Saudi Women Take to the Political Arena—Even if It Means Sitting in the Back Seat

4
20 |  Solutions  |  September-October 2015 |  www.thesolutionsjournal.org Perspectives T his December, Saudi Arabia will  have its third round of elections  in the history of its Kingdom and the  first where women will be allowed to  participate. Hundreds of thousands  of Saudis are expected to flock to  the polls, along with dozens of can- didates and a flurry of international  media, but only a few of these will be  women. Women in Saudi Arabia face many  obstacles, but merely getting to the  polls in a country that forbids them  from driving is their biggest challenge. Earlier this year, Wall Street Journal reporter Ahmed Al Omran voiced his  frustrations on Twitter as he urged  ride-share apps like Careem and Uber  to provide free services for women to  the polling booths. 1 A few hours after his initial post,  Careem promptly responded, saying,  “boom, we’ll do it,” and just like that,  what had started as an innocent com- ment on Twitter became a national  campaign for women’s rights. Careem made their official  announcement later that day, tweeting  “Because #yourvoicemakesadifference,  we will help you make a difference.  For women, trips will be free to the  election polls.” 1 In Saudi Arabia, 80 percent of  ride-share app customers are women.  Restricted by laws governing their  freedom, car services like Careem give  Saudi women some independence and  autonomy. Saudi has a long history of limiting  civil rights. While other Arab nations  underwent a limited process of democ- ratization in the 1980s and 1990s by  introducing liberal reforms to their  legislature, Saudi Arabia lagged behind  in granting such political freedoms. 2 Ultimately, in 2005, citizens were  given the right to vote under the rule  of King Fahd bin Abdulaziz Al Saud.  Following a policy of appeasement, he  hoped to curb the increasing dissent  over the lack of participation in the  political arena. In this authoritarian regime, the  municipal elections symbolized an  ‘exercise in democracy’ that helped  further the State’s agenda to portray  Saudi Arabia as a progressive and  liberalized civic society instead of  a “closed and secretive society that  fosters Islamic extremism” in a post  9/11 world. 2 However, failing to achieve  this, coupled with a decision to  exclude women—a clear reflection  of pluralism and lack of separation  between politics and religion in the  state—Saudi’s image deteriorated even  further. The next elections scheduled for  October 30, 2009, didn’t take place  until September 2011. The delay was  allegedly to “expand the electorate  and study the possibility of allowing  women to vote” according to officials.  Nonetheless, in 2011 the Ministry of  Municipal and Rural Affairs stated  that women would not be allowed to  participate “because of the kingdom’s  social customs.” 3 Contemporaneously, King  Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud  granted women the right to vote by a  royal decree and included women in  his Shura council. In a speech to the  advisory board, speaking on behalf of  the ulama (clerics) as well as political  officials, he announced the inclusion  of women in the following elections.  “Because we refuse to marginalize  women in society in all roles that  comply with sharia, we have decided,  after deliberation with our senior  ulama and others...to involve women  in the Shura Council as members,  starting from the next term.” 4 The ulama’s sudden change in  stance could be attributed to mount- ing political pressures placed by King  Abdullah, who grew wary of the frag- ile internal and external dynamics  at the time. Inside the state, activists  demanded that all 178 seats be  elected through a democratic process.  Furthermore, the Baladi campaign,  run by a group of pioneering Saudi  female activists, rallied the masses  in taking a strong stand against the  exclusion of women. Outside the  state, revolutionaries overthrew  regime after regime, toppling ruth- less dictators and gaining freedom for  their country. Fearing Eisenhower’s  Domino Theory, King Abdullah made  Saudi Women Take to the Political Arena—Even if It Means Sitting in the Back Seat by Ilina Talwar The Baladi campaign, run by a group of pioneering Saudi female activists, rallied the masses in taking a strong stand against the exclusion of women. Talwar, I. (2015). Saudi Women Take to the Political Arena – Even if It Means Sitting in the Back Seat. Solutions 6(5): 20–23. https://thesolutionsjournal.com/2015/5/saudi-women-take-to-the-political-arena-even-if-it-means-sitting-in-the-back-seat

description

Perspective, Volume 6, Issue 5

Transcript of Saudi Women Take to the Political Arena—Even if It Means Sitting in the Back Seat

Page 1: Saudi Women Take to the Political Arena—Even if It Means Sitting in the Back Seat

20  |  Solutions  |  September-October 2015  |  www.thesolutionsjournal.org

Perspectives

This December, Saudi Arabia will have its third round of elections 

in the history of its Kingdom and the first where women will be allowed to participate. Hundreds of thousands of Saudis are expected to flock to the polls, along with dozens of can-didates and a flurry of international media, but only a few of these will be women.

Women in Saudi Arabia face many obstacles, but merely getting to the polls in a country that forbids them from driving is their biggest challenge.

Earlier this year, Wall Street Journal reporter Ahmed Al Omran voiced his frustrations on Twitter as he urged ride-share apps like Careem and Uber to provide free services for women to the polling booths.1

A few hours after his initial post, Careem promptly responded, saying, “boom, we’ll do it,” and just like that, what had started as an innocent com-ment on Twitter became a national campaign for women’s rights.

Careem made their official announcement later that day, tweeting “Because #yourvoicemakesadifference, we will help you make a difference. For women, trips will be free to the election polls.”1

In Saudi Arabia, 80 percent of ride-share app customers are women. Restricted by laws governing their freedom, car services like Careem give Saudi women some independence and autonomy.

Saudi has a long history of limiting civil rights. While other Arab nations underwent a limited process of democ-ratization in the 1980s and 1990s by introducing liberal reforms to their legislature, Saudi Arabia lagged behind in granting such political freedoms.2

Ultimately, in 2005, citizens were given the right to vote under the rule of King Fahd bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. Following a policy of appeasement, he hoped to curb the increasing dissent over the lack of participation in the political arena.

In this authoritarian regime, the municipal elections symbolized an ‘exercise in democracy’ that helped further the State’s agenda to portray Saudi Arabia as a progressive and liberalized civic society instead of a “closed and secretive society that fosters Islamic extremism” in a post 9/11 world.2

However, failing to achieve this, coupled with a decision to exclude women—a clear reflection of pluralism and lack of separation between politics and religion in the state—Saudi’s image deteriorated even further.

The next elections scheduled for October 30, 2009, didn’t take place until September 2011. The delay was allegedly to “expand the electorate and study the possibility of allowing women to vote” according to officials. Nonetheless, in 2011 the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs stated that women would not be allowed to participate “because of the kingdom’s social customs.”3

Contemporaneously, King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud granted women the right to vote by a royal decree and included women in his Shura council. In a speech to the advisory board, speaking on behalf of the ulama (clerics) as well as political officials, he announced the inclusion of women in the following elections. “Because we refuse to marginalize women in society in all roles that comply with sharia, we have decided, after deliberation with our senior ulama and others...to involve women in the Shura Council as members, starting from the next term.”4

The ulama’s sudden change in stance could be attributed to mount-ing political pressures placed by King Abdullah, who grew wary of the frag-ile internal and external dynamics at the time. Inside the state, activists demanded that all 178 seats be elected through a democratic process. Furthermore, the Baladi campaign, run by a group of pioneering Saudi female activists, rallied the masses in taking a strong stand against the exclusion of women. Outside the state, revolutionaries overthrew regime after regime, toppling ruth-less dictators and gaining freedom for their country. Fearing Eisenhower’s Domino Theory, King Abdullah made 

Saudi Women Take to the Political Arena—Even if It Means Sitting in the Back Seatby Ilina Talwar

The Baladi campaign, run by a group of pioneering Saudi female activists, rallied the masses in taking a strong stand against the exclusion of women.

Talwar, I. (2015). Saudi Women Take to the Political Arena – Even if It Means Sitting in the Back Seat. Solutions 6(5): 20–23.https://thesolutionsjournal.com/2015/5/saudi-women-take-to-the-political-arena-even-if-it-means-sitting-in-the-back-seat

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Perspectives

Edward Musiak The upcoming December elections in Saudi Arabia will mark the first election in which women are permitted to vote. Despite this, many women will still not make it to the polls.

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Perspectives

the decision to include women, just nine months after the wake of the Arab Spring.

Now in 2015, women not only have the right to vote but also to run as candidates. This is a great step forward for women’s rights in Saudi Arabia, a country marred for its reputation as oppressive and rigid in its treatment towards women.

“It is also a vital step towards moderation, and for reaching a better understanding of our own society,” said a Saudi graduate student at George Washington University.5

However, taking one step forward and two back, the Saudi government has managed to find alternative ways to undercut women’s involve-ment in the elections. They shut down an initiative by the Baladi campaign to provide free training sessions led by UN ambassadors and leaders from across the Arab region to help candidates with their campaign.

Structural and cultural barriers such as lack of public awareness, remote registration centers, and a system of male guardianship are keeping women away from the polling booth as well.

Being placed under a male guard-ian, or mahram, requires women to have “male approval to be able to travel, work outside the home, or access higher education.”6

Social norms and government regulations have worked hand-in-hand to completely immobilize women. Public condemnation prevents women from using the poor forms of public transportation available. A woman getting into a cab or travelling the metro on her own “is often seen as lacking morals.”7 And although there is no law that overtly prohibits women from driving, it is customary for grant-ing authorities to refuse licenses to women.

The rationale behind this is based in Saudi’s conservative ideology. Women must not come into contact with male traffic officers or medics (in case of an accident) and, therefore, must not be allowed to drive. A religious cleric even went as far as to say that driving could cause harm to a woman’s ovaries.8

Women’s rights activists have led several initiatives to remove the driving ‘ban’ but failed despite of their vigorous efforts. One such case is the Women2drive campaign, where women posted pictures of themselves driving on social media as a form of resistance.9,10

According to The Economist Democracy Index, the Saudi govern-ment is the seventh most authoritarian regime out of 167 countries that were surveyed, scoring far lower than its Arab neighbors.11 The birthplace of Islam and home to two of the most hal-lowed cities, Mecca and Medina, Saudi Arabia follows a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam known as Wahhabism. Originating in the 18th century, Wahhabism has become well known for its subjugation of women and extremist ideology, serving as a building block for global terrorist organizations such as the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and more recently the Islamic State of the Levant (ISIL).

SouRider.222 Women’s rights activists have led several campaigns to remove the driving “ban,” including media such as this flier.

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Perspectives

Although granting voting rights for women is a tremendous achievement that should not go unrecognized, it is doubtful that women will be instrumental in making any sort of policy change. Municipal councils in reality have very little authority, as only half of electoral seats are popularly elected, while the King appoints the rest. They are in charge of ‘oversee-ing’ the budget, giving ‘suggestions’ for further regulation and ‘adminis-tering’ urban development projects. The only real governing body with limited influence over the monarch is the Shura council, where women are still firmly underrepresented. 

References1.  Rivero, D. and N. Prakash. How one tweet is helping 

Saudi women vote for the first time ever. Fusion 

[online] (September 2, 2015) http://fusion.net/

story/192438/how-one-tweet-is-helping-saudi-

women-vote-for-the-first-time-ever/.

2.  Kraetzschmar, HJ. The first democratic local in 

elections in Saudi Arabia in 2005. LSE Public Policy 

Group [online] (January 2011) http://www.lse.ac.uk/

government/research/resgroups/LSEPublicPolicy/

Docs/Saudi_Arabia_Democratic_Elections_

Kraetzschmar.pdf.

3.  Saudi Arabia to hold elections next month after year 

and a half delay. The Star [online] (March 22, 2011) 

http://www.thestar.com/news/world/2011/03/22/

saudi_arabia_to_hold_elections_next_month_

after_year_and_a_half_delay.html.

4.  Al Sharif, A. Saudi king gives women right to vote. 

Reuters [online] (September 25, 2011) http://www.

reuters.com/article/2011/09/25/us-saudi-king-

women-idUSTRE78O10Y20110925.

5.  First Saudi women register to vote. Al Jazeera 

[online] (August 20, 2015) http://www.aljazeera.

com/news/2015/06/saudi-women-register-

vote-150621081535058.html.

6.  Chittal, N. Saudi women register to vote for the first 

time. MSNBC [online] (August 24, 2015) http://www.

msnbc.com/msnbc/saudi-women-register-vote-the-

first-time.

7.  Zavis, A. Banned from driving, Saudi women turn 

to Uber and other ride-share apps. Los Angeles Times 

[online] (May 7, 2015) http://www.latimes.com/

world/middleeast/la-fg-saudi-women-rideshare-

apps-20150507-story.html.

8.  Jamjoom, M. Saudi cleric warns driving could 

damage women’s ovaries. CNN [online] (September 

30, 2013) http://edition.cnn.com/2013/09/29/world/

meast/saudi-arabia-women-driving-cleric/.

9.  Fields, L. Saudi women record themselves behind the 

wheel to protest ban on female motorists. Vice News 

[online] (October 26, 2014) https://news.vice.com/

article/saudi-women-record-themselves-behind-the-

wheel-to-protest-ban-on-female-motorists.

10. Women’s Rights Campaigning. Women2Drive in 

Saudi Arabia [online] (2015) https://womensrights.

informationactivism.org/en/cases/women2drive-

saudi-arabia.

11. Democracy index 2010: democracy in retreat. The

Economist [online] (2010) http://graphics.eiu.com/

PDF/Democracy_Index_2010_web.pdf.

Al Jazeera English Structural and cultural barriers still limit Saudi women’s freedom and actions.