru]? Kesare [kese] nai yo. How could you put it out? You couldn't.

26 S: Uun, kese nai deshoo. / guess you couldn't.

27 K: Atchi kotchi ni ne, moo nigeru toko nai yo. Flames were everywhere, and there was no place to escape to.

28 S: Uun:: / see.

29 K: Moo:: Really.

30 S: Hi no umi da ne. There was a sea offlames, wasn't there?

31 K: Hi no-hi no umi, a ja, yoku-yoku ((laugh)) wasurete. A sea of fla-flames, well, how-how, I've forgotten.

32 Hi no, honto ni hi no umi la [da] yo. Flames, really, a sea of flames.

In line 25, Kasai made an error in conjugating the verb kesu (to extinguish). He used the passive form kesareru, whereas a native speaker would have used the potential form keseru to convey the meaning of possibility. Kasai repeated the error as he used the verb twice in a row. Sasaki in his next turn (line 26) used the appropriate form of the verb and thus corrected Kasai's error. Here Sasaki initiated the correction and completed it him­self. This is an example of "other-correction," which is restricted in interaction between competent speakers in favor of self-correction (Schegloff et al., 1977). That is to say, Sasaki did not treat Kasai as a competent speaker in his repair action. To be sure, a conjugation mistake of this kind is occasionally made by a native speaker as well, but the native speaker would make a self-initiation and/or a self-correction. On the contrary, Kasai did not even acknowledge Sasaki's correction. Al­though Sasaki did an other-correction, he showed some politeness to Kasai in that he gave corrective feedback at a transition pomt, not as an inter­ruption (Day, Chenoweth, Chun, & Luppescu, 1984, pp. 41-42), and gave it in the form of an acknowledgment, that is, as an "implicit correction" (Brock, Crookes, Day, & Long, 1986).

This segment shows another aspect of Kasai's language usage. He did not have a good deal of the vocabulary expected from an educated person of his social status. In line 24, Kasai described the scene of the Tokyo air raid by saying hi wa mizu yori mo ooi n da (there was more flame than water), which is grammatically correct, but is an idiosyncratic and unusual expression in Japanese. In line 30, Sasaki repeated Kasai's

118 Eika Tai

point, but with the commonly used expression hi no umi (sea of flames). This time, Kasai acknowledged Sasaki's repair by integrating it into his own speech in his next turn. In supplying the appropriate word for Kasai, Sasaki acted as a competent speaker helping a less competent one, but again he demonstrated politeness by making the repair implicitly, that is, by giving it in the form of a confirmation check.

In the two segments cited, Kasai constructed an interactional context as a site of negotiation for ethnic identity. He made a claim to Japanese iden­tity; he shifted conversational topics to his advantage while keeping the natural flow of the conversation. However, he had difficulty achieving his goal because of his language problems. The nonnative qualities of Kasai's language usage are revealed not only by Kasai's own errors and problems, but also by the frequent negotiation of meaning between him and Sasaki and by the other-correction of his errors made by Sasaki. Kasai's frequent stuttering in these segments reinforced the awkwardness of his speech. According to my analysis of the conversation, the nonnative quality of Kasai's language usage is most noticeable in thd'two excerpts discussed.

While Kasai attempted to pass as Japanese by speaking like a native and By making claims for himself, Sasaki remained polite in his language behavior, and the interactional detail of the conversation does not fully reveal how he interpreted Kasai's language usage. Most of Kasai's errors and problems were subtle. However, a speaker's assessment of an interlocu­tor's language usage is based on the co-occurrence of a variety of different cues (Gumperz, 1992a, p. 232). Subtle errors, when accumulated, can mark awkwardness and/or foreignness. Awkwardness in Japanese language usage can be interpreted as characteristic of a regional dialect, but Kasai negated this possibility by saying that he was from Tokyo. Sasaki's repair work for Kasai's troublesome utterances indicated that Sasaki was con­scious of the awkwardness of Kasai's Japanese, at least to a certain degree.

I do not focus on the issue of whether Sasaki found Kasai's language usage to be nonnative because I did not interview Sasaki. As discussed earlier, the nonnative quality of Kasai's Japanese is apparent to many Japanese, whereas it is not to others. If Sasaki did not notice it, then the next Japanese person Kasai encounters may. What is important for our discussion is the fact that in this case Kasai was not certain whether he succeeded in pretending to be Japanese. He said in an interview after the taped conversation that he was just as uncertain about the effect of his passing behavior in this conversation as in others. It is this uncertainty that Kasai always faces when he passes as Japanese. In the conversation.

Passing as a Native 119

Kasai's nonnative quality was not apparently disclosed, for the norm of politeness discouraged Sasaki from dealing with Kasai's language prob­lems explicitly. Whether or not Sasaki was sure of Kasai's real ethnic identity, Sasaki adapted his language behavior to Kasai's and faciUtated Kasai's "participation" (Shea, 1994); in doing so, Sasaki helped Kasai to overcome his language problems. Such cooperation from a native speaker reinforced Kasai's tendency to pass as Japanese. As long as Kasai did not have to face an explicit disclosure of his nonnative status, he would not be discouraged from using a passing strategy in interethnic interaction.

CONCLUSION

In the conversation analysis discussed, I have looked at how the two interactants, the Japanese driver Sasaki and the Taiwanese passenger Kasai, approached their encounter. The discrepancy between Kasai and Sasaki in interpreting the question of whether Kasai was Taiwanese was revealed in interactional detail as they defined the situation in different ways. Along the line of occupational hierarchy, Sasaki and Kasai had a "consensus" about their relative social "worth" (Nichols, 1984, p. 24), as Sasaki played the role of a taxi driver, and Kasai that of a passenger. Sasaki oriented his language behavior toward Kasai in terms of his occupational role alone, treating him with politeness. However, Kasai also grasped their relative social positions in terms of ethnicity and constructed a context as a site of the negotiation of ethnic identity. Sasaki's question about Kasai's ethnicity caused Kasai to try to assert a Japanese identity. We have observed how the nonnative quality of Kasai's Japanese worked against his impression management as the conversation unfolded.

To understand the social significance of language use, one needs to take into consideration the knowledge of the world that interactants bring to a conversational situation as well as the social processes that produce and mold such knowledge. Kasai and Sasaki had been socialized into different niches of Japanese society and had developed different kinds of assumptions in regard to interethnic relationships through their respective interactive histories. The linkage between the macro level of political economy and the micro level of interactional behavior is thus provided at a meso level of individual life histories. This is the level where insti­tutional and generational factors come into play as refracted through the individual life stories of interactants.

120 Eika Tai

Kasai's attempt to pass as Japanese is a legacy of the assimilationist policy taken by Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan, as well as a response to the nationalistic ideology of racial and cultural homogeneity in postwar Japan. These sociopolitical processes entered into Kasai's language be­havior in this conversation in at least two ways: through his preconceptions about the social hierarchy .in Japanese society and through his near-native competence in using Japanese. Through his experience as the colonized in Taiwan and as a Taiwanese in postwar Japan, he developed the con­ceptualization of Taiwanese as lower in power and status than Japanese, and this conception led him to try to conceal his ethnic background. Kasai developed native-like competence in using Japanese as he was educated in Japanese in colonized Taiwan. His near-native competence in Japanese made it possible for him to pass as Japanese, but at the same time left him in an ambivalent state of mind about the effect of his passing behavior.

On the other hand, it^s recent social change, not the old exclusionary social climate, that seems to have shaped Sasaki's language behavior. His introduction of the topic of ethnicity and his subsequent indifference to it reflect a casual attitude toward non-Japanese. He seemed tuned in to the changing aspect of Japanese society in which ethnic identity is asserted rather than played down or concealed. When he asked the initial question, he probably had no intention to activate the established social hierarchy between Japanese and Asian residents, that is, to take a superior position over Kasai by virtue of his being Japanese.

In the final analysis, the Taiwanese passenger might have inadver­tently reinforced the myth of the superiority of Japanese people, precisely because he attempted to pass as Japanese. In this attempt, he gave his consent to the legitimacy of the power of the dominant and accepted his subordinate position (Bourdieu, 1977b). If Sasaki found Kasai's real ethnic identity to be Taiwanese after all, Sasaki might have perceived Kasai's defensive response to the situation "as a direct expression of his defect" (Goffman, 1963, p. 6). Uncertainty remained in Kasai's mind because the norm of poUteness prevented the awkwardness of his language behavior from fully coming to the surface. This uncertainty, if it had any effect, would rather work toward the maintenance of the old social order; it would, not discourage Kasai from trying to pass as Japanese.

The recent changes in Japan with regard to foreigners have rejuve­nated the ethnic identity of some of the oldcomer Taiwanese, who have begun to redefine their once-stigmatized status. However, Kasai shaped his conduct in such a way as to reconstitute the old social order. The

Passing as a Native 121

conversation between Sasaki and Kasai may not be very different from a number of interethnic interactions taking place in everyday life m Japanese society, where many Asian residents seek to pass as Japanese using their native-like language skills. What was accomplished in the course of this conversation is trivial in effect, but the accumulation of many instances of this kind contributes to the reproduction of the existing social hierarchy, despite opportunities available in the recent social climate for undermining it, if only very gradually.

NOTES

1 The names of the interactants are pseudonyms.

2 I use the standard romanization system for spelling Japanese words, but long vowels are spelled as aa, ii, uu, ee, and oo. When there are conventionalized English spellings such as Tokyo and Showa, I use these spellings in the main text, but for consistency write them as Tookyoo and Shoowa in the transcripts of the conversation.

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