SAPEREScripta Antiquitatis Posterioris

ad Ethicam REligionemque pertinentia

Schriften der spaumlteren Antikezu ethischen und religioumlsen Fragen

Herausgegeben von

Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath Reinhard Feldmeier und Rainer Hirsch-Luipold

Band XVI

Mohr Siebeck

Plutarch

On the daimonion of Socrates

Human liberation divine guidance and philosophy

edited by

Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath

Introduction Text Translation and Interpretative Essays by

Donald Russell George Cawkwell Werner Deuse John Dillon Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath

Robert Parker Christopher Pelling Stephan Schroumlder

e-ISBN PDF 978-3-16-156444-4ISBN 978-3-16-150138-8 (cloth)ISBN 987-3-16-150137-1 (paperback)

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Natio-nal bibliographie detailed bibliographic data is availableon the Internet at httpdnbd-nbde

copy 2010 by Mohr Siebeck Tuumlbingen

This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisherrsquos written permission This applies particularly to reproductions translations microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems

This book was typeset by Christoph Alexander Martsch Serena Pirrotta and Thorsten Stolper at the SAPERE Research Institute Goumlttingen printed by Gulde-Druck in Tuumlbingen on non-aging paper and bound by Buchbinderei Spinner in Ottersweier

Printed in Germany

SAPEREGreek and Latin texts of Later Antiquity (1stndash4th centuries AD) have fora long time been overshadowed by those dating back to so-called lsquoclassi-calrsquo times The first four centuries of our era have however produced acornucopia of works in Greek and Latin dealing with questions of philoso-phy ethics and religion that continue to be relevant even today The seriesSAPERE (Scripta Antiquitatis Posterioris ad Ethicam REligionemque per-tinentia lsquoWritings of Later Antiquity with Ethical and Religious Themesrsquo)now funded by the German Union of Academies undertakes the task ofmaking these texts accessible through an innovative combination of edi-tion translation and commentary in the form of interpretative essays

The acronym lsquoSAPERErsquo deliberately evokes the various connotations ofsapere the Latin verb In addition to the intellectual dimension ndash whichKant made the mo o of the Enlightenment by translating lsquosapere audersquowith lsquodare to use thy reasonrsquo ndash the notion of lsquotastingrsquo should come intoplay as well On the one hand SAPERE makes important source textsavailable for discussion within various disciplines such as theology andreligious studies philology philosophy history archaeology and so onon the other it also seeks to whet the readersrsquo appetite to lsquotastersquo these textsConsequently a thorough scholarly analysis of the texts which are inves-tigated from the vantage points of different disciplines complements thepresentation of the sources both in the original and in translation In thisway the importance of these ancient authors for the history of ideas andtheir relevance to modern debates come clearly into focus thereby foster-ing an active engagement with the classical past

Preface to this VolumeThe first idea of bringing this volume into existence came into my heada er a dinner conversation with Donald Russell at All Souls College Ox-ford in May 2004 during which Donald told me that already a long timeago he had collected material for an edition (with commentary) of De ge-nio Socratis one of the most wonderful pieces of PlutarchrsquosMoralia Whenndash twenty-two months later ndash I finally plucked up the courage to ask himwhether he might be willing to provide an introduction into and a textand translation (with notes) of De genio for a SAPERE volume his first re-action was to call me a fool for bothering someone at his age with such aproposition ndash but barely half a year later he had in fact done what I hadasked him for thus giving us the heart of the present volume He had firstworked on this subject under the guidance of E R Dodds and would likethis contribution to be regarded as a partial and very late fulfilment of hisobligations to that great scholar

It took the next two and a half years to assemble a team of further con-tributors and get them to write a number of essays all of which ndash I hope ndashwill be useful and enlightening to all interested in De genio To all contrib-utors I am profoundly grateful for the time and energy they poured intothis venture it has been a privilege and a pleasure to work with each andeveryone of them My greatest debt of gratitude however I still owe toDonald without whom this volume would not exist May he yet live longto receive the acclaim he deserves for it

Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath Gouml ingen August 2009

Table of ContentsSAPERE VPreface to this Volume VII

A Introduction

Introduction (D A Russell) 31 Preliminary Remarks 32 Synopsis 43 The Text 124 Suggested variations from Teubner text 12

B Text Translation and Notes

Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου (Text and Translation by D A Russell) 18Notes on the Translation (D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath) 82

C Essays

Between Athens Sparta and Persia the Historical Significance of theLiberation of Thebes in 379 (George Cawkwell) 101

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas(Christopher Pelling) 1111 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext 1112 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1133 Internal and external links 1164 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1215 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1236 Lessons for today 127

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena (Robert Parker) 129

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch (John Dillon) 1391 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophical upbringing 1392 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics 1413 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and of contemporary

Pythagoreans 1424 Pythagorean elements in De genio 143

X Table of Contents

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration (Stephan Schroumlder translated byH-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell) 1451 Preliminary remarks 1452 The dialogues on the oracles 146

21 De Pythiae oraculis 14622 De defectu oraculorum 153

3 De genio Socratis 1594 Conclusion 167

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths (Werner Deuse translated by H-G Nesselrathtranslation revised by D A Russell) 1691 Preliminary remarks 1692 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatological topography 1743 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of the myths 1824 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths 1885 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo 1916 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie 194

D Appendices

I Some Texts similar to De genio (D A Russell) 201

II Bibliography 2071 Abbreviations 2092 Editions Commentaries Translations 2093 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works) 210

III Indices (Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper) 2131 Source Index 2132 General Index 221

A Introduction

IntroductionD A Russell

1 Preliminary Remarks

Il est des ouvrages en Plutarque ougrave il oublie son thegraveme ougrave le propos de son argumentne se trouve que par incident tout estouffeacute en matiere estrangere voyez ses alleuresau Daemon de Socrate O Dieu que ces gaillardes escapades que ce e variation a debeauteacute et plus lors que plus elle retire au nonchalant et fortuite

Montaigne (Essais III ix) here admires the inconsequentiality of De genioMost modern scholarship has been disconcerted by the combination of ex-citing historical romance and serious philosophical and religious discus-sion Many a empts have therefore been made to identify themes and con-nections which might be held to unify the whole Liberation (as the soulis freed with difficulty from the ills of the body so Thebes is freed fromthe Spartan occupation) divine guidance (Epaminondas like Socrates isunder a special tutelary daimon) or a general concern with signs and por-tents It is doubtful whether any of these ideas is a guide to Plutarchrsquosintentions1 These should be sought rather in his educational concerns Inthe preface toDe audiendis poetis (14E) he observes that young students notyet ready for the formal study of philosophy nevertheless take pleasurein works like Heraclidesrsquo Abaris and Aristonrsquos Lycon in which philosophyand fabulous narrative are combined If we consider De genio in this lightit is clear that it fills the bill very well There is the exciting patriotic storyof the liberation of Thebes there is also the speculation about divinationand the fate of the soul a er death there is even a miniature Socratic dia-logue on doing good (584Bndash585D) and a suggestion that it is a good thingto study mathematics (579AndashD) We should also recall that the narratorCaphisias Epaminondasrsquo younger brother is young and emphasises hisyouth (he has lovers he spends time in the gymnasia) and that the brav-ery of Charonrsquos fi een year old son is given special prominence (595BndashD)It would be foolish to suggest that Plutarch is primarily targeting an ado-lescent readership (or his own pupils) but he certainly has one in mindas he does also in his Banquet of the Seven Wise Men and in Gryllus And

1 But note the articles by A G (ldquoEpameinondas and the Socratic paradigm inthe De genio Socratisrdquo) and P H (ldquoSign language in On the sign of Socratesrdquo) in V

S 1996 113ndash22 and 123ndash36

4 D A Russell

it is a Boeotian audience he makes the visionary who relates the myth anative of his own city Chaeronea and he gives us a great deal of antiquar-ian detail about the religions and political practices of Boeotia in classicaltimes

2 Synopsis2

1 (575Andash576B)The frame dialogue (not resumed at the end cf Platorsquos Phaedo Theaetetus)serves as a preface It limits the scope of the following narrative (Archeda-mus explains what he and his friends already know 575Fndash576B) and itmakes an important statement about the value of detail and motivation asagainst mere information about the upshot of events for hearers who areconnoisseurs of the moral aspects of actions This recalls prefatory state-ments in several Lives eg Nicias 1 Alexander 1 Timoleon 1 and 6 Andwe are again reminded of De audiendis poetis Archedamusrsquo friends arelike those serious readers of poetry who are not just in search of amuse-ment (30D note τὸ δὲ φιλόκαλον καὶ φιλότιmicroον corresponding to τὸν δὲφιλότιmicroον καὶ φιλόκαλον θεατήν in 575C)

The exact occasion of this frame dialogue is unclear It is perhapsthought of as preceding the Athenian renunciation of the Theban alliance(Pelopidas 141 Xen Hell 5419) but we do not learn whether Plutarch hadany evidence that Caphisias participated in any such mission Archeda-musrsquo Boeotian sympathies however are well a ested as is the unpopu-larity they caused him

2ndash5 (576Bndash578C)The initial scenes of Caphisiasrsquo story are set outdoors as a party of the con-spirators makes its way to Simmiasrsquo house Simmias is in many ways thecentral character of the whole dialogue Famous from Phaedo as an in-timate of Socrates and a pupil (at Thebes) of the Pythagorean Phidolaushe has travelled far and acquired much knowledge He is of course in-volved in the conspiracy though his illness prevents him from taking anactive part Like Theages in Plato (Rep 6496D) his infirmity keeps himloyal to philosophy The day has come when the exiles are due to returnand a messenger arrives from Athens to bring word that there are twelveof them and to inquire who will give them lodging Charon offers (576D)This prompts the prophet (mantis) Theocritus to compare this readiness onthe part of a comparatively uneducated person with the reluctance of thehighly educated Epaminondas to take an active part Caphisias naturallydefends his brother There is no doubt that Epaminondasrsquo stance is an im-

2 A particularly careful analysis can be found in L 1933

Introduction 5

portant theme of the whole dialogue We learn later of his Pythagorean up-bringing and his steadfast refusal of material gain Theanor the mysteri-ous visitor will declare that the daimonwho guarded the dead Pythagoreanphilosopher Lysis now guides his pupil Epaminondas Here is at leastone link between the philosophical topics and the narrative for we are ledto conclude that a political life too can be divinely guided The loss ofPlutarchrsquos Epaminondas prevents us from knowing whether the career de-velopment suggested in De genio ndash from quietism to military leadership ndashwas a theme in the Life also

Caphisiasrsquo conversation on this subject is interrupted (577A) by Galaxi-dorus who has seen two officers of the Spartan occupation Archias andLysanoridas approaching Archias takes Theocritus aside Everyone isworried about the reason for this Another conspirator Phyllidas now ap-pears and discusses ma ers with Caphisias There is a longish lacuna inthe text at 577D which must cover the return of Theocritus to the groupThey are then joined by yet another figure Phidolaus of Haliartus whoasks them to wait a li le before entering Simmiasrsquo house because Sim-mias is trying to negotiate with the pro-Spartan Leontiadas about the fateof a leader of the anti-Spartan party Amphitheus who is in prison Thenarrative now takes a new turn Theocritus is glad to see Phidolaus be-cause he wants to ask him about the remains of Alcmena which Agesi-laus removed from Haliartus to Sparta some years before It appears thatthere was a mysterious inscription on the tomb which Agesilaus submit-ted to Egyptian priests for interpretation lsquoSimmias may have something totell us about thisrsquo Theocritus on hearing Phidolausrsquo account reveals thathis recent conversation with Lysanoridas was about some ominous signand that Lysanoridas will go to Haliartus to offer some ritual reparation toAlcmena When he comes back says Theocritus he is just the man to pryinto the Theban secret of the whereabouts of Dircersquos tomb

What has all this to do with the main themes of the dialogue It is notunusual for some minor ma ers to be discussed before a main theme isaddressed thus in De Pyth or 8ndash16 several disconnected topics delaythe introduction of the main issue In De genio there is a dramatic rea-son for sending Lysanoridas to Haliartus since he is (crucially) to be outof town on the day of the coup And the series of episodes enhances theatmosphere portents ominous for the Spartans deep concern for Thebancustoms and ritual

6ndash7 (578Cndash579D)The scene changes to Simmiasrsquo house and a further series of episodes pre-liminary both to the development of the plot and to the main discussiontakes place here Simmias has been disappointed in his a empt to winover Leontiadas but he has learned from him of the arrival of a mysterious

6 D A Russell

stranger who has been performing some ritual at Lysisrsquo tomb and inquir-ing for the family of Polymnis the father of Epaminondas and CaphisiasPhidolaus however is still preoccupied with the Alcmena inscription canSimmias throw any light on this (578E) Only indirectly it would appearSimmias tells a story about another text sent by the Spartans to Egyptwhile he and others were studying there which turned out to be an ex-hortation to the Greeks to pursue the arts of peace not war The samemessage was intended by the oracle given to the Delians ordering themto lsquodouble the size of the altarrsquo this baffled them until Plato explained tothem the necessary mathematics The true meaning of this oracle againwas an exhortation to peace and the civilized pursuits of science and learn-ing

Two things are achieved by this section the Pythagorean stranger isintroduced and the point is made that science and philosophy go with apeaceful life If we venture to look at this in the light of Plutarchrsquos ownday it is an acceptance of the role of Greece as the peaceful partner in theRoman world whose contribution lies in the sciences and the arts

8ndash9 (579Dndash580C)Polymnis arrives We hear more about the visitor who will shortly bebrought before the company Simmias likes very much what he hears ofthe man Galaxidorus does not to him the visitor sounds like a super-stitious charlatan unworthy of philosophy which Socrates (in contrast toPythagoras and Empedocles) showed to be a rational and down-to-earthbusiness This view is at once challenged by the mantis Theocritus whothinks that it implies an acceptance of the charge of impiety brought againstSocrates by his accusers

10ndash12 (580Cndash582C)This leads immediately to the daimonion which (according to Theocritus)shows Socrates a greater prophet than Pythagoras himself We may dis-tinguish five stages in this first lsquoactrsquo of the discussion1 Theocritusrsquo acceptance of the fact that Socrates had a divine guide (a

lsquovisionrsquo [580C] though this perception will not be maintained) and hisreminiscence of a rather trivial episode in which it figured

2 Galaxidorusrsquo argument that Socrates was really skilled in observingsigns (eg sneezes or casual words) as other diviners do

3 Polymnisrsquo rejection of the sneeze theory (which he a ributes to Terp-sion) on the ground that it could not possibly explain Socratesrsquo nobilityof character his prophecy of defeat in Sicily or his inspired behaviourat the ba le of Delium

4 Polymnisrsquo appeal to Simmias supported by Phidolaus5 Galaxidorusrsquo second speech in which he too defers to Simmias but (i)

refutes Phidolaus by saying that small signs may indicate great events

Introduction 7

and using the analogy of writing in which a few small scratches candisplay great wars and sufferings to the literate scholar and (ii) answersPolymnis by urging that Socrates called his sign daimonion not out ofpretentiousness but because he knew the difference between agent (thegod) and instrument (the sign)

13ndash16 (582Cndash586A)The discussion is broken off by the entrance of Epaminondas and Theanorwho dominate the following scene Theanor explains who he is and thecircumstances which have led him to track down the exiled Lysis He hashad a dispute with Epaminondas because he wishes to pay the family fortheir care of Lysis and Epaminondas refuses to accept anything A lengthydialogue in a Socratic style shows Epaminondas able to justify his point ofview Finally Theanor gives his decision Lysisrsquo body is to remain whereit is He looks hard at Epaminondas for he has come to believe that theyoung man is guided by the daimonwho once guided Lysis

17ndash19 (586Andash588B)At this point Phyllidas comes in and asks the others (including the nar-rator) to go outside with him There is cause for alarm Hipposthenidashas gone so far as to send a messenger to warn the exiles not to enter thecity Why Because he thinks the plot may have been discovered and hetakes this to be confirmed by a friendrsquos rather ominous dream Theocrituscomes to the rescue by suggesting a more favourable interpretation andthe messenger Chlidon unexpectedly returns having been unable to rideout to meet the exiles as he had been ordered because his wife had lenthis bridle to a neighbour There had been quite a scene about this but theyconclude that the alarms were all false and the plan is to go ahead The-ocritus and Caphisias go back to Simmiasrsquo house where the discussion isstill going on

20ndash24 (588Bndash594A)This central part of the dialogue the definitive discussion of its nominalsubject is best considered as a whole

(1) The narrator has not heard Simmiasrsquo reply to Galaxidorus and socannot tell what it was This is (I think) an important clue to the gen-eral tendency of the dialogue Galaxidorus is not a figure to be ridiculedlike Thrasymachus in Platorsquos Republic or Planetiades in Plutarchrsquos De de-fectu (413AndashD) True he is contemptuous of people like Empedocles andPythagoras and Pythagoreanism is very much in evidence in everythingto follow But it is probably3 a mistake to make too much of this Galaxi-dorus has maintained Socratesrsquo superiority as a man of reason and he has

3 But see Pierluigi D ldquoSokrates und sein Daumlmon im Platonismus des 1 und 2Jahrhunderts n Chrrdquo in B et al 2004 149

8 D A Russell

deferred to Simmiasrsquo superior knowledge (His view is akin to the Stoic in-terpretation reported in Cicero [De divinatione 1122] which treats Socratesas indeed an observer of signs but one whose capacity depends on a pureand chaste mind) Much of what he said would be acceptable to Plutarchand it is worth noting that in one of the very few ancient references to Degenio (Eustratius in Eth Nic 513 Heylbut) Galaxidorusrsquo and Simmiasrsquospeeches are dovetailed together

(2) Simmiasrsquo theory4 Simmias believed that Socratesrsquo daimonionwas nota vision (so Theocritus was wrong) but the apprehension of a thought notarticulated in speech but rather like the words we seem to hear in dreamsSocratesrsquo special aptitude (due to his unconcern with material things) wasto pick up these signals even when awake (the comparison and contrastwith dreams occurs again in Cic De div lc and is a motif common insuch discussion) The theory is that the thought (logos) of a daimon cancommunicate itself to gi ed souls without the violent lsquoblowrsquo involved inordinary communication by sound These souls yield readily to lsquothe in-tellect (νοῦς) of the higher beinghelliprsquo The best Simmias can do is to makethis plausible by analogies the ship guided by the tiller the po errsquos wheelcontrolled by the fingertip and our common experience (however diffi-cult it is to understand the mechanism of it) of the power of mind overma er (589AndashB) There is a sort of illumination or effulgence (ἀνταύγειαsee note for the problem of this passage) in the thoughts of the superiorpowers which makes them accessible to specially privileged minds bycontrast our knowledge of the thoughts of others is dim mediated onlyby voice If this is hard to grasp (589C) the analogy of sound may helpSound depends on an impact made on the air and we may suppose thatthe daimonrsquos thoughts also produce a physical change discernible only tothose specially endowed minds Or try another analogy this time a mili-tary one the presence of sappers in a tunnel can be detected by resonanceon a bronze shield held in the right place And if (once again) it seemsodd that something we think of as a dream-experience should be possibleto a person who is awake yet another analogy (suggested by the harmoniaarguments of Phaedo) presents itself a musician needs his lyre tuned notunstrung The essential point is that Socrates is very special An oraclegiven when he was a child (not otherwise known to us) declared that hehad his best guide within himself Pressed this implies that the guide wasin some sense his own νοῦς This is inconsistent with the theory of com-

4 See R H Xenokrates Darstellung der Lehre und Sammlung der Fragmente (Leipzig1892) 102ndash4 K R Kosmos and Sympathie Neue Untersuchungen uumlber Poseidonios(Muumlnchen 1926) 214 id ldquoPoseidonios von Apameia der Rhodier genanntrdquo in RE XXII1 (1953) [558ndash826] 803 A 1921 3ndash10 C 1970 53ndash8 L 1933 43ndash9

S (1992) 57ndash8

Introduction 9

munication just developed but it is indeed a Platonic idea (Timaeus 90) andwe shall find it again in the myth which soon follows

This repetitive and complicated speech has been much discussed andits lsquosourcesrsquo conjectured It is no doubt Plutarchrsquos own synthesis but thereare some texts of Platonic provenance which are very similar to it and itmay be convenient to mention the most striking of these here5

(a) Within the writings of Plato himself one may draw a ention toCritias 109c where Critias describes how in early times the gods guidedhuman beings ldquolike pilots from the stern of the vessel holding our soulsby the rudder of persuasionrdquo (transl Jowe )6

(b) Philo De decalogo 32ndash35 where it is explained that God spoke toMoses not with a physical voice but miraculously lsquocommanding an invis-ible sound to be created in air more wonderful than any instrument [cf588F] not without soul hellip but itself a rational soul hellip which shaped the airand gave u erance to an articulate voicersquo

(c) Calcidius sect255 lsquothe voice of which Socrates was aware was not suchas would result from impact on air but such as might reveal the presenceand company of a familiar divinity to a soul whose exceptional chastitymade it clean and therefore more intelligentrsquo Calcidius goes on almost inPlutarchrsquos terms to draw the comparison between our dream experienceand Socratesrsquo waking perception of a divine presence7

(3) The myth of Timarchus8 Timarchus consults the oracle of Tropho-nius in order to learn about Socratesrsquo divine warnings He gets no explicitanswers but he (and we) can draw some conclusions

In reading the myth we must of course have in mind both its Platonicmodels (esp Phaedo) and Plutarchrsquos other a empts in this genre (inDe seranuminis vindicta and De facie)9 But we must also remember that there ismuch room le for invention fantasy and deliberate mystification Plu-tarchrsquos myths (like Platorsquos) draw on a fund of religious philosophical andscientific lore but this fund does not amount to a coherent system and itwould be rash to assume that there is such a thing and that Plutarch is justrevealing parts of it to us a bit at a time (He is not at all like JRR Tolkien)

Timarchus is probably named a er a person mentioned inTheages 129Ain connection with the daimonion Plutarch makes him a Chaeronean andsets his vision at the great Boeotian oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea The

5 Translations of most of these texts can be found in the Appendix below pp 201ndash2076 See H-G N Platon Kritias Uumlbersetzung und Kommentar (Gouml ingen 2006)

132ndash37 Further development of these ideas is to be found in Neoplatonist texts note esp

Hermias in Phaedrum 68ndash9 C Proclus in rempublicam 2166 (which explains howsouls converse in Hades)

8 See in addition to works cited above (n 4) H 1934b S 1942 153ndash76V 1977 D 1996 214ndash6

9 See W Deusersquos essay below pp 169ndash97

10 D A Russell

story begins (590BndashC) with Timarchus lying in the cave (having performedall the due rituals) not knowing whether he is asleep or awake He feelsa blow on his head followed by a pleasurable sensation of rising and ex-panding bright light and a harmonious sound (presumably the music ofthe spheres) His soul has escaped from the opening sutures of his skull(an unparalleled detail in such stories it would seem) He cannot see theearth but when he looks up (from a standpoint not clearly indicated) hesees innumerable islands moving through a great sea and all shining withvariously coloured light These islands are the heavenly bodies planetsincluded the sea represents the whole celestial sphere10 There is clearly(590E) an allusion not without mystification to the inclination of the eclip-tic to the celestial equator When Timarchus looks down as he does next(590F) he sees a dark gulf from which emerge sounds of human suffer-ing this gulf is Hades and it is (or at least includes) the earth on which welive11 Timarchus sees but as yet does not understand An unseen speaker(591A) offers to enlighten him but only with regard to lsquothe realm of Perse-phonersquo12 because lsquothe things aboversquo belong to lsquoother godsrsquo So the visionis limited Persephonersquos realm is bounded by Styx which is we are toldthe earthrsquos shadow periodically in its revolution catching the moon andcausing an eclipse Though the voice cannot tell much about the world be-yond it does offer a curious metaphysical system (591B) which seems tobe a complication of one set out in De facie (943ndash4) This involves the triadMonas-Nous-Physis which puts us in mind of later Neoplatonism13 butwhich is no doubt based largely on a text of Plato Sophist 24814 The systemplays no part in what follows for the voice goes on to explain simply thatlsquoStyxrsquo catches many souls in the air below the moon and takes them backfor rebirth Some the wicked are rejected by the moon altogether and inanger others whose time has come are rescued by her and (presumably)suffer no further reincarnation

This is the explanation given by the Voice all Timarchus can actuallysee is a lot of stars moving up and down These are souls more or lessobedient to their daimon (or νοῦς) but also more or less submerged in thebody This variation in obedience and recalcitrance occurs it seems bothin incarnate souls and a er death when the souls seek to escape from thetrammels of the body altogether But what of Socrates We must infer thathe was one of these most obedient and least troubled by the demands of the

10 It cannot be simply the Milky Way as A 1921 thought though one detail ndashthe white and foamy part of it [590F] ndash does seem to represent this

11 H 1892 135 H A Plutarchs Schri Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epi-curum (Amsterdam 1974) 70 n 18

12 Which includes the moon cf De facie 942Dndash943C13 D 1996 214ndash614 R 1926 327

Introduction 11

body and this was evident in his lifetime He is not mentioned by namethe example given is Hermodorus of Clazomenae whose soul travelledfreely around the world while his body lay asleep

(4) Theanorrsquos speech15 Theanor does not mention Socrates either Hetreats the myth as something to be dedicated to the god and so uncriti-cized he accepts in general what Simmias has said But he has his ownpoint of view and presents it in a magisterial fashion Some men arespecially favoured by gods and these are they who can understand thethought of the gods as is (he thinks) shown by the example of Helenus inHomer (but see notes) More generally humans are in the care of daimonesthese being disembodied souls whose special function seems here to be toguide towards final salvation souls which have completed their cycle ofbirths and deaths This is a classical lsquodemonologyrsquo such as Apuleius andMaximus use in their accounts of Socrates Based on classic texts of Hesiodand Plato and probably developed by Xenocrates it is a standard elementin Platonism by Plutarchrsquos time16 Where does Socrates fit in Was he oneof the rare ones guided by a god We are not told But the guidance hereceives we must infer is from an outside power (as Simmias said) notfrom something like his νοῦς which could be interpreted as within him

25ndash34 (594Andash598F)The conclusion of the narrative is rapid and skilful and is not again inter-rupted Epaminondas tells Caphisias to go to the gymnasium he himselfremains to continue the discussion For this he makes his apologia he willnot take part in violence or illegal executions but reserves himself to cometo the front later At the gymnasium plo ing continues and Archias andPhilip go off to the dinner which is to be fatal to them (25) And now theconspirators join forces with the twelve exiles who have had a good omen(lightning on their right) on entering the city (26) They all meet together atCharonrsquos house and are greatly alarmed when Archias sends for Charonhe obeys the summons and leaves his son in his friendsrsquo charge with anemotional speech Cephisodorus and Theocritus advise prompt action topreempt betrayal and they get ready (27ndash28) But Charon soon returnsand is quite cheerful he does not think Archias has had any sure informa-tion and there is no reason to believe that the plot has been disclosed (29)The conspirators hesitate no longer one party goes to deal with Leonti-adas the other (including some disguised as women) to the party havingdinner with Archias (Archias has in fact had another warning but has dis-regarded it with the remark lsquoSerious business tomorrowrsquo ndash a saying whichbecame proverbial) (30) The a ack on the dinner is successful the archonCabirichus is killed the servants killed or locked in (31) Meanwhile the

15 See J 1916 31ndash3 L 1933 65ndash7 S 1942 131ndash4016 See J D in B et al 2004 123ndash41

12 D A Russell

second party (which includes Pelopidas) has prevailed against Leontiadasand Hypates despite strong resistance (32) Finally the two parties areunited Amphitheus and others are released from prison There is a gen-eral rising and the Spartan garrison surrenders (33ndash34)

3 The Text

De genio (like a number of other works) survives in two manuscripts onlyPar gr 1672 (E) and Par gr 1675 (B) E probably dates from the secondhalf of the fourteenth century B is later There has been much discussionof the relation between them (summary in Schroumlder 1990 73ndash80) The con-clusion here adopted is that B is dependent on E though not a direct copyThe consequence is that good readings in B should be accepted as goodconjectures and that the indications and placing of lacunae in E (thoughnot infallible) are more likely to represent the gaps in the damaged ancestorthan those in B In many places no convincing supplement of the lacunaeis possible we have made what seem to us probable choices and the notesrecord some other suggestions

4 Suggested variations from Teubner text

(See also the notes on the translation Anonymous changes are by D ARussell Passages are indicated by page and line numbering in the Teubneredition as well as by the traditional Stephanus pagination)

461 10ndash12 [575C] ndash ⟨ὡς⟩ τοῦ microὲν τέλους πολλὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὴν τύχηνἔχοντος τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖςπροσήκοντος⟩ microέρους ἀγῶνας ἀρετῆς πρὸς τὰ συν-τυγχάνοντα ndash καὶ τόλmicroας

462 1 [575E] δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν (Post)462 3 [575E] microαραινόmicroενον ⟨ἐξ οὗ Σιmicromicroίας microὲν καὶ Κέβης φοι-

τῶντες⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη462 14 [575F] οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν462 20 [575F] Λεοντιάδαν (and throughout but there must be some

doubt about the form)463 28 [576D] θηρεύειν (Hartman)464 14 [576E] ⟨ ὡς εἰ microὴ παρὰ⟩ τοῦτον παρὰ τίνα (Wyttenbach)464 23 [576F] microηδένα (Wyttenbach) τῶν πολιτῶν464 24 [576F] ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος (cf Einarson)465 12 [577A] διακρούων ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoἐγγὺς γάρrsquo ⟨εἶπεν lsquoἈρ-

χίαν ὁρῶ⟩ καὶ Λυσανορίδαν rsquo ()

Introduction 13

465 21 [577B] ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ (postWilamowitz qui post Turnebi γραmicromicroατεύονταsupplevit συνειδὼς τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας

466 4 [577C] ἢ πλείους ⟨γrsquo⟩467 3 [577F] συmicroπεπηγυῖαν τοῦ microνήmicroατος ⟨ἔκειτο⟩ (we canrsquot

be sure what the missing words were)468 2 [578B] ὑπὸ σκότους (Bernardakis)469 8 [578F] ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶν (Reiske)469 13 [578F] τότὲ (post Schwartz qui ⟨ᾧ πολλὰ⟩ τότε)469 17 [578F] πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ⟨ὁ⟩ δὲ (Kronenberg Waterfield)470 7 [579B] ᾗ (Waterfield) τὸ (Hartman)470 13 [579C] εἶναι τὴν δυεῖν (Holwerda)471 20 [579F] ἐκθειάζουσι (Pohlenz)471 22 [580A] ἀνδράσι καὶ πρὸς471 29 [580A] ἐπαναφέρει τὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχὴν (Bernardakis

after Amyot)473 7 [580E] ⟨ἀνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ⟩ (cf Amyot)473 19 [580F] ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩ (Wyttenbach)473 23 [580F] microόριόν τι microαντικῆς (Holwerda)474 4 [581A] ⟨οὐχ οἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν⟩ καὶ κοῦφον (von Arnim)474 20 [581B] lacuna after δοκοῦmicroεν (Waterfield)474 23 [581C] τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ (cf De prof in virt 1283B)476 15 [582B] τῷ ἱστορικῷ ()476 25 [582C] τὸ δαιmicroόνιον477 9 [582D] τὸν ξένον ἔοικεν (E)477 12 [582D] καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων (Reiske)478 26 [583B] τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος (Sandbach)478 27 [583B] προὐπεφήνει (Russell 1954)479 14 [583D] microόνῃ (E)479 20 [583D] οὐ προδίδωσι τὴν πενίαν οὐδrsquo ὡς βαφὴν ἀνίησι τὴν

πάτριον πενίαν481 20 [584E] αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν482 10 [584F] πρῶτονrsquo εἶπε lsquoτῆς (cf E)482 12 [585A] ἀσκήσεως482 14 [585A] ἥνπερ ἐπιδείκνυσθε (Wyttenbach)482 15 [585A] γυmicroναζόmicroενοι καὶ482 21 [585A] δικαιοσύνης483 5 [585C] ἐνδέδωκε [E]483 15 [585D] τῶν ἀγώνων (Reiske)483 18 [585D] διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον (Wyttenbach)484 25 [586A] τὴν φύσιν τὸ εἶδος485 18 [586C] συmicroπαρεσκεύασεν486 4 [586E] Ἡριππίδας (Reiske cf 511 19 = 598F)

14 D A Russell

487 21 [587D] προείληφε (Reiske)488 14ndash5 [587F] χρόνον ὡς δὲ ζητοῦσα καὶ σκευωρουmicroένη τὰ ἔνδον

ἱκανῶς ἀπολαύσασά (E)489 25 [588D] ⟨microᾶλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩ (Pohlenz)490 2 [588D] microη⟨δαmicroῶς εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ (Russell 1954)490 11 [588E] βιαίως ⟨ὡς⟩490 13 [588F] ἐνδοῦσα490 27 [589A] ἅmicroα τῷ (E)491 1 [589A] ὁ δὲ τῆς κινήσεως (Emperius)491 4 [589B] ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς (cf Einarson de

Lacy)491 8 [589B] daggerὥσπερ φῶς ἀνταύγειανdagger (φῶς fortasse delendum)491 10 [589B] τοῖς δεχοmicroένοις (Waterfield) ἐλλάmicroπουσιν491 19 [589C] ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξιον491 19ndash20 [589C] κατrsquo αὐτὸ (von Arnim)491 20 [589C] ὑπὸ τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩492 22 [589C] λόγον492 1 [589D] τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων (E)492 3 [589D] ἀθόρυβον ἦθος (E)492 17 [589D] κινεῖ (Bock) ()492 11 [589E] ἐν αὑτοῖς (Bernardakis)492 22 [589F] ⟨εἰσαγόντων⟩492 24 [589F] ὑπὲρ τούτου (E)493 4 [590A] ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς493 21 [590C] συστελλοmicroένην (Einarson)493 21 [590C] πλείονα] microείζονα493 26 [590C] ἐξαmicroειβούσας ⟨δrsquo⟩493 27 [590C] βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειν (von Arnim) microεταβολάς494 3 [590C] ⟨ἐmicromicroελῶς⟩494 9ndash10 [590D] ἄλλας δὲ πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩ἐφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θα-

λάττης ῥοῇ καὶ αὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroέ-νης

494 19 [590E] τούτων] ταύτην (cf Verniegravere)495 14 [591A] ὡς] num ἣν 496 17 [591D] ἀνακραθεῖσαι (Wyttenbach)496 21 [591E] ⟨δικτύου⟩ δεδυκότος (after Caster)497 2 [591F] διαφερόmicroενοι (E)497 24 [592B] ἐνθένδε (E)499 5ndash6 [592F] microηδενί πω Post (microηδενί πη Ε)499 16 [593B] ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους499 21 [593B] εὐθύνοντες499 26 [593B] fortasse τι προσταττόmicroενον501 3 [593F] ⟨microεθίησιν⟩ ἡmicroᾶς

Introduction 15

502 12 [594D] περὶ τῆς ⟨⟩ γυναικός ⟨ὑπάνδρου⟩ Bernardakis ⟨γα-microετῆς⟩ Post

502 20 [594E] ὑπερβαλόντες (Herwerden)503 22 [595A] πιθανὸν εἶναι504 3 [595B] πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον (an πρὸς τὸ συmicroπῖπτον)504 29 [595E] Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος (Wilamowitz)505 6 [595E] πρὸς ἀνθρώπους (Russell 1954)507 9 [596F] κατακεκλασmicroένος (E)507 11 [596F] ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων (Herwerden)511 8 [598E] ἐκκρίτους (Wilamowitz)

B Text Translation and Notes

Πλουτάρχου

Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου

575A 1 (Α) Ζωγράφου τινός ὦ Καφισία ltmicroέmicroνηmicroαί ποτεgt περὶ τῶν θεω-microένων τοὺς γεγραmicromicroένους πίνακας λόγον οὐ φαῦλον ἀκούσας ἐν εἰ-

575B κόνι λελεγmicroένον ἔφη γὰρ ἐοικέναι τοὺς microὲν ἰδιώτας καὶ ἀτέχνους θε-ατὰς ὄχλον ὁmicroοῦ πολὺν ἀσπαζοmicroένοις τοὺς δὲ κοmicroψοὺς καὶ φιλοτέ-χνους καθ ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων προσαγορεύουσι τοῖς microὲνγὰρ οὐκ ἀκριβὴς ἀλλὰ τύπῳ τινὶ γίγνεται microόνον ἡ τῶν ἀποτελεσmicroάτωνσύνοψις τοὺς δὲ τῇ κρίσει κατὰ microέρος τὸ ἔργον διαλαmicroβάνοντας οὐδὲνἀθέατον οὐδ ἀπροςφώνητον ἐκφεύγει τῶν καλῶς ἢ τοὐναντίον γεγο-

575C νότων οἶmicroαι δὴ καὶ περὶ τὰς ἀληθινὰς πράξεις ὁmicroοίως τῷ microὲν ἀργοτέ-ρῳ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐξαρκεῖν πρὸς ἱστορίαν εἰ τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτὸ καὶ τὸπέρας πύθοιτο τοῦ πράγmicroατος τὸν δὲ φιλότιmicroον καὶ φιλόκαλον τῶν ὑπἀρετῆς ὥσπερ τέχνης microεγάλης ἀπειργασmicroένων θεατὴν τὰ καθ ἕκασταmicroᾶλλον εὐφραίνειν ndash ⟨ὡς⟩ τοῦ microὲν τέλους πολλὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὴν τύχηνἔχοντος τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖς προσήκοντος⟩ microέ-ρους ἀγῶνας ἀρετῆς πρὸς τὰ συντυγχάνοντα ndash καὶ τόλmicroας ἔmicroφρονας

575D παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθορῶντα καιρῷ καὶ πάθει microεmicroιγmicroένου λογισmicroοῦ τού-του δὴ τοῦ γένους τῶν θεατῶν καὶ ἡmicroᾶς ὑπολαmicroβάνων εἶναι δίελθέτε τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡmicroῖν ἀπ ἀρχῆς ὡς ἐπράχθη καὶ τοῦ λόγου ⟨microετάδος ὃνἀκούοmicroεν⟩ γενέσθαι ⟨τότε σοῦ⟩ παρόντος ὡς ἐmicroοῦ microηδ ἂν εἰς Θήβαςἐπὶ τούτῳ κατοκνήσαντος ἐλθεῖν εἰ microὴ καὶ νῦν Ἀθηναίοις πέρα τοῦδέοντος ἐδόκουν βοιωτίζειν

(Κ) Ἀλλ ἔδει microέν ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε σοῦ δι εὔνοιαν οὕτω προθύmicroως τὰπεπραγmicroένα microαθεῖν σπουδάζοντος ἐmicroέ lsquoκαὶ ἀσχολίας ὑπέρτερον θέ-σθαιrsquo κατὰ Πίνδαρον τὸ δεῦρ ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν διήγησιν τὸ δὲ πρεσβείας

575E ἀφιγmicroένους ἕνεκα καὶ σχολὴν ἄγοντας ἄχρι οὗ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις τοῦ δή-microου λάβωmicroεν ἀντιτείνειν καὶ ἀγροικίζεσθαι πρὸς εὐγνώmicroονα καὶ φί-λον ἑταῖρον δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν τὸ κατὰ Βοιωτῶν ἀρχαῖον εἰς microισολο-γίαν ὄνειδος ἤδη microαραινόmicroενον ⟨ἐξ οὗ Σιmicromicroίας microὲν καὶ Κέβης φοιτῶν-τες⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη τὸν ὑmicroέτερον ἡmicroεῖς δὲ παρὰ Λῦσιν τὸν ἱερὸν σπου-δάζοντες οὕτω διεφάνηmicroεν ἀλλ ὅρα τοὺς παρόντας εἰ πρὸς ἀκρόασινἅmicroα πράξεων καὶ λόγων τοσούτων εὐκαίρως ἔχουσιν οὐ γὰρ βραχὺ

Plutarch

On the daimonion of Socrates

1 [575A] [Archedamus]1 I remember Caphisias2 that I once heard apainter use rather an apt image to describe people who look at pictures3[575B] He said that a layman with no knowledge of the art was like a manaddressing a whole crowd at once whereas the sophisticated connoisseurwas more like someone greeting every person he met individually Lay-men you see have an inexact and merely general view of works of artwhile those who judge detail by detail let nothing whether well or badlyexecuted pass unobserved or without comment It is much the same Ifancy with real events For the [575C] lazy-minded it satisfies curiosityto learn the basic facts and the outcome of the affair but the devotee of hon-our and beauty who views the achievement of the great Art (as it were) ofVirtue takes pleasure rather in the detail because ndash since the outcome hasmuch in common with Fortune while the part of the ma er ltconcernedwithgt motives and ltthe action itselfgt4 involves conflicts between virtue andcircumstance ndash he can there observe instances of intelligent daring in theface of danger where rational calculation is mixed with moments of crisisand emotion So please regard us [575D] as viewers of this sort tell usthe story of the whole action from the beginning and ltsharegt with us thediscussions which ltwe heargt took place ltthen in yourgt presence bearingin mind that I should not have hesitated even to go to Thebes for this if Iwere not already thought by the Athenians to be too pro-Boeotian[Caphisias] The very fact Archedamus that your goodwill makes you

so eager to hear what happened would itself have obliged me to lsquoput itabove all businessrsquo as Pindar5 says and make the journey to Athens to tellthe tale but as we are here anyway for an embassy6 and have time to spareuntil we get the peoplersquos answer [575E] any ill-mannered resistance to sowell-disposed a friend would be likely to revive the old reproach againstthe Boeotians7 for their dislike of culture though that has been fading awayltever since Simmias and Cebesgt8 showed themselves enthusiastic studentsof your Socrates and my family of the holy man Lysis9 But what aboutthese people here Do they have time to listen to such a lot of incidents

20 Text (1575Endash 2576D)

microῆκός ἐστι τῆς διηγήσεως ἐπεὶ σὺ καὶ τοὺς λόγους προσπεριβαλέσθαικελεύεις

575F (Α) Ἀγνοεῖς ὦ Καφισία τοὺς ἄνδρας ἦ microὴν ἄξιον εἰδέναι πατέρωνὄντας ἀγαθῶν καὶ πρὸς ὑmicroᾶς οἰκείως ἐχόντων ὁδὶ microέν ἐστιν ἀδελφι-δοῦς Θρασυβούλου Λυσιθείδης ὁδὶ δὲ Τιmicroόθεος Κόνωνος υἱός οὗτοι δἈρχίνου παῖδες οἱ δ ἄλλοι τῆς ἑταιρίας ⟨καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς⟩ ἡmicroετέρας πάν-τες ὥστε σοι θέατρον εὔνουν καὶ οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν τὴν διήγησιν

(Κ) Εὖ λέγεις ἀλλὰ τίς ἂν ὑmicroῖν microέτριος ἀρχὴ γένοιτο τῆς διηγήσεωςπρὸς ἃς ἴστε πράξεις

(Α) Ἡmicroεῖς ὦ Καφισία σχεδὸν ὡς εἶχον αἱ Θῆβαι πρὸ τῆς καθόδουτῶν φυγάδων ἐπιστάmicroεθα καὶ γάρ ὡς οἱ περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ ΛεοντιάδανΦοιβίδαν πείσαντες ἐν σπονδαῖς καταλαβεῖν τὴν Καδmicroείαν τοὺς microὲν

576A ἐξέβαλον τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς δὲ φόβῳ κατεῖργον | ἄρχοντες αὐτοὶ πα-ρανόmicroως καὶ βιαίως ἔγνωmicroεν ἐνταῦθα τῶν περὶ Μέλωνα καὶ Πελοπί-δαν ὡς οἶσθα ἰδιόξενοι γενόmicroενοι καὶ παρ ὃν χρόνον ἔφευγον ἀεὶ συν-διατρίβοντες αὐτοῖς καὶ πάλιν ὡς Λακεδαιmicroόνιοι Φοιβίδαν microὲν ἐζηmicroί-ωσαν ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν Καδmicroείαν καταλαβεῖν καὶ τῆς εἰς Ὄλυνθον στρατηγί-ας ἀπέστησαν Λυσανορίδαν δὲ τρίτον αὐτὸν ἀντ ἐκείνου πέmicroψαντεςἐγκρατέστερον ἐφρούρουν τὴν ἄκραν ἠκούσαmicroεν ἔγνωmicroεν δὲ καὶ τὸν

576B Ἰσmicroηνίαν οὐ τοῦ βελτίστου θανάτου τυχόντ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς δίκης τῆςπερὶ αὐτοῦ γενοmicroένης Γοργίδου πάντα τοῖς φυγάσι δεῦρο διὰ γραmicromicroά-των ἐξαγγείλαντος ὥστε σοι λείπεται τὰ περὶ τὴν κάθοδον αὐτὴν τῶνφίλων καὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῶν τυράννων διηγεῖσθαι2 (Κ) Καὶ microὴν ἐκείναις γε ταῖς ἡmicroέραις ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε πάντες οἱ τῶνπραττοmicroένων microετέχοντες εἰώθειmicroεν εἰς τὴν Σιmicromicroίου συνιόντες οἰκίανἔκ τινος πληγῆς περὶ τὸ σκέλος ἀναλαmicroβάνοντος αὑτὸν ἐντυγχάνεινmicroὲν ἀλλήλοις εἴ του δεήσειε φανερῶς δὲ διατρίβειν ἐπὶ λόγοις καὶ φι-

576C λοσοφίᾳ πολλάκις ἐφελκόmicroενοι τὸν Ἀρχίαν καὶ τὸν Λεοντιάδαν εἰς τὸἀνύποπτον οὐκ ὄντας ἀλλοτρίους παντάπασι τῆς τοιαύτης διατριβῆςκαὶ γὰρ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας πολὺν χρόνον ἐπὶ τῆς ξένης γεγονὼς καὶ πεπλα-νηmicroένος ἐν ἀλλοδαποῖς ἀνθρώποις ὀλίγῳ πρόσθεν εἰς Θήβας ἀφῖκτοmicroύθων τε παντοδαπῶν καὶ λόγων βαρβαρικῶν ὑπόπλεως ὧν ὁπότετυγχάνοι σχολὴν ἄγων ὁ Ἀρχίας ἡδέως ἠκροᾶτο συγκαθιεὶς microετὰ τῶννέων καὶ βουλόmicroενος ἡmicroᾶς ἐν λόγοις διάγειν microᾶλλον ἢ προσέχειν τὸννοῦν οἷς ἔπραττον ἐκεῖνοι τῆς δrsquo ἡmicroέρας ἐκείνης ἐν ᾗ σκότους ἔδει γε-νοmicroένου τοὺς φυγάδας ἥκειν κρύφα πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ἀφικνεῖταί τις ἐν-θένδε Φερενίκου πέmicroψαντος ἄνθρωπος οὐδενὶ τῶν παρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἢ Χάρωνι

576D γνώριmicroος ἐδήλου δὲ τῶν φυγάδων ὄντας δώδεκα τοὺς νεωτάτους microε-τὰ κυνῶν περὶ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα θηρεύειν ὡς πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἀφιξοmicroένουςαὐτὸς δὲ πεmicroφθῆναι ταῦτά τε προερῶν καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐν ᾗ κρυβήσονται

Translation 21

and conversations The story is not a short one since you are asking meto include the discussion as well[Archedamus] You donrsquot know them Caphisias But you should they

are sons of brave fathers who were also friends of Thebes [575F] Lysithei-des here is the nephew of Thrasybulus This one is Timotheus Cononrsquosson These are the sons of Archinus10 The others lttoogt are ltthemselvesgtall members of our group So your story will find11 a well-disposed andcongenial audience[Caphisias] Good But what from your point of view would be the

proper place to begin the story having regard to the events you know al-ready[Archedamus] Well Caphisias we know more or less the condition of

Thebes before the return of the exiles How Archias and Leontiadas12 per-suaded Phoebidas13 to seize the Cadmea14 in a time of truce and how theyexpelled some of the citizens [576A] and terrorized the rest by their vi-olent and lawless rule ndash all that we learned from people like Melon15 andPelopidas16 whose hosts we were (as you know) and in whose companywe constantly were throughout their exile Again we have heard how theLacedaemonians fined Phoebidas for his seizure of the Cadmea removedhim from the command of the expedition to Olynthus17 but sent Lysanori-das18 with two colleagues to Thebes in his place reinforcing the garrisonon the citadel We know also that Ismenias19 came to an unhappy endstraight a er his trial Gorgidas20 reported all this to the exiles in his let-ters [576B] So what is le for you is to tell us about the actual return ofour friends and the overthrow21 of the tyrants22

2 [Caphisias] It was in those very days Archedamus that all of us whowere involved in the affair used to meet in Simmiasrsquo23 house where he wasrecovering from a leg injury we could discuss with one another whateverwas necessary but ostensibly we were occupying the time with philosoph-ical discussion and we o en brought Archias and Leontiadas along to al-lay suspicion for they were no strangers to this kind of discourse [576C]Simmias having spent a long time abroad24 and wandered among manykinds of people had recently returned to Thebes full of all sorts of storiesand exotic lore Archias enjoyed listening to this when he had leisure herelaxed in the company of the young and he would rather we spent ourtime in these discussions than in addressing our minds to what he and hisfriends were doing Now on the day when the exiles were due to comesecretly up to the wall a er dark a person arrived from Athens sent byPherenicus25 but known to none of our party except Charon26 He broughtword that the youngest of the exiles twelve in number27 were huntingwith hounds on Cithaeron28 [576D] intending to reach their destinationat evening He himself had been sent (he said) to give notice of this and

22 Text (2576Dndash 4577B)

παρελθόντες ὃς παρέξει γνωσόmicroενος ὡς ἂν εἰδότες εὐθὺς ἐκεῖ βαδί-ζοιεν ἀπορουmicroένων δrsquo ἡmicroῶν καὶ σκοπούντων αὐτὸς ὡmicroολόγησεν ὁ Χά-ρων παρέξειν ὁ microὲν οὖν ἄνθρωπος ἔγνω πάλιν ἀπελθεῖν σπουδῇ πρὸςτοὺς φυγάδας

3 ἐmicroοῦ δrsquo ὁ microάντις Θεόκριτος τὴν χεῖρα πιέσας σφόδρα καὶ πρὸς τὸνΧάρωνα βλέψας προερχόmicroενον lsquoοὗτοςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία φιλόσοφοςοὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ microετείληφε παιδείας διαφόρου καὶ περιττῆς ὥσπερ Ἐπα-

576E microεινώνδας ὁ σὸς ἀδελφός ἀλλrsquo ὁρᾷς ὅτι φύσει πρὸς τὸ καλὸν ὑπὸ τῶννόmicroων ἀγόmicroενος τὸν microέγιστον ὑποδύεται κίνδυνον ἑκουσίως ὑπὲρ τῆςπατρίδος Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας δὲ Βοιωτῶν ἁπάντων τῷ πεπαιδεῦσθαι πρὸςἀρετὴν ἀξιῶν διαφέρειν ἀmicroβλύς ἐστι καὶ ἀπρόθυmicroος ⟨ ὡς εἰ microὴ πα-ρὰ⟩ τοῦτον παρὰ τίνα βελτίονα καιρὸν αὑτῷ πεφυκότι καὶ παρεσκευ-

576F ασmicroένῳ καλῶς οὕτω χρησόmicroενοςrsquo κἀγὼ πρὸς αὐτόν lsquoὦ προθυmicroότατεrsquoεἶπον lsquoΘεόκριτε τὰ δεδογmicroένα πράττοmicroεν ἡmicroεῖς Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας δὲ microὴπείθων ὡς οἴεται βέλτιον εἶναι ταῦτα microὴ πράσσειν εἰκότως ἀντιτείνειπρὸς ἃ microὴ πέφυκε microηδὲ δοκιmicroάζει παρακαλούmicroενος οὐδὲ γὰρ ἰατρὸνἄνευ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ὑπισχνούmicroενον τὸ νόσηmicroα παύσειν εὐγνωmicroο-νοίης ἄν οἶmicroαι τέmicroνειν ἢ ἀποκάειν βιαζόmicroενος οὐκοῦν καὶ οὗτος δήπου microηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ⟨ἀποκτενεῖν ὑπισχνεῖται microὴ microεγάλης γεγενοmicroένης ἀνάγκης⟩ ἄκριτον ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος ἐmicroφυλίου καὶ σφα-γῆς τὴν πόλιν ἐλευθεροῦσι συναγωνιεῖσθαι προθύmicroως ἐπεὶ δrsquo οὐ πεί-

577A θει τοὺς πολλούς ἀλλὰ ταύτην ὡρmicroήκαmicroεν τὴν ὁδόν ἐᾶν αὑτὸν κε-λεύει φόνου καθαρὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀναίτιον | ἐφεστάναι τοῖς καιροῖς microετὰτοῦ δικαίου καὶ τῷ συmicroφέροντι προσοισόmicroενον οὐδὲ γὰρ ὅρον ἕξειν τὸἔργον ἀλλὰ Φερένικον microὲν ἴσως καὶ Πελοπίδαν ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους microάλι-στα τρέψεσθαι καὶ πονηρούς Εὐmicroολπίδαν δὲ καὶ Σαmicroίδαν ἀνθρώπουςδιαπύρους πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ θυmicroοειδεῖς ἐν νυκτὶ λαβόντας ἐξουσίαν οὐκἀποθήσεσθαι τὰ ξίφη πρὶν ἐmicroπλῆσαι τὴν πόλιν ὅλην φόνων καὶ δια-φθεῖραι πολλοὺς τῶν ἰδίᾳ διαφόρων ὄντωνrsquo

4 Ταῦτά microου διαλεγοmicroένου πρὸς τὸν Θεόκριτον διακρούων ὁ Γαλαξί-δωρος lsquoἐγγὺς γάρrsquo ⟨εἶπεν lsquoἈρχίαν ὁρῶ⟩ καὶ Λυσανορίδαν τὸν Σπαρτι-

577B άτην ἀπὸ τῆς Καδmicroείας ὥσπερ εἰς ταὐτὸν ἡmicroῖν σπεύδονταςrsquo ἡmicroεῖς microὲνοὖν ἐπέσχοmicroεν ὁ δrsquo Ἀρχίας καλέσας τὸν Θεόκριτον καὶ τῷ Λυσανορίδᾳπροσαγαγὼν ἰδίᾳ ⟨διε⟩λάλει πολὺν χρόνον ἐκνεύσας τῆς ὁδοῦ microικρὸνὑπὸ τὸ Ἄmicroφιον ὥσθrsquo ἡmicroᾶς ἀγωνιᾶν microή τις ὑπόνοια προσπέπτωκεν ἢmicroήνυσις αὐτοῖς περὶ ἧς ἀνακρίνουσι τὸν Θεόκριτον ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Φυλ-λίδας ὃν οἶσθrsquo ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε τότε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν πολεmicroαρχοῦ-σι γραmicromicroατεύων ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ ἥξειν καὶτῆς πράξεως microετέχων λαβόmicroενός microου τῆς χειρὸς ὥσπερ εἰώθει φανε-

Translation 23

to ascertain who was to provide a house where they could be hidden onarrival so that they could know and make their way straight there Whilewe were puzzling over this and considering the question Charon offeredto provide the house himself The man therefore decided to return to theexiles with all speed3 At this Theocritus the diviner29 gripped my hand hard and looked to-wards Charon as he went on his way lsquoCaphisiasrsquo he said lsquothat man is not aphilosopher and he has not enjoyed any remarkable or special educationlike your brother Epaminondas30 But you see that he is naturally guidedby the laws31 to do the honourable thing and willingly incurs great dangerin his countryrsquos cause Epaminondas on the other hand who regards him-self as superior to all the Boeotians because he has been educated for virtueis dull and unenthusiastichellip32 as though he will one day use his splendidnatural endowments and training ltif not for this then forgt what be eroccasionrsquo [576F] lsquoMy dear enthusiastic Theocritusrsquo I replied lsquowe are do-ing what we resolved to do Epaminondas being unable to persuade us togive it up as he thinks we should is quite reasonably resisting requests todo something for which he is not suited and which he does not approveIf a doctor promised to cure a disease without knife or cautery you wouldsurely not be justified in forcing him to operate or cauterizersquo ltlsquoOf coursenotrsquo said Theocritusgt33 lsquoSo he toohellip ltundertakesgt not ltto putgt any citi-zen ltto deathgt without trial ltexcept in cases of great necessitygt34 but alsoto cooperate enthusiastically with a empts to liberate the city ltwithoutgt35

civil bloodshed and slaughter However as he cannot convince the ma-jority and we have taken this path he asks us to let him remain pure andinnocent of bloodshed and wait on events [577A] so as to contribute to theadvantage as well as the justice of our cause The action he believes willnot be limited Pherenicus36 and Pelopidas will perhaps concentrate theira entions on the guilty and the wicked but once Eumolpidas and Sami-das37 passionate men and quick to anger get their chance in the nightthey will not lay down their swords till they have swamped the whole citywith blood and killed many of their private enemiesrsquo4 While I was having this conversation with Theocritus Galaxidorus38

cut us short ltsaying lsquoI see Archias andgt39 the Spartan Lysanoridas near byhurrying from the Cadmea as though to join usrsquo [577B] So we stoppedand Archias called Theocritus led him up to Lysanoridas40 and talkedwith him privately for some time turning off the road a li le way belowthe Amphion41 so that we were on tenterhooks for fear that they had somesuspicion or information and were questioning Theocritus about it Mean-while Phyllidas42 (you know whom I mean Archedamus) who was atthat time clerk to the polemarchs43 ltand who knew that the exiles wereduegt44 to arrive and was privy to our scheme grasped me by the hand

24 Text (4577Bndash 5578A)

ρῶς ἔσκωπτεν εἰς τὰ γυmicroνάσια καὶ τὴν πάλην εἶτα πόρρω τῶν ἄλλων577C ἀπαγαγὼνἐπυνθάνετο περὶ τῶν φυγάδων εἰ τὴν ἡmicroέραν φυλάττουσιν

ἐmicroοῦ δὲ φήσαντος lsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὀρθῶς ἐγὼ τὴν ὑπο δοχὴν παρεσκεύ-ακα σήmicroερον ὡς δεξόmicroενος Ἀρχίαν καὶπαρέξων ἐν οἴνῳ καὶ microέθῃ τοῖςἀνδράσιν εὐχείρωτονrsquo

lsquoἄριστα microὲν οὖνrsquo εἶπον lsquoὦ Φυλλίδα καὶ πειράθητι πάντας ἢ πλείους⟨γrsquo⟩ εἰς ταὐτὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν συναγαγεῖνrsquo

lsquoἀλλrsquo οὐ ῥᾴδιονrsquo ἔφη lsquomicroᾶλλον δrsquo ἀδύνατον ὁ γὰρ Ἀρχίας ἐλπίζωντινὰ τῶν ἐν ἀξιώmicroατι γυναικῶν ἀφίξεσθαι τηνικαῦτα πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐβούλεται παρεῖναι τὸν Λεοντιάδαν ὥσθrsquo ἡmicroῖν δίχα διαιρετέον αὐτοὺς

577D ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας Ἀρχίου γὰρ ἅmicroα καὶ Λεοντιάδου προκαταληφθέντωνοἶmicroαι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκποδὼν ἔσεσθαι φεύγοντας ἢ microενεῖν microεθrsquo ἡσυχίαςἀγαπῶντας ἄν τις διδῷ τὴν ἀσφάλειανrsquo

lsquoοὕτωςrsquo ἔφην lsquoποιήσοmicroεν ἀλλὰ τί πρᾶγmicroα τούτοις πρὸς Θεόκριτόνἐστιν ὑπὲρ οὗ διαλέγονταιrsquo καὶ ὁ Φυλλίδας lsquoοὐ σαφῶςrsquo εἶπεν ⟨rsquoἔχω λέ-γειν⟩ οὐδrsquo ὡς ἐπιστάmicroενος ἤκουον δὲ σηmicroεῖα καὶ microαντεύmicroατα δυσχερῆκαὶ χαλεπὰ προτεθεσπίσθαι τῇ Σπάρτῃrsquo

Φειδόλαος ὁ ⟨Ἁλιάρ⟩τιος ἀπαντήσας lsquomicroικρόνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὑmicroᾶς ἐνταῦθα577E περιmicroεῖναι ⟨παρακαλεῖ⟩ Σιmicromicroίας ἐντυγχάνει γὰρ ἰδίᾳ Λεοντιάδᾳ περὶ

Ἀmicroφιθέου παραιτούmicroενος microεῖναι αὐτὸν διαπράξασθαι φυγὴν ἀντὶ θα-νάτου τῷ ἀνθρώπῳrsquo5 Καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoεἰς καιρόνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες καὶ γὰρ ἐβου-λόmicroην πυθέσθαι τίνrsquo ἦν τὰ εὑρεθέντα καὶ τίς ὅλως ἡ ὄψις τοῦ Ἀλκmicroή-νης τάφου παρrsquo ὑmicroῖν ἀνοιχθέντος εἰ δὴ παρεγένου καὶ αὐτός ὅτε πέmicro-ψας Ἀγησίλαος εἰς Σπάρτην τὰ λείψανα microετεκόmicroιζεrsquo

καὶ ὁ Φειδόλαος lsquoοὐ γάρrsquo ἔφη lsquoπαρέτυχον καὶ πολλὰ δυσανασχετῶν577F καὶ ἀγανακτῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ἐγκατελείφθην ὑπrsquo αὐτῶν εὑρέθη

δrsquo οὖν σώmicroατος ψέλλιον δὲ χαλκοῦν οὐ microέγα καὶ δύrsquo ἀmicroφορεῖς κε-ραmicroεοῖ γῆν ἔχοντες ἐντὸς ὑπὸ χρόνου λελιθωmicroένην ἤδη καὶ συmicroπεπη-γυῖαν τοῦ microνήmicroατος ⟨ἔκειτο⟩ πίναξ χαλκοῦς ἔχων γράmicromicroατα πολλὰθαυmicroαστὸν ὡς παmicroπάλαια γνῶναι γὰρ ἐξ αὑτῶν οὐδὲν παρεῖχε καί-περ ἐκφανέντα τοῦ χαλκοῦ καταπλυθέντος ἀλλrsquo ἴδιός τις ὁ τύπος καὶβαρβαρικὸς τῶν χαρακτήρων ἐmicroφερέστατος Αἰγυπτίοις διὸ καὶ Ἀγη-σίλαος ὡς ἔφασαν ἐξέπεmicroψεν ἀντίγραφα τῷ βασιλεῖ δεόmicroενος δεῖξαι

578A τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰ ξυνήσουσιν ἀλλὰ περὶ τούτων microὲν ἴσως ἂν ἔχοι τι καὶΣιmicromicroίας ἡmicroῖν ἀπαγγεῖλαι | κατrsquo ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολλὰτοῖς ἱερεῦσι διὰ φιλοσοφίαν συγγενόmicroενος Ἁλιάρτιοι δὲ τὴν microεγάληνἀφορίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπίβασιν τῆς λίmicroνης οὐκ ἀπὸ ταὐτοmicroάτου γενέσθαινοmicroίζουσιν ἀλλὰ microήνιmicroα τοῦ τάφου τοῦτο περιελθεῖν ἀνασχοmicroένουςὀρυττόmicroενονrsquo

Translation 25

and in his usual way made a show of joking about my athletic inter-ests and my wrestling but then took me aside from the others and askedwhether the exiles were keeping to their day I said they were and he wenton [577C] lsquoSo I was right then to make preparations to entertain Archiastoday and make him an easy prey for our friends when he is in drinkrsquo

lsquoYou were very right Phyllidasrsquo I said lsquoand do try to collect all or mostof our enemies togetherrsquo

lsquoNot easyrsquo he said lsquoindeed impossible Archias is expecting a certaindistinguished lady to visit him at that time and he doesnrsquot want Leonti-adas there So we must divide them between the houses If Archias andLeontiadas are dealt with first [577D] the rest will either flee and be outof our way or else stay quietly content just to be offered safetyrsquo

lsquoThatrsquos what wersquoll do thenrsquo said I lsquobut what is the business that thosepeople are talking to Theocritus aboutrsquo lsquoltI canrsquot saygt45 for surersquo he said lsquoorout of knowledge but I heard there had been some signs and propheciesominous and threatening to Spartarsquohellip46

Phidolaus of Haliartus47 met us and said lsquoSimmias ltasks yougt to waithere a li le because he is having a private conversation with Leontiadasabout Amphitheus48 pleading with him to arrange for the manrsquos sentence[577E] to be commuted from death to exilersquo5 lsquoYoursquove come at the right momentrsquo said Theocritus lsquoand as though itwas meant I wanted to ask what was found and in general what wasthe appearance of Alcmenarsquos tomb49 when it was opened in your countryndash if that is you were present yourself when Agesilaus50 sent and had theremains removed to Spartarsquo51

lsquoNorsquo said Phidolaus lsquoI wasnrsquot present and thanks to all my indigna-tion and complaints to my fellow-citizens I was le out by them How-ever what was found was hellip of a body52 [577F] a bronze bracelet of nogreat size and two po ery jars containing earth compressed and hard-ened like stone by the passage of time hellip53 the tomb ltthere wasgt a bronzetablet with much writing on it wonderfully ancient This writing appearedclearly when the bronze was washed but it allowed nothing to be madeout because the form of the characters was peculiar and foreign very likethe Egyptian For this reason as they said Agesilaus sent a copy to theking54 asking him to show it to the priests to see if they could understandit But Simmias may perhaps have something to tell us about this since atthat time [578A] he was much in contact with the priests in Egypt for phi-losophy As for the people of Haliartus they think that the great dearthand overflowing of the lake55 was not fortuitous but was a visitation ofwrath come upon them from the tomb for allowing it to be dug uprsquo

26 Text (5578Andash 7578F)

καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος microικρὸν διαλιπών lsquoἀλλrsquo οὐδrsquo αὐτοῖςrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛακεδαι-microονίοις ἀmicroήνιτον ἔοικεν εἶναι τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ὡς προδείκνυσι τὰ σηmicroεῖαπερὶ ὧν ἄρτι Λυσανορίδας ἡmicroῖν ἐκοινοῦτο καὶ νῦν microὲν ἄπεισιν εἰς Ἁλί-

578B αρτον ἐπιχώσων αὖθις τὸ σῆmicroα καὶ χοὰς ποιησόmicroενος Ἀλκmicroήνῃ καὶἈλέῳ κατὰ δή τινα χρησmicroόν ἀγνοῶν τὸν Ἄλεον ὅστις ἦν ἐπανελθὼνδrsquo ἐκεῖθεν οἷός ἐστι τὸν Δίρκης ἀναζητεῖν τάφον ἄγνωστον ὄντα τοῖςΘηβαίοις πλὴν τῶν ἱππαρχηκότων ὁ γὰρ ἀπαλλαττόmicroενος τὸν παρα-λαmicroβάνοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν microόνος ἄγων microόνον ἔδειξε νύκτωρ καί τιναςἐπrsquo αὐτῷ δράσαντες ἀπύρους ἱερουργίας ὧν τὰ σηmicroεῖα συγχέουσι καὶἀφανίζουσιν ὑπὸ σκότους ἀπέρχονται χωρισθέντες ἐγὼ δέ τ microέν ὦ

578C Φειδόλαε καλῶς ἐξευρήσειν αὐτοὺς νοmicroίζω φεύγουσι γὰρ οἱ πλεῖ-στοι τῶν ἱππαρχηκότων νοmicroίmicroως microᾶλλον δὲ πάντες πλὴν Γοργίδουκαὶ Πλάτωνος ὧν οὐδrsquo ἂν ἐπιχειρήσειαν ἐκπυνθάνεσθαι δεδιότες τοὺςἄνδρας οἱ δὲ νῦν ἄρχοντες ἐν τῇ Καδmicroείᾳ τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὴν σφραγῖδαπαραλαmicroβάνουσιν οὔτrsquo εἰδότες οὐδὲν οὔτε rsquo

6 Ταῦτα τοῦ Θεοκρίτου λέγοντος ὁ Λεοντιάδας ἐξῄει microετὰ τῶν φίλωνἡmicroεῖς δrsquo εἰσελθόντες ἠσπαζόmicroεθα τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης καθεζό-microενον οὐ κατατετευχότα τῆς δεήσεως οἶmicroαι microάλα σύννουν καὶ δια-

578D λελυπηmicroένον ἀποβλέψας δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἡmicroᾶς lsquoὦ Ἡράκλειςrsquo εἶπενlsquoἀγρίων καὶ βαρβάρων ἠθῶν εἶτrsquo οὐχ ὑπέρευ Θαλῆς ὁ παλαιὸς ἀπὸ ξέ-νης ἐλθὼν διὰ χρόνου τῶν φίλων ἐρωτώντων ὅ τι καινότατον ἱστορήκοιlsquoτύραννονrsquo ἔφη lsquoγέρονταrsquo καὶ γὰρ ᾧ microηδὲν ἰδίᾳ συmicroβέβηκεν ἀδικεῖσθαιτὸ βάρος αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν σκληρότητα τῆς ὁmicroιλίας δυσχεραίνων ἐχθρόςἐστι τῶν ἀνόmicroων καὶ ἀνυπευθύνων δυναστειῶν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα microὲν ἴσωςθεῷ microελήσει τὸν δὲ ξένον ἴστε τὸν ἀφιγmicroένον ὦ Καφισία πρὸς ὑmicroᾶςὅστις ἐστίνrsquo

lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo ἔφην ἐγώ lsquoτίνα λέγειςrsquo578E lsquoκαὶ microήνrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛεοντιάδας ⟨φησὶν⟩ ἄνθρωπον ὦφθαι παρὰ τὸ Λύσι-

δος microνηmicroεῖον ἐκ νυκτῶν ἀνιστάmicroενον ἀκολουθίας πλήθει καὶ κατα-σκευῇ σοβαρόν αὐτόθι κατηυλισmicroένον ἐπὶ στιβάδων φαίνεσθαι γὰρἄγνου καὶ microυρίκης χαmicroεύνας ἔτι δrsquo ἐmicroπύρων λείψανα καὶ χοὰς γάλα-κτος ἕωθεν δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τῶν ἀπαντώντων εἰ τοὺς Πολύmicroνιος παῖ-δας ἐνδηmicroοῦντας εὑρήσειrsquo

lsquoκαὶ τίς ἄνrsquo εἶπον lsquoὁ ξένος εἴη περιττῷ γὰρ ἀφrsquo ὧν λέγεις τινὶ καὶ οὐκἰδιώτῃ προσέοικενrsquo

7 lsquoΟὐ γὰρ οὖνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Φειδόλαος lsquoἀλλὰ τοῦτον microέν ὅταν ἥκῃ πρὸςἡmicroᾶς δεξόmicroεθα νυνὶ δrsquo ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀρτίως ἠποροῦmicroεν ὦ Σιmicromicroία γραmicro-

578F microάτων εἴ τι γιγνώσκεις πλεῖον ἐξάγγειλον ἡmicroῖν λέγονται γὰρ οἱ κατrsquo

Translation 27

Theocritus paused a moment and then said lsquoIt looks as though the di-vine powers are angry with the Lacedaemonians too to judge by the signsabout which Lysanoridas has just now been consulting me Hersquos now goneoff to Haliartus to fill in the grave again and offer libations [578B] toAlcmena and Aleos in accordance with some oracle though he does notknow who Aleos was56 On his return he is just the sort of man to investi-gate the tomb of Dirce it is unknown to the Thebans except to those whohave been hipparchs57 The outgoing hipparch takes his successor alone atnight and shows him the tomb they then perform certain rituals withoutfire the traces of which they destroy and obliterate before going their sep-arate ways under cover of darkness I however Phidolaus hellip58 ltdonrsquotgtthink that he will easily find them since most of the lawfully appointedhipparchs are in exile ndash [578C] all of them indeed except Gorgidas andPlato59 and they would be too afraid of these men to seek to interrogatethem The present office-holders on the Cadmea receive the spear and theseal but without knowing anything or hellip 60

6 While Theocritus was speaking Leontiadas came out with his friendsand we went in and greeted Simmias He was si ing on his bed61 verythoughtful and distressed having (I suppose) failed to obtain his requestHe looked at us all lsquoHeraclesrsquo he cried [578D] lsquowhat savage barbarousways Wasnrsquot it clever of old Thales62 when he came home from abroada er a long absence and his friends asked him what was the most novelthing he had discovered to answer lsquoAn old tyrantrsquo63 Even if one has suf-fered no personal wrong one comes to hate unlawful and irresponsiblepower out of disgust for the oppressiveness and difficulty of living withit But maybe God will take care of all this But do you people know thestranger who has come to visit your family Caphisiasrsquo

lsquoI donrsquot know who you meanrsquo I saidlsquoNeverthelessrsquo he said lsquoLeontiadas ltallegesgt that a man has been seen

by Lysisrsquo64 tomb ge ing up before daylight an impressive figure [578E]with a large and well-equipped group of a endants having slept out thereon straw A bed of agnus castus65 and tamarisk could be seen and the re-mains of burnt offerings and libations of milk And in the morning (Leon-tiadas tells me) the man asked passers-by whether he would find the sonsof Polymnis66 in townrsquo

lsquoWho can the stranger bersquo I said lsquofrom what you say he seems to besomeone special and not just an ordinary personrsquo

7 lsquoIndeed notrsquo said Phidolaus lsquobut wersquoll make him welcome when hecomes to us But for the moment Simmias tell us if you know anythingmore about the writing that we were puzzling over just now [578F] The

28 Text (7578Fndash 8579D)

Αἴγυπτον ἱερεῖς τὰ γράmicromicroατα συmicroβαλεῖν τοῦ πίνακος ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶνἔλαβεν Ἀγησίλαος τὸν Ἀλκmicroήνης τάφον ἀνασκευασάmicroενοςrsquo

καὶ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας εὐθὺς ἀναmicroνησθείς lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸν πίνακα τοῦτονὦ Φειδόλαε γράmicromicroατα δὲ πολλὰ παρrsquo Ἀγησιλάου κοmicroίζων Ἀγητορίδαςὁ Σπαρτιάτης ἧκεν εἰς Μέmicroφιν ὡς Χόνουφιν τὸν προφήτην τότὲ συmicro-φιλοσοφοῦντες διετρίβοmicroεν ἐγὼ καὶ Πλάτων καὶ Ἐλλοπίων ὁ Πεπαρή-θιος ἧκε δὲ πέmicroψαντος βασιλέως καὶ κελεύσαντος τὸν Χόνουφιν εἴ τισυmicroβάλλοι τῶν γεγραmicromicroένων ἑρmicroηνεύσαντα ταχέως ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸςἑαυτὸν ⟨ὁ⟩ δὲ τρεῖς ἡmicroέρας ἀναλεξάmicroενος βιβλίων τῶν παλαιῶν παν-

579A τοδαποὺς χαρακτῆρας | ἀντέγραψε τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ἔφρασενὡς Μούσαις ἀγῶνα συντελεῖσθαι κελεύει τὰ γράmicromicroατα τοὺς δὲ τύπουςεἶναι τῆς ἐπὶ Πρωτεῖ βασιλεύοντι γραmicromicroατικῆς ⟨ἣν⟩ Ἡρακλέα τὸν Ἀmicro-φιτρύωνος ἐκmicroαθεῖν ὑφηγεῖσθαι microέντοι καὶ παραινεῖν τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰτῶν γραmicromicroάτων τὸν θεὸν ἄγειν σχολὴν καὶ εἰρήνην διὰ Φιλοσοφίαςἀγωνιζοmicroένους ἀεί Μούσαις καὶ λόγῳ διακρινοmicroένους περὶ τῶν δικαί-

579B ων τὰ ὅπλα καταθέντας ἡmicroεῖς δὲ καὶ τότε λέγειν καλῶς ἡγούmicroεθα τὸνΧόνουφιν καὶ microᾶλλον ὁπηνίκα κοmicroιζοmicroένοις ἡmicroῖν ἀπrsquo Αἰγύπτου περὶΚαρίαν Δηλίων τινὲς ἀπήντησαν δεόmicroενοι Πλάτωνος ὡς γεωmicroετρικοῦλῦσαι χρησmicroὸν αὐτοῖς ἄτοπον ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ προβεβληmicroένον ἦν δrsquo ὁχρησmicroὸς Δηλίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι παῦλαν τῶν παρόντων κα-κῶν ἔσεσθαι διπλασιάσασι τὸν ἐν Δήλῳ βωmicroόν οὔτε δὲ τὴν διάνοιανἐκεῖνοι συmicroβάλλειν δυνάmicroενοι καὶ περὶ τὴν τοῦ βωmicroοῦ κατασκευὴν γε-λοῖα πάσχοντες (ἑκάστης γὰρ τῶν τεσσάρων πλευρῶν διπλασιαζοmicroέ-νης ἔλαθον τῇ αὐξήσει τόπον στερεὸν ὀκταπλάσιον ἀπεργασάmicroενοι

579C διrsquo ἀπειρίαν ἀναλογίας ᾗ τὸ microήκει διπλάσιον παρέχεται) Πλάτωνα τῆςἀπορίας ἐπεκαλοῦντο βοηθόν

ὁ δὲ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου microνησθεὶς προσπαίζειν ἔφη τὸν θεὸν Ἕλλησινὀλιγωροῦσι παιδείας οἷον ἐφυβρίζοντα τὴν ἀmicroαθίαν ἡmicroῶν καὶ κελεύ-οντα γεωmicroετρίας ἅπτεσθαι microὴ παρέργως οὐ γάρ τοι φαύλης οὐδrsquo ἀmicro-βλὺ διανοίας ὁρώσης ἄκρως δὲ τὰς γραmicromicroὰς ἠσκηmicroένης ἔργον εἶναιτὴν δυεῖν microέσων ἀνάλογον λῆψιν ᾗ microόνῃ διπλασιάζεται σχῆmicroα κυβι-κοῦ σώmicroατος ἐκ πάσης ὁmicroοίως αὐξόmicroενον διαστάσεως τοῦτο microὲν οὖνΕὔδοξον αὐτοῖς τὸν Κνίδιον ἢ τὸν Κυζικηνὸν Ἑλίκωνα συντελέσειν microὴτοῦτο δrsquo οἴεσθαι χρῆναι ποθεῖν τὸν θεὸν ἀλλὰ προστάσσειν Ἕλλησι

579D πᾶσι πολέmicroου καὶ κακῶν microεθεmicroένους Μούσαις ὁmicroιλεῖν καὶ διὰ λόγωνκαὶ microαθηmicroάτων τὰ πάθη καταπραΰνοντας ἀβλαβῶς καὶ ὠφελίmicroως ἀλ-λήλοις συmicroφέρεσθαιrsquo8 Μεταξὺ δὲ τοῦ Σιmicromicroίου λέγοντος ὁ πατὴρ ἡmicroῶν Πολύmicroνις ἐπεισ-ῆλθε καὶ καθίσας παρὰ τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν lsquoἘπαmicroεινώνδαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ σὲ καὶτούτους παρακαλεῖ πάντας εἰ microή τις ἀσχολία microείζων ἐνταῦθα περι-

Translation 29

priests in Egypt you see are said to have understood the writing on thetablet which67 Agesilaus obtained from us when he had Alcmenarsquos tombdismantledrsquo

Simmias recollected at once lsquoI donrsquot know this tablet Phidolausrsquo hesaid lsquobut the Spartan Agetoridas68 brought many writings from Agesilausto Memphis to the prophet Chonouphis69 ltwith whomgt70 I and Platoand Ellopion71 of Peparethus were then studying philosophy He came ona mission from the king with orders to Chonouphis to translate the writ-ings if he could understand them and then send them straight back to himChonouphis spent three days on his own studying all kinds of scripts inancient books and then replied to the king [579A] and explained to usthat the text ordered the holding of a competition in honour of the MusesThe alphabet he told us was that in use in the reign of Proteus72 whichHeracles the son of Amphitryon73 had learned but the godrsquos intention inthe writing was to urge and exhort the Greeks to live in leisure and peacecompeting always in philosophy laying weapons aside and deciding ques-tions of right with the aid of the Muses and of reason We thought at thetime that this was well said by Chonouphis and even more so when onour return voyage from Egypt [579B] we were met in Caria74 by someDelians who asked Plato as a mathematician to solve an extraordinaryoracle which the god had given them The oracle said that the Deliansand the rest of the Greeks would find a respite from their present trou-bles by doubling the altar at Delus75 They were unable to understand themeaning and made a ridiculous mistake in the construction of the altar bydoubling each of the four sides they inadvertently produced a solid eighttimes as large because they were ignorant of the proportion by which76 alinear duplication is produced [579C] So they wanted to call in Plato tosolve their problem

lsquoRemembering the Egyptian prophet Plato declared that the god wasalluding humorously to the Greeksrsquo neglect of education scorning ourignorance as it were and bidding us make mathematics our prime con-cern Finding the mean proportionals which is the only way of doublinga cube by an equal extension of each dimension is not a job for a weak ordim intellect but for one thoroughly trained in the use of geometrical dia-grams Eudoxus of Cnidus (he told them) or Helicon of Cyzicus77 woulddo it However they should not think this was what the god really de-sired rather he was bidding all Greeks [579D] to give up war and evildoing consort with the Muses calm their emotions by rational discussionand study and live innocently and profitably with one anotherrsquo78

8 Simmias was still speaking when my father Polymnis came in and satdown beside him lsquoEpaminondasrsquo he said lsquobegs you and all these othersif you have no more important business to wait here because he wants

30 Text (8579Dndash 9580C)

microεῖναι βουλόmicroενος ὑmicroῖν γνωρίσαι τὸν ξένον ἄνδρα γενναῖον microὲν αὐ-τὸν ⟨ὄντα⟩ microετὰ ⟨δὲ⟩ γενναίας καὶ καλῆς ἀφιγmicroένον τῆς προαιρέσεως

579E ⟨ἀποστειλάντων⟩ ἐξ Ἰταλίας τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ἀφῖκται δὲ Λύσιδι τῷγέροντι χοὰς χέασθαι περὶ τὸν τάφον ἔκ τινων ἐνυπνίων ὥς φησι καὶφασmicroάτων ἐναργῶν συχνὸν δὲ κοmicroίζων χρυσίον οἴεται δεῖν Ἐπαmicroει-νώνδᾳ τὰς Λύσιδος γηροτροφίας ἀποτίνειν καὶ προθυmicroότατός ἐστιν οὐδεοmicroένων οὐδὲ βουλοmicroένων ἡmicroῶν τῇ πενίᾳ βοηθεῖνrsquo

καὶ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ἡσθείς lsquoπάνυ θαυmicroαστόν γε λέγειςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoἄνδρα καὶφιλοσοφίας ἄξιον ἀλλὰ τίς ἡ αἰτία διrsquo ἣν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἥκει πρὸς ἡmicroᾶςrsquo

579F lsquoἐκεῖνονrsquo ἔφη lsquoνυκτερεύσαντα περὶ τὸν τάφον ἐmicroοὶ δοκεῖ τὸν Λύσιδοςἦγεν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας πρὸς τὸν Ἰσmicroηνὸν ἀπολουσόmicroενον εἶτrsquo ἀφίξονταιδεῦρο πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς πρὶν δrsquo ἐντυχεῖν ἐνηυλίσατο τῷ τάφῳ διανοούmicroενοςἀνελέσθαι τὰ λείψανα τοῦ σώmicroατος καὶ κοmicroίζειν εἰς Ἰταλίαν εἰ microή τινύκτωρ ὑπεναντιωθείη δαιmicroόνιονrsquo ὁ microὲν οὖν πατὴρ ταῦτrsquo εἰπὼν ἐσιώ-πησεν9 ὁ δὲ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoὦ Ἡράκλειςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὡς ἔργον ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν ἄνδρακαθαρεύοντα τύφου καὶ δεισιδαιmicroονίας οἱ microὲν γὰρ ἄκοντες ὑπὸ τῶνπαθῶν τούτων ἁλίσκονται διrsquo ἀπειρίαν ἢ διrsquo ἀσθένειαν οἱ δέ ὡς θεοφι-λεῖς καὶ περιττοί τινες εἶναι δοκοῖεν ἐκθειάζουσι τὰς πράξεις ὀνείρατα

580A καὶ φάσmicroατα καὶ τοιοῦτον ἄλλον ὄγκον προϊστάmicroενοι τῶν ἐπὶ νοῦν ἰόν-των | ὃ πολιτικοῖς microὲν ἀνδράσι καὶ πρὸς αὐθάδη καὶ ἀκόλαστον ὄχλονἠναγκασmicroένοις ζῆν οὐκ ἄχρηστον ἴσως ἐστὶν ὥσπερ ἐκ χαλινοῦ τῆςδεισιδαιmicroονίας πρὸς τὸ συmicroφέρον ἀντεπισπάσαι καὶ microεταστῆσαι τοὺςπολλούς φιλοσοφίᾳ δrsquo οὐ microόνον ἔοικεν ἀσχήmicroων ὁ τοιοῦτος εἶναι σχη-microατισmicroός ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν ἐναντίος εἰ πᾶν ἐπαγγειλα-microένη λόγῳ τἀγαθὸν καὶ τὸ συmicroφέρον διδάσκειν εἰς θεοὺς ἐπαναφέρειτὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχὴν ὡς τοῦ λόγου καταφρονοῦσα καὶ τὴν ἀπόδει-ξιν ᾗ δοκεῖ διαφέρειν ἀτιmicroάσασα πρὸς microαντεύmicroατα τρέπεται καὶ ὀνει-

580B ράτων ὄψεις ἐν οἷς ὁ φαυλότατος οὐχ ἧττον τῷ κατατυγχάνειν πολ-λάκις φέρεται τοῦ κρατίστου διὸ καὶ Σωκράτης ὁ ὑmicroέτερος ὦ Σιmicromicroίαδοκεῖ microοι φιλοσοφώτερον χαρακτῆρα παιδείας καὶ λόγου περιβάλλε-σθαι τὸ ἀφελὲς τοῦτο καὶ ἄπλαστον ὡς ἐλευθέριον καὶ microάλιστα φίλονἀληθείας ἑλόmicroενος τὸν δὲ τῦφον ὥσπερ τινὰ καπνὸν φιλοσοφίας εἰςτοὺς σοφιστὰς ἀποσκεδάσαςrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoτί γάρrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Γαλαξίδωρε καὶ σὲ Μέ-580C λητος πέπεικεν ὅτι Σωκράτης ὑπερεώρα τὰ θεῖα τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοῦ καὶ

πρὸς Ἀθηναίους κατηγόρησενrsquolsquoοὐδαmicroῶςrsquo ἔφη lsquoτά γε θεῖα φασmicroάτων δὲ καὶ microύθων καὶ δεισιδαιmicroονί-

ας ἀνάπλεω φιλοσοφίαν ἀπὸ Πυθαγόρου Ἐmicroπεδοκλέους δεξάmicroενοςεὖ microάλα βεβακχευmicroένην εἴθισεν ὥσπερ πρὸς τὰ πράγmicroατα πεπνῦσθαικαὶ λόγῳ νήφοντι microετιέναι τὴν ἀλήθειανrsquo

Translation 31

to introduce our visitor to you He is a noble person who has come witha noble and honourable purpose from Italy ltsent bygt the PythagoreansThe purpose of his visit is to offer libations to old Lysis at his tomb [579E]in consequence (he says) of certain dreams and vivid visions79 He is alsobringing a large sum in gold and thinks he ought to repay Epaminondasfor his care of the old man He is very keen on this though we neither neednor desire any help for our povertyrsquo

Simmias was delighted lsquoHe sounds a wonderful manrsquo he said lsquoandworthy of philosophy But why has he not come straight to usrsquo[579F] lsquoI thinkrsquo replied Polymnis lsquothat a er he has spent the night byLysisrsquo tomb Epaminondas took him to wash to the Ismenus80 They willcome to us next He had encamped by the tomb before meeting us withthe intention of collecting the remains of the body and taking them to Italyunless some divine opposition to this occurred during the nightrsquo Havingsaid this my father remained silent9 Galaxidorus81 then spoke up lsquoHeraclesrsquo he cried lsquohow hard it is to finda man free of humbug and superstition Some are involuntary victims ofthese feelings through inexperience or weakness but there are others whoin order to be thought special favourites of the gods ascribe their actions todivine intervention and make dreams visions and such pretentious non-sense [580A] a cover for their own thoughts It may be quite useful forpoliticians who82 are forced to deal with a wilful and disorderly popula-tion to use superstition as a kind of curb to rein back and divert the massesin the right direction83 But for philosophy this sort of decoration is notonly indecorous84 but contrary to her professed aims if a er promisingto teach the good and the expedient rationally she refers85 the origin of ac-tions to the gods as though she disdained reason and then dishonouringher own speciality demonstration turns instead to prophecies and dream-visions in which [580B] the poorest mind is o en no less successful thanthe best And that Simmias is why your Socrates seems to me to haveadopted a more philosophical style of education and argument by choos-ing this simple and unaffected approach as a mark of liberality and loveof truth and blowing the humbug which is a sort of philosophical smokeoff onto the sophistsrsquo

lsquoWhy do you say that Galaxidorusrsquo replied Theocritus lsquohas Meletus86

persuaded you too that Socrates despised the divine87 That was the accu-sation [580C] he brought against him in the Athenian courtrsquo

lsquoNorsquo he answered lsquonot the divine but it was a philosophy laden withvisions and fables that he took over from Pythagoras hellip88 ltandgt Empedo-cles she was in a state of complete intoxication but he accustomed her tocome to her senses as it were in the face of the facts89 and pursue the truthwith sober reasonrsquo

32 Text (10580Cndash 11581B)

10 lsquoΕἶενrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoτὸ δὲ δαιmicroόνιον ὦ βέλτιστε τὸ Σωκράτουςψεῦδος ἢ τί φαmicroεν ἐmicroοὶ γὰρ οὐδὲν οὕτω microέγα τῶν περὶ Πυθαγόρουλεγοmicroένων εἰς microαντικὴν ἔδοξε καὶ θεῖον ἀτεχνῶς γὰρ οἵαν ὍmicroηροςὈδυσσεῖ πεποίηκε τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν lsquoἐν πάντεσσι πόνοισι παρισταmicroένηνrsquo

580D τοιαύτην ἔοικε Σωκράτει τοῦ βίου προποδηγὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τινα συνάψαιτὸ δαιmicroόνιον ὄψιν lsquoἥrsquo microόνη lsquoοἱ πρόσθεν ἰοῦσα τίθει φάοςrsquo ἐν πράγmicroα-σιν ἀδήλοις καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρωπίνην ἀσυλλογίστοις φρόνησιν ⟨ἐν⟩ οἷς αὐ-τῷ συνεφθέγγετο πολλάκις τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἐπιθειάζον ταῖς αὐτοῦ προ-αιρέσεσι τὰ microὲν οὖν πλείονα καὶ microείζονα Σιmicromicroίου χρὴ καὶ τῶν ἄλλωνἐκπυνθάνεσθαι Σωκράτους ἑταίρων ἐmicroοῦ δὲ παρόντος ὅτε πρὸς Εὐ-θύφρονα τὸν microάντιν ἥκοmicroεν ἔτυχε microέν ὦ Σιmicromicroία microέmicroνησαι γάρ ἄνωπρὸς τὸ Σύmicroβολον Σωκράτης καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν Ἀνδοκίδου βαδίζωνἅmicroα τι διερωτῶν καὶ διασείων τὸν Εὐθύφρονα microετὰ παιδιᾶς ἄφνω δrsquoἐπιστὰς καὶ σιωπήσας προσέσχεν αὑτῷ συχνὸν χρόνον εἶτrsquo ἀναστρέ-

580E ψας ἐπορεύετο τὴν διὰ τῶν κιβωτοποιῶν καὶ τοὺς προκεχωρηκότας ἤδητῶν ἑταίρων ⟨ἀνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ⟩ γεγονέναι τὸ δαιmicroόνιον οἱ microὲνοὖν πολλοὶ συνανέστρεφον ἐν οἷς κἀγὼ τοῦ Εὐθύφρονος ἐχόmicroενος νε-ανίσκοι δέ τινες τὴν εὐθεῖαν βαδίζοντες ὡς δὴ τὸ Σωκράτους ἐλέγξον-τες δαιmicroόνιον ἐπεσπάσαντο Χάριλλον τὸν αὐλητὴν ἥκοντα καὶ αὐτὸνmicroετrsquo ἐmicroοῦ εἰς Ἀθήνας πρὸς Κέβητα πορευοmicroένοις δrsquo αὐτοῖς διὰ τῶν ἑρ-

580F microογλύφων παρὰ τὰ δικαστήρια σύες ἀπαντῶσιν ἀθρόαι βορβόρου πε-ρίπλεαι καὶ κατrsquo ἀλλήλων ὠθούmicroεναι διὰ πλῆθος ἐκτροπῆς δὲ microὴ πα-ρούσης τοὺς microὲν ἀνέτρεψαν ἐmicroβαλοῦσαι τοὺς δrsquo ἀνεmicroόλυναν ἧκεν οὖνκαὶ ὁ Χάριλλος οἴκαδε τά τε σκέλη καὶ τὰ ἱmicroάτια βορβόρου microεστός ὥστrsquoἀεὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου microεmicroνῆσθαι microετὰ γέλωτος ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩θαυmicroάζοντας εἰ microηδαmicroοῦ προλείπει τὸν ἄνδρα microηδrsquo ἀmicroελεῖ τὸ θεῖοναὐτοῦrsquo

11 Καὶ ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoοἴει γάρrsquo ἔφη lsquoΘεόκριτε τὸ Σωκράτους δαι-microόνιον ἰδίαν καὶ περιττὴν ἐσχηκέναι δύναmicroιν οὐχὶ τῆς κοινῆς microόριόντι microαντικῆς τὸν ἄνδρα πείρᾳ βεβαιωσάmicroενον ἐν τοῖς ἀδήλοις καὶ ἀτε-κmicroάρτοις τῷ λογις microῷ ῥοπὴν ἐπάγειν ὡς γὰρ ὁλκὴ microία καθrsquo αὑτὴν οὐκ

581A ἄγει τὸν ζυγόν | ἰσορροποῦντι δὲ βάρει προστιθεmicroένη κλίνει τὸ σύmicro-παν ἐφrsquo ἑαυτήν οὕτω πταρmicroὸς ἢ κληδὼν ἤ τι τοιοῦτον σύmicroβολον ⟨οὐχοἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν⟩ καὶ κοῦφον ἐmicroβριθῆ διάνοιαν ἐπισπάσασθαι πρὸςπρᾶξιν δυεῖν δrsquo ἐναντίων λογισmicroῶν θατέρῳ προσελθὸν ἔλυσε τὴν ἀπο-ρίαν τῆς ἰσότητος ἀναιρεθείσης ὥστε κίνησιν γίγνεσθαι καὶ ὁρmicroήνrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ πατήρ lsquoἀλλὰ microήνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ αὐτός ὦ Γαλαξίδωρε Με-γαρικοῦ τινος ἤκουσα Τερψίωνος δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὅτι τὸ Σωκράτους δαιmicroόνι-ον πταρmicroὸς ἦν ὅ τε παρrsquo αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ παρrsquo ἄλλων ἑτέρου microὲν γὰρ πτα-

581B ρόντος ἐκ δεξιᾶς εἴτrsquo ὄπισθεν εἴτrsquo ἔmicroπροσθεν ὁρmicroᾶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶ-

Translation 33

10 lsquoWell thenrsquo said Theocritus lsquowhat do we say about Socratesrsquo daimo-nion my good friend Is it a fiction or what Nothing related of Pythago-rasrsquo power of prophecy has seemed to me as impressive and divine as thisJust as Homer makes Athena lsquostand besidersquo Odysseus lsquoin all his troublesrsquo90

so it would seem the divine power gave Socrates from the beginning avision which alone [580D] lsquowent before him and gave lightrsquo91 in dark af-fairs inscrutable to human thinking wherein the power (daimonion) o enagreed with him lending divine sanction to his own choices You must askSimmias and Socratesrsquo other friends about most of these happenings andthe more important ones but here is one at which I was present myselfWhen we paid a visit to Euthyphron92 the diviner Socrates ndash you remem-ber this Simmias ndash was walking towards the Symbolon and Andocidesrsquohouse93 all the time questioning and puzzling Euthyphron in his playfulway Then he suddenly stopped and concentrated on his own thoughts insilence for some time [580E] before turning round and going down Box-makersrsquo Street94 and lttried to call backgt those of his friends who had goneahead ltsayinggt95 that lsquothe daimonion had happenedrsquo96 Most of us turnedback with him (including me who was sticking close to Euthyphron) butsome young people went straight on hoping to prove Socratesrsquo daimonionwrong and they took Charillus97 the piper with them he too had cometo Athens with me to visit Cebes98 As they were going down StatuariesrsquoStreet by the lawcourts99 they were confronted by a herd of pigs [580F]covered in mud and jostling one another because there were so many ofthem There was no escape the pigs knocked some of the young peopleover and bespa ered others Charillus arrived with his legs and his cloakall muddied So ltwegt always laugh when we remember Socratesrsquo daimo-nion ltat the same timegt100 marvelling at the way the divine power neverabandoned or neglected the man in any circumstancesrsquo11 lsquoDo you say this Theocritusrsquo said Galaxidorus lsquobecause you thinkthat Socratesrsquo daimonion possessed some special and peculiar power ratherthan that the man had assured himself by experience of some departmentof common divination101 and used this to tip the balance of his thinkingin obscure or inscrutable ma ers A single weight by itself does not turnthe scale [581A] but if it is added to an evenly-balanced load it pullsthe whole thing down Likewise a sneeze102 or a casual word103 or somesuch sign ltbeing smallgt and light ltcannotgt104 determine a weighty mindto action but added to one of two opposing calculations it resolves thedoubt by destroying the equipoise Movement and impulse followrsquo

lsquoIndeed Galaxidorusrsquo put in my father lsquoI myself heard from a Megar-ian who heard it from Terpsion105 that Socratesrsquo daimonion was a sneezehis own or anotherrsquos If someone sneezed on the right either behind [581B]or in front it impelled him to act if on the le it deterred him As to his

34 Text (11581Bndash 12581F)

ξιν εἰ δrsquo ἐξ ἀριστερᾶς ἀποτρέπεσθαι τῶν δrsquo αὐτοῦ πταρmicroῶν τὸν microὲνἔτι microέλλοντος βεβαιοῦν τὸν δrsquo ἤδη πράσσοντος ἐπέχειν καὶ κωλύειν τὴνὁρmicroήν ἀλλrsquo ἐκεῖνό microοι δοκεῖ θαυmicroαστόν εἰ πταρmicroῷ χρώmicroενος οὐ τοῦτοτοῖς ἑταίροις ἀλλὰ δαιmicroόνιον εἶναι τὸ κωλῦον ἢ κελεῦον ἔλεγε τύφουγὰρ ἂν ἦν τινος ὦ φίλε κενοῦ καὶ κόmicroπου τὸ τοιοῦτον οὐκ ἀληθείαςκαὶ ἁπλότητος οἷς τὸν ἄνδρα microέγαν ὡς ἀληθῶς καὶ διαφέροντα τῶνπολλῶν γεγονέναι δοκοῦmicroεν ὑπὸ φωνῆς ἔξωθεν ἢ πταρmicroοῦ τινοςὁπηνίκα τύχοι θορυβούmicroενον ἐκτῶν πράξεων ἀνατρέπεσθαι καὶ προ-

581C ΐεσθαι τὸ δεδογmicroένον αἱ δὲ Σωκράτους ὁρmicroαὶ τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ ἔχου-σαι καὶ σφοδρότητα φαίνονται πρὸς ἅπαν ὡς ἂν ἐξ ὀρθῆς καὶ ἰσχυρᾶςἀφειmicroέναι κρίσεως καὶ ἀρχῆς πενίᾳ γὰρ ἐmicromicroεῖναι παρὰ πάντα τὸν βί-ον ἑκουσίως σὺν ἡδονῇ καὶ χάριτι τῶν διδόντων ἔχειν δυνάmicroενον καὶφιλοσοφίας microὴ ἐκστῆναι πρὸς τοσαῦτα κωλύmicroατα καὶ τέλος εἰς σω-τηρίαν καὶ φυγὴν αὐτῷ σπουδῆς ἑταίρων καὶ παρασκευῆς εὐmicroηχάνου

581D γενοmicroένης microήτε καmicroφθῆναι λιπαροῦσι microήθrsquo ὑποχωρῆσαι τῷ θανάτῳπελάζοντι χρῆσθαι δrsquo ἀτρέπτῳ τῷ λογισmicroῷ πρὸς τὸ δεινόν οὐκ ἔστινἀνδρὸς ἐκ κληδόνων ἢ πταρmicroῶν microεταβαλλοmicroένην ὅτε τύχοι γνώmicroηνἔχοντος ἀλλrsquo ὑπὸ microείζονος ἐπιστασίας καὶ ἀρχῆς ἀγοmicroένου πρὸς τὸκαλόν ἀκούω δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τῆς Ἀθηναίων δυνάmicroεως φθορὰνπροειπεῖν αὐτὸν ἐνίοις τῶν φίλων καὶ πρότερον ἔτι τούτων Πυριλάmicro-πης ὁ Ἀντιφῶντος ἁλοὺς ἐν τῇ διώξει περὶ Δήλιον ὑφrsquo ἡmicroῶν δορατίῳτετρωmicroένος ὡς ἤκουσε τῶν ἐπὶ τὰς σπονδὰς ἀφικοmicroένων Ἀθήνηθεν

581E ὅτι Σωκράτης microετrsquo Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ Λάχητος daggerἐπὶ Ῥηγίστηςdagger καταβὰςἀπονενοστήκοι πολλὰ microὲν τοῦτον ἀνεκαλέσατο πολλὰ δὲ φίλους τι-νὰς καὶ λοχίτας οἷς συνέβη microετrsquo αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὴν Πάρνηθα φεύγουσινὑπὸ τῶν ἡmicroετέρων ἱππέων ἀποθανεῖν ὡς τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίουπαρακούσαντας ἑτέραν ὁδὸν οὐχ ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἦγε τρεποmicroένους ἀπὸ τῆςmicroάχης ταῦτα δrsquo οἶmicroαι καὶ Σιmicromicroίαν ἀκηκοέναιrsquo

lsquoπολλάκιςrsquo ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ἔφη lsquoκαὶ πολλῶν διεβοήθη γὰρ οὐκ ἠρέmicroα τὸΣωκράτους Ἀθήνησιν ἐκ τούτων δαιmicroόνιονrsquo12 lsquoΤί οὖνrsquo ὁ Φειδόλαος εἶπεν lsquoὦ Σιmicromicroία Γαλαξίδωρον ἐάσωmicroεν παί-

581F ζοντα καταβάλλειν τοσοῦτο microαντείας ἔργον εἰς πταρmicroοὺς καὶ κληδό-νας οἷς καὶ οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ἰδιῶται περὶ microικρὰ προσχρῶνται καὶ παίζον-τες ὅταν δὲ κίνδυνοι βαρύτεροι καὶ microείζονες καταλάβωσι πράξεις ἐκεῖ-νο γίγνεται τὸ Εὐριπίδειον bdquoοὐδεὶς σιδήρου ταῦτα microωραίνει πέλαςldquorsquo

καὶ ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoΣιmicromicroίου microένrsquo ἔφη lsquoΦειδόλαε περὶ τούτων εἴ τιΣωκράτους αὐτὸς λέγοντος ἤκουσεν ἕτοιmicroος ἀκροᾶσθαι καὶ πείθεσθαιmicroεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν τὰ δrsquo ὑπὸ σοῦ λελεγmicroένα καὶ Πολύmicroνιος οὐ χαλεπὸν ἀνε-

Translation 35

own sneezes one that happened while he was still hesitating confirmedhis resolution but if he had already begun to act it checked and stoppedhis impulse What surprises me is that if he was depending on a sneezehe did not tell his friends that it was this that stopped or encouraged himbut that it was the daimonion Such behaviour my friend would have beena sign of empty affectation and pretentiousness not of the truthfulnessand simplicity in which we believe Socratesrsquo greatness and superiority tothe mass of mankind to have consistedhellip106 to be thrown into a panic andmade to retreat from actions and abandon a decision because of a voicefrom outside or a fortuitous sneeze [581C] Socratesrsquo impulses on thecontrary clearly possessedhellip107 lttension and vigourgt in all circumstancesspringing as they did from a correct and powerful judgement and princi-ple To remain voluntarily in poverty all his life when he could have hadrelief which others would have been pleased and charmed to give not toabandon philosophy despite all the obstacles in his way and finally whenfriendsrsquo zeal and means were available to assure his safety in exile not toyield to their insistence nor shrink before the approach of death but toface [581D] the terrible moment with unflinching reason ndash these are notthe actions of a man whose mind can be changed fortuitously by casualwords or sneezes but of one who is guided towards the honourable bysome superior control and rule I have heard too that he foretold to someof his friends the destruction of the Athenian force in Sicily 108 There is aneven earlier instance Pyrilampes109 the son of Antiphon was woundedby a spear and captured by our men in the pursuit at Delium110 and whenhe was told by the people who came from Athens to negotiate the trucethat Socrates with Alcibiades and Laches had gone down to (Rhegiste)111

[581E] and got home safely therea er o en called to mind both Socratesand some friends and comrades who had fled with him by Parnes112 andbeen killed by our cavalry He said they had not heeded Socratesrsquo daimo-nion and had le the ba lefield by a different route from that by which hewas leading them I imagine Simmias has heard all this toorsquo

lsquoO enrsquo said Simmias lsquoand from many people There was a lot of talkat Athens about Socratesrsquo daimonion because of thisrsquo12 lsquoWell then Simmiasrsquo said Phidolaus lsquoare we to let Galaxidorus amusehimself by reducing this great achievement of prophecy to sneezes and ca-sual words [581F] Most ordinary people appeal to these on trivial mat-ters and not in earnest when graver dangers and greater actions overtakethem Euripidesrsquo words are to the point ldquoNone plays the fool like thatwhen swords are outrdquo113

lsquoI am as ready to listen and be convinced by Simmias as you others arePhidolausrsquo said Galaxidorus lsquoif he has heard anything from Socrates him-self on the subject But itrsquos easy enough to refute what you and Polymnis

36 Text (12581Fndash 13582D)

λεῖν ὡς γὰρ ἐν ἰατρικῇ σφυγmicroὸς ἢ φλύκταινα microικρὸν οὐ microικροῦ δὲ ση-microεῖόν ἐστι καὶ κυβερνήτῃ πελαγίου φθόγγος ὄρνιθος ἢ διαδροmicroὴ κνη-

582A κίδος ἀραιᾶς | πνεῦmicroα σηmicroαίνει καὶ κίνησιν τραχυτέραν θαλάσσης οὕ-τω microαντικῇ ψυχῇ πταρmicroὸς ἢ κληδὼν οὐ microέγα καθrsquo αὑτὸ ⟨microεγάλου δὲσηmicroεῖον⟩ συmicroπτώmicroατος ⟨ἐπrsquo⟩ οὐδεmicroιᾶς γὰρ τέχνης καταφρονεῖται τὸmicroικροῖς microεγάλα καὶ διrsquo ὀλίγων πολλὰ προmicroηνύειν ἀλλrsquo ὥσπερ εἴ τιςἄπειρος γραmicromicroάτων δυνάmicroεως ὁρῶν ὀλίγα πλήθει καὶ φαῦλα τὴν microορ-φὴν ἀπιστοίη ἄνδρα γραmicromicroατικὸν ἐκ τούτων ἀναλέγεσθαι πολέmicroους

582B microεγάλους οἳ τοῖς πάλαι συνέτυχον καὶ κτίσεις πόλεων πράξεις τε καὶπαθήmicroατα βασιλέων εἶτα φαίη δαιmicroόνιόν τι microηνύειν καὶ καταλέγεινἐκείνῳ τῷ ἱστορικῷ τούτων ἕκαστον ἡδὺς ἄν ὦ φίλε γέλως σοι τοῦἀνθρώπου τῆς ἀπειρίας ἐπέλθοι οὕτω σκόπει microὴ καὶ ἡmicroεῖς τῶν microαν-τικῶν ἑκάστου τὴν δύναmicroιν ἀγνοοῦντες ᾗ συmicroβάλλει πρὸς τὸ microέλλονεὐήθως ἀγανακτῶmicroεν εἰ νοῦν ἔχων ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τούτων ἂν ἀποφαί-νεταί τι περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων καὶ ταῦτα φάσκων αὐτὸς οὐ πταρmicroὸν οὐ-δὲ φωνὴν ἀλλὰ δαιmicroόνιον αὐτῷ τῶν πράξεων ὑφηγεῖσθαι microέτειmicroι γὰρἤδη πρὸς σέ ὦ Πολύmicroνι θαυmicroάζοντα Σωκράτους ἀνδρὸς ἀτυφίᾳ καὶ

582C ἀφελείᾳ microάλιστα δὴ φιλοσοφίαν ἐξανθρωπίσαντος εἰ microὴ πταρmicroὸν microη-δὲ κληδόνα τὸ σηmicroεῖον ἀλλὰ τραγικῶς πάνυ bdquoτὸ δαιmicroόνιονldquo ὠνόmicroαζενἐγὼ γὰρ ἂν τοὐναντίον ἐθαύmicroαζον ἀνδρὸς ἄκρου διαλέγεσθαι καὶ κρα-τεῖν ὀνοmicroάτων ὥσπερ Σωκράτης εἰ microὴ τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀλλὰ τὸν πταρmicroὸναὑτῷ σηmicroαίνειν ἔλεγεν ὥσπερ εἴ τις ὑπὸ τοῦ βέλους φαίη τετρῶσθαιmicroὴ τῷ βέλει ὑπὸ τοῦ βαλόντος microεmicroετρῆσθαι δrsquo αὖτὸ βάρος ὑπὸ τοῦ ζυ-γοῦ microὴ τῷ ζυγῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱστάντος οὐ γὰρ τοῦ ὀργάνου τὸ ἔργον ἀλλrsquoοὗ καὶ τὸ ὄργανον ᾧ χρῆται πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ὄργανον δέ τι καὶ τὸ ση-microεῖον ᾧ χρῆται τὸ σηmicroαῖνον ἀλλrsquo ὅπερ εἶπον εἴ τι Σιmicromicroίας ἔχει λέγεινἀκουστέον ὡς εἰδότος ἀκριβέστερονrsquo

582D 13 Καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoπρότερόν γrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτοὺς εἰσιόντας οἵτινές εἰσιν ἀπο-σκεψαmicroένοις microᾶλλον δὲ τὸν ξένον ἔοικεν ἡmicroῖν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας ὁδὶ κο-microίζεινrsquo

ἀποβλέψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὰς θύρας ἑωρῶmicroεν ἡγούmicroενον microὲν τὸνἘπαmicroεινώνδαν καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων Ἰσmicroηνόδωρον καὶ Βακχυλίδανκαὶ Μέλισσον τὸν αὐλητήν ἑπόmicroενον δὲτὸν ξένον οὐκ ἀγεννῆ τὸ εἶδοςἀλλὰ πραότητα καὶ φιλοφροσύνην τοῦ ἤθους ὑποφαίνοντα καὶ σεmicroνῶςἀmicroπεχόmicroενον τὸ σῶmicroα καθίσαντος οὖν ἐκείνου microὲν αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸνΣιmicromicroίαν τοῦ δrsquo ἀδελφοῦ παρrsquo ἐmicroὲ τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων ὡς ἕκαστος ἔτυχε καὶγενοmicroένης σιωπῆς ὁ Σιmicromicroίας τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡmicroῶν καλέσας lsquoεἶενrsquo εἶπεν

Translation 37

have said In medicine a throbbing pulse or a blister is a small thing initself but the symptom of something serious For the pilot of a ship thecry of a sea-bird or the passing over of a thin wisp of cloud [582A] is asign of wind and the sea turning rough Similarly for the prophetic minda sneeze or a casual word is a small thing in itself but lta sign of some im-portantgt114 occurrence In no art is the prediction of great things by smallor many things by few regarded with contempt If a man ignorant of thepower of le ers seeing a few unimpressive marks could not believe thata scholar could read from them great wars that befell men of old founda-tions of cities and the deeds and sufferings [582B] of kings and thereforedeclared that it was lsquosomething daemonicrsquo that disclosed and related thesethings to the scholar115 you would have a good laugh my friend at thefellowrsquos ignorance In the same way ask yourself whether ignorant as weare of how any particular form of prophecy relates to the future we areperhaps foolish to feel indignation if a man of sense uses these means toreveal something of the unknown even if he does say himself that it isnot a sneeze or a voice but lsquosomething daemonicrsquo that directs his actionsAnd now I turn to you Polymnis and your surprise that Socrates whodid most to humanize philosophy by his unpretentiousness and simplic-ity called his sign not a sneeze [582C] or a casual word but in high tragicstyle lsquothe116 daimonionrsquo For my part on the contrary I should have beensurprised if a supreme dialectician and master of words like Socrates hadnot said that it was lsquothe daimonionrsquo but a sneeze117 that gave him his signsIt would be as though one said that one had been wounded by the dart asan agent and not by the thrower as agent with the dart as instrument oragain that the scales were the agent that weighed something and not theweigher the agent and the scales the instrument The work you see doesnot belong to the instrument but to the owner of the instrument whichhe uses for the work and the sign which the signalling agent uses is in asense his instrument But as I said we must listen to anything Simmiashas to say for he has be er informationrsquo13 lsquoButrsquo said Theocritus lsquonot until we have seen who are these peoplecoming in [582D] Or rather itrsquos Epaminondas I think bringing in thestrangerrsquo118

We looked towards the door and saw Epaminondas leading the wayand some of our friends with him119 ndash Ismenodorus Bacchylidas and thepiper Melissus120 the stranger followed a noble looking personage butwith an air of gentleness and kindness and splendidly dressed He satdown himself next to Simmias my brother next to me and the rest tooktheir chance Silence fell lsquoWell now Epaminondasrsquo said Simmias ad-dressing himself to my brother lsquowho is your guest how should we ad-

38 Text (13582Endash 13583C)

582E lsquoὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα τίνα χρὴ τὸν ξένον καὶ πῶς καὶ πόθεν προσαγορεύ-ειν ἀρχὴ γάρ τις ἐντυχίας καὶ γνώσεως αὕτη συνήθηςrsquo

καὶ ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoΘεάνωρrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Σιmicromicroία ὄνοmicroα microὲν τῷ ἀνδρίγένος δὲ Κροτωνιάτης τῶν ἐκεῖ φιλοσόφων οὐ καταισχύνων τὸ microέγαΠυθαγόρου κλέος ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν ἥκει δεῦρο microακρὰν ὁδὸν ἐξ Ἰταλίαςἔργοις καλοῖς καλὰ δόγmicroατα βεβαιῶνrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ ξένος lsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo ἔφη lsquoσὺ κωλύεις ὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα τῶν582F ἔργων τὸ κάλλιστον εἰ γὰρ εὖ ποιεῖν φίλους καλόν οὐκ αἰσχρὸν εὖ

πάσχειν ὑπὸ φίλων ἡ γὰρ χάρις οὐχ ἧττον δεοmicroένη τοῦ λαmicroβάνοντοςἢ τοῦ διδόντος ἐξ ἀmicroφοῖν τελειοῦται πρὸς τὸ καλόν ὁ δὲ microὴ δεξάmicroε-νος ὥσπερ σφαῖραν εὖ φεροmicroένην κατῄσχυνεν ἀτελῆ πεσοῦσαν ποίουγὰρ οὕτω σκοποῦ βάλλοντα καὶ τυχεῖν ἡδὺ καὶ διαmicroαρτάνειν ἀνιαρὸνὡς ἀνδρὸς εὖ παθεῖν ἀξίου διὰ χάριτος ἐφιέmicroενον ἀλλrsquo ἐκεῖ microὲν ὁ τοῦσκοποῦ microένοντος ἀτυχήσας σφάλλεται διrsquo αὑτόν ἐνταυθοῖ δrsquo ὁ παραι-τούmicroενος καὶ ὑποφεύγων ἀδικεῖ τὴν χάριν εἰς ὃ ἔσπευκε microὴ περαίνου-σαν

583A σοὶ microὲν οὖν τὰς αἰτίας ἤδη διῆλθον ὑφrsquo ὧν ἔπλευσα δεῦρο | βού-λοmicroαι δὲ καὶ τούτοις διελθὼν χρήσασθαι πρός σε δικασταῖς ἐπεὶ γὰρἐξέπεσοναἱ κατὰ πόλεις ἑταιρεῖαι τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν στάσει κρατηθέν-των τοῖς δrsquo ἔτι συνεστῶσιν ἐν Μεταποντίῳ συνεδρεύουσιν ἐν οἰκίᾳ πῦροἱ Κυλώνειοι περιένησαν καὶ διέφθειραν ἐν ταὐτῷ πάντας πλὴν Φιλο-λάου καὶ Λύσιδος νέων ὄντων ἔτι ῥώmicroῃ καὶ κουφότητι διωσαmicroένων τὸπῦρ Φιλόλαος microὲν εἰς Λευκανοὺς φυγὼν ἐκεῖθεν ἀνεσώθη πρὸς τοὺςἄλλους φίλους ἤδη πάλιν ἀθροιζοmicroένους καὶ κρατοῦντας τῶν Κυλω-

583B νείων Λῦσις δrsquo ὅπου γέγονεν ἠγνοεῖτο πολὺν χρόνον πρίν γε δὴ Γοργί-ας ὁ Λεοντῖνος ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναπλέων εἰς Σικελίαν ἀπήγγελλε τοῖςπερὶ Ἄρκεσον βεβαίως Λύσιδι συγγεγονέναι διατρίβοντι περὶ Θήβαςὥρmicroησε microὲν ὁ Ἄρκεσος πόθῳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτὸς ὡς εἶχε πλεῦσαι κοmicroι-δῇ δὲ διὰ γῆρας καὶ ἀσθένειαν ἐλλείπων ἐπέσκηψε microάλιστα microὲν ζῶντακοmicroίσαι τὸν Λῦσιν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἢ τὰ λείψανα τεθνηκότος οἱ δrsquo ἐν microέσῳπόλεmicroοι καὶ στάσεις καὶ τυραννίδες ἐκώλυσαν αὐτῷ ζῶντι συντελέσαιτοὺς φίλους τὸν ἆθλον ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἡmicroῖν τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος ἤδη τεθνηκό-τος ἐναργῶς προὐπεφήνει τὴν τελευτήν καὶ τὰς παρrsquo ὑmicroῖν ὦ Πολύmicroνι

583C θεραπείας καὶ διαίτας τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οἱ σαφῶς εἰδότες ἀπήγγελλον ὅτιπλουσίας ἐν οἴκῳ πένητι γηροκοmicroίας τυχὼν καὶ πατὴρ τῶν σῶν υἱέωνἐπιγραφεὶς οἴχοιτο microακαριστός ἀπεστάλην ἐγὼ νέος καὶ εἷς ὑπὸ πολ-λῶν καὶ πρεσβυτέρων ἐχόντων οὐκ ἔχουσι χρήmicroατα διδόντων πολλὴν⟨δὲ⟩ χάριν καὶ φιλίαν ἀντιλαmicroβανόντων Λῦσις δὲ καὶ κεῖται καλῶς ὑφrsquoὑmicroῶν καὶ τάφου καλοῦ κρείττων αὐτῷ χάρις ἐκτινοmicroένη φίλοις ὑπὸφίλων καὶ οἰκείωνrsquo

Translation 39

dress him [582E] and where does he come from Thatrsquos the usual way tostart meeting and knowing somebodyrsquo121

lsquoHis namersquo said Epaminondas lsquois Theanor By origin he is from Cro-ton122 one of the philosophers there and he does not disgrace Pythagorasrsquogreat reputation He has made the long journey here from Italy to crowngood beliefs with good deedsrsquo

lsquoNeverthelessrsquo interrupted the stranger lsquoit is you Epaminondas whoare hindering the best of my deeds If it is honourable to benefit friends[582F] it is no shame to receive benefits from friends A favour needs arecipient as well as a giver and both are needed for its honourable com-pletion The man who refuses it one might say spoils a well-thrown ballwhich falls and fails in its purpose123 For what target can be more pleas-ing to hit and more distressing to miss than a deserving person whom oneaims to reach with a favour In the game however it is your own failure ifyou miss a stationary target but in this business to decline and step asideis to be unfair to the favour so that it fails to reach its goal

lsquoIrsquove already told you the reasons for my voyage here [583A] but Ishould like to explain them also to these people and make them judgesbetween you and me A er the Pythagoreans were defeated in the distur-bances and the societies in the cities were expelled124 the group at Meta-pontum125 were meeting in a house when Cylonrsquos126 party set fire to itand killed everyone there except Philolaus127 and Lysis who were youngvigorous and agile enough to escape the flames Philolaus fled to Luca-nia128 and from there safely reached the other friends who were by nowgathering again and ge ing the be er of Cylonrsquos party Where Lysis was[583B] long remained unknown until Gorgias of Leontini129 on his returnfrom Greece to Sicily130 gave Arcesus131 and his group reliable informa-tion that he had met Lysis who was living at Thebes Arcesus planned tomake the voyage himself out of love for Lysis but he was failing throughold age and illness and he ordered us to bring Lysis to Italy alive if possi-ble but if dead his remains However the intervening wars revolutionsand tyrannies prevented his friends from fulfilling this task while he livedBut when a er Lysisrsquo death god132 revealed133 to us his end and well-informed people told us [583C] of the care and support that your familygave him Polymnis ndash how he had enjoyed lavish care in his old age in apoor household had been registered as your sonsrsquo father and had dieda blessed death ndash then I on my own and young became the emissary ofmany senior men who offered money (which they possess) to you (whopossess none) and were ready to accept in return great favour and friend-ship Lysis has had from you a fair burial but be er for him than his fairtomb is the repayment of friendsrsquo kindness by friends and kindredrsquo

40 Text (14583Cndash 14584B)

14 Ταῦτα τοῦ ξένου λέγοντος ὁ microὲν πατὴρ ἐπεδάκρυσε τῇ microνήmicroῃ τοῦ583D Λύσιδος πολὺν χρόνον ὁ δrsquo ἀδελφὸς ὑποmicroειδιῶν ὥσπερ εἰώθει πρὸς

ἐmicroέ lsquoπῶςrsquo ἔφη lsquoποιοῦmicroεν ὦ Καφισία προϊέmicroεθα τὴν πενίαν τοῖς χρή-microασι καὶ σιωπῶmicroενrsquo

lsquoἥκιστrsquorsquo ἔφην ἐγώ lsquoτὴν φίλην καὶ bdquoἀγαθὴν κουροτρόφονldquo ἀλλrsquo ἄmicroυ-νε σὸς γὰρ ὁ λόγοςrsquo

lsquoκαὶ microὴν ἐγώrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ πάτερ ταύτῃ microόνῃ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐδεδίειν ἁλώ-σιmicroον ὑπὸ χρηmicroάτων εἶναι κατὰ τὸ Καφισίου σῶmicroα καλῆς microὲν ἐσθῆτοςδεόmicroενον ἵνα τοῖς ἐρασταῖς ἐγκαλλωπίσηται τοσούτοις οὖσιν ἀφθόνουδὲ καὶ πολλῆς τροφῆς ἵνrsquo ἀντέχῃ πρὸς τὰ γυmicroνάσια καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐνταῖς παλαίστραις ἀγῶνας ὁπηνίκα δrsquo οὗτος οὐ προδίδωσι τὴν πενίαν

583E οὐδrsquo ὡς βαφὴν ἀνίησι τὴν πάτριον πενίαν ἀλλὰ καίπερ ὢν microειράκι-ον εὐτελείᾳ καλλωπίζεται καὶ στέργει τὰ παρόντα τίς ἂν ἡmicroῖν γένοιτοτῶν χρηmicroάτων διάθεσις καὶ χρῆσις ἦπου καταχρυσώσοmicroεν τὰ ὅπλακαὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα πορφύρᾳ συmicromicroεmicroιγmicroένῃ πρὸς χρυσίον ὥσπερ Νικίαςὁ Ἀθηναῖος διαποικιλοῦmicroεν σοὶ δrsquo ὦ πάτερ Μιλησίαν χλανίδα τῇ δὲmicroητρὶ παραλουργὸν ὠνησόmicroεθα χιτώνιον οὐ γὰρ εἰς γαστέρα δήπουκαταχρησόmicroεθα τὴν δωρεὰν εὐωχοῦντες αὑτοὺς πολυτελέστερον ὥσ-περ ξένον ὑποδεδεγmicroένοι βαρύτερον τὸν πλοῦτονrsquo

583F lsquoἄπαγrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ πατήρ lsquoὦ παῖ microηδέποτε τοιαύτην ἐπίδοιmicroι microετακό-σmicroησιν τοῦ βίου ἡmicroῶνrsquo

lsquoκαὶ microὴν οὐδrsquo ἀργόνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαθισόmicroεθα φρουροῦντες οἴκοι τὸν πλοῦ-τον ἄχαρις γὰρ ἂν οὕτως ἡ χάρις καὶ ἄτιmicroος ἡ κτῆσις εἴηrsquo

lsquoτί microήνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ πατήρlsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo ἔφη ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἸάσωνι microὲν τῷ Θετταλῶν ταγῷ πέmicro-

ψαντι δεῦρο πολὺ χρυσίον ἔναγχος πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς καὶ δεοmicroένῳ λαβεῖνἀγροικότερος ἐφάνην ἀποκρινόmicroενος ἀδίκων χειρῶν αὐτὸν κατάρχειν

584A ὅτι microοναρχίας ὢν ἐραστὴς ἄνδρα δηmicroότην ἐλευθέρας καὶ αὐτονόmicroουπόλεως ἐπείρα διὰ χρη|microάτων σοῦ δrsquo ὦ ξένε τὴν microὲν προθυmicroίαν (κα-λὴ γὰρ καὶ φιλόσοφος) δέχοmicroαι καὶ ἀγαπῶ διαφερόντως ἥκεις δὲ φάρ-microακα φίλοις microὴ νοσοῦσι κοmicroίζων ὥσπερ οὖν εἰ πολεmicroεῖσθαι πυθόmicroε-νος ἡmicroᾶς ἔπλευσας ἡmicroᾶς ὅπλοις καὶ βέλεσιν ὠφελήσων εἶτα φιλίανκαὶ εἰρήνην εὗρες οὐκ ἂν ᾤου δεῖν ἐκεῖνα διδόναι καὶ ἀπολείπειν microὴδεοmicroένοις οὕτω σύmicromicroαχος microὲν ἀφῖξαι πρὸς πενίαν ὡς ἐνοχλουmicroένοιςὑπrsquo αὐτῆς ἡ δrsquo ἐστὶ ῥᾴστη φέρειν ἡmicroῖν καὶ φίλη σύνοικος οὔκουν δεῖχρηmicroάτων οὐδrsquo ὅπλων ἐπrsquo αὐτὴν microηδὲν ἀνιῶσαν ἀλλrsquo ἀπάγγελλε τοῖς

584B ἐκεῖ γνωρίmicroοις ὅτι κάλλιστα microὲν αὐτοὶ πλούτῳ χρῶνται καλῶς δὲ πε-νίᾳ χρωmicroένους αὐτόθι φίλους ἔχουσι τὰς δὲ Λύσιδος ἡmicroῖν τροφὰς καὶταφὰς αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ Λῦσις ἀπέδωκετά τrsquo ἄλλα καὶ πενίαν διδάξαςmicroὴ δυσχεραίνεινrsquo

Translation 41

14 As our visitor was speaking my father wept for a while in remem-brance of Lysis My brother smiled slightly [583D] as he commonly didand said to me lsquoWhat do we do Caphisias Do we sacrifice poverty tomoney and say nothingrsquo

lsquoCertainly notrsquo I said lsquoshe is our dear and ldquokindly nurserdquo134 defendher itrsquos for you to speakrsquo

lsquoWell fatherrsquo he said lsquothe only135 fear I had of our familyrsquos being con-quered by money concerned Caphisiasrsquo person which needs fine clothingfor him to show off proudly to all his lovers and generous rations to makehim strong enough for the gymnasia and the wrestling-bouts But as hedoes not betray poverty or as it were lose the sharp edge he has inher-ited136 but [583E] mere boy though he is prides himself on economy andis content with what he has what way of using or disposing of the moneycould we have Are we to gild our weapons or decorate our shield withpurple and gold like the Athenian Nicias137 Or buy you a Milesian138

cloak father or my mother a dress with a purple border We surely shanrsquotspend the gi on our stomachs giving ourselves more expensive dinnersas though wealth was a burdensome guest to be entertainedrsquo

lsquoFor goodnessrsquo sake childrsquo said my father lsquolet me not live to see [583F]that kind of change in our lifersquo

lsquoNeither shall we sit back and keep our riches idle at homersquo went onEpaminondas lsquofor in that case the grace would be graceless and the pos-session bring no honourrsquo

lsquoOf coursersquo said my fatherlsquoWellrsquo said Epaminondas lsquowhen Jason the Thessalian ruler139 sent us

a large sum of money here recently and asked us to accept it I was seenas rather rude when I replied that he was actually an aggressor becausein his passion for monarchical rule he was trying to bribe an ordinary cit-izen of a free and independent city [584A] But I accept and very muchappreciate your concern sir for it is noble and worthy of a philosopherbut you have come bringing medicine for friends who are not ill If youhad heard that we were at war and had come over to help us with armsand missiles and then found all peace and friendship you wouldnrsquot havethought it right to give us these things and leave them with us when wewere in no need of them In the same way you have come to be our allyagainst poverty assuming that she was a trouble to us but in fact she isvery easy for us to bear and is a dear member of our family So we needno money as a weapon against her since she does us no harm [584B] Tellyour acquaintances140 over there that while they use wealth most noblythey have friends here who use poverty nobly tell them that Lysis has him-

42 Text (15584Bndash 15584F)

15 Ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεάνωρ lsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸ πενίαν δυσχεραίνειν ἀγεν-νές ἐστι τὸ δὲ πλοῦτον δεδιέναι καὶ φεύγειν οὐκ ἄτοπονrsquo

⟨rsquoἄτοπονrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας⟩ lsquoεἰ microὴ λόγῳ τις αὐτὸν ἀλλὰ σχη-microατιζόmicroενος ἢ διrsquo ἀπειροκαλίαν ἢ τῦφόν τινα διωθεῖταιrsquo

lsquoκαὶ τίς ἄνrsquo ἔφη lsquoλόγος ἀπείργοι τὴν ἐκ καλῶν καὶ δικαίων κτῆσιν ὦ584C Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα microᾶλλον δὲ (πραότερον γὰρ ἡmicroῖν ἢ τῷ Θετταλῷ πρὸς τὰς

ἀποκρίσεις ἐνδίδου σαυτὸν ὑπὲρ τούτων) εἰπέ microοι πότερον ἡγῇ δόσινmicroὲν εἶναί τινα χρηmicroάτων ὀρθὴν λῆψιν δὲ microηδεmicroίαν ἢ καὶ τοὺς διδόνταςἁmicroαρτάνειν πάντως καὶ τοὺς λαmicroβάνονταςrsquo

lsquoοὐδαmicroῶςrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἀλλrsquo ὥσπερ ἄλλου τινὸς ἐγὼ καὶπλούτου χάριν τε καὶ κτῆσιν εἶναι νοmicroίζω τὴν microὲν αἰσχρὰν τὴν δrsquo ἀστεί-ανrsquo

lsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη ὁ Θεάνωρ lsquoὁ ἃ ὀφείλων διδοὺς ἑκουσίως καὶ προθύmicroωςοὐ καλῶς δίδωσινrsquo

ὡmicroολόγησενlsquoὁ δrsquo ἅ τις καλῶς δίδωσι δεξάmicroενος οὐ καλῶς εἴληφεν ἢ γένοιτrsquo ἂν

δικαιοτέρα χρηmicroάτων λῆψις τῆς παρὰ τοῦ δικαίως διδόντοςrsquo584D lsquoοὐκ ἄνrsquo ἔφη lsquoγένοιτοrsquo lsquoδυεῖν ἄρα φίλωνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα εἰ

θατέρῳ δοτέον θατέρῳ δήπου ληπτέον ἐν microὲν γὰρ ταῖς microάχαις τὸν εὖβάλλοντα τῶν πολεmicroίων ἐκκλιτέον ἐν δὲ ταῖς χάρισι τὸν καλῶς διδόν-τα τῶν φίλων οὔτε φεύγειν οὔτrsquo ἀπωθεῖσθαι δίκαιον εἰ γὰρ ἡ πενία microὴδυσχερές οὐδrsquo αὖ πάλιν ὁ πλοῦτος οὕτως ἄτιmicroος καὶ ἀπόβλητοςrsquo

lsquoοὐ γὰρ οὖνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἀλλrsquo ἔστιν ὅτῳ microὴ λαβόντι τὸκαλῶς διδόmicroενον τιmicroιώτερον ὑπάρχει καὶ κάλλιον οὑτωσὶ δrsquo ἐπίσκεψαιmicroεθrsquo ἡmicroῶν εἰσὶ δήπουθεν ἐπιθυmicroίαι πολλαὶ καὶ πολλῶν ἔνιαι microὲν ἔmicro-

584E φυτοι λεγόmicroεναι καὶ περὶ τὸ σῶmicroα βλαστάνουσαι πρὸς τὰς ἀναγκαίαςἡδονάς αἱ δrsquo ἐπήλυδες αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν δοξῶν ἰσχὺν δὲ καὶβίαν ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ συνηθείας ἐν τροφῇ microοχθηρᾷ λαβοῦσαι πολλάκιςἕλκουσι καὶ ταπεινοῦσι τὴν ψυχὴν ἐρρωmicroενέστερον τῶν ἀναγκαίωνἔθει δὲ καὶ microελέτῃ πολὺ microέν τις ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἐmicroφύτων ἀπαρύσαι παθῶντῷ λόγῳ παρέσχε τὸ δὲ πᾶν τῆς ἀσκήσεως κράτος ὦ φίλε ταῖς ἐπεισ-οδίοις καὶ περιτταῖς προσάγοντας ἐπιθυmicroίαις ἐκπονεῖν χρὴ καὶ ἀπο-κόπτειν αὐτὰς ἀνείρξεσι καὶ κατοχαῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου κολαζοmicroένας εἰ

584F γὰρ δίψαν ἐκβιάζεται καὶ πεῖναν ἡ πρὸς τροφὴν καὶ ποτὸν ἀντίβασιςτοῦ λογισmicroοῦ microακρῷ δήπου ῥᾷόν ἐστι φιλοπλουτίαν κολοῦσαι καὶ φι-

Translation 43

self paid us for his keep and his burial most of all by teaching us not tocomplain of povertyrsquo15 lsquoAnd sorsquo replied Theanor lsquoitrsquos mean (is it) to complain of povertybut not absurd to fear and shun wealthrsquo

lsquoltNo that is absurdrsquo said Epaminondasgt141 unless one rejects it on rea-sonable grounds and not just as an affectation or through some sort of badtaste or cantrsquo

lsquoAnd what reason Epaminondasrsquo said Theanor lsquomight prevent the ac-quisition of wealth by honourable and just means Or rather ndash and pleaseallow yourself to answer us about this more gently than you answered theThessalian ndash [584C] tell me do you think it is sometimes right to offermoney but never right to accept it Or that offer and acceptance are al-ways equally wrongrsquo

lsquoNot at allrsquo said Epaminondas lsquoI think that both the bestowal and theacquisition of wealth (as of anything else) may be either disgraceful or vir-tuousrsquo

lsquoWell thenrsquo said Theanor lsquodoes not a debtor who pays up willingly acthonourably in so doingrsquo

He agreedlsquoAnd is not acceptance of an honourable offer itself honourable Can

there be a juster way of accepting money than from an offer justly madersquo[584D] lsquoNo there canrsquotrsquo he said lsquoAnd therefore Epaminondasrsquo said theother lsquoif one of two friends has an obligation to give the other has an obli-gation to receive In ba les one has to avoid the enemyrsquos good shots butin doing favours it is wrong to avoid or reject a friend who makes an hon-ourable offer If poverty is nothing disagreeable neither is wealth to beundervalued or rejectedrsquo

lsquoNorsquo said Epaminondas lsquobut there are people for whom an honourableoffer is more valuable and more honourable if they do not accept it Lookat it like this as we do There are many desires and many objects of desireSome desires are said to be innate and develop in the body with referenceto necessary pleasures [584E] Others are adventitious these arising outof142 empty fancies but acquiring strength and force in time and by habitthrough bad upbringing frequently drag down and depress the soul moreeffectively than the necessary desires By habit and practice men havebeen able to let reason draw off a good deal even of the innate passionbut it is on the intrusive unnecessary desires my friend that we need todeploy the full force of exercise and work to eradicate them by restraintsand inhibitions as they are brought under control by reason If [584F] theresistance of reason to food and drink can force out thirst and hunger it is

44 Text (15584Fndash 15585D)

λοδοξίαν ἀποχαῖς ὧν ἐφίενται καὶ ἀνείρξεσιν εἰς τέλος καταλυθείσαςἢ οὐ δοκεῖ σοιrsquo

ὡmicroολόγησεν ὁ ξένοςlsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoδιαφορὰν ὁρᾷς ἀσκήσεως καὶ τοῦ πρὸς ὃ ἡ ἄσκησις

ἔργου καὶ καθάπερ ἀθλητικῆς ἔργον microὲν ἂν εἴποις τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ στε-φάνου πρὸς τὸν ἀντίπαλον ἅmicroιλλαν ἄσκησιν δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦτο διὰ τῶνγυmicroνασίων παρασκευὴν τοῦ σώmicroατος οὕτω καὶ ἀρετῆς ὁmicroολογεῖς τὸmicroὲν ἔργον εἶναι τὸ δrsquo ἄσκησινrsquo

ὁmicroολογήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ξένου lsquoφέρε τοίνυν πρῶτονrsquo εἶπε lsquoτῆς ἐγκρα-585A τείας τὸ τῶν αἰσχρῶν καὶ παρανόmicroων ἡδονῶν ἀπέχεσθαι πότερον ἄ-

σκησιν | ἢ microᾶλλον ἔργον καὶ ἀπόδειξιν ἀσκήσεως εἶναι νοmicroίζειςrsquolsquoἔργονrsquo εἶπεν lsquoἐγὼ καὶ ἀπόδειξινrsquolsquoἄσκησιν δὲ καὶ microελέτην microετὰ ἐγκρατείας οὐχ ἥνπερ ἔτι νῦν ἐπιδεί-

κνυσθε πάντες ὑmicroεῖς ὅταν γυmicroναζόmicroενοι καὶ κινήσαντες ὥσπερ ζῷατὰς ὀρέξεις ἐπιστῆτε λαmicroπραῖς τραπέζαις καὶ ποικίλοις ἐδέσmicroασι πο-λὺν χρόνον εἶτα ταῦτα τοῖς οἰκέταις ὑmicroῶν εὐωχεῖσθαι παραδόντες αὐ-τοὶ τὰ λιτὰ καὶ ἁπλᾶ προσφέρησθε κεκολασmicroέναις ἤδη ταῖς ἐπιθυmicroίαιςἡ γὰρ ἐν οἷς ἔξεστιν ἀποχὴ τῶν ἡδονῶν ἄσκησίς ἐστι τῇ ψυχῇ πρὸς ἃκεκώλυταιrsquo

lsquoπάνυ microὲν οὖνrsquo εἶπεν585B lsquoἔστιν οὖν τις ὦ φίλε καὶ δικαιοσύνης πρὸς φιλοπλουτίαν καὶ φι-

λαργυρίαν ἄσκησις οὐ τὸ microὴ κλέπτειν ἐπιόντα νύκτωρ τὰ τῶν πέλαςmicroηδὲ λωποδυτεῖν οὐδrsquo εἰ microὴ προδίδωσί τις πατρίδα καὶ φίλους διrsquo ἀρ-γύριον οὗτος ἀσκεῖ πρὸς φιλαργυρίαν (καὶ γὰρ ὁ νόmicroος ἴσως ἐνταῦθακαὶ ὁ φόβος ἀπείργει τὴν πλεονεξίαν τοῦ ἀδικεῖν) ἀλλrsquo ὁ τῶν δικαίωνκαὶ συγκεχωρηmicroένων ὑπὸ τοῦ νόmicroου κερδῶν πολλάκις ἀφιστὰς ἑαυ-τὸν ἑκουσίως ἀσκεῖ καὶ προσεθίζεται microακρὰν εἶναι παντὸς ἀδίκου καὶπαρανόmicroου λήmicromicroατος οὔτε γὰρ ἐν ἡδοναῖς microεγάλαις microὲν ἀτόποις δὲ

585C καὶ βλαβεραῖς οἷόν τε τὴν διάνοιαν ἠρεmicroεῖν microὴ πολλάκις ἐν ἐξουσίᾳτοῦ ἀπολαύειν καταφρονήσασαν οὔτε λήmicromicroατα microοχθηρὰ καὶ πλεονε-ξίας microεγάλας εἰς ἐφικτὸν ἡκούσας ὑπερβῆναι ῥᾴδιον ᾧτινι microὴ πόρρω-θεν ἐνδέδωκε καὶ κεκόλασται τὸ φιλοκερδές ἀλλrsquo ⟨ἐν⟩ οἷς ἔξεστιν ἀνέ-δην εἰς τὸ κερδαίνειν ἀνατεθραmicromicroένον ὁ γὰρ σπαργᾷ περὶ τῆς ἀδικί-ας microάλα microόλις καὶ χαλεπῶς τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπεχόmicroενον ἀνδρὶ δὲ microὴφίλων προϊεmicroένῳ χάρισι microὴ βασιλέων δωρεαῖς αὑτόν ἀλλὰ καὶ τύχηςκλῆρον ἀπειπαmicroένῳ καὶ θησαυροῦ φανέντος ἐπιπηδῶσαν ἀποστήσαν-τι τὴν φιλοπλουτίαν οὐκ ἐπανίσταται πρὸς τὰς ἀδικίας οὐδὲ θορυβεῖ

585D τὴν διάνοιαν ἀλλrsquo εὐκόλως χρῆται πρὸς τὸ καλὸν αὑτῷ microέγα φρονῶνκαὶ τὰ κάλλιστα τῇ ψυχῇ συνειδώς τούτων ἐγὼ καὶ Καφισίας ἐρασταὶτῶν ἀγώνων ὄντες ὦ φίλε Σιmicromicroία παραιτούmicroεθα τὸν ξένον ἐᾶν ἡmicroᾶςἱκανῶς ἐγγυmicroνάσασθαι τῇ πενίᾳ πρὸς τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐκείνηνrsquo

Translation 45

surely far easier to curtail and ultimately to eliminate love of wealth andlove of reputation by denying them their objects and keeping them underrestraint Donrsquot you think sorsquo

The stranger agreedlsquoThen do you see the difference between exercise and the activity to-

wards which the exercise is directed You might say that in athletics thecontest against the opponent for the crown is the work and the prepara-tion of the body for this in the gymnasia is the exercise Do you now agreethat in virtue too there is both work and exercisersquo

The stranger agreed again lsquoWell thenrsquo said Epaminondas143 lsquofirst ofall do you think that abstinence from base and unlawful pleasures is anexercise of continence [585A] or rather a work and demonstration of itrsquo144

lsquoA work and demonstrationrsquo he saidlsquoAnd is it not exercise and practice of continence that you Pythagoreans

still display145 when by way of exercise you excite your desire146 likeanimals and stand a long time in front of splendidly set tables and a greatvariety of food only to pass it all over to your servants to feast on offeringyour own now chastened appetites only plain and simple fare Abstinencefrom permi ed pleasures is training for the soul to resist the forbiddenrsquo

lsquoYes indeedrsquo he saidlsquoThen my friendrsquo he said [585B] lsquothere is training also for justice147 to

prevent greed and avarice and itrsquos not just abstaining from going out in thenight to rob or mug your neighbours Nor if a man just abstains from be-traying friends or country for money is he training to avoid avarice in hiscase itrsquos probably the law and fear which restrain his greed from commit-ting a crime It is the man who voluntarily and habitually distances himselffrom perfectly proper and legally permi ed profits who is training and ac-customing himself to keep a long way away from any unjust or illegal gainIt is impossible to keep the mind at rest in the presence of intense but ab-normal and harmful pleasures unless it has repeatedly [585C] scornedenjoyments which were open to it Nor is it easy to rise above dishonestprofits and great material advantages that come within reach if onersquos loveof gain has not yielded148 and been chastened long before but has ratherbeen bred to take any permissible profit without restraint swells to burst-ing and is only with great difficulty kept back from seizing any chance ofgain If a man has not surrendered to friendsrsquo favours or kingsrsquo gi s buthas even declined a lucky windfall and checked his love of riches when itpounced on a treasure just come to light his greedy impulse does not riseup to commit crimes or throw his mind into confusion [585D] Proud andwith his conscience clear he deploys himself contentedly for honourableends Caphisias and I my dear Simmias are enamoured of these ba les149

46 Text (16585Dndash 17586B)

16 Ταῦτα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον δὶς ἢ τρὶς ἐπινεύ-σας τῇ κεφαλῇ lsquomicroέγαςrsquo ἔφη lsquomicroέγας ἀνήρ ἐστιν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας τούτουδrsquo αἴτιος οὑτοσὶ Πολύmicroνις ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν ἀρίστην τροφὴν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳτοῖς παισὶ παρασκευασάmicroενος ἀλλὰ περὶ microὲν τούτων αὐτοὶ διαλύεσθε

585E πρὸς αὑτούς ὦ ξένε τὸν δὲ Λῦσιν ἡmicroῖν εἰ θέmicroις ἀκοῦσαι πότερον ἄρακινεῖς ἐκ τοῦ τάφου καὶ microετοικίζεις εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἢ καταmicroένειν ἐνταῦθαπαρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἐάσεις εὐmicroενέσι καὶ φίλοις ὅταν ἐκεῖ γενώmicroεθα συνοίκοιςχρησόmicroενονrsquo

καὶ ὁ Θεάνωρ ἐπιmicroειδιάσας lsquoἔοικενrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛῦσις ὦ Σιmicromicroία φιλοχω-ρεῖν οὐδενὸς τῶν καλῶν ἐνδεὴς γεγονὼς διrsquo Ἐπαmicroεινώνδαν ἔστι γάρτι γιγνόmicroενον ἰδίᾳ περὶ τὰς ταφὰς τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ὅσιον οὗ microὴ τυ-χόντες οὐ δοκοῦmicroεν ἀπέχειν τὸ microακαριστὸν καὶ οἰκεῖον τέλος ὡς οὖνἔγνωmicroεν ἐκ τῶν ὀνείρων τὴν Λύσιδος τελευτήν (διαγιγνώσκοmicroεν δὲ ση-

585F microείῳ τινὶ φαινοmicroένῳ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἴτε τεθνηκότος εἴτε ζῶντος εἴ-δωλόν ἐστιν) ἔννοια πολλοῖς ἐπεισῆλθεν ὡς ἐπὶ ξένης ὁ Λῦσις ἄλλωςκεκήδευται καὶ κινητέος ἐστὶν ἡmicroῖν ὅπως ἐκεῖ microεταλάχῃ τῶν νοmicroιζοmicroέ-νων τοιαύτῃ δὲ διανοίᾳ παραγενόmicroενος καὶ πρὸς τὸν τάφον εὐθὺς ὑπὸτῶν ἐγχωρίων ὁδηγηθεὶς ἑσπέρας ἤδη χοὰς ἐχεόmicroην ἀνακαλούmicroενοςτὴν Λύσιδος ψυχὴν κατελθεῖν ἀποθεσπίσουσαν ὡς χρὴ ταῦτα πράσ-σειν προϊούσης δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς εἶδον microὲν οὐδέν ἀκοῦσαι δὲ φωνῆς ἔδοξατὰ ἀκίνητα microὴ κινεῖν ὁσίως γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων κεκηδεῦσθαι τὸ Λύσι-δος σῶmicroα τὴν δὲ ψυχὴν ἤδη κεκριmicroένην ἀφεῖσθαι πρὸς ἄλλην γένεσιν

586A ἄλλῳ δαίmicroονι συλλαχοῦσαν καὶ microέντοι καὶ συmicroβαλὼν ἕωθεν Ἐπαmicroει-νώνδᾳ | καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἀκούσας ᾧ θάψειε Λῦσιν ἐπέγνων ὅτι καλῶςἄχρι τῶν ἀπορρήτων πεπαιδευmicroένος ὑπrsquo ἐκείνου τἀνδρὸς εἴη καὶ χρῷ-το ταὐτῷ δαίmicroονι πρὸς τὸν βίον εἰ microὴ κακὸς ἐγὼ τεκmicroήρασθαι τῷ πλῷτὸν κυβερνήτην Μυρίαι microὲν γὰρ ἀτραποὶ βίων ὀλίγαι δrsquo ἃς δαίmicroονεςἀνθρώπους ἄγουσινrsquo ὁ microὲν οὖν Θεάνωρ ταῦτrsquo εἰπὼν τῷ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδᾳπροσέβλεψεν οἷον ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἀναθεώmicroενος αὐτοῦ τὴν φύσιν τὸ εἶδος17 Ἐν τούτῳ δrsquo ὁ microὲν ἰατρὸς προσελθὼν περιέλυσε τοῦ Σιmicromicroίου τὸν

586B ἐπίδεσmicroον ὡς θεραπεύσων τὸ σῶmicroα Φυλλίδας δrsquo ἐπεισελθὼν microεθrsquo Ἱπ-ποσθενείδου καὶ κελεύσας ἐmicroὲ καὶ Χάρωνα καὶ Θεόκριτον ἐξαναστῆ-ναι προσῆγεν εἴς τινα γωνίαν τοῦ περιστύλου σφόδρα τεταραγmicroένοςὡς διεφαίνετο τῷ προσώπῳ κἀmicroοῦ lsquomicroή τι καινότερον ὦ Φυλλίδα προσ-πέπτωκενrsquo εἰπόντος lsquoἐmicroοὶ microὲν οὐδένrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαινόν ὦ Καφισία καὶ γὰρπροῄδειν καὶ προύλεγον ὑmicroῖν τὴν Ἱπποσθενείδου microαλακίαν δεόmicroενοςmicroὴ ἀνακοινοῦσθαι microηδὲ παραλαmicroβάνειν εἰς τὴν πρᾶξινrsquo

ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τὸν λόγον ἡmicroῶν ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquomicroὴ λέγε πρὸςθεῶνrsquo ἔφη lsquoΦυλλίδα ταῦτα microηδὲ τὴν προπέτειαν εὐτολmicroίαν οἰόmicroενοςἀνατρέψῃς καὶ ἡmicroᾶς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀλλrsquo ἔασον ἀσφαλῶς εἴπερ εἵmicroαρ-

Translation 47

and we are asking our guest to let us train ourselves properly by povertyto acquire this virtuersquo16 When my brother had finished Simmias nodded some two or threetimes150 lsquoA great manrsquo he said lsquoa great man is Epaminondas and Polym-nis here is responsible because he has given his children the best upbring-ing in philosophy right from the start But you must se le this issue be-tween yourselves sir151 [585E] As to Lysis if we are allowed to hear areyou moving him from his grave and se ling him in Italy or will you lethim stay here with us so that he can have our company as friends andwellwishers when we pass to the other sidersquo152

lsquoSimmiasrsquo said Theanor smiling at him lsquoLysis I fancy is at home wherehe is and thanks to Epaminondas he lacks no honour There is a privateobservance at Pythagoreansrsquo burials and if we do not receive it we thinkwe do not have our proper blessed end When we learned from dreams ofLysisrsquo end (we can tell from a certain sign in dreams [585F] whether thevision is of a dead or a living person)153 many formed the notion that Lysishad been buried in a foreign land without our rites and ought to be movedso as to have his due portion in the other world154 It was with this in mindthat I came here and was at once guided to the tomb by the local people Itwas evening I poured a libation and summoned Lysisrsquo soul to return andreveal how I should go about this In the course of the night I saw nothingbut I seemed to hear a voice bidding me lsquonot move the unmoveablersquo155 Ly-sisrsquo body (the voice declared) had been buried with due rites by his friendsand his soul had already been judged and released to another birth allot-ted now to another daimon156 In the morning when I met Epaminondas[586A] and heard how he had buried Lysis I realized that he had beenwell instructed by the man himself even in the secrets and had the samedaimon to guide him in life if I am any good at guessing the pilot by thecourse he sets Paths of lives are innumerable but there are only a few bywhich daimones guide humansrsquo Having said this Theanor looked hard atEpaminondas as though studying his characteristics157 afresh17 Meanwhile the doctor had come and loosened Simmiasrsquo bandageprior to making him comfortable Phyllidas [586B] had also come in withHipposthenidas158 He asked me Charon and Theocritus to get up andled us into a corner of the colonnade His face showed that he was deeplydisturbed and when I asked lsquoHas anything new happened Phyllidasrsquohe replied lsquoNothing that was new to me Caphisias I foresaw Hippo-sthenidasrsquo weakness and I told you and begged you not to share our planswith him or involve him in themrsquo

We were aghast at this lsquoFor heavenrsquos sake Phyllidasrsquo said Hippos-thenidas lsquodonrsquot talk like that Donrsquot mistake rashness for courage and ruinus and the city Let the men come home safely if they are fated to do sorsquo

48 Text (17586Cndash 17587A)

586C ται κατελθεῖν τοὺς ἄνδραςrsquo καὶ ὁ Φυλλίδας παροξυνόmicroενος lsquoεἰπέ microοιrsquoφησίν lsquoὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα πόσους οἴει microετέχειν τῶν ἀπορρήτων εἰς τὴνπρᾶξιν ἡmicroῖνrsquo

lsquoἐγὼ microένrsquo εἶπεν lsquoοὐκ ἐλάσσους ἢ τριάκοντα γιγνώσκωrsquolsquoτί οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος ὄντων τὰ πᾶσι δόξαντα microόνος ἀνῄ-

ρηκας καὶ διακεκώλυκας ἐκπέmicroψας ἱππέα πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤδη καθrsquoὁδὸν ὄντας ἀναστρέφειν κελεύσας καὶ microὴ κατατεῖναι σήmicroερον ὅτε τῶν

πρὸς τὴν κάθοδον αὐτοῖς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὸ αὐτόmicroατον συmicroπαρεσκεύ-ασενrsquo

586D εἰπόντος δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ Φυλλίδου πάντες microὲν διεταράχθηmicroεν ὁ δὲ Χά-ρων τῷ Ἱπποσθενείδᾳ πάνυ σκληρῶς τὴν ὄψιν ἐνερείσας lsquoὦ microοχθηρέrsquoεἶπεν lsquoἄνθρωπε τί δέδρακας ἡmicroᾶςrsquo lsquoοὐδένrsquo ἔφη lsquoδεινόνrsquo ὁ Ἱπποσθενεί-δας lsquoἐὰν ἀνεὶς τὴν τραχύτητα τῆς φωνῆς ἀνδρὸς ἡλικιώτου καὶ πολιὰςπαραπλησίως ἔχοντος λογισmicroῶν microετάσχῃς εἰ microὲν γὰρ εὐψυχίαν φιλο-κίνδυνον ἀποδείξασθαι τοῖς πολίταις καὶ θυmicroὸν ὀλιγωροῦντα τοῦ βίουπροῃρήmicroεθα Φυλλίδα πολὺ τὸ τῆς ἡmicroέρας microῆκος ἔτι καὶ τὴν ἑσπέ-ραν microὴ περιmicroένωmicroεν ἀλλrsquo ἤδη βαδίζωmicroεν ἐπὶ τοὺς τυράννους τὰ ξίφηλαβόντες ἀποκτιννύωmicroεν ἀποθνήσκωmicroεν ἀφειδῶmicroεν ἑαυτῶν εἰ δὲ

586E ταῦτα microὲν οὔτε δρᾶσαι χαλεπὸν οὔτε παθεῖν ἐξελέσθαι δὲ τὰς Θήβαςὅπλων τοσούτων πολεmicroίων περιεχόντων καὶ τὴν Σπαρτιατῶν φρου-ρὰν ἀπώσασθαι δυσὶ νεκροῖς ἢ τρισὶν οὐ ῥᾴδιον (οὐδὲ γὰρ τοσοῦτον εἰςτὰ συmicroπόσια καὶ τὰς ὑποδοχὰς παρεσκεύακε Φυλλίδας ἄκρατον ὥστετοὺς χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους Ἀρχία microεθυσθῆναι δορυφόρους ἀλλὰκἂν ἐκεῖνον ἀνέλωmicroεν ἐφεδρεύει τῇ νυκτὶ νήφων Ἡριππίδας καὶ Ἄρκε-σος) τί σπεύδοmicroεν κατάγειν φίλους καὶ οἰκείους ἄνδρας ἐπὶ προῦπτονὄλεθρον καὶ τοῦτο microηδrsquo ἀγνοούντων τῶν ἐχθρῶν παντάπασι τὴν κά-θοδον διὰ τί γὰρ Θεσπιεῦσι microὲν παρήγγελται τρίτην ἡmicroέραν ταύτην ἐν

586F τοῖς ὅπλοις εἶναι καὶ προσέχειν ὅταν οἱ Σπαρτιατῶν ἡγεmicroόνες καλῶ-σιν Ἀmicroφίθεον δὲ σήmicroερον ὡς πυνθάνοmicroαι microέλλουσιν ἀνακρίναντεςὅταν Ἀρχίας ἐπανέλθῃ διαφθερεῖν οὐ microεγάλα ταῦτα σηmicroεῖα τοῦ microὴλανθάνειν τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐ κράτιστον ἐπισχεῖν χρόνον οὐχὶ πολὺν ἀλλrsquoὅσον ἐξοσιώσασθαι τὰ θεῖα καὶ γὰρ οἱ microάντεις τῇ Δήmicroητρι τὸν βοῦνθύοντες πολὺν θόρυβον καὶ κίνδυνον λέγουσι δηmicroόσιον ἀποσηmicroαίνειντὰ ἔmicroπυρα καὶ τὸ σοὶ πλείστης δεόmicroενον ὦ Χάρων εὐλαβείας ἐχθὲςἐξἀγροῦ microοι συνοδεύων Ὑπατόδωρος ὁ Ἐριάνθους χρηστὸς microὲν ἄλλως

587A καὶ οἰκεῖος ἀνὴρ οὐδὲν δὲ τῶν πρασσοmicroένων συνειδώς | bdquoἔστι σοιldquo φη-σίν bdquoὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα Χάρων ἑταῖρος ἐmicroοὶ δrsquo οὐ πάνυ συνήθης ἐὰν οὖνδοκῇ σοι φράσον αὐτῷ φυλάττεσθαί τινα κίνδυνον ἐξ ἐνυπνίου microάλαδυσχεροῦς καὶ ἀτόπου τῆς γὰρ ἄλλης νυκτὸς ᾤmicroην αὐτοῦ τὴν οἰκίανὠδίνειν ὥσπερ κύουσαν αὐτὸν δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους συναγωνιῶντας εὔ-χεσθαι καὶ κύκλῳ παρεῖναι τὴν δὲ microυκᾶσθαι καὶ ἀφιέναι φωνάς τινας

Translation 49

[586C] Phyllidas was annoyed lsquoTell me Hipposthenidasrsquo he said lsquohowmany people do you suppose share the secrets of our planrsquo

lsquoI know at least thirtyrsquo he saidlsquoThen why when there are so many of us have you alone upset and

frustrated what was unanimously agreed by sending a rider to the menwhen they were already on their way telling them to turn back and not

press on today ndash when chance too has provided most of the condition fortheir returnrsquo

Phyllidasrsquo speech threw us all into confusion [586D] Charon staredhard and fiercely at Hipposthenidas lsquoWretchrsquo he said lsquowhat have youdone to usrsquo lsquoNothing very dreadfulrsquo said Hipposthenidas lsquoif only youwill so en your tone of voice and share the thinking of a man of your ownage who has just as many grey hairs as you If we are determined Phyl-lidas to demonstrate to our fellow-citizens our courage our readiness totake risks and a spirit that recks li le of life therersquos much of the day le letrsquos not wait till evening but pick up our swords and go for the tyrantsletrsquos kill and die and not spare ourselves But while therersquos no difficulty inkilling and dying itrsquos not easy [586E] to rescue Thebes with the hostilearmy all around or to drive out the Spartan garrison at the cost of two orthree dead I donrsquot suppose Phyllidas has provided enough wine for theparty and the entertainment to make Archiasrsquo fi een hundred guards alldrunk Anyway if we kill him Herippidas and Arcesus159 are on nightguard and sober So why are we in a hurry to bring our friends and kins-men home to certain death when even the enemy knows something abouttheir return Why were the Thespians160 ordered [586F] to be in arms twodays ago and hold themselves ready for orders from the Spartan comman-ders161 And I hear they intend to question Amphitheus162 today and puthim to death when Archias comes back Are not these strong signs thatour plan is discovered Would it not be best to wait a while ndash not long butenough to propitiate heaven The seers sacrificing the ox to Demeter163

say that the burnt offerings indicate great trouble and public danger Andtherersquos something that needs particular care on your part Charon on myway back from the country yesterday I had the company of Hypatodorusthe son of Erianthes164 a good man and a connection of mine but know-ing nothing of what is being planned [587A] He said to me ldquoCharon isa friend of yours Hipposthenidas but I am not at all familiar with himplease tell him (if you think it right) to beware of a danger threatened by avery unpleasant and strange dream Last night I dreamed that his housewas groaning as if in labour and he and his friends were standing roundand praying in great anxiety for it the house groaned and u ered inartic-

50 Text (17587Andash 18587F)

ἀνάρθρους τέλος δὲ πῦρ λάmicroψαι πολὺ καὶ δεινὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔνδοθεν ὡς587B τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς πόλεως φλέγεσθαι τὴν δὲ Καδmicroείαν καπνῷ microόνῳ περι-

έχεσθαι τὸ δὲ πῦρ ἄνω microὴ ἐπιπολάζεινldquo ἡ microὲν οὖν ὄψις ὦ Χάρων ἣν ὁἄνθρωπος διεξῆλθε τοιαύτη τις ἦν ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ παραχρῆmicroα κατέδεισακαὶ πολὺ microᾶλλον ἀκούσας σήmicroερον ὡς εἰς τὴν σὴν οἰκίαν οἱ φυγάδεςκαταίρειν microέλλουσιν ἀγωνιῶ microὴ microεγάλων κακῶν ἐmicroπλήσωmicroεν ἡmicroᾶςαὐτοὺς οὐδὲν ἀξιόλογον τοὺς πολεmicroίους δράσαντες ἀλλrsquo ὅσον διατα-ράξαντες τὴν γὰρ πόλιν πρὸς ἡmicroῶν τίθεmicroαι τὴν δὲ Καδmicroείαν ὥσπερἐστὶ πρὸς ἐκείνωνrsquo18 ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεόκριτος καὶ κατασχὼν τὸν Χάρωνα βουλόmicroενονεἰπεῖν τι πρὸς τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν lsquoἀλλrsquo ἔmicroοιγrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoἀπrsquo οὐδενὸς οὕ-

587C τως οὐδέποτε θαρρῆσαι πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα παρέστηκαίπερ ἱεροῖς ἀεὶ χρησαmicroένῳ καλοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν φυγάδων ὡς ἀπὸ τῆςὄψεως ταύτης εἴ γε φῶς microὲν πολὺ καὶ λαmicroπρὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει λέγεις ἐξοἰκίας φίλης ἀνασχεῖν καπνῷ δὲ συmicromicroελανθῆναι τὸ τῶν πολεmicroίων οἰ-κητήριον οὐδὲν οὐδέποτε δακρύων καὶ ταραχῆς φέροντι κρεῖττον ἀσή-microους δὲ φωνὰς ἐκφέρεσθαι παρrsquo ἡmicroῶν ὥστε κἄν εἰ τις ἐπιχειρῇ κατη-γορεῖν περιφώνησιν ἀσαφῆ καὶ τυφλὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἡ πρᾶξις λαβοῦσαmicroόνον ἅmicroα καὶ φανήσεται καὶ κρατήσει δυσιερεῖν δέ γε θύοντας εἰκόςἡ γὰρ ἀρχὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερεῖον οὐ δηmicroόσιον ἀλλὰ τῶν κρατούντων ἐστίνrsquo

587D ἔτι δὲ τοῦ Θεοκρίτου λέγοντος λέγω πρὸς τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν lsquoτίναπρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐξαπέστειλας εἰ γὰρ οὐ πολὺ προείληφε διωξόmicroε-θαrsquo

καὶ ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία (δεῖ γὰρ ὑmicroῖν τἀλη-θῆ λέγειν) εἰ καταλάβοις ἂν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἵππῳ χρώmicroενον τῶν ἐν Θή-βαις κρατίστῳ γνώριmicroος δrsquo ὑmicroῖν ὁ ἄνθρωπός ἐστι τῶν Μέλωνος ἁρmicroα-τηλατῶν ἐπιστάτης καὶ διὰ Μέλωνα τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀπrsquo ἀρχῆς συνειδώςrsquo

κἀγὼ κατιδὼν τὸν ἄνθρωπον lsquoἆρrsquo οὐ Χλίδωνα λέγειςrsquo εἶπον lsquoὦ Ἱπ-ποσθενείδα τὸν κέλητι τὰ Ἡρά⟨κλε⟩ια νικῶντα πέρυσινrsquo

lsquoἐκεῖνον microὲν οὖν αὐτόνrsquo ἔφησεlsquoκαὶ τίς οὗτοςrsquo ἔφην lsquoἐστὶν ὁ πρὸς ταῖς αὐλείοις θύραις ἐφεστὼς πά-

λαι καὶ προσβλέπων ἡmicroῖνrsquo587E ἐπιστρέψας οὖν ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquoΧλίδωνrsquo ἔφη lsquoνὴ τὸν Ἡρακλέα

φεῦ microή τι χαλεπώτερον συmicroβέβηκεrsquoκἀκεῖνος ὡς εἶδεν ἡmicroᾶς προσέχοντας αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῆς θύρας ἡσυ-

χῆ προσῆγε τοῦ δrsquo Ἱπποσθενείδου νεύσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ λέγειν κελεύ-σαντος εἰς ἅπαντας lsquoοἶδrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτοὺς ἄνδρας ἀκριβῶς Ἱπποσθενείδακαί σε microήτε κατrsquo οἶκον εὑρὼν microήτrsquo ἐπrsquo ἀγορᾶς δεῦρο πρὸς τούτους ἐτε-

587F κmicroαιρόmicroην ἥκειν καὶ συνέτεινον εὐθύς ἵνα microηδὲν ἀγνοῆτε τῶν γεγο-νότων ὡς γὰρ ἐκέλευσας τάχει παντὶ χρησάmicroενον ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἀπαν-τῆσαι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἰσῆλθον οἴκαδε ληψόmicroενος τὸν ἵππον αἰτοῦντι

Translation 51

ulate cries and ultimately a terrible great fire blazed up from within it sothat most of the city caught fire though the Cadmea was only envelopedin smoke [587B] the fire not rising so highrdquo That was the vision Charonthat my companion told me I was alarmed at the time but hearing todaythat the exiles are due to lodge in your house I am all the more anxiousthat we may bring disaster on ourselves without doing our enemies anyworthwhile harm beyond causing them some confusion For I interpretthe city as our side and the Cadmea as theirs as indeed it isrsquo

18 Charon was about to say something in reply to Hipposthenidas butTheocritus interrupted and stopped him lsquoFor my partrsquo he said lsquothough Ihave always had [587C] favourable omens from sacrifices on behalf of theexiles Hipposthenidas I have never encountered anything so hearteningfor our plans as this vision You tell me that a great bright light went upfrom a friendly house in the city while the enemiesrsquo base was darkenedby smoke which never produces anything be er than tears and confusionThen the sounds from our side were inarticulate and so even if there is ana empt to denounce us our affair will only produce a vague reverberationand a dim suspicion and will be revealed only in the moment of victoryAs for the bad omens at the sacrifice they are only to be expected for theoffice and the victim belong to those in power not to the peoplersquo

While Theocritus was still speaking I said to Hipposthenidas lsquoWhomdid you [587D] send to the men If he hasnrsquot a big start165 we will try tocatch him uprsquo

lsquoTo tell you the truth Caphisiasrsquo said Hipposthenidas lsquoas I must I donrsquotknow if you could catch him up for he is riding the best horse in ThebesYou all know the man ndash hersquos the head man of Melonrsquos166 charioteers andbecause of Melon he has been conscious of the plan from the beginningrsquo

Then I caught sight of the man lsquoDonrsquot you mean Chlidon167 Hippo-sthenidasrsquo I said lsquolast yearrsquos horse-race winner at the Heraclea168

lsquoThatrsquos the manrsquo he saidlsquoAnd whorsquos thisrsquo I said lsquowho has been standing at the street door look-

ing at us for quite a timersquo[587E] lsquoBy Heraclesrsquo he said turning round lsquoitrsquos Chlidon Oh I wonder ifsomething worse has happenedrsquo

As soon as Chlidon saw that we noticed him he stepped quietly for-ward from the door Hipposthenidas signed to him and told him to speakbefore us allhellip 169 lsquoI know these men perfectly well Hipposthenidasrsquo hesaid lsquoand when I couldnrsquot find you at home or in the agora I guessed thatyou had joined them here [587F] I lost no time in hurrying here so thatyou should all know everything that has happened When you orderedme to make all speed and rendezvous with the men on the mountain I

52 Text (18587Fndash 20588D)

δέ microοι τὸν χαλινὸν οὐκ εἶχεν ἡ γυνὴ δοῦναι ἀλλὰ διέτριβεν ἐν τῷ ταmicroι-είῳ πολὺν χρόνον ὡς δὲ ζητοῦσα καὶ σκευωρουmicroένη τὰ ἔνδον ἱκανῶςἀπολαύσασά microου τέλος ὡmicroολόγησε κεχρηκέναι τῷ γείτονι τὸν χαλινὸνἑσπέρας αἰτησαmicroένης αὐτοῦ τῆς γυναικός ἀγανακτοῦντος δrsquo ἐmicroοῦ καὶκακῶς αὐτὴν λέγοντος τρέπεται πρὸς δυσφηmicroίας ἀποτροπαίους ἐπα-

588A ρωmicroένη κακὰς ⟨microὲν⟩ ὁδοὺς κακὰς δrsquo ἐπανόδους | ἃ νὴ Δία πάντα τρέ-ψειαν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐκείνην οἱ θεοί τέλος δὲ microέχρι πληγῶν προαχθεὶς ὑπrsquoὀργῆς εἶτrsquo ὄχλου γειτόνων καὶ γυναικῶν συνδραmicroόντος αἴσχιστα ποιή-σας καὶ παθὼν microόλις ἀφῖγmicroαι πρὸς ὑmicroᾶς ὅπως ἄλλον ἐκπέmicroπητε πρὸςτοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς ἐmicroοῦ παντάπασιν ἐκστατικῶς ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ κα-κῶς ἔχοντοςrsquo

19 ἡmicroᾶς δέ τις ἔσχεν ἄτοπος microεταβολὴ τοῦ πάθους microικρὸν γὰρ ἔmicro-προσθεν τῷ κεκωλῦσθαι δυσχεραίνοντες πάλιν διὰ τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦκαιροῦ καὶ τὸ τάχος ὡς οὐκ οὔσης ἀναβολῆς εἰς ἀγωνίαν ὑπηγόmicroεθα

588B καὶ φόβον οὐ microὴν ἀλλrsquo ἐγὼ προσαγορεύσας τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν καὶδεξιωσάmicroενος ἐθάρρυνον ὡς καὶ τῶν θεῶν παρακαλούντων ἐπὶ τὴνπρᾶξιν Ἐκ δὲ τούτου Φυλλίδας microὲν ᾤχετο τῆς ὑποδοχῆς ἐπιmicroελησόmicroε-νος καὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν εὐθὺς ἐνσείσων εἰς τὸν πότον Χάρων δὲ τῆς οἰκίας ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ Θεόκριτος πάλιν πρὸς τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν ἐπανήλθοmicroεν ὅπωςτῷ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδᾳ καιρὸν λαβόντες ἐντύχοιmicroεν20 οἱ δrsquo ἦσαν ἤδη πρόσω ζητήσεως οὐκ ἀγεννοῦς ἀλλrsquo ἧς ὀλίγον ἔmicroπρο-

588C σθεν οἱ περὶ Γαλαξίδωρον καὶ Φειδόλαον ἥψαντο διαποροῦντες τίνοςοὐσίας καὶ δυνάmicroεως εἴη τὸ Σωκράτους λεγόmicroενον δαιmicroόνιον ἃ microὲνοὖν πρὸς τὸν Γαλαξιδώρου λόγον ἀντεῖπεν ὁ Σιmicromicroίας οὐκ ἠκούσαmicroεναὐτὸς δὲ Σωκράτη microὲν ἔφη περὶ τούτων ἐρόmicroενός ποτε microὴ τυχεῖν ἀπο-κρίσεως διὸ microηδrsquo αὖθις ἐρέσθαι πολλάκις δrsquo αὐτῷ παραγενέσθαι τοὺςmicroὲν διrsquo ὄψεως ἐντυχεῖν θείῳ τινὶ λέγοντας ἀλαζόνας ἡγουmicroένῳ τοῖς δrsquoἀκοῦσαί τινος φωνῆς φάσκουσι προσέχοντι τὸν νοῦν καὶ διαπυνθανο-microένῳ microετὰ σπουδῆς lsquoὅθεν ἡmicroῖν παρίστατο σκοπουmicroένοις ἰδίᾳ πρὸς ἀλ-

588D λήλους ὑπονοεῖν microήποτε τὸ Σωκράτους δαιmicroόνιον οὐκ ὄψις ἀλλὰ φω-νῆς τινος αἴσθησις ἢ λόγου νόησις εἴη συνάπτοντος ἀτόπῳ τινὶ τρόπῳπρὸς αὐτόν ὥσπερ καὶ καθrsquo ὕπνον οὐκ ἔστι φωνή λόγων δέ τινων δό-ξας καὶ νοήσεις λαmicroβάνοντες οἴονται φθεγγοmicroένων ἀκούειν ἀλλὰ τοῖςmicroὲν ὡς ἀληθῶς ὄναρ ἡ τοιαύτη σύνεσις γίγνεται διrsquo ἡσυχίαν καὶ γαλή-νην τοῦ σώmicroατος ὅταν καθεύδωσι ⟨microᾶλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩ microόλιςἐπήκοον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχὴν τῶν κρειττόνων καὶ πεπνιγmicroένοι γε θορύβῳτῶν παθῶν καὶ περιαγωγῇ τῶν χρειῶν εἰσακοῦσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν τὴνδιάνοιαν οὐ δύνανται τοῖς δηλουmicroένοις

Translation 53

went home to fetch the horse But when I asked for the bridle my wifecouldnrsquot give it me She stayed a long time in the storehouse and when170

she had fooled me long enough pretending to search for it and check thecontents of the store she finally confessed that she had lend the bridle toour neighbour the evening before at his wifersquos request I was angry andsaid some bad things about her she resorted to cursing me quite abom-inably wishing me a bad journey and a bad return [588A] May the godsvisit as much on her In the end I was provoked to strike her in angerand a crowd of neighbours and their wives gathered around us What Idid then and what I suffered was an absolute disgrace and Irsquove only justmanaged to get to you so that you can send someone else out to the menbecause Irsquom quite beside myself for the moment and in a very bad wayrsquo19 We now experienced an extraordinary change of feeling A li le be-fore we had felt frustrated by the obstacles now the urgency of the situ-ation and the speed of events brought us once again to an agony of fearThere was no pu ing things off [588B] I spoke to Hipposthenidas andclasped him by the hand to give him heart the gods too (I said) were urg-ing us to act Phyllidas then departed to see to the reception of his guestsand to contrive to get Archias drinking at once Charon ltwent to see togthis househellip171 Theocritus and I returned to Simmias to find some oppor-tunity to talk to Epaminondas20 They were now deep into a grand subject the one on which Galaxi-dorus and Phidolaus had lately touched they were discussing the essenceand power [588C] of what was called Socratesrsquo daimonion We did not hearSimmiasrsquo reply to Galaxidorus He said however that he had himself onceasked Socrates about the ma er but not had an answer and therefore hadnot asked again But he had o en (he said) been present when Socratesdismissed as impostors people who said they had encountered some di-vine being in a vision but paid careful a ention and made eager inquiryof any who claimed to have heard a voice lsquoSo when we discussed it pri-vately among ourselves we came to suspect that Socratesrsquo daimonion wasnot a vision but the perception of a voice [588D] or the apprehension ofa thought which made contact with him in some extraordinary way justas in sleep there is no voice but people get impressions or apprehensionsof words and think they hear people speaking For some however suchunderstanding actually occurs in dreams ltsince they have be er percep-tiongt172 when they are asleep because of the quiet and calm of the bodyltwhereas when awakegt they have difficulty in subjecting their mind to thehigher power and stifled as they are by the tumult of emotions and thedistraction of wants are incapable of listening or addressing their mindsto the things shown to them

54 Text (20588Dndash 20589C)

Σωκράτει δrsquo ὁ νοῦς καθαρὸς ὢν καὶ ἀπαθής τῷ σώmicroατι microη⟨δαmicroῶς588E εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων χάριν καταmicroιγνὺς αὑτόν εὐαφὴς ἦν καὶ

λεπτὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ προσπεσόντος ὀξέως microεταβαλεῖν τὸ δὲ προσπῖπτον οὐφθόγγον ἀλλὰ λόγον ἄν τις εἰκάσειε δαίmicroονος ἄνευ φωνῆς ἐφαπτόmicroε-νον αὐτῷ τῷ δηλουmicroένῳ τοῦ νοοῦντος πληγῇ γὰρ ἡ φωνὴ προσέοικετῆς ψυχῆς διrsquo ὤτων βίᾳ τὸν λόγον εἰσδεχοmicroένης ὅταν ἀλλήλοις ἐντυγ-χάνωmicroεν ὁ δὲ τοῦ κρείττονος νοῦς ἄγει τὴν εὐφυᾶ ψυχὴν ἐπιθιγγά-νων τῷ νοηθέντι πληγῆς microὴ δεοmicroένην ἡ δrsquo ἐνδίδωσιν αὐτῷ χαλῶντι

588F καὶ συντείνοντι τὰς ὁρmicroὰς οὐ βιαίως ⟨ὡς⟩ ὑπὸ παθῶν ἀντιτεινόντωνἀλλrsquo εὐστρόφους καὶ microαλακὰς ὥσπερ ἡνίας ἐνδοῦσα

οὐ δεῖ δὲ θαυmicroάζειν ὁρῶντας τοῦτο microὲν ὑπὸ microικροῖς οἴαξι microεγάλωνπεριαγωγὰς ὁλκάδων τοῦτο δὲ τροχῶν κεραmicroεικῶν δίνησιν ἄκρας πα-ραψαύσει χειρὸς ὁmicroαλῶς περιφεροmicroένων ἄψυχα microὲν γὰρ ἀλλrsquo ὅmicroωςτροχαλὰ ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ὑπὸ λειότητος ἐνδίδωσι πρὸς τὸ κινοῦν ῥο-πῆς γενοmicroένης ψυχὴ δrsquo ἀνθρώπου microυρίαις ὁρmicroαῖς οἷον ὕσπληξιν ἐν-τεταmicroένη microακρῷ πάντων ὀργάνων εὐστροφώτατόν ἐστιν ἄν τις κατὰ

589A λόγον ἅπτηται ῥοπὴν λαβοῦσα πρὸς τὸ νοηθὲν κινεῖσθαι | ἐνταῦθαγὰρ εἰς τὸ νοοῦν αἱ τῶν παθῶν καὶ ὁρmicroῶν κατατείνουσιν ἀρχαί τού-του δὲ σεισθέντος ἑλκόmicroεναι σπῶσι καὶ συντείνουσι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ᾗκαὶ microάλιστα τὸ νοηθὲν ἡλίκην ἔχει ῥώmicroην καταmicroαθεῖν δίδωσιν ὀστᾶγὰρ ἀναίσθητα καὶ νεῦρα καὶ σάρκες ὑγρῶν περίπλεαι καὶ βαρὺς ὁἐκ τούτων ὄγκος ἡσυχάζων καὶ κείmicroενος ἅmicroα τῷ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν νῷ τιβαλέσθαι καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ κινῆσαι τὴν ὁρmicroὴν ὅλος ἀναστὰς καὶ συντα-θεὶς πᾶσι τοῖς microέρεσιν οἷον ἐπτερωmicroένος φέρεται πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ

589B δὲ τῆς κινήσεως καὶ συνεντάσεως καὶ παραστάσεως τρόπος χαλεπὸςἢ παντελῶς ἄπορος συνοφθῆναι καθrsquo ὃν ἡ ψυχὴ νοήσασα ἐφέλκεταιταῖς ὁρmicroαῖς τὸν ὄγκον ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς ἐννοηθεὶς κινεῖλόγος ἀπραγmicroόνως οὕτως οὐκ ἂν οἶmicroαι δυσπείστως ἔχοιmicroεν ὑπὸ νοῦκρείσσονος νοῦν καὶ ⟨ψυχὴν⟩ ψυχῆς θειοτέρας ἄγεσθαι θύραθεν ἐφα-πτοmicroένης ἣν πέφυκεν ἐπαφὴν λόγος ἴσχειν πρὸς λόγον daggerὥσπερ φῶςἀνταύγειανdagger

τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὰς microὲν ἀλλήλων νοήσεις οἷον ὑπὸ σκότῳ διὰ φωνῆςψηλαφῶντες γνωρίζοmicroεν αἱ δὲ τῶν δαιmicroόνων φέγγος ἔχουσαι τοῖς δε-

589C χοmicroένοις ἐλλάmicroπουσιν οὐ δεόmicroεναι ῥηmicroάτων οὐδrsquo ὀνοmicroάτων οἷς χρώ-microενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ ἄνθρωποι συmicroβόλοις εἴδωλα τῶν νοουmicroένωνκαὶ εἰκόνας ὁρῶσιν αὐτὰ δrsquo οὐ γιγνώσκουσι πλὴν οἷς ἔπεστιν ἴδιόν τικαὶ δαιmicroόνιον ὥσπερ εἴρηται φέγγος καίτοι τὸ περὶ τὴν φωνὴν γιγνό-

Translation 55

lsquoSocratesrsquo intellect on the other hand was pure and untrammelled notinvolving itself in the body except173 to a small extent [588E] for neces-sary purposes it was therefore sensitive and delicate enough to respondquickly to whatever impinged upon it And that it may be supposed wasnot a sound but the thought of a daimon making contact voicelessly withthe thinking mind by its bare meaning174 Voice is like a blow to the soulwhich receives the thought by force through the ears whenever we con-verse with one another The intellect of the higher being on the otherhand guides the gi ed soul which needs no blow touching it with itsthought and that soul surrenders its impulses to this intellect which re-laxes or tightens them not violently ltasgt175 [588F] against the resistanceof passions but yielding176 as it were its so and pliable reins

lsquoThere is no need to wonder at this when we see on the one hand hugemerchantmen turned round by small tillers and on the other the revolu-tion of the po errsquos wheel that turns so smoothly at the touch of a fingertipThese things though lifeless are so contrived as to run easily and theirsmoothness enables them to yield to the motive force once the inclinationis given The human mind likewise is strung as it were with the stringsof countless impulses and is much the most easily guided of machinestouch it by reason and it accepts the pressure to move as the idea directs[589A] In us you see the origins of emotions and impulses lead back tothe intelligence once this is disturbed there is a tug upon them and theyin turn exert a pull and a tension upon the man This above all is how theidea lets us understand what great power it has For bones and sinewsand moisture-laden flesh have no sensation and the mass made of themso heavy when at rest and inert rises up all of it becomes tense in all itsparts and takes off for action as though on wings the moment177 the soulforms a conception in the intellect and rouses its impulse to respond to itNow178 how the mode of movement tension and excitation [589B] bywhich the soul having formed its thought draws the mass a er it by itsimpulses is difficult or indeed impossible to understand But as the con-ception of a thought even without a voice179 does in fact easily move thebody so we should be ready to believe that an intellect may be guided bysuperior intellect and a mind by a more divine mind which makes con-tact with it from outside with the form of contact which is natural betweenthought and thought a sort of effulgence [light] as it were180

lsquoFor in truth while we understand the thoughts of others by groping forthem in the dark as it were by the spoken word the thoughts of daimonesby contrast have brilliance and shine on those who can receive181 themwith no need of the verbs and nouns182 [589C] which humans use as sym-bols among themselves to discern images and pictures of their thoughtsthe thoughts themselves remaining unrecognized except by these onwhom

56 Text (20589Cndash 21590B)

microενον ἔστιν ᾗ παραmicroυθεῖται τοὺς ἀπιστοῦντας ὁ γὰρ ἀὴρ φθόγγοιςἐνάρθροις τυπωθεὶς καὶ γενόmicroενος διrsquo ὅλου λόγος καὶ φωνὴ πρὸς τὴνψυχὴν τοῦ ἀκροωmicroένου περαίνει τὴν νόησιν ὥστε ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξι-ον εἰ καὶ κατrsquo αὐτὸ τὸ νοηθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩ ὁ ἀὴρ τρεπόmicroενοςδιrsquo εὐπάθειαν ἐνσηmicroαίνεται τοῖς θείοις καὶ περιττοῖς ἀνδράσι τὸν τοῦνοήσαντος λόγον ὥσπερ γὰρ αἱ πληγαὶ τῶν ⟨ὑπορυττ⟩όντων ἀσπίσι

589D χαλκαῖς ἁλίσκονται διὰ τὴν ἀντήχησιν ὅταν ἐκ βάθους ἀναφερόmicroεναιπροσπέσωσι τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων ἀδήλως διεκθέουσαι λανθάνουσιν οὕτως οἱτῶν δαιmicroόνων λόγοι διὰ πάντων φερόmicroενοι microόνοις ἐνηχοῦσι τοῖς ἀθό-ρυβον ἦθος καὶ νήνεmicroον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχήν οὓς δὴ καὶ ἱεροὺς καὶ δαι-microονίους ἀνθρώπους καλοῦmicroεν

οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ καταδαρθοῦσιν οἴονται τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀνθρώποις ἐπιθει-άζειν εἰ δrsquo ἐγρηγορότας καὶ καθεστῶτας ἐν τῷ φρονεῖν ὁmicroοίως κινεῖθαυmicroαστὸν ἡγοῦνται καὶ ἄπιστον ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις οἴοιτο τὸν microουσικὸνἀνειmicroένῃ τῇ λύρᾳ χρώmicroενον ὅταν συστῇ τοῖς τόνοις ἢ καθαρmicroοσθῇ

589E microὴ ἅπτεσθαι microηδὲ χρῆσθαι τὸ γὰρ αἴτιον οὐ συνορῶσι τὴν ἐν αὑτοῖςἀναρmicroοστίαν καὶ ταραχήν ἧς ἀπήλλακτο Σωκράτης ὁ ἑταῖρος ἡmicroῶνὥσπερ ὁ δοθεὶς ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος αὐτοῦ τῷ πατρὶ χρησmicroὸς ἀπεθέσπι-σεν ἐᾶν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ὅ τι ἂν ἐπὶ νοῦν ἴῃ πράττειν καὶ microὴ βιά-ζεσθαι microηδὲ παράγειν ἀλλrsquo ἐφιέναι τὴν ὁρmicroὴν τοῦ παιδός εὐχόmicroενονὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ Διὶ Ἀγοραίῳ καὶ Μούσαις τὰ δrsquo ἄλλα microὴ πολυπραγmicroονεῖν

589F περὶ Σωκράτους ὡς κρείττονα δήπουθεν ἔχοντος ἐν αὑτῷ microυρίων δι-δασκάλων καὶ παιδαγωγῶν ἡγεmicroόνα πρὸς τὸν βίονrsquo

21 lsquoἩmicroῖν microέν ὦ Φειδόλαε καὶ ζῶντος Σωκράτους καὶ τεθνηκότος οὕ-τως ἐννοεῖν περὶ τοῦ δαιmicroονίου παρίσταται τῶν κληδόνας ἢ πταρmicroοὺςἤ τι τοιοῦτον ⟨εἰσαγόντων⟩ καταφρονοῦσιν ἃ δὲ Τιmicroάρχου τοῦ Χαιρω-νέως ἠκούσαmicroεν ὑπὲρ τούτου διεξιόντος οὐκ οἶδα microὴ microύθοις ⟨ὁmicroοιότερrsquoἢ⟩ λόγοις ὄντα σιωπᾶν ἄmicroεινονrsquo

lsquomicroηδαmicroῶςrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoἀλλὰ δίελθrsquo αὐτά καὶ γὰρ εἰ microὴ λίανἀκριβῶς ἀλλrsquo ἔστιν ὅπη ψαύει τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ τὸ microυθῶδες πρότερον

590A δὲ τίς ἦν οὗτος ὁ Τίmicroαρχος φράσον | οὐ γὰρ ἔγνων τὸν ἄνθρωπονrsquolsquoεἰκότως γrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ Σιmicromicroίας lsquoὦ Θεόκριτε νέος γὰρ ὢν κοmicroιδῇ ⟨κατέ-

στρεψε τὸν βίον⟩ καὶ Σωκράτους δεηθεὶς ταφῆναι παρὰ Λαmicroπροκλέατὸν Σωκράτους υἱόν ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς πρότερον ἡmicroέραις αὐτοῦ τεθνηκόταφίλον καὶ ἡλικιώτην γενόmicroενον οὗτος οὖν ποθῶν γνῶναι τὸ Σωκρά-τους δαιmicroόνιον ἣν ἔχει δύναmicroιν ἅτε δὴ νέος οὐκ ἀγεννὴς ἄρτι γεγευ-

590B microένος φιλοσοφίας ἐmicroοὶ καὶ Κέβητι κοινωσάmicroενος microόνοις εἰς Τροφωνί-

Translation 57

as I said there shines some special daemonic brilliance The phenomenonof speech in some ways offers the unbeliever some reassurance Air moul-ded by articulate sound and wholly converted into word and speech con-veys the thought to the hearerrsquos mind So why183 should we be surprisedif the air because of its plasticity is changed in accordance with whatthoughts184 the higher beings185 have and so impresses the meaning of thethinker on the minds of divine and exceptional men Think how the noisemade by sappers in a tunnel is detected by bronze shields186 because ofthe resonance produced [589D] when the sounds are carried up from thedepths and strike the shields though they pass through everything else187

undetected In the same way the thoughts of daimones pass everywherebut echo only in the ears of those who have an untroubled personality188

and whose soul is tranquil lsquoholyrsquo and lsquodaemonicrsquo individuals as we callthem

lsquoMost people however believe that it is only in sleep that the lsquodaemonicrsquopower inspires humans That it should move189 them in the same waywhen awake and of sound mind they find surprising and incredible Butthat is like thinking that a musician uses his lyre only when it is unstrungand does not touch or use it when it has been adjusted and tuned Theydo not see that the cause is [589E] the tunelessness and confusion withinthemselves190 Our friend Socrates was completely free of this as the oraclegiven to his father when he was a child foretold191 It told the father tolet Socrates do whatever came into his mind and not to force or divertthe boyrsquos impulses but give them their head he should pray for Socratesto Zeus Agoraios and the Muses and otherwise not bother about him ndash[589F] because (I suppose) he had within himself a guide for life be erthan any number of teachers and tutors21 lsquoSuch were the thoughts which occurred to us Phidolaus about thedaimonion both during Socratesrsquo lifetime and a er his death We despisedthose who ltadducedgt192 chance words or sneezes or anything like that Asfor the account of this which we heard from Timarchus of Chaeronea193 itis ltmore likegt myth than rational argument194 and perhaps it is best leunsaidrsquo

lsquoNot at allrsquo said Theocritus lsquotell us about it Myth too does in somedegree touch on truth even if not very precisely But first tell us who thisTimarchus was [590A] for I donrsquot know himrsquo

lsquoNaturally youdonrsquot Theocritusrsquo said Simmias lsquosince he ltdiedgt195 quiteyoung and asked Socrates to let him be buried next to Socratesrsquo son Lam-procles196 his friend and contemporary who died ltnot manygt197 days be-fore him Timarchus had a strong desire to know the power of Socratesrsquodaimonion ndash he was a spirited youth who had just got his teeth into phi-losophy ndash and (not consulting anyone except Cebes and me) he descended

58 Text (21590Bndash 22590F)

ου κατῆλθε δράσας τὰ νοmicroιζόmicroενα περὶ τὸ microαντεῖον ἐmicromicroείνας δὲ δύονύκτας κάτω καὶ microίαν ἡmicroέραν τῶν πολλῶν ἀπεγνωκότων αὐτὸν ἤδηκαὶ τῶν οἰκείων ὀδυροmicroένων πρωὶ microάλα φαιδρὸς ἀνῆλθε προσκυνή-σας δὲ τὸν θεόν ὡς πρῶτον διέφυγε τὸν ὄχλον διηγεῖτο ἡmicroῖν θαυmicroάσιαπολλὰ καὶ ἰδεῖν καὶ ἀκοῦσαι

22 ἔφη δὲ καταβὰς εἰς τὸ microαντεῖον περιτυχεῖν σκότῳ πολλῷ τὸ πρῶ-τον εἶτrsquo ἐπευξάmicroενος κεῖσθαι πολὺν χρόνον οὐ microάλα συmicroφρονῶν ἐν-αργῶς εἴτrsquo ἐγρήγορεν εἴτrsquo ὀνειροπολεῖ πλὴν δόξαι γε τῆς κεφαλῆς ἅmicroαψόφῳ προσπεσόντι πληγείσης τὰς ῥαφὰς διαστάσας microεθιέναι τὴν ψυ-χήν ὡς δrsquo ἀναχωροῦσα κατεmicroίγνυτο πρὸς ἀέρα διαυγῆ καὶ καθαρὸν

590C ἀσmicroένη πρῶτον microὲν ἀναπνεῦσαι τότε δοκεῖν διὰ χρόνου συχνοῦ συ-στελλοmicroένην τέως καὶ microείζονα γίγνεσθαι τῆς πρότερον ὥσπερ ἱστίονἐκπεταννύmicroενον ἔπειτα κατακούειν ἀmicroαυρῶς ῥοίζου τινὸς ὑπὲρ κε-φαλῆς περιελαυνοmicroένου φωνὴν ἡδεῖαν ἱέντος ἀναβλέψας δὲ τὴν microὲνγῆν οὐδαmicroοῦ καθορᾶν νήσους δὲ λαmicroποmicroένας microαλακῷ πυρὶ κατrsquo ἀλ-λήλων ἐξαmicroειβούσας ⟨δrsquo⟩ ἄλλην ἄλλοτε χρόαν ὥσπερ βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειντῷ φωτὶ ποικιλλοmicroένῳ κατὰ τὰς microεταβολάς φαίνεσθαι δὲ πλήθει microὲνἀναρίθmicroους microεγέθει δrsquo ὑπερφυεῖς οὐκ ἴσας δὲ πάσας ἀλλrsquo ὁmicroοίως κυ-κλοτερεῖς οἴεσθαι δὲ ταύταις τὸν αἰθέρα κύκλῳ φεροmicroέναις ὑπορροι-ζεῖν ⟨ἐmicromicroελῶς⟩ εἶναι γὰρ ὁmicroολογουmicroένην τῇ τῆς κινήσεως λειότητι

590D τὴν πραότητα τῆς φωνῆς ἐκείνης ἐκ πασῶν συνηρmicroοσmicroένης διὰ microέσουδrsquo αὐτῶν θάλασσαν ἢ λίmicroνην ὑποκεχύσθαι τοῖς χρώmicroασι διαλάmicroπου-σαν διὰ τῆς γλαυκότητος ἐπιmicroιγνυmicroένοις καὶ τῶν νήσων ὀλίγας microὲν⟨δι⟩εκπλεῖν κατὰ πόρον καὶ διακοmicroίζεσθαι πέραν τοῦ ῥεύmicroατος ἄλλαςδὲ πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩ἐφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θαλάττης ῥοῇ καὶ αὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroένης εἶναι δὲ τῆς θαλάσσης πῆ microὲν πολὺ βάθος κατὰνότον microάλιστα ⟨πῆ⟩ δrsquo ἀραιὰ τενάγη καὶ βραχέα πολλαχῆ δὲ καὶ ὑπερ-χεῖσθαι καὶ ἀπολείπειν αὖθις οὐ microεγάλας ἐκβολὰς λαmicroβάνουσαν καὶ

590E τῆς χρόας τὸ microὲν ἄκρατον καὶ πελάγιον τὸ δrsquo οὐ καθαρὸν ἀλλὰ συγκε-χυmicroένον καὶ λιmicroνῶδες τῶν δὲ ῥοθίων τὰς νήσους ἅmicroα περιγινοmicroέναςἐπανάγειν οὐ microὴν εἰς ταὐτὸ τῇ ἀρχῇ συνάπτειν τὸ πέρας οὐδὲ ποιεῖνκύκλον ἀλλrsquo ἡσυχῆ παραλλάσσειν τὰς ἐπιβολὰς ἕλικα ποιούσας microίανἐν τῷ περιστρέφεσθαι ταύτην δὲ πρὸς τὸ microέσον microάλιστα τοῦ περιέχον-

590F τος καὶ microέγιστον ἐγκεκλίσθαι τὴν θάλασσαν ὀλίγῳ τῶν ὀκτὼ microερῶντοῦ παντὸς ἔλαττον ὡς αὐτῷ κατεφαίνετο δύο δrsquo αὐτὴν ἔχειν ἀναστο-microώσεις πυρὸς ἐmicroβάλλοντας ἐναντίους ποταmicroοὺς δεχοmicroένας ὥστrsquo ἐπὶπλεῖστον ἀνακοπτοmicroένην κοχλάζειν καὶ ἀπολευκαίνεσθαι τὴν γλαυ-κότητα

ταῦτα microὲν οὖν ὁρᾶν τερπόmicroενος τῇ θέᾳ κάτω δrsquo ἀπιδόντι φαίνε-σθαι χάσmicroα microέγα στρογγύλον οἷον ἐκτετmicroηmicroένης σφαίρας φοβερὸν δὲδεινῶς καὶ βαθύ πολλοῦ σκότους πλῆρες οὐχ ἡσυχάζοντος ἀλλrsquo ἐκτα-

Translation 59

into the cave of Trophonius198 first performing the regular rituals of theoracle [590B] He stayed down there two nights and a day most peopledespaired of him and his relations were already mourning when he reap-peared early in the morning very cheerful prostrated himself before thegod and (as soon as he could escape the crowd) told us of many marvelshe had seen and heard199

22 lsquoHe said that a er descending into the cave of the oracle he firstfound himself in deep darkness Then he prayed and lay there for a longtime with no clear consciousness of whether he was awake or dreamingIt seemed to him however that there was a sudden noise and at the sametime a blow on his head the sutures of his skull opened200 and let his soulout It le joyfully to blend into the pure bright air and seemed then firstto relax [590C] at long last a er its former confinement201 and become big-ger202 than before like a sail being unfurled Then he dimly heard a kindof whirring going round and round above his head making a pleasantsound When he looked up he could not see the earth anywhere Islandsshining upon one another with a so glow and203 constantly changinghue dyed204 the light as it were so that it varied as they changed Theyseemed innumerable and huge in size not all equal but all alike roundHe fancied that the heaven made a ltmelodiousgt205 sound in response totheir revolutions for the so ness of the sound produced by the harmony[590D] of them all corresponded to the smoothness of their motion In be-tween them lay a sea or lake gleaming with colours that blended with itsgreyness A few of the islands sailed out along a channel and were carriedto the other side of the stream but many others were borne along ltwiththe flow of the seagt which itself moved more or less ltin a circular trackgt206

In some parts of the sea principally towards the south there were greatdepths elsewhere there were small patches of shallows207 in many ar-eas it flooded and again ebbed but not making any great outflow208 Incolour part was the pure hue of the open sea [590E] part was pollutedturbid and swampy As the islands surmounted the surges they turnedback not however making the end of their movement coincide with itsstarting-point nor completing a circle but changing position a li le so asto produce a single spiral in their revolution209 This210 sea was inclined(as it seemed to Timarchus) at a li le less than eight parts of the whole tothe central and widest part of the surrounding space211 [590F] It had twoopenings receiving rivers of fire which emptied into it from opposite di-rections so that a large extent of it was lashed and broken into foam andits greyness turned to white water212

lsquoTimarchus watched all this with delight But when he looked downthere came into view a huge round gulf as though a sphere had been exca-vated from it213 very terrible and deep full of a darkness that was not still

60 Text (22590Fndash 22591E)

ραττοmicroένου καὶ ἀνακλύζοντος πολλάκις ὅθεν ἀκούεσθαι microυρίας microὲνὠρυγὰς καὶ στεναγmicroοὺς ζῴων microυρίων δὲ κλαυθmicroὸν βρεφῶν καὶ microεmicroι-γmicroένους ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν ὀδυρmicroούς ψόφους δὲ παντοδαποὺς καὶ

591A θορύβους ἐκ βάθους πόρρωθεν ἀmicroυδροὺς ἀναπεmicroποmicroένους | οἷς οὐ microε-τρίως αὐτὸς ἐκπεπλῆχθαι χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος εἰπεῖν τινα πρὸς αὐτὸνοὐχ ὁρώmicroενον bdquoὦ Τίmicroαρχε τί ποθεῖς πυθέσθαιldquo

φράσαι δrsquo αὐτὸν ὅτι bdquoπάντα τί γὰρ οὐ θαυmicroάσιονldquo bdquoἀλλrsquo ἡmicroῖνldquo φά-ναι bdquoτῶν ἄνω microέτεστι microικρόν ἄλλων γὰρ θεῶν ἐκεῖνα τὴν δὲ Φερσε-φόνης microοῖραν ἣν ἡmicroεῖς διέποmicroεν τῶν τεττάρων microίαν οὖσαν ὡς ἡ Στὺξὁρίζει βουλοmicroένῳ σοι σκοπεῖν πάρεστινldquo

ἐροmicroένου δrsquo αὐτοῦ τίς ἡ Στύξ ἐστιν bdquoὁδὸς εἰς Ἅιδουldquo φάναι bdquoκαὶ πρό-εισιν ⟨ἐξ⟩ ἐναντίας αὐτῇ σχίζουσα τῇ κορυφῇ τὸ φῶς ἀνατείνουσα δrsquoὡς ὁρᾷς ἐκ τοῦ Ἅιδου κάτωθεν ᾗ ψαύει περιφεροmicroένη καὶ τοῦ φωτός

591B ἀφορίζει τὴν ἐσχάτην microερίδα τῶν ὅλων τέσσαρες δrsquo εἰσὶν ἀρχαὶ πάν-των ζωῆς microὲν ἡ πρώτη κινήσεως δrsquo ἡ δευτέρα γενέσεως δrsquo ἡ τρίτη φθο-ρᾶς δrsquo ἡ τελευταία συνδεῖ δὲ τῇ microὲν δευτέρᾳ τὴν πρώτην Μονὰς κατὰτὸ ἀόρατον τὴν δὲ δευτέραν τῇ τρίτῃ Νοῦς καθrsquo ἥλιον τὴν δὲ τρίτηνπρὸς τετάρτην Φύσις κατὰ σελήνην τῶν δὲ συνδέσmicroων ἑκάστου Μοῖρακλειδοῦχος Ἀνάγκης θυγάτηρ κάθηταιτοῦ microὲν πρώτου Ἄτροπος τοῦ δὲ

591C δευτέρου Κλωθώ τοῦ δὲ πρὸς σελήνην Λάχεσις περὶ ἣν ἡ καmicroπὴ τῆςγενέσεως αἱ microὲν γὰρ ἄλλαι νῆσοι θεοὺς ἔχουσι σελήνη δὲ δαιmicroόνωνἐπιχθονίων οὖσα φεύγει τὴν Στύγα microικρὸν ὑπερφέρουσα λαmicroβάνεταιδrsquo ἅπαξ ἐν microέτροις δευτέροις ἑκατὸν ἑβδοmicroήκοντα ἑπτά καὶ τῆς Στυ-γὸς ἐπιφεροmicroένης αἱ ψυχαὶ βοῶσι δειmicroαίνουσαι πολλὰς γὰρ ὁ Ἅιδηςἀφαρπάζει περιολισθανούσας ἄλλας δrsquo ἀνακοmicroίζεται κάτωθεν ἡ σε-λήνη προσνηχοmicroένας αἷς εἰς καιρὸν ἡ τῆς γενέσεως τελευτὴ συνέπεσεπλὴν ὅσαι microιαραὶ καὶ ἀκάθαρτοι ταύτας δrsquo ἀστράπτουσα καὶ microυκω-microένη φοβερὸν οὐκ ἐᾷ πελάζειν ἀλλὰ θρηνοῦσαι τὸν ἑαυτῶν πότmicroονἀποσφαλλόmicroεναι φέρονται κάτω πάλιν ἐπrsquo ἄλλην γένεσιν ὡς ὁρᾷςldquo

591D bdquoἀλλrsquo οὐδὲν ὁρῶldquo τὸν Τίmicroαρχον εἰπεῖν bdquoἢ πολλοὺς ἀστέρας περὶ τὸχάσmicroα παλλοmicroένους ἑτέρους δὲ καταδυοmicroένους εἰς αὐτό τοὺς δrsquo ᾄτ-τοντας αὖ κάτωθενldquo

bdquoαὐτοὺς ἄραldquo φάναι bdquoτοὺς δαίmicroονας ὁρῶν ἀγνοεῖς ἔχει γὰρ ὧδε ψυ-χὴ πᾶσα νοῦ microετέσχεν ἄλογος δὲ καὶ ἄνους οὐκ ἔστιν ἀλλrsquo ὅσον ἂναὐτῆς σαρκὶ microιχθῇ καὶ πάθεσιν ἀλλοιούmicroενον τρέπεται καθrsquo ἡδονὰςκαὶ ἀλγηδόνας εἰς τὸ ἄλογον microίγνυται δrsquo οὐ πᾶσα τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπονἀλλrsquo αἱ ⟨microὲν⟩ ὅλαι κατέδυσαν εἰς σῶmicroα καὶ διrsquo ὅλων ἀνακραθεῖσαι τὸ

591E σύmicroπαν ὑπὸ παθῶν διαφέρονται κατὰ τὸν βίον αἱ δὲ πῆ microὲν ἀνεκρά-θησαν πῆ δrsquo ἔλιπον ἔξω τὸ καθαρώτατον οὐκ ἐπισπώmicroενον ἀλλrsquo οἷονἀκρόπλουν ἐπιψαῦον ἐκ κεφαλῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καθάπερ ἐν βυθῷ ⟨δι-

Translation 61

but turbulent214 and continually welling up From this were to be heardinnumerable howls and groans of animals the weeping of innumerableinfants the mingled mourning of men and women and all kinds of noisesand dim tumult rising out of the distant depths [591A] by which he wasgreatly disturbed A er a time someone (whom he could not see) spoketo him and said ldquoTimarchus what do you wish to knowrdquo

ldquoEverythingrdquo he replied ldquofor what is not worthy of wonderrdquo ldquoWellrdquosaid the voice ldquowe215 have li le to do with what is above that belongs toother gods But if you wish you can view the Portion of Persephone216

which we administer which is one of the four portions and is as Styx de-limits itrdquo217

ldquoWhat is Styxrdquo asked Timarchus ldquoThe road to Hadesrdquo the voice re-plied ldquoit starts on the opposite side218 and the extreme tip of it divides thelight It stretches up as you see from Hades below and the point where inits revolution it touches the light marks the boundary of the last divisionof the universe [591B] There are four Principles of all things the first isthat of Life the second that of Motion the third that of Becoming and thefourth that of Decay The first is bonded to the second by the Monad in theInvisible the second to the third by Intellect in the sun and the third to thefourth by Nature in the moon219 A Fate daughter of Necessity sits holdingthe keys of each of these bonds Atropos has the first Clotho the secondand Lachesis the bond in the moon where the turning-point of Becomingis found220 [591C] The other islands have gods but the moon belongs toterrestrial daimones221 and she avoids Styx by rising a li le above it thoughshe is caught once in every 177 second measures222 As Styx approachesthe souls cry out in terror Many slip and Hades snatches them whileothers are hauled up from below by the moon as they swim towards herThese are they for whom the end of Becoming has come opportunely Thefoul and unclean are the exception the moon does not let them come nearbut flashes and roars at them horribly They lament their fate tumble awayand are carried down to another birth as you seerdquo

ldquoBut I donrsquot see anythingrdquo [591D] said Timarchus ldquoexcept a lot of starsmoving up and down around the gulf others plunging into it and othersdarting up again from belowrdquo

ldquoThenrdquo he said ldquoyou see the daimones themselves but you do not rec-ognize them This is how it is every soul has its share of Intellect thereis none which is without reason or Intellect But whatever part of the soulcombines with flesh and passions is changed by pleasures and pains andbecomes irrational Not every soul is combined in the same way Someare wholly sunk in the body wholly mixed223 with it and entirely at themercy of their passion throughout life Others are mixed to some extent[591E] but to some extent leave their purest element outside This is not

62 Text (22591Endash 22592C)

κτύου⟩ δεδυκότος ἄρτηmicroα κορυφαῖον ὀρθουmicroένης περὶ αὐτὸ τῆς ψυχῆςἀνέχον ὅσον ὑπακούει καὶ οὐ κρατεῖται τοῖς πάθεσιν τὸ microὲν οὖν ὑπο-βρύχιον ἐν τῷ σώmicroατι φερόmicroενον ψυχὴ λέγεται τὸ δὲ φθορᾶς λειφθὲνοἱ πολλοὶ νοῦν καλοῦντες ἐντὸς εἶναι νοmicroίζουσιν αὑτῶν ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖςἐσόπτροις τὰ φαινόmicroενα κατrsquo ἀνταύγειαν οἱ δrsquo ὀρθῶς ὑπονοοῦντεςὡς ἐκτὸς ὄντα δαίmicroονα προσαγορεύουσι τοὺς microὲν οὖν ἀποσβέννυσθαι

591F δοκοῦντας ἀστέρας ὦ Τίmicroαρχεldquo φάναι bdquoτὰς εἰς σῶmicroα καταδυοmicroέναςὅλας ψυχὰς ὁρᾶν νόmicroιζε τοὺς δrsquo οἷον ἀναλάmicroποντας πάλιν καὶ ἀνα-φαινοmicroένους κάτωθεν ἀχλύν τινα καὶ ζόφον ὥσπερ πηλὸν ἀποσειο-microένους τὰς ἐκ τῶν σωmicroάτων ἐπαναπλεούσας microετὰ τὸν θάνατον οἱ δrsquoἄνω διαφερόmicroενοι δαίmicroονές εἰσι τῶν νοῦν ἔχειν λεγοmicroένων ἀνθρώπωνπειράθητι δὲ κατιδεῖν ἑκάστου τὸν σύνδεσmicroον ᾗ τῇ ψυχῇ συmicroπέφυκεldquo

ταῦτrsquo ἀκούσας αὐτὸς ἀκριβέστερονπροσέχειν καὶ θεᾶσθαι τῶν ἀστέ-592A ρων ἀποσαλεύοντας τοὺς microὲν ἧττον τοὺς δὲ microᾶλλον | ὥσπερ τοὺς τὰ

δίκτυα διασηmicroαίνοντας ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ φελλοὺς ὁρῶmicroεν ἐπιφεροmicroέ-νους ἐνίους δὲ τοῖς κλωθοmicroένοις ἀτράκτοις ὁmicroοίως ἕλικα τεταραγmicroέ-νην καὶ ἀνώmicroαλον ἕλκοντας οὐ δυναmicroένους καταστῆσαι τὴν κίνησινἐπrsquo εὐθείας λέγειν δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοὺς microὲν εὐθεῖαν καὶ τεταγmicroένηνκίνησιν ἔχοντας εὐηνίοις ψυχαῖς χρῆσθαι διὰ τροφὴν καὶ παίδευσινἀστείαν οὐκ ἄγαν σκληρὸν καὶ ἄγριον παρεχοmicroέναις τὸ ἄλογον τοὺςδrsquo ἄνω καὶ κάτω πολλάκις ἀνωmicroάλως καὶ τεταραγmicroένως ἐγκλίνοντας

592B οἷον ἐκ δεσmicroοῦ σπαραττοmicroένους δυσπειθέσι καὶ ἀναγώγοις διrsquo ἀπαι-δευσίαν ζυγοmicroαχεῖν ἤθεσι πῆ microὲν κρατοῦντας καὶ περιάγοντας ἐπὶ δε-ξιάν πῆ δὲ καmicroπτοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν παθῶν καὶ συνεφελκοmicroένους τοῖςἁmicroαρτήmicroασιν εἶτα πάλιν ἀντιτείνοντας καὶ βιαζοmicroένους τὸν microὲν γὰρσύνδεσmicroον οἷα χαλινὸν τῷ ἀλόγῳ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐmicroβεβληmicroένον ὅταν ἀν-τισπάσῃ τὴν λεγοmicroένην microεταmicroέλειαν ἐπάγειν ταῖς ἁmicroαρτίαις καὶ τὴνἐπὶ ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ὅσαι παράνοmicroοι καὶ ἀκρατεῖς αἰσχύνην ἀλγηδόνα

592C καὶ πληγὴν οὖσαν ἐνθένδε τῆς ψυχῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ κρατοῦντος καὶ ἄρχον-τος ἐπιστοmicroιζοmicroένης microέχρι ἂν οὕτω κολαζοmicroένη πειθήνιος γένηται καὶσυνήθης ὥσπερ θρέmicromicroα πρᾶον ἄνευ πληγῆς καὶ ἀλγηδόνος ὑπὸ συmicro-βόλων ὀξέως καὶ σηmicroείων αἰσθανοmicroένη τοῦ δαίmicroονος

bdquoαὗται microὲν οὖν ὀψέ ποτε καὶ βραδέως ἄγονται καὶ καθίστανται πρὸςτὸ δέον ἐκ δὲ τῶν εὐηνίων ἐκείνων ⟨καὶ⟩ κατηκόων εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆςκαὶ γενέσεως τοῦ οἰκείου δαίmicroονος καὶ τὸ microαντικόν ἐστι καὶ θεοκλυ-τούmicroενον γένος ὧν τὴν Ἑρmicroοδώρου τοῦ Κλαζοmicroενίου ψυχὴν ἀκήκοαςδήπουθεν ὡς ἀπολείπουσα παντάπασι τὸ σῶmicroα νύκτωρ καὶ microεθrsquo ἡmicroέ-

Translation 63

dragged down by it but floats as it were keeping contact with the manby his head like an a achment on top of lta netgt224 sunk in deep waterThe soul straightens itself around it and it holds up as much of the soul asis obedient and not under the domination of the passions The part sub-merged in the body225 is called the soul the part that survives destructionis commonly called Intellect and people believe it to be within themselvesjust as they believe reflections to be in mirrors Those who have the rightidea of it however call it daimon regarding it as outside themselves Thestars which seem to be being extinguished Timarchusrdquo he went on ldquoyoushould understand [591F] as souls being wholly submerged in the bodythose that light up again as it were and appear from below shaking offthe mire of darkness and mist as those making the voyage up from theirbodies a er death Those that are moving around226 above are the daimonesof men who are said to possess Intellect227 Try to catch a sight of the bondin each of them to see how it is joined to the soulrdquo

lsquoWhen he heard this Timarchus (as he told us) paid closer a ention andsaw the stars tossing up and down some more and some less violently[592A] like the movement we see of corks marking nets in the sea Somehowever described a confused and irregular spiral228 like a spindle as thethread is spun being unable to steady their motion and keep to a straightpath The Voice explained that those who displayed a straight controlledmotion had souls made responsive to guidance thanks to good nurture andeducation souls which therefore delivered their irrational element in nottoo stubborn or savage a condition Those that swerved up and down inan irregular and confused way as though jerked about [592B] at the endof a tether were struggling against a personality rendered disobedient anduncontrollable by lack of education sometimes they prevailed and guidedtheir course to the right229 sometimes they were deflected by passions anddragged along by misdeeds only to try once again to resist and enforcetheir control The bond you see was like a curb put on the irrational el-ement in the soul when the daimon pulls on it it induces what is calledrepentance for misdeeds and shame for illicit and uncontrolled pleasuresThis shame is a painful wound felt because the soul is from this point230 be-ing checked by its controlling and ruling power and it continues to be felt[592C] until this chastisement makes the soul accustomed and responsiveto the rein like a well-broken animal needing no blow or pain but quicklybecoming aware of the daimon through symbols and signs

ldquoThese soulsrdquo the Voice went on ldquoare guided and se led in the waythey should be though slowly and late in the day But it is from those whichare responsive and obedient to their own daimon from the start from birthin fact that the race of prophets and divine men comes Among theseyou have doubtless heard of the soul of Hermodorus of Clazomenae231

64 Text (22592Dndash 24593B)

592D ραν ἐπλανᾶτο πολὺν τόπον εἶτrsquo αὖθις ἐπανῄει πολλοῖς τῶν microακρὰνλεγοmicroένων καὶ πραττοmicroένων ἐντυχοῦσα καὶ παραγενοmicroένη microέχρι οὗτὸ σῶmicroα τῆς γυναικὸς προδούσης λαβόντες οἱ ἐχθροὶ ψυχῆς ἔρηmicroον οἴ-κοι κατέπρησαν τοῦτο microὲν οὖν οὐκ ἀληθές ἐστιν οὐ γὰρ ἐξέβαινεν ἡψυχὴ τοῦ σώmicroατος ὑπείκουσα δrsquo ἀεὶ καὶ χαλῶσα τῷ δαίmicroονι τὸν σύνδε-σmicroον ἐδίδου περιδροmicroὴν καὶ περιφοίτησιν ὥστε πολλὰ συνορῶντα καὶκατακούοντα τῶν ἐκτὸς εἰσαγγέλλειν οἱ δrsquo ἀφανίσαντες τὸ σῶmicroα κοι-microωmicroένου microέχρι νῦν δίκην ἐν τῷ ταρτάρῳ τίνουσι ταῦτα δrsquo εἴσῃldquo φάναι

592E bdquoσαφέστερον ὦ νεανία τρίτῳ microηνί νῦν δrsquo ἄπιθιldquo

παυσαmicroένης δὲ τῆς φωνῆς βούλεσθαι microὲν αὑτὸν ὁ Τίmicroαρχος ἔφη θε-άσασθαι περιστρέφοντα τίς ὁ φθεγγόmicroενος εἴη σφόδρα δὲ τὴν κεφα-λὴν αὖθις ἀλγήσας καθάπερ βίᾳ συmicroπιεσθεῖσαν οὐδὲν ἔτι γιγνώσκεινοὐδrsquo αἰσθάνεσθαι τῶν καθrsquo ἑαυτόν εἶτα microέντοι microετὰ microικρὸν ἀνενεγκὼνὁρᾶν αὑτὸν ἐν Τροφωνίου παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον οὗπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατεκλί-θη κείmicroενον

592F 23 ὁ microὲν οὖν Τιmicroάρχου microῦθος οὗτος ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἐλθὼν Ἀθήναζε τρίτῳ microη-νὶ κατὰ τὴν γενοmicroένην φωνὴν ἐτελεύτησεν ἡmicroεῖς δὲ Σωκράτει θαυ-microάζοντες ἀπηγγέλλοmicroεν ἐmicroέmicroψατο Σωκράτης ἡmicroᾶς ὅτι microὴ ζῶντος ἔτιτοῦ Τιmicroάρχου διήλθοmicroεν αὐτοῦ γὰρ ἂν ἡδέως ἐκείνου πυθέσθαι καὶπροσανακρῖναι σαφέστερονrsquo

lsquoἈπέχεις ὦ Θεόκριτε microετὰ τοῦ λόγου τὸν microῦθον ἀλλrsquo ὅρα microὴ καὶ τὸνξένον ἡmicroῖν παρακλητέον ἐπὶ τὴν ζήτησιν οἰκεία γὰρ πάνυ καὶ προσή-κουσα θείοις ἀνδράσιrsquo

lsquoτί δrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoἘπαmicroεινώνδας οὐ συmicroβάλλεται γνώmicroην ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶνἀναγόmicroενος ἡmicroῖνrsquo

καὶ ὁ πατὴρ microειδιάσας lsquoτοιοῦτονrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸ ἦθος ὦ ξένε τὸ τούτουσιωπηλὸν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς λόγους εὐλαβές ἄπληστον δὲ τοῦ microανθάνεινκαὶ ἀκροᾶσθαι διὸ καὶ Σπίνθαρος ὁ Ταραντῖνος οὐκ ὀλίγον αὐτῷ συν-διατρίψας ἐνταῦθα χρόνον ἀεὶ δήπου λέγει microηδενί πω τῶν καθrsquo ἑαυτὸν

593A ἀνθρώπων ἐντετυχηκέναι | microήτε πλείονα γιγνώσκοντι microήτrsquo ἐλάσσοναφθεγγοmicroένῳ σὺ οὖν ἃ φρονεῖς αὐτὸς δίελθε περὶ τῶν εἰρηmicroένωνrsquo24 lsquoἘγὼ τοίνυνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸν microὲν Τιmicroάρχου λόγον ὥσπερ ἱερὸν καὶ ἄσυλονἀνακεῖσθαί φηmicroι τῷ θεῷ χρῆναι θαυmicroάζω δrsquo εἰ τοῖς ὑπὸ Σιmicromicroίου λε-γοmicroένοις αὐτοῦ δυσπιστήσουσί τινες κύκνους microὲν γὰρ ἱεροὺς καὶ δρά-κοντας καὶ κύνας καὶ ἵππους ὀνοmicroάζοντες ἀνθρώπους δὲ θείους εἶναικαὶ θεοφιλεῖς ἀπιστοῦντες καὶ ταῦτα τὸν θεὸν οὐ φίλορνιν ἀλλὰ φι-

593B λάνθρωπον ἡγούmicroενοι καθάπερ οὖν ἀνὴρ φίλιππος οὐ πάντων ὁmicroοί-ως ἐπιmicroελεῖται τῶν ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους ἀλλrsquo ἀεί τινrsquo ἄριστον ἐξαιρῶνκαὶ ἀποκρίνων καθrsquo αὑτὸν ἀσκεῖ καὶ τρέφει καὶ ἀγαπᾷ διαφερόντως⟨οὕτω⟩ καὶ ἡmicroῶν οἱ ὑπὲρ ἡmicroᾶς τοὺς βελτίστους οἷον ἐξ ἀγέλης χαρά-

Translation 65

It used to leave his body completely at night and by day and wander farand wide returning again [592D] a er encountering and witnessing manythings done and said in distant places until his wife betrayed him and hisenemies found the body abandoned by the soul in his house and burntit This account however is not quite true the soul did not depart from thebody it merely eased and loosened its bond to the daimon and let the dai-mon travel and wander around so that it could report back the many thingsit saw and heard in the world outside Those who destroyed the body asHermodorus slept are even now paying the penalty in Tartarus You willknow these things [592E] be er young manrdquo the Voice continued ldquotwomonths from now For the present you may gordquo

lsquoWhen the Voice had ceased Timarchus said he wanted to turn roundand see who the speaker was But he again felt a violent pain in his headas though it was forcibly crushed and he had no further understanding orsense of his situation But a er a li le while he recovered consciousnessand saw that he was lying in the cave of Trophonius just by the entrancewhere he had originally lain down23 lsquoWell that is Timarchusrsquo story He died as the Voice had said twomonths a er his return to Athens [592F] We marvelled and told Socratesand he blamed us for not having told him about it while Timarchus wasstill alive because he would have liked to hear it from him and questionhim in more detail

lsquoSo Theocritus there is your myth and there is your argument Butmaybe we should ask our guest to join our investigation for it is one thatis very proper and fi ing for godly menrsquo

lsquoButrsquo said the stranger lsquowhy doesnrsquot Epaminondas contribute his viewseeing that he has had the same training as we haversquo

My father smiled lsquoThat is his personality sirrsquo he said lsquotaciturn andcautious in speech but insatiable in learning and listening Spintharus ofTarentum232 who spent quite a long time with him here says that he neveryet met any man of his time [593A] who knew more or said less So tellus what you yourself think about what has been saidrsquo

24 lsquoMy opinionrsquo said Theanor lsquois that Timarchusrsquo account should bededicated to the god as sacred and inviolable But as to what Simmias hassaid on his own behalf I should be surprised if any should disbelieve it orbe prepared to call swans snakes dogs and horses lsquosacredrsquo233 without be-lieving that there are men who are godly and loved by the gods ndash and thatthough they think god to be lsquolover of mankindrsquo not lsquolover of birdsrsquo Andjust as a horse-lover [593B] does not take equal care of all the specimensof the same breed234 but always singles out and selects one that is besttrains it by itself fosters it and specially cherishes it so those above us put

66 Text (24593Bndash 24593F)

ξαντες ἰδίας τινὸς καὶ περιττῆς παιδαγωγίας ἀξιοῦσι οὐχ ὑφrsquo ἡνίαςοὐδὲ ῥυτήρων ἀλλὰ λόγῳ διὰ συmicroβόλων εὐθύνοντες ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶἀγελαῖοι παντάπασιν ἀπείρως ἔχουσιν οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ κύνες τῶνθηρατικῶν σηmicroείων οὐδrsquoοἱ πολλοὶ ἵπποι τῶν ἱππικῶν συνιᾶσιν ἀλλrsquoοἱ microεmicroαθηκότες εὐθὺς ἀπὸ σιγmicroοῦ τοῦ τυχόντος ἢ ποππυσmicroοῦ τὸ προ-

593C σταττόmicroενον αἰσθανόmicroενοι ῥᾳδίως εἰς ὃ δεῖ καθίστανται φαίνεται δὲγιγνώσκων καὶ Ὅmicroηρος ἣν λέγοmicroεν διαφορὰν ἡmicroεῖς τῶν γὰρ microάντεωνοἰωνοπόλους τινὰς καλεῖ καὶ ἱερεῖς ἑτέρους δὲ τῶν θεῶν αὐτῶν διαλε-γοmicroένων συνιέντας καὶ συmicroφρονοῦντας ἀποσηmicroαίνειν οἴεται τὸ microέλ-λον ἐν οἷς λέγει

bdquoτῶν δrsquo Ἕλενος Πριάmicroοιο φίλος παῖς ξύνθετο θυmicroῷβουλήν ἥ ῥα θεοῖσιν ἐφήνδανε microητιόωσιldquo

καίbdquoὣς γὰρ ἐγὼν ὄπrsquo ἄκουσα θεῶν ⟨αἰει⟩ γενετάωνldquo ὥσπερ γὰρ τῶν βα-

σιλέων καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν τὴν διάνοιαν οἱ microὲν ἐκτὸς αἰσθάνονται καὶγιγνώσκουσι πυρσοῖς τισι καὶ κηρύγmicroασι καὶ ὑπὸ σαλπίγγων τοῖς δὲπιστοῖς καὶ συνήθεσιν αὐτοὶ φράζουσιν οὕτω τὸ θεῖον ὀλίγοις ἐντυγ-

593D χάνει διrsquo αὑτοῦ καὶ σπανίως τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς σηmicroεῖα δίδωσιν ἐξ ὧν ἡλεγοmicroένη microαντικὴ συνέστηκε θεοὶ microὲν γὰρ οὖν ὀλίγων ἀνθρώπων κο-σmicroοῦσι βίον οὓς ἂν ἄκρως microακαρίους τε καὶ θείους ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀπερ-γάσασθαι βουληθῶσιν αἱ δrsquo ἀπηλλαγmicroέναι γενέσεως ψυχαὶ καὶ σχο-λάζουσαι τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπὸ σώmicroατος οἷον ἐλεύθεραι πάmicroπαν ἀφειmicroέναιδαίmicroονές εἰσιν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιmicroελεῖς καθrsquo Ἡσίοδον ὡς γὰρ ἀθλητὰςκαταλύσαντας ἄσκησιν ὑπὸ γήρως οὐ τελέως ἀπολείπει τὸ φιλότιmicroονκαὶ φιλοσώmicroατον ἀλλrsquo ἑτέρους ἀσκοῦντας ὁρῶντες ἥδονται καὶ παρα-

593E καλοῦσι καὶ συmicroπαραθέουσιν οὕτως οἱ πεπαυmicroένοι τῶν περὶ τὸν βίονἀγώνων διrsquo ἀρετὴν ψυχῆς γενόmicroενοι δαίmicroονες οὐ παντελῶς ἀτιmicroάζου-σι τὰ ἐνταῦθα πράγmicroατα καὶ λόγους καὶ σπουδάς ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐπὶ ταὐτὸγυmicroναζοmicroένοις τέλος εὐmicroενεῖς ὄντες καὶ συmicroφιλοτιmicroούmicroενοι πρὸς τὴνἀρετὴν ἐγκελεύονται καὶ συνεξορmicroῶσιν ὅταν ἐγγὺς ἤδη τῆς ἐλπίδοςἁmicroιλλωmicroένους καὶ ψαύοντας ὁρῶσιν

593F οὐ γὰρ οἷς ἔτυχε συmicroφέρεται τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀλλrsquo οἷον ἐπὶ τῶν νηχο-microένων ἐν θαλάττῃ τοὺς microὲν πελαγίους ἔτι καὶ πρόσω τῆς γῆς φεροmicroέ-νους οἱ ἐπὶ γῆς ἑστῶτες σιωπῇ θεῶνται microόνον τοὺς δrsquo ἐγγὺς ἤδη παρα-θέοντες καὶ παρεmicroβαίνοντες ἅmicroα καὶ χειρὶ καὶ φωνῇ βοηθοῦντες ἀνα-σῴζουσιν οὗτος ὦ τοῦ δαιmicroονίου ὁ τρόπος ⟨microεθίησιν⟩ ἡmicroᾶς βαπτι-ζοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν πραγmicroάτων καὶ σώmicroατα πολλὰ καθάπερ ὀχήmicroαταmicroεταλαmicroβάνοντας αὐτοὺς ἐξαmicroιλλᾶσθαι καὶ microακροθυmicroεῖν διrsquo οἰκείαςπειρωmicroένους ἀρετῆς σῴζεσθαι καὶ τυγχάνειν λιmicroένος ἥτις δrsquo ἂν ἤδηδιὰ microυρίων γενέσεων ἠγωνισmicroένη microακροὺς ἀγῶνας εὖ καὶ προθύmicroως

Translation 67

their brand as it were on the best of the herd and think that these deservesome particular and special guidance controlling them not by reins or hal-ters but by reason through the medium of secret signs which are entirelyunknown to the many and the common herd A er all most dogs donrsquot un-derstand the hunterrsquos signals most horses donrsquot understand the trainerrsquosonly those who have learned immediately perceive the command that isbeing given by a casual whistle or a clacking of the tongue235 [593C] andeasily come to order Homer clearly understands the distinction we aremaking He calls some prophets augurs and priests while believing thatothers understand and are conscious of the talk of the gods themselves andso give warning of the future He says

ldquoThen Priamrsquos dear son Helenus understoodThe plans the gods in counsel had approvedrdquo

and againldquoFor so I heard the voice of the immortal godsrdquo236 The outside world

perceives and knows the intention of kings and generals by beacons andproclamations and trumpet-calls while to their loyal associates they de-clare it themselves Similarly237 the divine power [593D] converses di-rectly with few men and rarely while to the many it gives signs out ofwhich is constituted what is called lsquodivinationrsquo The gods honour the livesof a few men whom they wish to make supremely blessed and truly godlybut souls which have done with Becoming238 are free from concern withthe body and are le as it were to range free ndash these are as Hesiod tellsus239 the daimones that take care of humans Athletes who have given uptraining because of age are not altogether abandoned by the spirit of com-petitiveness and concern for the body they enjoy seeing others trainingthey encourage them and run beside them [593E] So those who haveretired from the contests of life and because of the excellence of their soulhave become daimones do not altogether spurn the affairs arguments andenthusiasms of this world but feel well-disposed to those in training forthe same goal and encourage and urge them on in their quest for virtuewhen they see that their striving has brought them within touching dis-tance of their hopes

lsquoThe daemonic power indeed does not aid all and sundry [593F]Think how spectators on shore watch in silence swimmers who are stillout at sea and far from land but once they come close run down andwade into the water helping by hand and voice to bring them to safetyThishellip240 is the way of the daemonic power it ltleavesgt241 us when weare swamped by circumstances passing from body to body ndash from boat toboat as it were ndash to struggle and suffer in our efforts to save ourselves byour own virtue and come safely into port But if a soul has fought its longfight well and enthusiastically through countless births and now its cycle

68 Text (24594Andash 26594E)

594A ψυχὴ τῆς περιόδου συmicroπεραινοmicroένης κινδυνεύουσα | καὶ φιλοτιmicroου-microένη περὶ τὴν ἔκβασιν ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ ⟨τοῖς⟩ ἄνω προσφέρηται ταύτῃτὸν οἰκεῖον οὐ νεmicroεσᾷ δαίmicroονα βοηθεῖν ὁ θεὸς ἀλλrsquo ἀφίησι τῷ προθυ-microουmicroένῳ προθυmicroεῖται δrsquo ἄλλος ἄλλην ἀνασῴζειν ἐγκελευόmicroενος ἡ δὲσυνακούει διὰ τὸ πλησιάζειν καὶ σῴζεται microὴ πειθοmicroένη δέ ἀπολιπόν-τος τοῦ δαίmicroονος οὐκ εὐτυχῶς ἀπαλλάσσειrsquo25 Τούτων εἰρηmicroένων ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας ἀποβλέψας εἰς ἐmicroέ lsquoσοὶ microένrsquoεἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία σχεδὸν ὥρα βαδίζειν εἰς τὸ γυmicroνάσιον ἤδη καὶ microὴ

594B ἀπολείπειν τοὺς συνήθεις ἡmicroεῖς δὲ Θεάνορος ἐπιmicroελησόmicroεθα διαλύ-σαντες ὅταν δοκῇ τὴν συνουσίανrsquo

κἀγώ lsquoταῦτrsquorsquo ἔφην lsquoπράττωmicroεν ἀλλὰ microικρὸν οἶmicroαί τι microετrsquo ἐmicroοῦ καὶΓαλαξιδώρου βούλεταί σοι διαλεχθῆναι ὁ Θεόκριτος οὑτοσίrsquo

lsquoἀγαθῇ τύχῃrsquo εἶπε lsquoδιαλεγέσθωrsquo καὶ προῆγεν ἀναστὰς εἰς τὸ ἐπι-κάmicroπειον τῆς στοᾶς καὶ ἡmicroεῖς περισχόντες αὐτὸν ἐπεχειροῦmicroεν πα-ρακαλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἡmicroέραν ἔφη πάνυ σαφῶς εἰδέναιτῆς καθόδου τῶν φυγάδων καὶ συντετάχθαι microετὰ Γοργίδου τοῖς φίλοιςπρὸς τὸν καιρόν ἀποκτενεῖν δὲ τῶν πολιτῶν ἄκριτον οὐδένα microὴ microε-

594C γάλης ἀνάγκης γενοmicroένης ἄλλως δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἁρmicroόζειν τὸΘηβαίων εἶναί τινας ἀναιτίους καὶ καθαροὺς τῶν πεπραγmicroένων ⟨οἳ⟩microᾶλλον ἕξουσιν ἀνυπόπτως ⟨πρὸς⟩ τὸν δῆmicroον ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ βελτίστουπαραινοῦντες ἐδόκει ταῦθrsquo ἡmicroῖν κἀκεῖνος microὲν ἀνεχώρησεν αὖθις ὡςτοὺς περὶ Σιmicromicroίαν ἡmicroεῖς δὲ καταβάντες εἰς τὸ γυmicroνάσιον ἐνετυγχάνο-microεν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ διαλαmicroβάνων ἄλλος ἄλλον ἐν τῷ συmicroπαλαίειν τὰmicroὲν ἐπυνθάνετο τὰ δrsquo ἔφραζε καὶ συνετάττετο πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἑω-ρῶmicroεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον ἀληλιmicromicroένους ἀπιόντας

594D ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ὁ γὰρ Φυλλίδας δεδιὼς microὴ τὸν Ἀmicroφίθεον προανέλωσινεὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Λυσανορίδου προποmicroπῆς τὸν Ἀρχίαν δεξάmicroενος καὶ πε-ρὶ τῆς ⟨⟩ γυναικός ἧς ἐπιθυmicroῶν ἐτύγχανεν εἰς ἐλπίδας ἐmicroβαλὼν ὡςἀφιξοmicroένης εἰς τὸν πότον ἔπεισε πρὸς ῥᾳθυmicroίαν καὶ ἄνεσιν τραπέσθαιmicroετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων αὐτῷ συνακολασταίνειν

26 Ὀψὲ δrsquo ⟨ἦν⟩ ἤδη τό τε ψῦχος ἐπέτεινε πνεύmicroατος γενοmicroένου καὶδιὰ τοῦτο τῶν πολλῶν τάχιον εἰς τὰς οἰκίας ἀνακεχωρηκότων ἡmicroεῖςmicroὲν τοὺς περὶ Δαmicroοκλείδαν καὶ Πελοπίδαν καὶ Θεόποmicroπον ἐντυχόντες

594E ἀνελαmicroβάνοmicroεν ἄλλοι δrsquo ἄλλους ἐσχίσθησαν γὰρ εὐθὺς ὑπερβαλόν-τες τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα καὶ παρέσχεν αὐτοῖς ὁ χειmicroὼν τὰ πρόσωπα συγ-κεκαλυmicromicroένοις ἀδεῶς διελθεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἐνίοις δrsquo ἐπήστραψε δεξιὸνἄνευ βροντῆς εἰσιοῦσι διὰ τῶν πυλῶν καὶ τὸ σηmicroεῖον ἐδόκει καλὸνπρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ δόξαν ὡς λαmicroπρῶν ἀκινδύνων δὲ τῶν πράξεωνἐσοmicroένων

Translation 69

complete draws near the upper region ever in danger [594A] and strivingwith much sweat to secure its landing242 ndash then god does not grudge itsdaimon the chance to help it but lets it do so if it so wishes and one wishesto save one soul and another another by cries of encouragement and thesoul can hear (for it is close by now) and is saved or if it does not heedand the daimon deserts it it comes to no happy endrsquo25 At the end of this speech Epaminondas looked at me lsquoItrsquos nearly timefor you to go to the gymnasium Caphisiasrsquo he said lsquoand not desert yourcomrades [594B] We will choose the time to break off this conversationand then we will look a er Theanorrsquo

lsquoLetrsquos do thatrsquo I said lsquobut here is Theocritus wanting I think to havesome talk with you with Galaxidorus and myself presentrsquo

lsquoGood luck to himrsquo he said lsquolet him have itrsquo He got up and led us outto the angle of the colonnade We gathered round him and tried to urgehim to take part in the plan He said that he was well aware of the day ofthe exilesrsquo return and he and Gorgidas had made arrangements with theirfriends to meet the situation but he would not kill any citizen withouttrial except in case of great necessity [594C] moreover it was right for thegeneral population of Thebes that there should be some persons withoutresponsibility or involvement in the affair who could be less suspect tothe people243 and be known to have the highest moral grounds for theiradvice We approved this Epaminondas then returned to Simmias andthe rest while we244 went down to the gymnasium and met our friendsWrestling with different partners we were all able to ask questions giveexplanations and organize ourselves for the action We saw Archias andPhilippus245 also anoint themselves and go off to the dinner Phyllidas infact [594D] being afraid they might kill Amphitheus246 before we couldact had intercepted Archias as soon as he had returned from escortingLysanoridas247 and instilled into him some hope that thehellip248 woman withwhom he was in love would be coming to the drinking party He had thuspersuaded him to relax and be comfortable with his usual companions indebauchery26 It was late now and ge ing colder and a wind had arisen Most peo-ple therefore had gone home quickly We249 fell in with Damoclidas250

Pelopidas and Theopompus251 and took them along with us Others didthe same for others of the exiles they had separated immediately [594E]a er crossing Cithaeron252 and the stormy weather enabled them to wrapup and hide their faces so as to pass through the city without fear Someas they entered the gate had seen a flash of lightning on the right unac-companied by thunder253 This was a good sign of safety and of glory ouractions would be famous but free of danger

70 Text (27594Endash 27595D)

27 ὡς οὖν ἅπαντες ἔνδον ἦmicroεν πεντήκοντα δυεῖν δέοντες ἤδη τοῦ Θεο-κρίτου καθrsquo ἑαυτὸν ἐν οἰκίσκῳ τινὶ σφαγιαζοmicroένου πολὺς ἦν τῆς θύραςἀραγmicroός καὶ microετὰ microικρὸν ἧκέ τις ἀγγέλλων ὑπηρέτας τοῦ Ἀρχίου δύοκόπτειν τὴν αὔλειον ἀπεσταλmicroένους σπουδῇ πρὸς Χάρωνα καὶ κελεύ-

594F ειν ἀνοίγειν καὶ ἀγανακτεῖν βράδιον ὑπακουόντων θορυβηθεὶς οὖν ὁΧάρων ἐκείνοις microὲν εὐθὺς ἀνοιγνύναι προσέταξεν αὐτὸς δrsquo ἀπαντή-σας ἔχων στέφανον ὡς τεθυκὼς καὶ πίνων ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν ὑπηρετῶνὅ τι βούλοιντο λέγει δrsquo ἅτερος lsquoἈρχίας καὶ Φίλιππος ἔπεmicroψαν ἡmicroᾶς κε-λεύοντες ὡς τάχιστά σrsquo ἥκειν πρὸς αὐτούςrsquo ἐροmicroένου δὲ τοῦ Χάρωνοςτίς ἡ σπουδὴ τῆς τηνικαῦτα microεταπέmicroψεως αὐτοῦ καὶ microή τι καινότερονlsquoοὐδὲν ἴσmicroενrsquo ὁ ὑπηρέτης ἔφη rsquoπλέον ἀλλὰ τί λέγωmicroεν αὐτοῖςrsquo lsquoὅτι νὴΔίrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ Χάρων lsquoθεὶς τὸν στέφανον ἤδη καὶ λαβὼν τὸ ἱmicroάτιον ἕπο-microαι microεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν γὰρ τηνικαῦτα βαδίζων διαταράξω τινὰς ὡς ἀγόmicroενοςrsquo

595A lsquoοὕτωςrsquo ἔφη lsquoποίει | καὶ γὰρ ἡmicroᾶς δεῖ τοῖς ὑπὸ πόλιν φρουροῖς κοmicroί-σαι τι πρόσταγmicroα παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντωνrsquo

ἐκεῖνοι microὲν οὖν ᾤχοντο τοῦ δὲ Χάρωνος εἰσελθόντος πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς καὶταῦτα φράσαντος ἔκπληξις ἅπαντας ἔσχεν οἰοmicroένους microεmicroηνῦσθαι καὶτὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν ὑπενόουν οἱ πλεῖστοι κωλῦσαι microὲν ἐπιχειρήσαντατὴν κάθοδον διὰ τοῦ Χλίδωνος ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἀπέτυχε καὶ συνῆπτε τῷ και-ρῷ τὸ δεινόν ἐξενηνοχέναι πιθανὸν εἶναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπὸ δέους οὐγὰρ ἀφίκετο microετὰ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀλλrsquo ὅλως ἐδόκει πονη-ρὸς γεγονέναι καὶ παλίmicroβολος οὐ microὴν ἀλλὰ τόν γε Χάρωνα πάντες

595B ᾠόmicroεθα χρῆναι βαδίζειν καὶ ὑπακούειν τοῖς ἄρχουσι καλούmicroενον ὁ δὲκελεύσας τὸν υἱὸν ἐλθεῖν κάλλιστον ὄντα Θηβαίων ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε παῖ-δα καὶ φιλοπονώτατον περὶ τὰ γυmicroνάσια πεντεκαιδεκέτη microὲν σχεδὸνπολὺ δὲ ῥώmicroῃ καὶ microεγέθει διαφέροντα τῶν ὁmicroηλίκων lsquoοὗτοςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦἄνδρες ἐmicroοὶ microόνος ἐστὶ καὶ ἀγαπητός ὥσπερ ἴστε τοῦτον ὑmicroῖν παρα-δίδωmicroι πρὸς θεῶν ἅπασι πρὸς δαιmicroόνων ἐπισκήπτων εἰ φανείην ἐγὼπονηρὸς περὶ ὑmicroᾶς ἀποκτείνατε microὴ φείσησθrsquo ἡmicroῶν τὸ δὲ λοιπόν ὦ

595C ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον ἀντιτάξασθε microὴ πρόησθε τὰσώmicroατα διαφθεῖραι τοῖς ἐχθίστοις ἀνάνδρως καὶ ἀκλεῶς ἀλλrsquo ἀmicroύνα-σθε τὰς ψυχὰς ἀηττήτους τῇ πατρίδι φυλάττοντεςrsquo ταῦτα τοῦ Χάρωνοςλέγοντος τὸ microὲν φρόνηmicroα καὶ τὴν καλοκἀγαθίαν ἐθαυmicroάζοmicroεν πρὸςδὲ τὴν ὑποψίαν ἠγανακτοῦmicroεν καὶ ἀπάγειν ἐκελεύοmicroεν τὸν παῖδα

lsquoτὸ δrsquo ὅλονrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Πελοπίδας lsquoοὐδrsquo εὖ βεβουλεῦσθαι δοκεῖς ἡmicroῖνὦ Χάρων microὴ microεταστησάmicroενος εἰς οἰκίαν ἑτέραν τὸν υἱόν τί γὰρ αὐτὸνδεῖ κινδυνεύειν microεθrsquo ἡmicroῶν ἐγκαταλαmicroβανόmicroενον καὶ νῦν ἐκπεmicroπτέ-ος ἵνrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἐάν τι πάσχωmicroεν εὐγενὴς ὑποτρέφηται τιmicroωρὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς

595D τυράννουςrsquo lsquoοὐκ ἔστινrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Χάρων lsquoἀλλrsquo αὐτοῦ παραmicroενεῖ καὶ κιν-δυνεύσει microεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτῳ καλὸν ὑποχείριον γενέσθαι τοῖς

Translation 71

27 When we were all in the house254 forty-eight of us and while The-ocritus was sacrificing privately in a separate room there was a great ham-mering on the door Very soon someone came to tell us that two officers ofArchias were knocking at the street-door on an urgent errand to Charon[594F] they were telling the servants to open up and were angry at theirslowness in obeying Charon was greatly alarmed He gave orders to openup at once and himself went to meet the visitors wearing a wreath asthough he had sacrificed and was now drinking He asked the officerswhat they wanted lsquoArchias and Philippus sent usrsquo said one of them lsquowithorders for you to go to them as soon as possiblersquo Charon asked what wasthe urgency in sending for him at such an hour and whether there wasany fresh news lsquoWe know no morersquo replied the officer lsquobut what are weto tell themrsquo Tell themrsquo said Charon lsquothat Irsquom following you as soon as Ihave taken off my garland and got my cloak255 if I go with you at this timeof night I shall cause a disturbance people will think I am being arrestedrsquo

lsquoDo as you sayrsquo said the officer [595A] lsquowe have also to deliver someorder from the authorities to the guard in the lower townrsquo

So they went their way and Charon came back to us and told us whathad happened We were all appalled We thought we had been betrayedand most suspected Hipposthenidas he had tried to prevent the returnby sending Chlidon256 and when he had failed and the moment of dan-ger had come it was only too plausible257 that he should have revealedthe plan out of fear In fact he had not come to the house with the restand was generally thought to have been a disloyal and unreliable charac-ter None the less we all agreed that Charon should go [595B] and obeythe authoritiesrsquo orders He then sent for his son He was the most beauti-ful boy in Thebes Archedamus and the keenest athlete in the gymnasiaabout fi een years old but much stronger and taller than his contempo-raries lsquoThis gentlemanrsquo said Charon lsquois my beloved only child I entrusthim to your hands and I enjoin you all by all the powers of heaven if Ishould prove traitor to you to kill him and not spare us And now mybrave friends prepare to face whatever happens258 Do not hand your livesto your bi erest enemies like craven cowards [595C] Defend yourselveskeep your hearts unconquered for your countryrsquos sakersquo We marvelled atCharonrsquos spirit and nobility as he said this but we were grieved at his sus-picions of us and told him to take the boy away

lsquoAltogether Charonrsquo said Pelopidas lsquowe think you made a wrong deci-sion in not moving your son to another house Why need he run risks bybeing caught with us Even now he should be sent away so that he cangrow up to avenge us nobly on the tyrantsrsquo lsquoImpossiblersquo said Charon lsquoheshall stay here [595D] and run the risk with you It is not right for him tooto be under our enemiesrsquo sway My boy be brave beyond your age this is

72 Text (27595Dndash 29596B)

ἐχθροῖς ἀλλὰ τόλmicroα παρrsquo ἡλικίαν ὦ παῖ γευόmicroενος ἄθλων ἀναγκαί-ων καὶ κινδύνευε microετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν πολιτῶν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίαςκαὶ ἀρετῆς πολλὴ δrsquo ἐλπὶς ἔτι λείπεται καί πού τις ἐφορᾷ θεῶν ἡmicroᾶςἀγωνιζοmicroένους περὶ τῶν δικαίωνrsquo28 Δάκρυα πολλοῖς ἐπῆλθεν ἡmicroῶν ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε πρὸς τοὺς λόγουςτἀνδρός αὐτὸς δrsquo ἄδακρυς καὶ ἄτεγκτος ἐγχειρίσας Πελοπίδᾳ τὸν υἱὸνἐχώρει διὰ θυρῶν δεξιούmicroενος ἕκαστον ἡmicroῶν καὶ παραθαρρύνων ἔτιδὲ microᾶλλον ἂν ἠγάσω τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν φαιδρότητα καὶ τὸ ἀδεὲς

595E πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον ὥσπερ τοῦ Νεοπτολέmicroου microήτrsquo ὠχριάσαντος microήτrsquoἐκπλαγέντος ἀλλrsquo ἕλκοντος τὸ ξίφος τοῦ Πελοπίδου καὶ καταmicroανθά-νοντος ἐν τούτῳ Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος εἷς τῶν φίλων παρῆνπρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ξίφος ἔχων καὶ θώρακα σιδηροῦν ὑπενδεδυmicroένος καὶ πυθό-microενος τὴν Χάρωνος ὑπrsquo Ἀρχίου microετάπεmicroψιν ᾐτιᾶτο τὴν microέλλησιν ἡmicroῶνκαὶ παρώξυνεν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας βαδίζειν φθήσεσθαι γὰρ ἐmicroπεσόν-τας αὐτοῖς εἰ δὲ microή βέλτιον εἶναι προελθόντας ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ συmicroπλέκε-σθαι πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀσυντάκτους καὶ σποράδας ἢ microένειν ἐν οἰκίσκῳ

595F καθείρξαντας αὑτοὺς ὥσπερ σmicroῆνος ἐξαιρεθησοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν πο-λεmicroίων ἐνῆγε δὲ καὶ ὁ microάντις Θεόκριτος ὡς τῶν ἱερῶν σωτηρίων καὶκαλῶν καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐχεγγύων αὐτῷ γεγονότων

29 ὁπλιζοmicroένων δrsquo ἡmicroῶν καὶ συνταττοmicroένων αὖθις ἀφικνεῖται Χάρωνἱλαρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ microειδιῶν καὶ προσβλέπων εἰς ἡmicroᾶς θαρρεῖν ἐκέ-λευεν ὡς δεινοῦ microηδενὸς ὄντος ἀλλὰ τῆς πράξεως ὁδῷ βαδιζούσης

596A lsquoὁ γὰρ Ἀρχίαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ ὁ Φίλιππος ὡς ἤκουσαν ἥκειν ἐmicroὲ κεκληmicroέ-νον | ἤδη βαρεῖς ὑπὸ τῆς microέθης ὄντες καὶ συνεκλελυmicroένοι τοῖς σώmicroασιτὰς ψυχάς microόλις διαναστάντες ἔξω προῆλθον ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας εἰπόντοςδὲ τοῦ Ἀρχίου bdquoφυγάδας ὦ Χάρων ἀκούοmicroεν ἐν τῇ πόλει κρύπτεσθαιπαρεισελθόνταςldquo οὐ microετρίως ἐγὼ διαταραχθείς bdquoποῦ δrsquoldquo εἶπον bdquoεἶναιλέγονται καὶ τίνεςldquo bdquoἀγνοοῦmicroενldquo ὁ Ἀρχίας εἶπε bdquoκαί σε τούτου χάρινἐλθεῖν ἐκελεύσαmicroεν εἰ δή τι τυγχάνοις σαφέστερον ἀκηκοώςldquo κἀγὼmicroικρὸν ὥσπερ ἐκ πληγῆς ἀναφέρων τὴν διάνοιαν ἐλογιζόmicroην λόγονεἶναι τὴν microήνυσιν οὐ βέβαιον οὐδrsquo ὑπὸ τῶν συνειδότων ἐξενηνέχθαι

596B τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐδενός οὐ γὰρ ⟨ἂν⟩ ἀγνοεῖν τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτούς εἴ τις εἰ-δὼς ἀκριβῶς ἐmicroήνυεν ἄλλως δrsquo ὑποψίαν ἢ λόγον ἄσηmicroον ἐν τῇ πόλειπεριφερόmicroενον ἥκειν εἰς ἐκείνους εἶπον οὖν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτι bdquoζῶντοςmicroὲν Ἀνδροκλείδου πολλάκις ἐπίσταmicroαι φήmicroας τοιαύτας ῥυείσας διακε-νῆς καὶ λόγους ψευδεῖς ἐνοχλήσαντας ἡmicroῖν νυνὶ δrsquoldquo ἔφην bdquoοὐδὲν ἀκή-κοα τοιοῦτον ὦ Ἀρχία σκέψοmicroαι δὲ τὸν λόγον εἰ κελεύεις κἂν πύθω-microαί τι φροντίδος ἄξιον ὑmicroᾶς οὐ λήσεταιldquo

bdquoπάνυ microὲν οὖνldquo ὁ Φυλλίδας εἶπε bdquomicroηδέν ὦ Χάρων ἀδιερεύνητονmicroηδrsquo ἄπυστον ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀπολίπῃς τί γὰρ κωλύει microηδενὸς καταφρο-

Translation 73

your first taste of fights that have to be fought Face danger at the side ofmany brave citizens for freedom and for honour There is still good hopeand surely some god watches over us when we fight in a just causersquo

28 Many of us burst into tears Archedamus at Charonrsquos words buthe himself remained dry-eyed and unmoved He handed his son overto Pelopidas and walked out through the door taking each of us by thehand and giving us encouragement You would have admired even morethe boyrsquos radiance and fearlessness in the face of danger [595E] LikeNeoptolemus259 he neither paled nor showed fear He drew Pelopidasrsquosword and examined it closely Meanwhile Cephisodorus260 the son ofDiogeiton one of our friends arrived to join us wearing a sword andan iron corselet under his clothes When he heard of Charonrsquos summonsto Archias he reproached us for delay and urged us to make our moveagainst the houses at once we should thus anticipate their a ack or ifnot it was be er to go forward and engage a disorganized and sca eredfoe261 in the open than to stay shut up in a building [595F] to be smokedout by the enemy like a swarm of bees262 Theocritus the diviner urged thiscourse too his sacrifices had been auspicious and favourable and guaran-teed our safety29 While we were arming and ge ing ready Charon returned cheerfuland smiling He looked at us and bade us be of good heart There wasnothing to fear things were going according to plan

lsquoArchias and Philippusrsquo he said263 [596A] lsquowere already far gone indrink when they heard that I had come in accordance with their summonsTheir minds were as paralysed as their bodies They could hardly standup but they came to the door ldquoWe hear Charonrdquo said Archias ldquothatsome exiles have slipped into the city and are in hidingrdquo I was much dis-turbed ldquoWhere are they said to be and who are theyrdquo I asked ldquoWe donrsquotknowrdquo said Archias ldquoand that is why we asked you to come in case youhave heard something more definiterdquo I was a li le while recovering mythoughts from the blow as it were but I reckoned that their informationwas only unreliable talk [596B] and that none of the conspirators hadrevealed the plot they would have known the houses I thought if the in-formation had come from anyone with exact knowledge Some suspicionor vague rumour circulating in the city must have reached their ears So Ireplied ldquoWhile Androclidas264 was alive I know there was o en a streamof such idle rumours and false stories which were a nuisance to us but Irsquoveheard nothing like that now Archias If you wish I will inquire into thestory and if I learn anything that warrants concern you shall hear of itrdquo

ldquoJust sordquo said Phyllidas ldquodonrsquot let anything pass without question orinquiry in this connection Charon Whatrsquos wrong with treating nothing as

74 Text (29596Cndash 31597A)

596C νεῖν ἀλλὰ πάντα φυλάττεσθαι καὶ προσέχειν καλὸν γὰρ ἡ πρόνοια καὶτὸ ἀσφαλέςldquo ἅmicroα δὲ τὸν Ἀρχίαν ὑπολαβὼν ἀπῆγεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἐν ᾧπίνοντες τυγχάνουσιν ἀλλὰ microὴ microέλλωmicroεν ἄνδρεςrsquo ἔφη lsquoπροσευξάmicroε-νοι δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξίωmicroενrsquo

ταῦτα τοῦ Χάρωνος εἰπόντος εὐχόmicroεθα τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ παρεκαλοῦ-microεν ἀλλήλους30 Ὥρα microὲν οὖν ἦν καθrsquo ἣν ἅνθρωποι microάλιστα περὶ δεῖπνόν εἰσι τὸδὲ πνεῦmicroα microᾶλλον ἐπιτεῖνον ἤδη νιφετὸν ὑπεκίνει ψεκάδι λεπτῇ microεmicroι-γmicroένον ὥστε πολλὴν ἐρηmicroίαν εἶναι διὰ τῶν στενωπῶν διεξιοῦσιν οἱmicroὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν Λεοντιάδαν καὶ τὸν Ὑπάταν ταχθέντες ἐγγὺς ἀλλή-

596D λων οἰκοῦντας ἐν ἱmicroατίοις ἐξῄεσαν ἔχοντες οὐδὲν ἕτερον τῶν ὅπλωνἢ microάχαιραν ἕκαστος (ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἦν καὶ Πελοπίδας καὶ Δαmicroοκλείδαςκαὶ Κηφισόδωρος) Χάρων δὲ καὶ Μέλων καὶ οἱ microετrsquo αὐτῶν ἐπιτίθεσθαιτοῖς περὶ Ἀρχίαν microέλλοντες ἡmicroιθωράκια ἐνδεδυmicroένοι καὶ στεφάνουςδασεῖς ἔχοντες οἱ microὲν ἐλάτης οἱ δὲ πεύκης ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ χιτώνια τῶν γυ-ναικ⟨εί⟩ων ἀmicroπεχόmicroενοι microεθύοντας ἀποmicroιmicroούmicroενοι κώmicroῳ χρωmicroένουςmicroετὰ γυναικῶν

ἡ δὲ χείρων ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε τύχη καὶ τὰς τῶν πολεmicroίων microαλακίας καὶἀγνοίας ταῖς ἡmicroετέραις ἐπανισοῦσα τόλmicroαις καὶ παρασκευαῖς καὶ κα-

596E θάπερ δρᾶmicroα τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡmicroῶν ἀπrsquo ἀρχῆς διαποικίλλουσα κινδυνώ-δεσιν ἐπεισοδίοις εἰς αὐτὸ συνέδραmicroε τὸ ἔργον ὀξὺν ἐπιφέρουσα καὶδεινὸν ἀνελπίστου περιπετείας ἀγῶνα τοῦ γὰρ Χάρωνος ὡς ἀνέπεισετοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον ἀναχωρήσαντος οἴκαδε καὶ διασκευά-ζοντος ἡmicroᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἧκεν ἐνθένδε παρrsquo ὑmicroῶν ἐπιστολὴ παρrsquo Ἀρ-χίου τοῦ ἱεροφάντου πρὸς Ἀρχίαν ἐκεῖνον ὄντα φίλον αὐτῷ καὶ ξένονὡς ἔοικεν ἐξαγγέλλουσα τὴν κάθοδον καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν φυγά-

596F δων καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν εἰς ἣν παρεληλύθεισαν καὶ τοὺς συmicroπράττονταςαὐτοῖς ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῇ microέθῃ κατακεκλασmicroένος ὁ Ἀρχίας καὶ τῇ προσ-δοκίᾳ τῶν γυναικῶν ἀνεπτοηmicroένος ἐδέξατο microὲν τὴν ἐπιστολήν τοῦ δὲγραmicromicroατοφόρου φήσαντος ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων αὐτῷ γεγράφθαι lsquoτὰσπουδαῖα τοίνυν εἰς αὔριονrsquo ἔφη καὶ τὴν microὲν ἐπιστολὴν ὑπέθηκεν ὑπὸτὸ προσκεφάλαιον αἰτήσας δὲ ποτήριον ἐκέλευσεν ἐγχεῖν καὶ τὸν Φυλ-λίδαν ἐξέπεmicroπε συνεχῶς ἐπὶ θύρας σκεψόmicroενον εἰ τὰ γύναια πρόσεισι31 τοιαύτης δὲ τὸν πότον ἐλπίδος διαπαιδαγωγησάσης προσmicroίξαντεςἡmicroεῖς καὶ διὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν εὐθὺς ὠσάmicroενοι πρὸς τὸν ἀνδρῶνα microικρὸν

597A ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις ἔστηmicroεν ἐφορῶντες τῶν κατακειmicroένων ἕκαστον | ἡmicroὲν οὖν τῶν στεφάνων καὶ τῆς ἐσθῆτος ὄψις παραλογιζοmicroένη τὴν ἐπι-δηmicroίαν ἡmicroῶν σιγὴν ἐποίησεν ἐπεὶ δὲ πρῶτος ὁ Μέλων ὥρmicroησε διὰ microέ-σου τὴν χεῖρα τῇ λαβῇ τοῦ ξίφους ἐπιβεβληκώς Καβίριχος ὁ κυαmicroευτὸςἄρχων τοῦ βραχίονος αὐτὸν παραπορευόmicroενον ἀντισπάσας ἀνεβόη-σεν lsquoοὐ Μέλων οὗτος ὦ Φυλλίδαrsquo τούτου microὲν οὖν ἐξέκρουσε τὴν ἐπι-βουλὴν ἅmicroα τὸ ξίφος ἀνέλκων διανιστάmicroενον δὲ χαλεπῶς τὸν Ἀρχίαν

Translation 75

beneath notice [596C] but keeping a watchful eye on all things Foresightand security are an excellent thingrdquo With this he supported Archias backinto the house where they are now drinking Let us not delay friendsrsquoCharon concluded lsquobut pray to the gods and set forthrsquo

When he had spoken we said our prayers to the gods and tried to giveone another courage30 It was now time when people are mostly at dinner The wind was ris-ing and bringing a mixture of snow and light rain So the streets weredeserted as we passed through them The party detailed to deal withLeontiadas and Hypatas265 who lived near each other went in cloaksarmed only with a dagger each [596D] Pelopidas Damoclidas andCephisodorus were in this group Charon Melon and their companionswho were due to a ack Archiasrsquo party wore breastplates and had thickgarlands of fir or pine and some of them had put on womenrsquos dressespretending that it was a party of drunken revellers with their women266

But bad fortune Archedamus which both evened the odds betweenthe enemyrsquos indolence and ignorance and our daring and preparednessand had from the start varied the drama of our plot [596E] with scenesof danger now accompanied us to the very moment of action produc-ing the sudden dangerous crisis of a quite unexpected turn of events267

Charon having convinced Archias and Philippus had returned home andwas preparing us for action when there came a le er from Athens ad-dressed by Archias the hierophant to the other Archias who was his friendand guest268 reporting (presumably)269 the return and [596F] conspiracyof the exiles the house to which they had gone and their collaboratorsArchias was now completely sha ered by drink270 and excited by the ex-pectation of the women He took the le er but when the courier said itwas about a serious piece of business271 he merely said lsquoSerious businesstomorrowrsquo put the le er under his pillow called for a cup and ordered itto be filled and sent Phyllidas repeatedly to the door to see if the womenwere coming31 These hopes kept them happily drinking until we joined the party Wepushed straight past the servants into the dining-room but paused for amoment at the door observing each of the diners [597A] The sight ofour garlands and our clothes misled them as to the nature of our visit andproduced a silence Melon was the first to plunge in hand on sword-hiltCabirichus the archon-by-lot272 caught him by the arm as he passed himand cried out lsquoPhyllidas isnrsquot this Melonrsquo Melon shook him off and at thesame time drew his sword Archias made an effort to rise but Melon ran athim and struck and struck again till he had killed him As to Philippus he

76 Text (31597Andash 32597F)

ἐπιδραmicroὼν οὐκ ἀνῆκε παίων ἕως ἀπέκτεινε τὸν δὲ Φίλιππον ἔτρωσε597B microὲν Χάρων παρὰ τὸν τράχηλον ἀmicroυνόmicroενον δὲ τοῖς παρακειmicroένοις ἐκ-

πώmicroασιν ὁ Λυσίθεος ἀπὸ τῆς κλίνης χαmicroαὶ καταβαλὼν ἀνεῖλε τὸν δὲΚαβίριχον ἡmicroεῖς κατεπραΰνοmicroεν ἀξιοῦντες microὴ τοῖς τυράννοις βοηθεῖνἀλλὰ τὴν πατρίδα συνελευθεροῦν ἱερὸν ὄντα καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς καθωσιω-microένον ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ὡς δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸν οἶνον οὐκ ἦν εὐπαρακόmicroιστος τῷλογισmicroῷ πρὸς τὸ συmicroφέρον ἀλλὰ microετέωρος καὶ τεταραγmicroένος ἀνίστα-το καὶ τὸ δόρυ προεβάλλετο κατrsquo αἰχmicroήν ὅπερ ἐξ ἔθους ἀεὶ φοροῦσιν οἱπαρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἄρχοντες ἐγὼ microὲν ἐκ microέσου διαλαβὼν τὸ δόρυ καὶ microετεωρί-

597C σας ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἐβόων ἀφεῖναι καὶ σῴζειν ἑαυτόν εἰ δὲ microή πεπλήξε-σθαι Θεόποmicroπος δὲ παραστὰς ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ τῷ ξίφει πατάξας αὐτόνlsquoἐνταῦθrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoκεῖσο microετὰ τούτων οὓς ἐκολάκευες microὴ γὰρ ἐν ἐλευθέ-ραις στεφανώσαιο ταῖς Θήβαις microηδὲ θύσειας ἔτι τοῖς θεοῖς ἐφrsquo ὧν κα-τηράσω πολλὰ τῇ πατρίδι πολλάκις ὑπὲρ τῶν πολεmicroίων εὐχόmicroενοςrsquoπεσόντος δὲ τοῦ Καβιρίχου τὸ microὲν ἱερὸν δόρυ Θεόκριτος παρὼν ἀνήρ-πασεν ἐκ τοῦ φόνου τῶν δὲ θεραπόντων ὀλίγους τολmicroήσαντας ἀmicroύ-νασθαι διεφθείραmicroεν ἡmicroεῖς τοὺς δrsquo ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντας εἰς τὸν ἀνδρῶνακατεκλείσαmicroεν οὐ βουλόmicroενοι διαπεσόντας ἐξαγγεῖλαι τὰ πεπραγmicroέ-να πρὶν εἰδέναι καὶ τὰ τῶν ἑταίρων εἰ καλῶς κεχώρηκεν

597D 32 Ἐπράχθη δὲ κἀκεῖνα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἔκοψαν οἱ περὶ Πελοπίδαντοῦ Λεοντιάδου τὴν αὔλειον ἡσυχῆ προσελθόντες καὶ πρὸς τὸν ὑπα-κούσαντα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἔφασαν ἥκειν Ἀθήνηθεν γράmicromicroατα τῷ Λεοντι-άδᾳ παρὰ Καλλιστράτου κοmicroίζοντες ὡς δrsquo ἀπαγγείλας καὶ κελευσθεὶςἀνοῖξαι τὸν microοχλὸν ἀφεῖλε καὶ microικρὸν ἐνέδωκε τὴν θύραν ἐmicroπεσόν-τες ἀθρόοι καὶ ἀνατρέψαντες τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἵεντο δρόmicroῳ διὰ τῆς αὐ-λῆς ἐπὶ τὸν θάλαmicroον ὁ δrsquo εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐξενεχθεὶς τῇ ὑπο-

597E νοίᾳ καὶ σπασάmicroενος τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ὥρmicroησε πρὸς ἄmicroυναν ἄδικος microὲνἀνὴρ καὶ τυραννικὸς εὔρωστος δὲ τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα ῥωmicroαλέοςοὐ microὴν ἔγνω γε τὸν λύχνον καταβαλεῖν καὶ διὰ σκότους συmicromicroῖξαι τοῖςἐπιφεροmicroένοις ἀλλrsquo ἐν φωτὶ καθορώmicroενος ὑπὸ τούτων ἅmicroα τῆς θύραςἀνοιγοmicroένης παίει τὸν Κηφισόδωρον εἰς τὸν λαγόνα καὶ δευτέρῳ τῷΠελοπίδᾳ συmicroπεσὼν microέγα βοῶν ἀνεκαλεῖτο τοὺς θεράποντας ἀλλrsquoἐκείνους microὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν Σαmicroίδαν ἀνεῖργον οὐ παρακινδυνεύοντας εἰςχεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἀνδράσιν ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ κατrsquo ἀλκὴν

597F διαφέρουσιν ἀγὼν δrsquo ἦν τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ πρὸς τὸν Λεοντιάδαν καὶ διαξι-φισmicroὸς ἐν ταῖς θύραις τοῦ θαλάmicroου στεναῖς οὔσαις καὶ τοῦ Κηφισοδώ-ρου πεπτωκότος ἐν microέσαις αὐταῖς καὶ θνήσκοντος ὥστε microὴ δύνασθαιτοὺς ἄλλους προσβοηθεῖν τέλος δrsquo ὁ ἡmicroέτερος λαβὼν microὲν εἰς τὴν κε-φαλὴν οὐ microέγα τραῦmicroα δοὺς δὲ πολλὰ καὶ καταβαλὼν τὸν Λεοντιάδανἐπέσφαξε θερmicroῷ τῷ Κηφισοδώρῳ καὶ γὰρ εἶδε πίπτοντα τὸν ἐχθρὸνὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ τὴν δεξιὰν ἐνέβαλε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀσπα-

Translation 77

was wounded in the neck by Charon and then when he tried to defendhimself with the drinking-cups that were at hand [597B] Lysitheus273

threw him off the couch on to the floor and finished him off Cabirichus wetried to calm down pointing out that he ought not to help the tyrants butought to help to liberate his country seeing that he was a sacred personconsecrated to the gods on her behalf But thanks to the wine he wasincapable of being induced by argument to understand his interests hegot to his feet in high excitement and confusion and brandished the pointof the spear which our archons always carried by custom I seized the spearby the sha raised it above his head274 and shouted to him to let go andsave himself or else be struck down [597C] Theopompus275 came up onthe right struck him with his sword and cried out lsquoLie there with the menwhose toady you were God forbid that you should wear your garlandin a free Thebes or sacrifice any more to the gods in whose presence youso o en cursed your country by praying for its enemiesrsquo A er Cabirichushad fallen Theocritus who was near by snatched the sacred spear out ofthe blood A few of the servants ventured to a empt resistance we killedthem Those who stayed quiet we locked in the dining-room not wantingthem to slip through and spread the news before we knew [597D] whetherour friends had been successful32 That business too had been done in the following way Pelopidasrsquoparty had quietly approached Leontiadasrsquo street door and told the ser-vant who answered that they had come from Athens with a le er for himfrom Callistratus276 The man gave the message and was ordered to openup As soon as he had removed the bar and opened the door a li le theyall rushed in together threw the man to the floor and ran through thecourtyard to the bedroom Leontiadas guessed the truth at once drewhis sword [597E] and set about defending himself He was an unjust andtyrannical person but he had a stout heart and a powerful arm But he didnot think of knocking over the lamp and confronting his a ackers in thedark Instead in full view of them all the instant the door was openedhe wounded Cephisodorus in the thigh Next he fell on the second manPelopidas and shouted to summon the servants They however were heldback by Samidasrsquo277 party and did not risk coming to blows with distin-guished citizens who were also outstanding fighters The struggle wasbetween Pelopidas and Leontiadas They crossed swords [597F] in thenarrow doorway of the bedroom where Cephisodorus had fallen and laydying in the middle of the entrance so that the others could not join in Inthe end our man received a slight wound in the head but he gave manyand finally felled Leontiadas and killed him over Cephisodorusrsquo still liv-ing body Indeed Cephisodorus saw the enemy fall gave his right handto Pelopidas said a word of greeting to the others and breathed his last a

78 Text (32597Fndash 34598E)

σάmicroενος ἅmicrorsquo ἵλεως ἐξέπνευσε γενόmicroενοι δrsquo ἀπὸ τούτων ἐπὶ τὸν Ὑπά-ταν τρέπονται καὶ τῶν θυρῶν ὁmicroοίως αὐτοῖς ἀνοιχθεισῶν φεύγοντατὸν Ὑπάταν ὑπὲρ τέγους τινὸς εἰς τοὺς γείτονας ἀποσφάττουσιν

598A 33 | Ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ἠπείγοντο καὶ συmicroβάλλουσιν ἡmicroῖν ἔξωθενπαρὰ τὴν πολύστυλον ἀσπασάmicroενοι δrsquo ἀλλήλους καὶ συλλαλήσαντεςἐχωροῦmicroεν ἐπὶ τὸ δεσmicroωτήριον ἐκκαλέσας ⟨δὲ τὸν⟩ ἐπὶ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ὁΦυλλίδας lsquoἈρχίαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ Φίλιππος κελεύουσί σε ταχέως ἄγειν ἐπrsquoαὐτοὺς Ἀmicroφίθεονrsquo ὁ δrsquo ὁρῶν καὶ τῆς ὥρας τὴν ἀτοπίαν καὶ τὸ microὴ κα-θεστηκότα λαλεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Φυλλίδαν ἀλλὰ θερmicroὸν ὄντα τῷ ἀγῶνικαὶ microετέωρον ὑπειδόmicroενος τὸ πλάσmicroα lsquoπότrsquorsquo ἔλεγεν lsquoὦ Φυλλίδα τηνι-

598B καῦτα microετεπέmicroψαντο δεσmicroώτην οἱ πολέmicroαρχοι πότε δὲ διὰ σοῦ τί δὲκοmicroίζεις παράσηmicroονrsquo ἅmicroα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ ξυστὸν ἱππικὸν ἔχων διῆ-κε τῶν πλευρῶν καὶ κατέβαλε πονηρὸν ἄνθρωπον ᾧ καὶ microεθrsquo ἡmicroέρανἐπενέβησαν καὶ προσέπτυσαν οὐκ ὀλίγαι γυναῖκες ἡmicroεῖς δὲ τὰς θύραςτῆς εἱρκτῆς κατασχίσαντες ἐκαλοῦmicroεν ὀνοmicroαστὶ πρῶτον microὲν τὸν Ἀmicro-φίθεον εἶτα τῶν ἄλλων πρὸς ὃν ἕκαστος ἐπιτηδείως εἶχεν οἱ δὲ τὴνφωνὴν γνωρίζοντες ἀνεπήδων ἐκ τῶν χαmicroευνῶν ἄσmicroενοι τὰς ἁλύσειςἐφέλκοντες οἱ δὲ τοὺς πόδας ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ δεδεmicroένοι τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγον-

598C τες ἐβόων δεόmicroενοι microὴ ἀπολειφθῆναι λυοmicroένων δὲ τούτων ἤδη πολλοὶπροσεφέροντο τῶν ἐγγὺς οἰκούντων αἰσθανόmicroενοι τὰ πραττόmicroενα καὶχαίροντες αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ὡς ἑκάστη περὶ τοῦ προσήκοντος ἤκουσενοὐκ ἐmicromicroένουσαι τοῖς Βοιωτῶν ἔθεσιν ἐξέτρεχον πρὸς ἀλλήλας καὶ δι-επυνθάνοντο παρὰ τῶν ἀπαντώντων αἱ δrsquo ἀνευροῦσαι πατέρας ἢ ἄν-δρας αὑτῶν ἠκολούθουν οὐδεὶς δrsquo ἐκώλυε ῥοπὴ γὰρ ἦν microεγάλη πρὸςτοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ὁ παρrsquo αὐτῶν ἔλεος καὶ δάκρυα καὶ δεήσεις σω-φρόνων γυναικῶν

34 Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν πραγmicroάτων ὄντων πυθόmicroενος τὸν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδαν598D ἐγὼ καὶ τὸν Γοργίδαν ἤδη microετὰ τῶν φίλων συναθροίζεσθαι

περὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἐπορευόmicroην πρὸς αὐτούς ἧκον δὲ πολλοὶκαὶ ἀγαθοὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ὁmicroοῦ καὶ συνέρρεον ἀεὶ πλείονες ὡς δrsquo ἀπήγ-γειλα καθrsquo ἕκαστον αὐτοῖς τὰ πεπραγmicroένα καὶ παρεκάλουν βοηθεῖνἐλθόντας εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν ἅmicroα πάντες εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐκή-ρυττον τοὺς πολίτας τοῖς δὲ τότrsquo ὄχλοις τῶν συνισταmicroένων ὅπλα πα-ρεῖχον αἵ τε στοαὶ πλήρεις οὖσαι παντοδαπῶν λαφύρων καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐγ-γὺς οἰκούντων ἐργαστήρια microαχαιροποιῶν ἧκε δὲ καὶ Ἱπποσθενείδαςmicroετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκετῶν τοὺς ἐπιδεδηmicroηκότας κατὰ τύχην πρὸς

598E τὰ Ἡράκλεια σαλπικτὰς παραλαmicroβάνων εὐθέως δrsquoοἱ microὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγο-ρᾶς ἐσήmicroαινον οἱ δὲ κατrsquo ἄλλους τόπους πανταχόθεν ἐκταράττοντεςτοὺς ὑπεναντίους ὡς πάντων ἀφεστώτων οἱ microὲν οὖν λακωνίζοντες τὴν Καδmicroείαν ἔφευγον ἐπισπασάmicroενοι καὶ τοὺς ἐκκρίτους λεγοmicroένουςεἰωθότας δὲ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν κάτω νυκτερεύειν οἱ δrsquo ἄνω τούτων microὲν

Translation 79

happy man Next they turned to Hypatas here too the door was openedto them and they cut Hypatas down as he tried to escape over the roof tohis neighbours33 [598A] From there they made haste to join us and met us outsidethe Long Colonnade278 A er greeting one another and talking togetherwe proceeded to the prison Phyllidas called the prison governor out andsaid lsquoArchias and Philippus order you to deliver Amphitheus to them im-mediatelyrsquo In view of the unusual hour and the fact that Phyllidas wasnot speaking in a very collected manner but was heated and excited byhis fight the governor saw through the trick lsquoAnd when have [598B] thepolemarchs ever sent for a prisoner at this hour Phyllidasrsquo he said lsquoandwhen did they ever use you as the messenger What token of your author-ity have you gotrsquo lsquoltThisrsquo said Phyllidasgt279 and as he spoke he drovethe cavalry lance which he had with him through his opponentrsquos side andlaid the vile creature low many women trampled and spat on him nextmorning We forced open the door of the prison and called the prisonersby name ndash Amphitheus first then any others with whom any of us wasconnected When they recognized our voices some leapt joyfully out oftheir beds dragging their chains with them while others whose feet wereheld in the stocks stretched out their arms and shouted begging not tobe le behind While they were being freed [598C] many of the peopleliving nearby came to join us hearing what was happening and delightedby it The women too when they heard about their relatives abandonedtheir usual Boeotian ways280 ran out to visit one another and questionedanyone they met Those who found fathers or husbands went with themand no one stopped them All who met them were greatly moved both bypity and by the tears and prayers of these honest women34 This was the state of affairs when I learned that Epaminondas andGorgidas were assembling with their friends [598D] at the sanctuary ofAthena281 I made my way there to join them as did many good citizensthe numbers constantly growing When I had reported in detail whathad been done and urged them to go to the agora to support us theyall instantly set about summoning the citizens to liberate themselves Thecrowds of supporters that then gathered were supplied with weapons fromthe colonnades which were full of spoils of war of every kind and fromthe workshops of the sword-makers who lived nearby Hipposthenidasnow came on the scene with his friends and servants bringing with them[598E] the trumpeters who happened to be in town for the Festival of Her-acles282 Some of these sounded a call in the agora others in other placescausing alarm to the enemy on every side and making him think the wholepopulation was in revolt The supporters of the Spartans fledhellip lttogt283 theCadmea taking with them also the so-called special guard284 who regu-

80 Text (34598Endash 34598F)

ἀτάκτως καὶ τεθορυβηmicroένως ἐπιχεοmicroένων ἡmicroᾶς δὲ περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰνἀφορῶντες οὐδενὸς microέρους ἡσυχάζοντος ἀλλὰ πανταχόθεν ψόφωνκαὶ θορύβων ἀναφεροmicroένων καταβαίνειν microὲν οὐ διενοοῦντο καίπερ

598F περὶ πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες ἐκπεπληγmicroένοι δὲ τὸνκίνδυνον ἄλλως προυφασίζοντο Λυσανορίδαν περιmicroένειν dagger γὰρ ἡτῆς ἡmicroέρας ἐκείνης διὸ καὶ τοῦτον microὲν ὕστερον ὡς πυνθανόmicroεθα χρή-microασιν οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐζηmicroίωσαν τῶν Λακεδαιmicroονίων οἱ γέροντες Ἡριπ-πίδαν δὲ καὶ Ἄρκεσον ἀπέκτειναν εὐθὺς ἐν Κορίνθῳ λαβόντες τὴν δὲΚαδmicroείαν ὑπόσπονδον παραδόντες ἡmicroῖν ἀπήλλαττον microετὰ τῶν στρα-τιωτῶν

Translation 81

larly spent the night at the foot of the citadel Those on the citadel itselfconfronted by this disorderly and confused influx and seeing us in theagora ndash no peace anywhere sounds of tumult reaching them from everyside ndash had no thought of coming down [598F] though they were aboutfi een hundred strong285 Appalled by the danger they could only makethe excuse that they were waiting for Lysanoridas286 hellip that day287 Forthat reason as we learned later the Spartan gerousia ltfinedgt Lysanoridasltheavilygt288 and put Herippidas and Arcesus289 to death when they cap-tured them at Corinth They surrendered the Cadmea to us under a truceand began to withdraw with all their forces

Notes on the Translation1 The Athenian who starts the introductory dialogue by questioning Caphisias about

the liberation of Thebes is probably identical with Archedemus of Pelekes men-tioned in Aeschin or 3139 as having made himself unpopular by his pro-Thebansentiments On chronological grounds he is probably to be distinguished from theArchedemus who was leader of the popular party in Athens in 406 (Xen Hell 172)[RP]

2 The narrator Epaminondasrsquo younger brother [RN]3 For the use of the picture-simile see now H -L 2002 1ndash2 [N]4 Reading uncertain P has τοὺς δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ⟩

microέρους ἀγῶνας W 1992 has τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις ⟨καταδήλους γιγνοmicroέ-νους ἐπὶ⟩ microέρους ἀγῶνας παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθηκόντως [with καθηκόντως replac-ing the transmi ed καθορῶντα] καιρῷ καὶ πάθει microεmicroιγmicroένου λογισmicroοῦ (ldquoyet byvirtue of their causes the particular contests of virtue against chance occurrences andthe acts of intelligent bravery in the face of fearful conditions ⟨become clear cases of⟩rationality suitably blended with opportunity and emotionrdquo) [R] H reads τοῦ δ᾿ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἐπὶ⟩ microέρους ⟨ἴδιον ἕκαστον microυρίους⟩ ἀγῶνας followingK [N]

5 Pindar Isthmians 12 Already quoted (also in a prefatory section of a dialogue) byPlato Phaedrus 227b [R]

6 There were numerous Theban embassies to Athens a er the pro-Spartan oligarchicregime had been overthrown (see eg Xen Hell 5462 Diod 15254 ) but we donot know anything about Caphisias in one of these embassies [N]

7 Cf Pindar Ol 6152 ἀρχαῖον ὄνειδος hellip Βοιωτίαν ὗν already quoted by Plat Symp182b Phaedo 64b Alluded to by Plut at De E 6387D De Herod mal 31864D ndash TextP rsquos conjecture δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν (instead of the corrupt δοκεῖν ἀνεγείρειν ofthe manuscripts) is nearer to the paradosis than H rsquos δόξειεν ἂν ἐγείρειν [R]

8 No lacuna is indicated in E but Simmias and Cebes must be mentioned in this context(H reads microαραινόmicroενον ⟨Σιmicromicroίας microὲν γὰρ καὶ Κέβης⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη hellip) [R]On Simmias see below n 23 [N]

9 On the relationship between Caphisiasrsquo family and Lysis (the Pythagorean exile whotaught Epaminondas and whose tomb his disciple Theanor visits) see below n 64[RN]

10 The Athenians mentioned in these lines are historical characters whose Theban sym-pathies were well-a ested Much friendly feeling between Athens and Thebes wentback to 4043 when many Athenian refugees from the Spartan-backed regime of thelsquoThirty Tyrantsrsquo in Athens lived in Thebes the liberation movement started fromthere Thrasybulus of Collytus and Archinus were leading figures in that movement(for Archinusrsquo role see Dem or 24135 where a son Myronides is mentioned) Thrasy-bulus was lsquotrusted in Thebes like no otherrsquo (Aeschin or 3138) and his nephew Thra-son brother of the Lysitheides of De Genio was Theban proxenos (ibid) The greatadmiral Conon destroyed the Spartan fleet at Cnidus in 394 and his son Timotheus(frequently elected general from 378 onwards) continued the anti-Spartan effort Onpolitical groups (hetaireiai) of the kind here mentioned see S H ACommen-tary on Thucydides vol III (Oxford 2008) 917ndash20 [RP]

11 Ersquos οἰκείαν ἔχον is clearly corrupt S adopts M rsquos conjecture οἰκεῖονἔχειν but οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν might be er explain the paradosis [R]

Notes on the Translation 83

12 Archias is one of the Theban polemarchs (ie military commanders) at the time ofthe story in which he plays a large part as collaborator with the Spartans Leontiadashad long been prominent as a leader of the pro-Spartan faction in Theban politics (HellOxy XVII1 referring to the year 395) in 382 he was one of the polemarchs lockedin conflict with his bi er political enemy Ismenias (see n 19 below) who was also apolemarch (XenHell 5225) and used his position to support and perhaps provoke(see following note) the Spartan seizure of the Cadmea [RP]Text Λεοντιάδας seems the best form of his name (also adopted by H ) in XenHell 5225 (and in Hell Oxy XVII1) it is Λεοντιάδης E here gives Λεοντίδης mssof Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas (5 6 11) have Λεοντίδας in Plutarchrsquos Agesilaus (23) mss varybetween Λεοντιάδης and Λεοντίδας [R]

13 Phoebidas was the Spartan commander who was supposed to lead Spartan troops toOlynthus but seized the Cadmea instead whether through persuasion by Leontiadas(Xen Hell 5225ndash36 Plut Pel 5) or in fulfilment of a secret Spartan policy (Diod15202 cf Plut Ages 241) [RP]

14 The Cadmea is the Theban acropolis its name being derived from themythical founderof Thebes Cadmus [N]

15 Melon is a prominent Theban exile who returns in the course of the story (see PlutPelopidas 8 11 12 Agesilaus 24) In Xenophonrsquos account (Xen Hell 542ndash7) he is theleading spirit Xenophon whose hatred of the great Theban leaders Pelopidas andEpaminondas is well known never even mentions Pelopidas in this context [RP]

16 Next to Epaminondas (on whom see below n 30) Pelopidas is the most prominentTheban political and military leader of these times A fuller account of the eventssummarized here is in Plut Pelopidas 5 It differs considerably from Xenophonrsquos (seeabove n 15) and stresses Pelopidasrsquo role at the expense of Melonrsquos See P below pp 113 121ndash22 [R]

17 Olynthus was an important city on the Northern Greek Chalcidice peninsula whichhad established a powerful confederacy Two nearby cities Acanthus and Apolloniapersuaded Sparta to send a force to check the dangerous growth of Olynthian power(Xen Hell 5211ndash24) [P]

18 Lysanoridas is one of the Spartan governors installed on the Cadmea (the other twowere Herippidas and Arkesos see below n 159) He was fined and exiled a er theliberation of Thebes see Plut Pelopidas 13 [RN] Z (on Pelopidas 13) reads hisname as Λυσανδρίδας (cf Theopompus FGrHist 115 fr 240) [RN]

19 At the time of the seizure of the Cadmea Ismenias (or Hismenias see E DL on Plut De exilio 16606F) the leader of the anti-Spartan faction in Thebes waspolemarch along with the pro-Spartan Leontiadas (see n 12 above) with whom hehad been in bi er conflict for many years (Hell Oxy XVII1 referring to the year 395cf ibid XVIII) Xenophon (Hell 5235) has him tried and executed at Thebes beforea court drawn from members of the Peloponnesian League Plutarch (Pel 53) merelyspeaks of his being carried off to Sparta and there killed [RP]

20 Gorgidas was a former Theban hipparch (ie cavalry commander 578C) a moderatewho did not go into exile but kept in touch with those who did He was also one of theBoeotarchs (ie leading officials of the Boeotian confederacy) in 37978 (according toPlut Pel 142 but for the modern controversy on this issue see R J B Boiotia andthe Boiotian League Alberta 1994 150 n 78) organizer of the so-called lsquosacred bandrsquoand a close friend of Epaminondas See Plut Pelopidas 12 14 18ndash19 [RP]

21 Accepting Sievekingrsquos κατάλυσιν for Ersquos ἅλωσιν cf Plut Praec reip ger 10804Fand Pelopidas 62 [R]

22 lsquoTyrantsrsquo is the collective label given here (following 4th c usage Xen Hell 541ndash2)to the pro-Spartan oligarchs Archias (first mentioned in 30596C see below n 265)Leontiadas and Philippus (see below n 245) [NP]

84 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

23 Simmias is a former disciple of Socrates (and together with Cebes Socratesrsquo mostimportant dialogue partner in Platorsquos Phaedo) now returned to Thebes he will be theprincipal speaker in the discussion on the daimonion [RN]

24 In Plato Phaedo 78a Socrates recommends Cebes Simmiasrsquo companion to seek menof wisdom throughout the world This hint seems to have given rise to the inclusionof Simmias in stories of Plato and others travelling to Egypt and elsewhere to consortwith wise men see below 578F Simmiasrsquo illness recalls both Socrates in prison (bothneed medical a ention) and also Theages (Plato Rep 6496b) who is held to philos-ophy by the lsquocurbrsquo of illness which Socrates compares to his own compulsion theδαιmicroόνιον σηmicroεῖον [R]

25 Pherenicus was one of the Thebans in exile at Athens (Plut Pel 53) At the time of therecovery of Thebes he led the larger group of exiles who waited on the borders readyto be summoned if the smaller group succeeded in killing the pro-Spartan leaders(Plut Pel 81 cf 121 and 577A below where his involvement is anticipated) [RP]

26 Charon is a leading conspirator who makes his house available to the exiles hisson also plays a part His role is also described in Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas (73 wherethe offer of his house has been made earlier than in the De Genio passage 83ndash4 9396ndash105 112 131 255ndash14) and briefly mentioned by Xenophon (Hell 543 lsquoa cer-tain Charonrsquo) [RP]

27 The number twelve is also given in Plutarch Pelopidas 83 while Xenophon (Hell 541and 3) mentions only seven (against Thebes) [R]

28 Cithaeron is the mountain range separating Boeotia in the south from A ica [N]29 The mantis Theocritus is a key figure in the dialogue who interprets signs and has

his own links with Socrates (see De gen Socr 10580E) through his fellow mantis Eu-thyphro Later (Pelopidas 223) he saves the Thebans from making a human sacrificebefore the ba le of Leuctra [R]

30 As the victor of the ba le of Leuctra and chief architect of Theban supremacy (short-lived though it was) in Greece Epaminondas is the most important Theban politicianand general of that epoch Plutarch devoted a biography to him which is unfortu-nately lost He is also a key figure in this dialogue holding back from active partic-ipation in the conspiracy but sympathetic to it He is presented as a devotee of thePythagorean Lysis and as a real philosopher It is remarkable to see how Epaminon-dasmdasha er being introduced as the pious disciple of one Pythagorean (Lysis 8579DE16585E)mdashis then shown in spirited debate with another (Theanor 13582Endash15585D)and unequivocally carrying victory in this debate With this Epaminondas seems infact to be making a critique of the life-style of a wealthy Pythagorean who thinks thatmoney is an appropriate reward for looking a er his fellow Pythagorean Lysis It maybe that Plutarch has some pretentious people of his own time in his sight here [RN]

31 H wrongly inserted ⟨οὐχ⟩ before ὑπὸ τῶν νόmicroων ἀγόmicroενος There is nocontradiction in being naturally law-abiding [R]

32 The long lacuna in this passage (67 le ers in E) has not yet been convincingly filledWe take τίνα as interrogative But if the length of the lacuna is correctly indicated inE there must be more missing [R]

33 The lacuna contains Theocritusrsquo reply [R]34 The lacuna (22 le ers in E 56 in B) can only be filled by guesswork (25594B shows

what the general sense should be) We translate microηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ⟨ἀποκτενεῖνὑπισχνεῖται microὴ microεγάλης γε γενοmicroένης ἀνάγκης⟩ ἄκριτον [R]

35 The text here proposed (ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος ἀλλὰ καὶ αἵmicroατος E) is inspired byE (ἀλλὰ καὶ αἵmicroατος ⟨ἄτερ⟩) [R]

36 On Pherenicus see above n 25 [R]37 Eumolpidas and Samidas are two otherwise unknown participants in the conspiracy

[R]

Notes on the Translation 85

38 Galaxidorus plays an important part in the discussion (on his role and character seenow W 2003 64ndash67 and 93ndash106) He is a historical character one of those The-bans who were said to have accepted Persian money from Timocrates in 395ndash4 (aswere Androclidas see below n 263 and Ismenias) to foment war with Sparta (XenHell 351) Despite his anti-Spartan record the dialogue supposes that he has beenliving quietly in Spartan-dominated Thebes [RP]

39 Reading διακρούων (E ) and supplementing εἶπεν Ἀρχίαν ὁρῶ in the lacunakeeps closer to the paradosis (διακούων ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος ἐγγὺς γάρ καὶ Λυσανο-ρίδαν E) H reads διέκρουσεν [proposed by B and accepted by S -

] ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος ἐγγὺς γὰρ ⟨Ἀρχίαν ἤγγειλε [proposed by E ]⟩ καὶ Λυ-σανορίδαν [R]

40 On Lysanoridas see above n 18 [R]41 The lsquoAmphionrsquo in Thebes is also mentioned by Xenophon Hell 548 where it serves

as a place of muster for released prisoners during the events of 379 and Arrian Anab186 where troops going from the Cadmea to the rest of the city pass by it The wallsof Thebes had supposedly been built by Amphion and Zethus twin sons of Zeus andAntiope and Theban equivalents to the Dioscuri their importance in the city is shownby the Theban oath lsquoby the two godsrsquo (Arist Ach 905 with commentators) The lsquoAm-phionrsquo is therefore generally (but see R S in RE Va 1934 sv Thebai 1446)associated (though the formation is linguistically surprising) with the lsquotomb of Am-phionrsquo which tragic poets treat as a conspicuous Theban landmark Aeschylus locatesit outside the Northern gates (Sept 528) and Euripides implies that it was of someheight or sited on an elevation (Eur Suppl 663 ἔνερθε σεmicroνῶν microνηmicroάτων Ἀmicroφί-ονος) The lsquotomb of Zethusrsquo of Eur Phoen 145 was the same monument if as isplausible the later a ested tradition (Σ Eur Phoen145 Paus 9174) that the twinbrothers shared a tomb goes back to the fi h century Pausanias speaks without pre-cise location of a lsquomound of earth of no great sizersquo as their common tomb (9174) hesurely supposed this to be the same monument as that known to the poets whetherit was or not A flat-topped hillock (once λόφος τοῦ Ταλάρου apparently now re-named Amphion) of c 65 by 45 metres about 50 metres north of the Cadmea has longbeen identified as the Amphion (so eg S 1985 25 and 273ndash4 with refer-ences and pl 4 and map A cf the plan in R B Blue Guide Greece 6th rev edLondon 2001) The identification gained greatly in plausibility with the discovery ontop of the hillock of an early or middle Helladic mud-brick tumulus (T S Arkhaiologikon Deltion 27b 1972 307ndash8 ib 28b 1973 248ndash52 CM A AnArchaeology of Ancestors Lanham 1995) such a tumulus when partly buried could wellhave been Pausaniasrsquo lsquomound of no great sizersquo and have given the name Amphion tothe whole hillock See also P below p 130 [P]

42 Phyllidas is a very important figure in the story being both secretary to Archias (andthe polemarchs) and a conspirator According Plut Pel 74 (but not Xen Hell 542)he secured the role of secretary in order to further the conspiracy [RP]

43 If W rsquo γραmicromicroατεύοντα were right the sense would be lsquowhom you know tohave been clerk to the polemarchs at the timersquo [R]

44 We translate ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ ἥξειν on the lines ofW rsquo supplement [R]

45 We translate P rsquo ⟨ἔχω λέγειν⟩ [R]46 The long lacuna (107 le ers in E) covers the return of Theocritus to the group who

now move on and approach Simmiasrsquo house but without going in [R]47 Phidolaus of Haliartus (a Boeotian town about 20 km west of Thebes) is not otherwise

known [RN]48 Amphitheus is an imprisoned Theban patriot to be released when the coup succeeds

He was probably named inHell Oxy XVII1 with Ismenias and Androclidas as one ofthe leaders of the anti-Spartan faction in Thebes in 395 (the papyrus gives Antitheos

86 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

a name not otherwise a ested in Boeotia) he supposedly took Persian money at thattime (cf n 38 above and n 264 below) to foment war against Sparta (Plut Lys 273Paus 398 where he is called lsquoAmphithemisrsquo) [RP]

49 As the mother of the great hero Heracles Alcmena would also be the ancestress ofboth the royal houses of Sparta who were descended from Heracles hence Agesilausrsquointerest in her tomb [N]

50 Agesilaus was Spartan king from 400 to 36059 He tried to maintain the supremacywhich Sparta had won in the wake of the Peloponnesian War but ultimately failed[N]

51 If this has a basis in fact (but see F B Relighting the Souls Stu gart 1998 75 n2) Agesilaus will have removed Alcmenarsquos remains in 394 It was believed that shehad lived there with Rhadamanthys (identified with Aleos) a er the death of Am-phitryon (Plut Lysander 289 Apollodorus 2411 = 270) There was a quite differentaccount (Antoninus Liberalis 33 citing Pherecydes) according to which she was senta er death to Rhadamanthys in the Isles of the Blessed and a stone was put in hercoffin instead (cf Plut Romulus 287) (See in general P 1909 120 124ndash6 and RP below pp 130ndash1) [RP]

52 On the basis of the lsquoPherecydesrsquo account (see above n 52) W supplied⟨λίθος ἀντὶ τοῦ⟩ σώmicroατος and H adopts C rsquos ⟨ἐν τῷ microνήmicroατι λίθος microὲν ἀντὶτοῦ⟩ σώmicroατος This seems an unacceptable conflation of two quite different versionsW suggested οὐ ⟨δέν τι λείψανον⟩ but it might be eg ⟨λείψανα microέν τινα⟩(ldquoltsome remainsgt of a bodyrdquo) [R]

53 The lacuna a er συmicroπεπηγυῖαν has been variously filled ⟨ἐπάνω δὲ⟩ (lsquoaboversquo) B - ⟨ἔmicroπροσθεν δὲ⟩ (lsquoin front ofrsquo) E D L but it may be vaguer

eg ⟨ἐγγὺς δὲ⟩ or ⟨οὐ πόρρω δὲ⟩ lsquonearrsquo or lsquonot far fromrsquo This discovery is discussedin the context of other similar stories by W S Buumlcherfunde in der Glaubenswerbungder Antike Hypomnemata 24 (Gouml ingen 1970) 69ndash70 [R]

54 Agesilaus had good relations with Pharaoh Nectanebis I who ruled from 380 (or 378)but the event here mentioned must be earlier perhaps in the context of the help an-other Egyptian king Nephereus Nepherites I gave to the Spartans as early as 396(Diod 14794) [R]

55 The lake mentioned here is Lake Copais in central Boeotia Haliartus stood its southshore This flood is not mentioned elsewhere [RP]

56 Aleos was another name for Rhadamanthys (Plut Lysander 289 see above n 51) [R]57 The story of how Dirce maltreated Antiope mother of the Theban founder heroes Am-

phion and Zethus and was in the end savagely killed by them was told by Euripidesin Antiope In the common tradition the twins threw her body or ashes into a famousTheban spring (mentioned five times in Pindar) which therea er bore her name (EurAntiope F 223109ndash114 141ndash144 K Apollod 344 [55] Hyginus Fab 7) A se-cret tomb of Dirce and rituals associated with it are mentioned only in this passage ofDe Genio (see P 1909 463) the positive force apparently ascribed to the heroinedespite her very negative characterisation in myth is not unexampled but we do notknow what explanation if any was offered Similar secrecy is supposed in Oedipusrsquoinstructions to Theseus in Soph OC 1518ndash1539 never to reveal his tomb except on hisdeathbed to his heir it is possible that traditions about secret tombs were preservedby the Athenian lsquoking archonsrsquo the notional successors to king Theseus The Thebanritual was performed by the new and old hipparchs at the moment of transfer of of-fice for such Theban transition rites cf P below p 130 n 5 A Theban hipparchis mentioned leading cavalry by Hdt 9692 nothing else is known about the officebefore the Hellenistic period [P]

58 The long lacuna here (157 le ers in E) must at least contain the statement that thesecret will not be easily discovered [R]

59 This Plato is not known from other sources On Gorgidas see above n 20 [R]

Notes on the Translation 87

60 The lacuna (28 le ers in E) will have contained something like lsquonor performing any ofthe traditional ritesrsquo [R]

61 H who very clearly set out the debt ofDe genio to Platorsquos Phaedo (1895 2149ndash151)saw that this scene is modelled on Phaedo 60bndash61c where Socrates sits on his bed totalk The situation is parodied in Lucian Philopseudes 6 where Eucrates is in bed withthe gout see now W 2003 33ndash5 [R]

62 Thales of Miletus is one of the famous Seven Wise Men of Old [N]63 Cf Plut Banquet of the Seven Wise Men 2147B [R]64 The Pythagorean Lysis (VS 46) became the teacher of Epaminondas a er he had to

leave Italy (see below n 124) On Lysis see Diog Laert 87 [N]65 Vitex agnus castus is a shrub (related to willow) sacred to Hera and associated with

chastity it was used as material for beds by women at the Thesmophoria (L D A ische Feste Berlin 1956 56) [R]

66 Polymnis the father of Caphisias and Epaminondas makes his own appearance inthe story in 8579D [N]

67 R replaced the transmi ed ἅ (referring to γράmicromicroατα) by ὅν (referring to the justmentioned πίναξ) surely Agesilaus took the tablet and not just the writing on it [R]

68 This envoy of King Agesilaus is not otherwise known [RN]69 Chonouphis of Memphis is said (Plut De Iside 20354D) to have been the teacher of

the Greek mathematician and astronomer Eudoxus of Cnidus His name is genuinelyEgyptian (see J G G Plutarch De Iside et Osiride Cardiff 1970 ad loc) Thestory of Platorsquos journey to Egypt is a common feature in ancient lives of the philoso-pher Strabo (17806) reports that guides still pointed out the house where he andEudoxus stayed at Heliopolis For the tradition in general see R 1976 64ndash5who takes a somewhat sceptical view J B Eos ou Platon et lrsquoOrient (Brussels 1945)15 who is more enthusiastic and the sober summary in G 1975 21ndash2 Plutarch(Solon 28) has the information that Plato financed his journey by dealing in olive oil[R]

70 S proposed to fill this lacuna (of 10 le ers in E) by reading ⟨ᾧ πολλὰ⟩ τότεwhich H adopts τότε (instead of the transmi ed ποτέ) may be right but ᾧ πολλὰis shorter than the space (10 le ers) indicated in E and thus hardly the right solution[R]

71 This alleged fellow student of Plato and Eudoxus in Egypt is otherwise unknown[RN]

72 This Proteus is first mentioned as the king of Egypt who reigned during the times ofthe Trojan War by Herodotus (2112ndash120) [N]

73 Behind ldquoHeracles the son of Amphitryonrdquo lies another Herodotean reminiscence in243ndash45 Herodotus distinguishes very carefully between the Egyptian god Heraclesand the (human) Greek hero Heracles whom Herodotus always calls ldquoson of Am-phitryonrdquo (thus in 2432 444 1461 and 6532 in 21454 he calls him the son ofAlcmena without naming the father) and never ldquoson of Zeusrdquo [N]

74 Caria is the south-western coastal region of Asia Minor [N]75 Apollorsquos ldquohorned altarrdquo on the island of Delos was a famous place of worship and a

kind of landmark [N] The story outlined here comes from Eratosthenesrsquo Platonicusas reported by Theo of Smyrna (p 2 H ) Plutarch refers to it again (De E 6386E)with the interpretation (Eratosthenesrsquo) that the oracle intended to exhort the Greeksto the study of mathematics J F The Delphic Oracle (Berkeley 1978) 333argues that though the oracle could have originated as a straightforward response toa cultic enquiry it was more probably invented for the sake of the story about PlatoElsewhere (Plut Quaest conv 82718E Marcellus 149) the point is that mechanicalconstructions are not legitimate in geometry In our passage there is a further twistthe godrsquos true intention was to encourage peaceful pursuits The basic texts on the

88 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

problem are given in I T Greek Mathematical Works I (CambridgeMass 1951)256ndash309 [RP]

76 Reading ᾗ (W ) τὸ (H ) for the mss reading ἣ τῷ and taking τὸ microήκειδιπλάσιον as lsquosimply doublingrsquo (v E ad loc) But the sense is difficult W -

cuts the knot by proposing ᾗ τὸ τριχῆ διαστατὸν διπλασιάζεται lsquoby whicha three-dimensional object is doubledrsquo In any case the solution referred to is that saidto be due to Hippocrates of Chios if two proportionals x and y are found between aand 2a such that a x x y y 2a then x 3= 2a3 See Euclid 1133 and corollary[R]

77 Helicon of Cyzicus was a friend of Plato and a pupil of Eudoxus (⟨Plat⟩ epist 13360c)and of Isocrates He is also mentioned Plut Dion 196 De cohibenda ira 16463C [R]

78 This moral is presumably Plutarchrsquos addition In most versions the Deliansrsquo troublewas a plague here it seems more general and the words παῦλαν τῶν παρόντωνκακῶν (579B) allude to Plat Rep 5473d [R]

79 The dreams and the visions may be distinct at 13583B (with S rsquos correctionsee ad loc) Theanor tells us that the divine power lsquohad clearly revealedrsquo Lysisrsquo death[R]

80 The Ismenus is a river running through Thebes from North to South its name is con-nected with a son of Apollo and the Nereid Melie [N]

81 On Galaxidorus see above n 38 [N]82 If καὶ after πολιτικοῖς ἀνδράσι is not deleted it might suggest that all πολιτικοὶ ἄν-

δρες (and not only those who have ldquoto deal with a wilful and disorderly populationrdquo)would find it useful to employ religious superstition as a restraining instrument butperhaps Galaxidorus does indeed think this in which case καὶ must be kept [R]

83 This view of religion has been common since the early sophists see eg the famousfragment from the Sisyphus of Critias (TrGF I no 43 F 19) and G 1969 243ndash4Cf also Polybius 6566ndash12 with W rsquos note [RP]

84 The word play ἀσχήmicroων σχηmicroατισmicroός is difficult to translate but very conspicu-ous [R]

85 Reading with B (a er A ) ἐπαναφέρει τὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχήν in-stead of the transmi ed ἐπαναφέρει τῆς τῶν πράξεων ἀρχῆς which S (andH ) tried to emend by adopting P rsquo ⟨περὶ⟩ τῆς τῶν πράξεων ἀρχῆς [R]

86 Meletus is one of the notorious accusers of Socrates (besides Anytus and Lycon) whois the foremost addressee in Platorsquos Apology [RN]

87 A reference to the charge of lsquonot recognizing the gods the city recognizes but intro-ducing new daimoniarsquo (Plat Apol 24b 8 Xen Mem 111) a charge which no doubtmade use of the daimonion phenomenon See eg T C B N D S Socrates on Trial (Oxford 1989) 30ndash37 [R]

88 Besides the famous Pythagoras of Samus (about 570 ndash 480 BC) and Empedocles ofAcragas (about 490 ndash 430 BC) the names of other early philosophers may be missinghere (see eg the supplement ⟨καὶ τῶν microετrsquo αὐτοῦ γενοmicroένην καὶ δὴ καὶ παρrsquo⟩ ofthe 39ndash29 le er lacuna proposed by E and D L which H puts into thetext) Pherecydes is a possibility [R]

89 We translate the transmi ed ὥσπερ πρός but note W rsquos αὖ περί (lsquoaccus-tomed it again to show sense in respect of factsrsquo) [R]

90 See Iliad 10279 and Odyssey 13301 [R]91 The quotation makes use of Iliad 2095 but considerably changes its context [R]92 Euthyphron is the main disputant in Platorsquos Euthyphro perhaps also mentioned in

Cratylus 396d [R]93 The Σύmicroβολον is apparently a crossroads north-east of the Athenian Agora see

J 1931 178 Andocidesrsquo house (situated near the Agora as well vis-agrave-vis theStoa Basileios see J 1931 353) is mentioned in Andocidesrsquo own narrative of theHermae affair (or 162 see also Plut Alcib 212) [RN]

Notes on the Translation 89

94 Socratesrsquo self-concentration (cf Plat Symp 174dndash175c 220c) is here (as never in Platoor Xenophon) associated with the daimonion The location of lsquoBox-makersrsquo Streetrsquo isnot known [R]

95 Supplementing ἆνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ (following A ) [R]96 This is one of the regular ways of describing the phenomenon cf Plat Theaet 151a

Apol 31d Euthyphro 3b [R]97 This aulos-player is otherwise unknown [R]98 This is one of only two mentions (the second is in 21590A but see above n 8) of

Simmiasrsquo Theban companion Cebes (on him see above n 24 and 25) [N]99 For lsquoStatuariesrsquo Streetrsquo see Plat Symp 215a (see also J 1931 171 and J T

Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen Tuumlbingen 1971 395) The source of the fol-lowing story is unknown H D B Plutarchrsquos theological writings and early Christianliterature Studia ad Corpus Hellenisticum NT III (Leiden 1975) 257 discusses fea-tures which it shares with various miracle-stories (eye-witness account precise dateand place the pigs ⟨cf eg Mark 511ndash13⟩ and the discomfiture of the unbelievers)[R]

100 Adopting W rsquos supplement ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩ (as also H does) Schose W rsquo ⟨ἡmicroᾶς σφόδρα⟩ [R]

101 H rsquos microαντικῆς (instead of the transmi ed ἀνάγκης) is surely necessary [R]102 For sneezes as omens see J 2008 130ndash1 and P on Cic Div 284 The

earliest mention of such a sneeze in Greek literature is Hom Od 17541 See alsoXen Anab 329 ⟨Aristot⟩ Probl 337 and Catullus 45 (with commentators) [RP]

103 On κληδόνες see again J 2008 130ndash1 [P]104 Adopting V A rsquos supplement οὐχ οἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν (as also H does) [R]105 Terpsion of Megara a friend of the Megarian philosopher Euclides is known from

Plat Theaetetus 142a and Phaedo 59c [R]106 No lacuna is indicated a er δοκοῦmicroεν in MSS but W is probably right to

mark one here The sense required is something like lsquoit would be the mark of an in-ferior or superstitious mindrsquo eg ⟨φαυλοτέρου γὰρ ἂν ἦν τινος καὶ δεισιδαίmicroονος⟩[R]

107 Supplementing τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ (cf De prof in virt 1283B τό⟨νον⟩ was alreadyproposed by R ) S supplemented τό⟨νον ἀmicroετάστρεπτον⟩ adopted byH [R]

108 Socratesrsquo prediction of disaster in Sicily is mentioned in [Plat] Theages 129c and inPlut Nicias 139 Alcibiades 175 [R]

109 Pyrilampes is Platorsquos stepfather friend of Pericles and father of the famously beautifulDemos (Plat Gorgias 481d with D rsquo note) see J K D Athenian PropertiedFamilies (Oxford 1971) 329ndash30 (no 8792 VIII) [R]

110 Allusions to Socratesrsquo bravery in the Delian campaign (424 BC) can be found alreadyin Plato (Apol 28e Laches 181b Symp 220e) but there is more detail in the latertradition (Cic Div 1123 Epist Socrat 19) the place where the warning is givenis said by Cicero to be at a trivium (lsquocrossroadsrsquo) and in the Epistle to be a διάβασις(lsquocrossingrsquo perhaps of a river) [R]

111 Unintelligible In Thuc 4967 we are told of three escape routes the beaten Atheniansfollowed to Delium and the sea over Parnes (see the next note) and lsquoother ways takenby individualsrsquo W (following E D L ) reads ἐπὶ Ὠρωπίας ieto the sea at Oropus H proposed ἐπὶ Ῥείτους meaning the salt springs markingthe boundary of Eleusis but this seems too remote ER D once suggested ἐπὶ τῆςσχιστῆς lsquoto the crossroadsrsquo translating Cicerorsquos (see above n 110) trivium It is best toconfess ignorance Socratesrsquo valour was questioned eg by Herodicus of Babylon (inAthen 5215cndash216c) who speaks of τὴν ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ πεπλασmicroένην ἀνδραγαθίανBut see also A P ldquoSokrates als Soldatrdquo Antike und Abendland 45 (1999) 1ndash35 [R]

112 Parnes is a mountain range separating A ica from Boeotia in the east as Cithaeron(see above n 28) does in the west [N]

90 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

113 From Euripidesrsquoplay Autolycus (fr 28222 K ) [R]114 Accepting the supplements in the Teubner text [R]115 For the analogy with reading see Porph De abst 241 Synesius De insomniis 133A

Text The transmi ed τῷ ἱστορικῷ (retained by H ) is most likely a later insertedexplanatory gloss and should be removed W rsquos τῶν ἱστορικῶν (adopted byS ) is not convincing [R]

116 Retaining the transmi ed τὸ before δαιmicroόνιον S rsquos deletion of the article(adopted by S and H ) seems unjustified [R]

117 Ie Socrates being a trained philosopher would have grasped the difference betweenthe real agent (lsquothe daimonionrsquo) and the mere instrument (lsquoa sneezersquo) [R]

118 B rsquo insertion of ὅν a er ξένον (adopted by S and H ) is unnec-essary [R]

119 Adopting R rsquos καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων as emendation of the corrupt καὶ daggerσυν-εστώτωνdagger φίλων as also H does [R]

120 Ismenodorus and Melissus both possibly further participants of the conspiracy arenot mentioned elsewhere while Bacchylidas is possibly one of the seven Boeotarchsat the time of the ba le of Leuctra (see Paus 9137) [RN]

121 Simmiasrsquo words are a reflection of the Homeric greeting (eg Od 1170) τίς πόθενεἰς ἀνδρῶν πόθι τοι πόλις ἠδὲ τοκῆες

122 Croton a Greek colony founded at the end of the 8th century BC on the Southern coastof Southern Italy was between 570 and 460 a stronghold of the Pythagorean sect [N]

123 This comparison also occurs in a Stoic discussion of benefits SenecaDe beneficiis 21732321ndash4 In 2173 the comparison is acribed to Chrysippus in 2182 the discussionthe ldquorulesrdquo of giving and receiving are connected with the name of Hecato (see also2214) [R]

124 Plutarchrsquos account of the Pythagoreans diverges a good deal from those depend-ing on Aristoxenus and Dicaearchus and known to us mainly from Iamblichusrsquo VitaPythagorea For the background see esp B 1962 176ndash187 212ndash13 In particu-lar (1) Plutarch sets the final catastrophe at Metapontum (see n 125) not Croton (2)he says nothing about Philolaus (on whom see below n 127) though in one (perhapsmuddled) version it is Philolaus who goes to Thebes to pay honour to Lysis (Olym-piodorus In Phaedonem 8 N ) The failure to mention Philolaus at all is the moresurprising because (according to Platorsquos Phaedo 61e) Simmias and Cebes were pupilsof his at Thebes However Plutarch has his chronology to consider Philolaus hadceased to teach in Thebes before 399 so how could he have come to Lysisrsquo tomb ifLysis was still alive to teach Epaminondas [R]

125 Metapontum is a Greek colony (with alleged mythical origins going back to the Iliadichero Nestor) on the coast of the Gulf of Tarentum [N]

126 Cylon was the leader of the anti-Pythagorean party at Croton see Diod 10111Iamblichus Vita Pyth 248ndash249 [N]

127 Philolaus is a prominent Pythagorean from Croton (about 470 ndash a er 399 BC VS 44)later at Tarentum and according to Plat Phaedo 61de as teacher of Simmias and Cebesat Boeotian Thebes [N]

128 Lucania is the region of Southern Italy adjacent to the Gulf of Tarentum [R]129 The famous teacher of rhetoric in the last decades of the 5th century BC hailing from

Leontini (in Eastern Sicily between CataneCatania and Syracuse) [N]130 Gorgiasrsquo visit to Greece was in 427 nearly fi y years before the events here related if

however Lysis arrived in Thebes when he was still young and lived there till old thechronology might be just about possible [RP]

131 Arcesus is unknown the transmi ed form of the name is perhaps a mistake (or cor-ruption) for Archytas (so ER D suggested) Aresas (a Lucanian for whom seeIambl Vita Pyth 265 T 1965 48) or Archippus Lysisrsquo fellow-survivor in someaccounts (B 1962 212) [R]

Notes on the Translation 91

132 S rsquos (CQ 6 1956 87) correction (τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος instead of τὸ Λύσιδοςδαιmicroόνιον) is important δαιmicroόνιον does not mean lsquo(someonersquos) ghostrsquo nor do wehear something about ldquole deacutemon de Lysisrdquo (as H retaining the transmi ed word-ing translates) elsewhere in this work [R]

133 Reading προὐπεφήνει (pluperfect of προφαίνω) instead of the transmi ed προϋπέ-φαινε see R 1954 61 S (CQ 6 1956 87) defended προϋπέφαινε butπροϋποφαίνω is apart from this Plutarch passage not earlier a ested than the 4th

century AD [R]134 A quotation from Hom Od 927 [R]135 Retaining Ersquos microόνῃ a er ταύτῃ (as H does too S rsquos microόνον was conjectured

by H ) [R]136 Retaining τὴν πενίαν (which S deletes followed by H ) a er προδίδωσι

and deleting πενίαν a er πάτριον The metaphor is from the tempering of iron incold water rather than from a dye [R]

137 See Plut Nicias 286 a shield displayed at Syracuse and supposed to have belongedto Nicias (the Athenian general who was captured and executed by the Syracusansa er the disastrous end of the Sicilian Expedition) was richly ornamented with goldand purple [R]

138 Miletus an important Greek city on the west coast of Asia Minor was famous for itswoollen garments [N]

139 Jason was tyrant of the Thessalian city Pherae between 380 and 370 BC he succeededin establishing a kind of supremacy over all of Thessaly and was recognized as ταγός(ldquorulerrdquo) of the whole region about 371 [N] On the episode related here cf AelianVH 119 and Plutarch himself in Regum et Imperatorum Apophthegmata Epaminondas13193B The story is chronologically out of place here since it belongs to the (later)period of Epaminondasrsquo power in Thebes [R]

140 But γνώριmicroοι may mean lsquonotablesrsquo rather than lsquoacquaintancesrsquo [R]141 The supplement ⟨ἄτοπον εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας⟩ (made by B a er W -

had already inserted ἄτοπον) is necessary [R] The argumentative clash be-tween Epaminondas and Theanor in these chapters is most interestingly describedIn its first part (13582Endash14584B) is dominated by long statements given by Theanorand Epaminondas in the shorter second part (14584Bndash584D) Theanor seems to get theupper hand but in the third part (14584Dndash15585D) the turn tides and now Theanorhas to listen (and agree) to a detailed argument by Epaminondas All in all thePythagoreanrsquos picture in this dialogue is rather ambivalent (and perhaps even con-tains a touch of satire given that he is introduced in 578E as ἀκολουθίας πλήθει καὶκατασκευῇ σοβαρόν ldquoan impressive figure with a large and well-equipped group ofa endantsrdquo where σοβαρός could also mean something like ldquopompousrdquo or ldquoswag-geringrdquo) He is presented as a respect-inspiring elder philosopher who then howevercannot prevail in an argument against the much younger Epaminondas His speechon divine inspiration and daimones in a later part of the dialogue (24593Andash594A) issomething like the last word of this dialogue on the ma er but curiously evokes noresponse at all from the other participants and thus the degree of authority Plutarchwanted to give it remains very questionable (see S below p 166) it takesno account of the philosophical or theological issues raised by Simmias or in theTimarchus myth the demonology it gives is not specifically Pythagorean (as Dshows below p 144) and it seems to be presented in a pretentiously rhetorical style[RN]

142 Reading αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν δοξῶν (αἳ microὲν ἐκ was already conjectured byP ) instead of Ersquos αἱ ἕνεκεν (αἳ ἕνεκα B ) κενῶν δοξῶν which does notgo well together with the following ἰσχὺν δὲ λαβοῦσαι κτλ [R]

143 Following W and reading πρῶτον εἶπε τῆς ἐγκρατείας κτλ (E has πρῶρονεἰπὲ τῆς) see R 1954 61 S and H adopt K rsquos πρῶτον ἐπὶτῆς ἐγκρατείας [R]

92 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

144 Deleting ἀσκήσεως which a er ἄσκησιν ἢ microᾶλλον ἔργον καὶ ἀπόδειξιν does notmake very much sense (see again R 1954 61) all three accusatives have theircomplement in the preceding genitive τῆς ἐγκρατείας (as the translation tries to makeclear) Thus ἀσκήσεως was inserted by someone who did not understand this [R]

145 Adopting W rsquos ἥνπερ ἐπιδείκνυσθε instead of Ersquos ᾗπερ ἐφείλκυσθε[R]

146 Keeping Ersquos γυmicroναζόmicroενοι and deleting the following καὶ (H reads γυmicroναζόmicroενοιwithout deleting καὶ) Alternatively read γυmicroνασάmicroενοι (proposed by R ) andtake it as meaning lsquohaving taken physical exercisersquo [R]

147 Reading δικαιοσύνης (instead of Ersquos δικαιοσύνῃ) as ἄσκησις is construed with suchgenitives in the preceding sentences as well [R]

148 Keeping Ersquos ἐνδέδωκε (as also H does) B has ἐνδέδοται which S changedinto δέδεται(adopted by S ) [R]

149 Adopting R rsquos τῶν ἀγώνων (instead of Ersquos τῶν ἀνθρώπων which S andH retain) [R]

150 Reading (with W ) διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον (instead of Ersquos διελθόντοςὅσον ὁ Σιmicromicroίας) This makes the deletion of ὅσον (proposed by R and adoptedby S and H ) unnecessary [R]

151 Ie you and Epaminondas must come to terms [R]152 Ie when we die and are buried near him [R]153 The dead do not blink or cast a shadow (Quaest Gr 39300C see alsoDe sera 24564C)

[R]154 We take ἐκεῖ to mean ldquoin the other worldrdquo here but it is possible that it means ldquoin Italy

among the Pythagoreans thererdquo Varro ordered that he should be buried Pythagoriomore in leaves of myrtle olive and black poplar (Plin NH 3546) Diog Laert 810forbids cypress coffins Iambl Vita Pyth 85 knows of lengthy ἀκούσmicroατα relatingto burials O R La religion de la Citeacute Platonicienne (Ecole franccedilaise drsquoAthegravenesTravaux et Meacutemoires VI) (Paris 1945) 125 suggested that Platorsquos burial rules in Laws947bndashe are based on Pythagorean practice [R]

155 Proverbial Zenobius 155 adds ὅτι microὴ δεῖ κινεῖν microήτε βωmicroοὺς microήτε τάφους ἢ ἡρῷαcf HesiodWD 750 with W rsquos note [R]

156 Lysisrsquo soul is now ready for a new birth (it is evidently not perfect enough to haveescaped the cycle of becoming) and it has a new guiding daimon its old daimon isnow assigned to Epaminondas (see the next sentence) [R]

157 τὸ εἶδος is clearly a gloss on τὴν φύσιν (for this sense of φύσις see LSJ sv II 2) andmust therefore be deleted [R]

158 On Phyllidas see above n 42 Hipposthenidasrsquo timidity (and his initiative on accountof it) is briefly described in Plut Pelopidas 85ndash6 as well [N]

159 Herippidas and Arcesus are the two remaining Spartan commanders (while the thirdLysanoridas had gone to Haliartus see above n 18) Plut Pel 133 calls them alllsquoharmostsrsquo wheras Xen Hell 5410 and 13 speaks of one harmost only (and impliessee n 285 below) a smaller garrison [RP]Herippidasrsquo name is not totally certain in this passage E gives κριππίδας and in34598F Ἑρmicroιππίδαν which form is also found in the manuscripts of Pelopidas 133Xenophon however in his Hellenica has always the form Herippidas (it is also foundin Diod 14384 and Plut Ages 113ndash4) [R]

160 Thespiae is a Boeotian town about 15 km east of Thebes [N]161 This detail is not in Pelopidas and Xenophon (Hell 5410) says that the Spartan sent

to Thespiae for help a er the coup [R]162 On Amphitheus see above n 48 [R]163 There was a temple for Demeter Thesmophoros up on the Cadmea on the sacrifice

mentioned here see R P below p 130 (with n 5) [R]164 Hypatodorus is not otherwise known His dream is perhaps modelled on Xenophonrsquos

dream (Anab 3111) of a thunderbolt falling on his fatherrsquos house [R]

Notes on the Translation 93

165 Adopting R rsquos προείληφε (as also H does) instead of Ersquos προείληφας [R]166 On Melon see above n 15 [N]167 Chlidonrsquos part in the affair is described also in Plut Pelopidas 87ndash8 [R]168 The MSS give Ἡραῖα but there is no evidence for a great festival of Hera at Thebes

whereas the Heraclea were a famous and very great occasion [R]169 The MSS mark a long lacuna here (45 le ers in E) but the sense appears complete

and we can hardly guess what if anything is missing P rsquo ⟨ὡς τοῦ πράγmicroατοςmicroετέχοντας⟩ means lsquobecause they were privy to the affairrsquo [R]

170 W rsquo transposition of δὲ from before ζητοῦσα to behind ἱκανῶς (adopted byS and H ) is not necessary as the translation shows [R]

171 The long lacuna indicated here (52 le ers in E) cannot be filled with any certaintyThe supplement assumed by A would mean lsquoto make the necessary preparationsto receive the exilesrsquo (lsquoet Charon pour tener sa maison preste agrave recevoir les bannisrsquo)The genitive τῆς οἰκίας suggests that the Greek ought be eg ⟨ἐπιmicroελησόmicroενος ὡςδεξόmicroενος τοὺς φυγάδας⟩ [R]

172 We translate on the lines of P rsquo supplement ⟨microᾶλλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩This takes microόλις as in effect a negation An alternative (R 1954 62ndash3) is to placethe lacuna a er τῶν κρειττόνων and supply there (eg) ⟨οἳ τῶν microεθrsquo ἡmicroέραν ἐmicro-πλησθέντες ταραχῶν⟩ (lsquowho being filled with the turmoils of the dayrsquo) microόλις nowmeans lsquowith difficultyrsquo The sense is altered the contrast is now between Socrateswho can receive these messages in waking hours and the rest of us who can with dif-ficulty do so even in sleep because though our body is at peace our minds are stilldisturbed cf Pl Rep 9571c [R]

173 Supplementing microη⟨δαmicroῶς εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ instead of deleting (with the Basle edition of1542) Ersquos microὴ before microικρά see R 1954 63 [R]

174 On the possible sources for this concept see the Introduction above p 9 [R]175 Reading βιαίως (E) ⟨ὡς⟩ which makes R rsquos βιαίους (adopted by S and

H ) unnecessary [R]176 Reading ἐνδοῦσα instead of ἐνδούσας (E) [R]177 Retaining Ersquos ἅmicroα τῷ W rsquo insertion of δὲ (adopted by S and H )

seems unnecessary [R]178 EB have οὐδrsquo ὁ W εἰ δrsquo ὁ (adopted by H ) but E who conjectured

ὁ δὲ is right The argument must be that the mechanism by which the soul moves thebody is unknown but the fact that it does so is certain and the process does not entailspeech we cannot therefore doubt the possibility of soul moving soul [R]

179 Following E D L (who conjecture ἀλλrsquo εἰ σῶmicroα microὲν δίχα φωνῆς) andreading ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς (ἀλλrsquo [then erasure of one or two le ers] σωmicroάλα δίχα φωνῆς E ἀλλrsquo ἐν ὅσῳ microάλα δίχα φωνῆς B) W already con-jectured ἀλλrsquo οἷον σῶmicroα H adopts K rsquos ἀλλrsquo εἴσω microάλα δίχα φωνῆς[R]

180 The words ὥσπερ φῶς ἀνταύγειαν are obscure They are usually taken as if ὥσπερφῶς πρὸς ἀνταύγειαν stood there lsquoas light relates to reflectionrsquo ie one is to an-other as a light is to its reflection But ἀνταύγεια may also mean lsquoeffulgencersquo and Ihave chosen to treat φῶς as a (correct) gloss on ἀνταύγειαν in this sense The lightmetaphor continues in the following explanatory sentence [R]

181 Reading (with W ) τοῖς δεχοmicroένοις (δυναmicroένοις E) ἐλλάmicroπουσιν whichmakes W rsquo δυναmicroένοις ⟨ἰδεῖν⟩ unnecessary H adopts H rsquos τοῖςδαιmicroονίοις for τοῖς δυναmicroένοις [R]

182 Or perhaps lsquoexpressions or names of thingsrsquo [R]183 Reading ὥστε ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξιον while S and H adopt A rsquos ὤστε

θαυmicroάζειν ⟨οὐκ⟩ ἄξιον [R]184 Reading (with V A ) κατrsquo αὐτὸ τὸ νοηθὲν (as also H does κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ

νοηθὲν E in which W deleted τοῦτο followed by S ) [R]

94 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

185 Reading τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩ which agrees be er with the le ers ἀmicroει (followed bya lacuna of four or five le ers) in E than δαι⟨microόνων⟩ conjectured by W(and adopted by S ) H follows T who supplements ἀmicroει⟨νόνων⟩But ἀmicroείνονες is not found with the meaning lsquosupernatural beings daimonesrsquo whileκρείττονες is [R]

186 For this see Herodotus 42002ndash3 and Aeneas Tacticus 37 [R]187 Retaining Ersquos τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων (as H also does) W rsquo τὰ δrsquo ἄλλrsquo is unneces-

sary [R]188 Reading (with E) ἀθόρυβον ἦθος H rsquos insertion of τὸ before ἦθος does not seem

necessary [R]189 Reading κινεῖ with B (κινοῦσι E) [R]190 Reading ἐν αὑτοῖς with B (as H also does ἐν αὐτοῖς E) [R]191 This story is not known from other sources [R]192 Supplementing εἰσαγόντων S adopts W rsquoπαραγόντων H B -

rsquo εἰρηκότων [R]193 Timarchus is undoubtedly (see Introd) an invented character His name may have

been suggested by [Plat] Theages 124a where an Athenian Timarchus goes out onan adventure which ends in his death despite a warning from Socrates or possiblyby Callimachus epigr 10 P where a philosopher Timarchus is now among theblessed dead His career is fictitious in the common tradition all Socratesrsquo sons sur-vive their father (see Phaedo 116a13) whereas Plutarch makes the eldest Lamproclespredecease Timarchus and Timarchus predecease Socrates [R]

194 But Theanor (593A) calls it λόγος For the distinction cf De sera 18561B and PlatGorgias 523a (with D rsquo note) [R]

195 D rsquos supplement (⟨κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον⟩) is adequate the sense is clear [R]196 On Socratesrsquo eldest son Lamprocles (mentioned Xen Mem 221 Aristoxenus fr 54ab

W Ael VH 1215 Diog Laert 226 29) see above n 193 [N]197 Supplementing ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς (αἷς E ⟨ὀλίγ⟩αις editio Basileensis S H )

[R]198 Plutarch wrote a special work (unfortunately not preserved) on the Oracle of Tropho-

nius at Lebadeia (no 181 in the so-called lsquoLamprias Cataloguersquo On the descent intothe cave of Trophonios) and his brother Lamprias was a priest at the oracle (cf De de-fectu 38431C) Pausaniasrsquo uniquely elaborate account of the process of consultation(939 see eg W K C G The Greeks and their Gods London 1950 223ndash232and in detail P B Trophonios de Leacutebadeacutee Leiden 2003) shows it to have beenmore elaborate more flexible and open to auto-suggestion (ldquothere is no single wayin which they are taught about the future but one person may see another hear helliprdquo)and above all more terrifying than any other whence its suitability for Timarchusrsquostartling vision [RP]

199 Cf Pausan 93914 (lsquothey are obliged to dedicate a wri en account on a tablet ofall they have individually heard or seenrsquo) and Clearchus fr 9 W (the vision ofCleonymus who discloses when he woke lsquoall he has seen and heardrsquo) [R]

200 The sutures of the skull (cf Plat Timaeus 76a) close in infancy they are here regardedas the passage of exit of the soul I do not know an ancient parallel but for Tennyson(In memoriam xliv) they are the lsquodoorwaysrsquo of the head and lsquothe living babe forgetsthe time before the sutures of the skull are closedrsquo [R]J H ldquoLe mythe de Timarque chez Plutarque et la structure de lrsquoextaserdquo REG 881975 [105-120] 110ndash115 draws a ention to some parallels he found in Shaman andHindu lore [N]

201 All the conjectures (συστελλοmicroένην E στεινοmicroένην E στενουmicroένηνD πνιγοmicroένην P E has τεινοmicroένην) make the same point the soul hasbeen confined and hemmed in and now expands [R]

Notes on the Translation 95

202 Reading microείζονα (instead of πλείονα which ndash as S remarks in his apparatusndash ldquoparum intellegiturrdquo) [R]

203 Supplementing δrsquo a er ἐξαmicroειβούσας (V A proposed καταλλήλως ⟨δrsquo⟩ ἐξα-microειβούσας) [R]

204 Reading with V A ὥσπερ βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειν (ὥσπερ βαφὴν ἄγειν E) [R]205 Supplementing ἐmicromicroελῶς (λιγυρῶς W adopted by S and H ) E

has a lacuna of seven le ers here [R]206 The translation implies a conjectural supplement of the two lacunae found here (of 10

and 43 le ers respectively in E) by the words (tentatively put into the text) πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩εφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θαλάσσης ῥοῇ καὶ αυτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφερο-microένης V A proposed πολλὰς ⟨τούτῳ συν⟩εφέλκεσθαι τῆ⟨ς θαλάσσης καὶαὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroένης V A rsquos second supplement is furtheraugmented by E D L who add ὁmicroαλῶς καὶ λείως a er αὐτῆς and this(as well as V A rsquos first supplement) is adopted by H [R]

207 This part of the description is rather obscure On the view adopted here (see Introd)the sea is the whole celestial sphere and not (as V A held) simply the MilkyWay It is therefore not easy to explain these variations of depth E D Ladduce the Stoic view ([Plut] Placita 215) that the stars do not move in one plane butlsquoone in front of another in height and depthrsquo [R]

208 Plutarch may here have in mind Plat Phaedo 113a though ἐκβολή there has a differentmeaning [R]

209 This way of describing planetary movements is standard eg Plat Timaeus 36b 38b39b [R]

210 Reading ταύτην instead of τούτων (cf V ) [R]211 This again is rather obscure The angle presumably represents the inclination of the

ecliptic to the equator If Timarchus is looking upwards at a hemisphere (and Plutarchstresses that all this is how it seemed to Timarchus) we may take τοῦ παντός as de-scribing a span of 180deg and the angle intended as a li le less than 860 of this ie 24degwhich is what we expect The microέρη are lsquosixtiethsrsquo Plutarch avoids the technical termἑξηκοντάδες (for it see eg Strab 257 p 113ndash4 C) [R]

212 This does seem to describe the Milky Way [R]213 Timarchus now looks down where it seems as if a huge chasm has been scooped

out This chasm is (or includes) the earth itself whence arise the howls and groans ofhuman suffering as we know it in this life [R]

214 ἐκταραττοmicroένου gives an etymology of Τάρταρος also known from Crates (StephByz sv Τάρταρος cf Serv Aen 6577) but not the only etymology current (PlutarchDe primo frigido 9948F ⟨cf Lyd De mensibus 4159⟩ derives it from ταρταρίζειν lsquotrem-blingrsquo from cold) [R]

215 The voice is that of a daimon on the moon (cf 591C) [R]216 For the identification of Persephone (daughter of Demeter wife of Hades and queen of

the underworld in Greek myth) with the moon seeDe facie 27942Dndash943C andHymnOrph 2911 Q [R]

217 Already R wanted to replace ὡς by ὧν another possibility is ἣν (lsquowhich is oneof the four portions and which Styx delimitsrsquo) Styx (ie the earthrsquos shadow) is a sortof frontier between Hades (the earth) and Persephonersquos realm of the moon [R]

218 This is obscure ⟨to me⟩ lsquodiametrically opposite from herersquo (W ) [R]219 See Introd (p 10) and esp D 1996 212ndash6 [R]220 The symbolic use of the three Moirai derives from Platorsquos Myth of Er (Rep 10617c)

Plutarch uses it also in De facie 30945C (see C rsquo notes) Cf D below pp194ndash7 The lsquoturning-pointrsquo (καmicroπή) may have been suggested by Plato Phaedo 72b[Plutarch uses the word in a different sense (lsquospringrsquo) in Cons ad uxorem 10611F andDe anima fr 17722 S ] [R]

96 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

221 The expression δαίmicroονες ἐπιχθόνιοι is taken from HesiodWD 122 [R]222 The lsquosecond measuresrsquo must be periods of 24 hours In Plat Tim 42b lsquodaysrsquo and

lsquonightsrsquo are said to be τὰ πρῶτα microέρη τῶν χρόνων The νυχθήmicroερον may thereforebe lsquosecondrsquo Alternatively (L 1933 57 n 5) the solar year or the lunar monthis regarded as lsquofirstrsquo [R]

223 Reading ἀνακραθεῖσαι with W (ἀναταραχθεῖσαι E) [R]224 C proposed adding δικτύου (lsquonetrsquo) if so this must come before δεδυκότος (to

avoid hiatus) It may well be right D P wanted to put δικτύου into the textinstead of ἄρτηmicroα [R]

225 Cf Plat Phaedrus 248a [R]226 Retaining Ersquos διαφερόmicroενοι (as H also does while S adopts P rsquo dele-

tion of δια-) [R]227 A revaluation of the common expression νοῦν ἔχειν (lsquoto have good sensersquo) [R]228 V A rsquos ἕλικα τεταραγmicroένην (as in S rsquos Teubner text) for ἐγκαταταρα-

γmicroένην must be right [R]229 Cf Plat Rep 10614c Phaedrus 247b [R]230 Retaining Ersquos ἐνθένδε (as H also does while S adopts H rsquos ἔνδο-

θεν) [R]231 The hero of the story now told is called Hermotimus in Aristotle (Met A 3984b 19

Protrepticus fr 61 R = B 110 D ) and in later authors (see E R Psyche[engl transl] London 1925 ix n 111ndash2 E R D The Greeks and the IrrationalBerkeley 1951 141 W on Tertullian De anima 44) but he is Hermodorus also inProclus in Rempublicam 211324 K [R]

232 Spintharus of Tarentum (his praise of Epaminondas is mentioned also in Plut De aud339B) is perhaps the father of Aristoxenus (but see F W Die Schule des AristotelesHe 2 Aristoxenos Basel 1967 (2 Aufl) 47) He knew Socrates (Aristoxenus fr 54aW ) but there is no other evidence for his visit to Thebes [R]

233 On swans as holy birds see O K Die antike Tierwelt (Leipzig 1909) vol 2214ndash9on snakes vol 2286 288ndash90 on dogs vol 1136ndash43 on horses vol 1246ndash53 [R]

234 Reading τῶν ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους (τῶν ὑπrsquo αὐτὸ γένος E τῶν ὑπὸ τὸ γένος W - τῶν ὑπὸ ταὐτὸ γένος B ) [R]

235 One might consider reading τι προσταττόmicroενον (τὸ προσταττόmicroενον E) [R]236 The quotations are Hom Il 744ndash5 and 753 In [Plut] De vita et poesi Homeri 212

Il 753 is used to show that Helenus was αὐτήκοος θείας φωνῆς and to makeit plausible that Socrates ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦ δαιmicroονίου φωνῆς ἐmicroαντεύετο Unless thisauthor is dependent on Plutarch there must be a common source See H adloc [R]

237 A rather similar analogy between earthly monarchs and god is developed in [Aristotle]De mundo 6 [R]

238 Ie those who have finally escaped from the cycle of reincarnation which Theanor(as a Pythagorean) takes for granted [R]

239 SeeWD 122ndash126 [R]240 The supplement of this lacuna (10 le ers in E) is unsure H adopts W rsquo

ὦ ⟨φίλοι καί⟩ but we cannot tell whether Theanor addresses Simmias or lsquomy friendsrsquoor lsquoTheocritusrsquo (because Theocritus encouraged Simmias to relate the myth) [R]

241 Reading microεθίησιν as supplement of this short lacuna (6 le ers in E) H adoptsB rsquo ἐᾷ γάρ (already A proposed ἐᾷ microὲν γάρ) [R]

242 The picture of the soul fighting to ldquosecure its landingrdquo (φιλοτιmicroουmicroένη περὶ τὴν ἔκβα-σιν) contains a Homeric reminiscence in Hom Od 5410 Odysseus almost despairsabout finding a place to land on the Phaeacian shore (ἔκβασις οὔ πῃ φαίνεθrsquo ἁλὸςπολιοῖο θύραζε) For the text (⟨τοῖς⟩ ἄνω προσφέρηται) see E D L adloc [R]

Notes on the Translation 97

243 The translation accepts R rsquos ⟨πρὸς⟩ (which S and H adopt as well) Butἀνύποπτος could mean lsquounsuspectingrsquo and we might also read ἕξουσιν ἀνύποπτοντὸν δῆmicroον [R]

244 Ie Caphisias and those with him [R]245 Already Xenophon (Hell 542) names Philippus as one of the leading pro-Spartan

oligarchs in Thebes according to Plut Pelopidas 52 it was Philippus who togetherwith Archias and Leontiadas persuaded the Spartan Phoibidas to occupy the Cadmea(in Pelopidas 74 Philippus is called polemarchos together with Archias) In De genioPhilippus (who is mentioned here for the first time) becomes prominent only in thelast part of the tale [N]

246 On Amphitheus see above n 48 [N]247 In 4577A Archias and Lysanoridas (on whom see above n 18) had come down from

the Cadmea while Caphisias Theocritus and Galaxidorus were on their way to Sim-miasrsquo house In 5578A Theocritus reported that Lysanoridas had set out for Haliartusto close Alcmenarsquos tomb again [R]

248 The supplement for this lacuna (7 le ers in E) is uncertain B proposed⟨ὑπάνδρου⟩ which H adopts cf Plut Pel 94 (Φυλλίδας κατηγγελκὼς τοῖςπερὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν πότον καὶ γύναια τῶν ὑπάνδρων) P rsquos supplement γαmicroετῆςalso means lsquomarriedrsquo For Xenophon the women promised to Archiasrsquo party werehigh-grade courtesans (Xen Hell 544ndash6) [RP]

249 Ie Caphisiasrsquo party [R]250 Damoclidas is a conspirator mentioned also in Plut Pel 82 and 111 he was a

Boeotarch in 371 (Paus 9136) [RN]251 Theopompus is a conspirator mentioned also in Plut Pel 82 [R]252 Adopting H rsquos ὑπερβαλόντες (ὑπερβάλλοντες E) [R]253 This is a detail not found in Pelopidas for the portent cf eg Il 2353 [R]254 This is the house of Charon who had volunteered (see 2576D) to take the conspirators

returning from Athens into his house [N] The following incident including Charonrsquosoffering of his son as hostage is also recounted in Plut Pelopidas 9 [P]

255 The translation includes θεὶς ἱmicroὰτιον in Charonrsquos speech (as also in S E D L and H ) while P makes them part of Charonrsquos actions [R]

256 On Hipposthenidas and Chlidon see above 17586Andash18588A [N]257 Reading πιθανὸν εἶναι ( πιθανὸν ὄντα E) as ὑπενόουν should be construed with an

infinitive and not with a participle [R]258 Reading πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον (συmicroπόσιον E συmicroπεσόν R which S -

and H adopt) Or perhaps read συmicroπῖπτον (cf Xen Cyr 8516 ἐν ταῖςπορείαις πρὸς τὸ συmicroπῖπτον ἀεὶ διατάττων ἐπορεύετο) [R]

259 This harks back to Hom Od 11526ndash530 where Odysseus relates how fearlessly (incontrast to many other Greek leaders) Neoptolemos entered the Wooden Horse [R]

260 Adopting W rsquo Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος (Κηφισοδώρῳ Διότονος E)The conspirator Cephisodorus is also mentioned in Pelopidas 117ndash8 [R]

261 Reading πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀσυντάκτους (R 1954 63) which H adoptsE has πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀσυντάκτους from which M (followed by S )deleted ἀλλήλους [R]

262 For this image cf Plut De audiendo 942C [R]263 The account in Plut Pelopidas 105 is slightly different Charon told the truth to οἱ περὶ

Πελοπίδαν and invented a reassuring fiction for the other conspirators [P]264 Androclidas had long been a leader of the anti-Spartan faction at Thebes (Hell Oxy

XVII1 XVIII Xen Hell 351 4 all referring to 395ndash4 5231 36 Plut Lysander 83271 Pel 51) A er the Spartans occupied the Cadmea he fled to Athens but wasslain there by assassins sent by Leontiadas (Plut Pel 53 63) [RNP]

265 Hypatas is (besides Archias Philippus and Leontiadas) another leader of the pro-Spartan faction at Thebes (see Xen Hell 737 Plut Pel 1119) [R]

98 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

266 Xenophon says that different stories circulated in his day some saying that the con-spirators who a acked Archiasrsquo party entered disguised as women others as komastsPlutarchrsquos version (similarly Pelopidas 111) combines the two On the popular storymotif of lsquowarriors disguised as womenrsquo see R J B Boiotia and the Boiotian League(Alberta 1994) 73 B 1976 suggested that a late 4th c amphora-rhyton foundin 1949 at Panagjurischte illustrated the assault for dissent see J G FestinatSenex (Oxford 1988) 44ndash49 [P]

267 Cf Pelopidas 106 [R]268 Cf Pelopidas 107ndash9 the story is also related inQuaest conv 13619D Nepos Pelopidas

32ndash3 (but with Archinus for Archias) For the proverb quoted here see AppendixProverbiorum 258 (= CPG 1404) in the (Doric) form ἐν ἀοῖ τὰ σπουδαῖα [R]

269 Caphisias of course can only guess the contents of the le er There is some inconsis-tency here since in the De genio version (contrast Pelopidas 73) Charon has only just(ie earlier on this same day) offered his house to the conspirators and this could nothave been known to the correspondent in Athens [R]

270 C rsquos κατακεκλυσmicroένος (lsquodrowned in drinkrsquo lsquohalf seas overrsquo) is a ractive but Ersquosκατακεκλασmicroένος may do [R]

271 Reading (with H inspired by Pel 108) ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων (ὑπὲρ τῶνσπουδαίων E from which C deleted τῶν followed by S and H ) [R]

272 Nothing is known about this magistracy beyond the religious functions (sacrificeand prayer) and appurtenances (crown sacred spear) mentioned in what followsCabirichus is otherwise unknown [RP]

273 Lysitheus is named here for the first time he is probably one of the returning exiles[R]

274 Or lsquoabove my headrsquo [R]275 On Theopompus see above n 251 [R]276 Callistratus of Aphidna was a prominent Athenian politician unfriendly to Thebes

(see [Dem] or 5927 Plut Praec ger reip 14810F) and a considerable orator (seeXen Hell 6239 33 10) We cannot say if the episode of the le er has any historicalauthority [R]

277 On Samidas see above n 37 [R]278 The lsquoLong Colonnadersquo is perhaps the στοὰ microεγάλη in the agora erected in commem-

oration of the victory over the Athenians at Delium (Diod 12705 cf perhaps XenHell 5229) [RP]

279 There is no lacuna indicated in MSS but something like this must be missing [R]280 Boeotian ladies are usually modest and restrained See Plut Cons ad uxorem 7610BC

and cf [Dicaearchus] GGM 1103 M = Herakleides ὁ Κριτικός 117ndash20 p 80ndash83P (they even covered their whole face except the eyes) [R]

281 This is either the temple of Athena Onkaia south or south-west of the Cadmea orthat of Athena Ismenias (or Pronaia) south-east of the Cadmea See P belowp 131 with n 8 [R]

282 For this see above n 168 (on 18587D) [R]283 Presumably they fled from the lower city to the Cadmea (lacuna of 21 le ers in E) [R]284 Adopting W rsquo ἐκκρίτους (κρείττους E which H retains) [R]285 This figure is given also in Pelopidas 124 and Diodorus Siculus 15253 but Xen Hell

5411 says that the defenders felt themselves to be too few to resist [P]286 On Lysanoridas see above n 18 and 159 [R]287 The lacuna (17 le ers in E) in this place makes the sense unsure either lsquohe was away

(at Haliartus see 574A) that dayrsquo or lsquohe was expected to return that dayrsquo [R]288 Accepting Brsquos ⟨οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐζηmicroίωσαν⟩ as a good conjecture (E has a lacuna of 19

le ers here) [R]289 On Herippidas and Arcesus see above n 159 On the fate of the three Spartan com-

manders see also Plut Pel 133 [R]

C Essays

Between Athens Sparta and Persia the HistoricalSignificance of the Liberation of Thebes in 379

George Cawkwell

The Liberation of Thebes from Spartan control was one of the crucial mo-ments of the fourth century With the defeat of Athens in the Pelopon-nesian War Sparta had become the unchallenged master of Greece butthe events of the night in midwinter 3798 which provide the se ing ofPlutarchrsquos dialogue De genio Socratis changed all that The Spartan garri-son was expelled from the Cadmea and the rise of Theban power began In371 on the ba lefield of Leuctra the Thebans at a stroke set Sparta on the de-fensive for the rest of her history while Thebes became the leading militarypower of Greece It was only the intervention of Macedon that deposedher Much was at stake as those philosophically minded discussed the dai-mon of Socrates and the conspirators set about their murderous plans

The rise of Thebes in the 370s and the 360s1 was due primarily in theview of Ephorus (Diod 15392) to three men who feature in the De genioPelopidas Gorgidas and Epaminondas The part of Epaminondas in theliberation as Plutarch describes it was minor he had declined actively totake a hand in an action that might damage innocent citizens (594B) thoughhe said that he and Gorgidas had known the expected date of the exilesrsquoreturn and when the uprising was under way both men had assembledwith their friends ready to assist the cause (598C D)2 Elsewhere Plutarchmade plain his high esteem for Epaminondas (Timoleon 36 Philopoemen 3)and if one can accept that Pausaniasrsquo account of the career of Epaminon-das (913ndash156) is an epitome of Plutarchrsquos (lost) Life3 he rounded off his ac-count by citing the elegiac verses on the statue of Epaminondas in Thebeswhere it was proclaimed that it was due to him that lsquoall Hellas is indepen-dent and in freedomrsquo So Plutarchrsquos silence in the De genio is challengingPelopidasrsquo part is fully recounted (596C 597DndashF) but Plutarch drops nohint of their future partnership nor of Pelopidasrsquo large share in the north-ern extension of Theban power Gorgidas who had been a Hipparch be-fore 382 (578BC) was the founder of the Sacred Band (Pelopidas 18) and

1 B 2003 is a valuable handbook to the period Similarly the Cambridge AncientHistory VI2 (Cambridge 1994)

2 Cf C 19723 Cf L P De Plutarchi Epaminonda (diss Jena 1912) and Z 1951 896

102 George Cawkwell

his minor part in the liberation is adequately described (594B 598C)4 Thefailure to point the contrast between the Epaminondas of 3798 and theEpaminondas of 371 and later is surprising

Of course it may be simply that Plutarch chanced to tell it all that waybut one inevitably wonders whether he was reflecting whatever source hehad concerning the liberation His model for the whole dialogue is Pla-tonic and just as it is vain to look to PlatorsquosDialogues for reliable factual in-formation so one might hesitate to give great credit to Plutarchrsquos accountof that historic night if it were not that the De genio chimes with barelya dissonant note with the account of the liberation in the Life of PelopidasThere are furthermore very few Thebans named of whom we do not hearin other sources and there is only one historical fact which is anachronisticviz Jason of Pheraersquos tenure of the office of ταγός of Thessaly (583F)5 Sothe account of the liberation is not fiction but history The philosophicaldialogue may or may not have taken place on that night but the historicalaccount is to be taken seriously

Whence then did Plutarch derive it The likely enough guess is thathe drew on the Hellenica of Callisthenes of Olynthus (FGrHist 124) a workcovering in ten books the thirty years between the Peace of Antalcidas andthe outbreak of the Sacred War This must have been a full work and it ishighly likely that his account of the liberation of Thebes was full Thereare other candidates of course like the shadowy Daimachus of Plataea(FGrHist 65) and Aristophanes lsquothe Boeotianrsquo whom Plutarch used in theDe Herodoti Malignitate (FGrHist 379) but no ma er What is clear is thatPlutarch did not use Xenophonrsquos Hellenica The two accounts differ in de-tail and there is one very striking difference Xenophon spoke of sevenconspirators (541) Plutarch of twelve (576C cf Pelopidas 8) andXenophonmakes no mention at all of Pelopidasrsquo part in the action This is consistentwith Xenophonrsquos treatment of both Pelopidas and Epaminondas The for-mer does not appear in the Hellenica apart from the embassy to the GreatKing in 367 which Xenophon treated as shabby and disgraceful (7133ndash38)The la er is not named in connection with Leuctra and makes his first ap-pearance during the second Theban campaign in the Peloponnese (7141)Xenophonrsquos silences about Pelopidas and Epaminondas were deliberateand scandalous Plutarch was not deceived Wherever it was he founda full account of that dramatic night what he says and does not say is

4 H S ldquoGorgidasrdquo RE 72 (1912) 1619ndash20 for what is known of Gorgidas5 Eumolpidas and Samidas (577A) Phidolaus of Haliartus (577D) Ismenodorus and

Melissus (582D) are otherwise una ested There is no other evidence to support the claimsthat Timotheus the son of Conon was sympathetic to Boeotia (575F) nor that Callistratuswas connected with Leontiadas (597D) though there is nothing inherently improbable ineither case Jason however did not become ταγός of Thessaly until the later 370s (cf XenHell 6118) and 583F is in error

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 103

seriously to be considered a ma er not of historiography but it wouldseem of fact

The career of Epaminondas is indeed poorly a ested before he appearscentre-stage in the Peace Conference at Sparta in 371 where he met Agesi-lausrsquo demand for the dissolution of the Boeotian Federation with a demandthat the Spartans let the Perioecic peoples go and then he had the Thebansrefuse to join in a treaty that returned them to submission Twenty dayslater he fought and won the ba le of Leuctra a cataclysmic victory hisfirst appearance in a military role as Boeotarch The De genio shows hewas not an active participant in 3798 he knew about the plo ed libera-tion but tried to dissuade the plo ers (576E F 594B) he and Gorgidas hadtheir friends ready to give support when the dirty work had been done (594B) but he would not initiate the violence This all fits with his abstainingfrom action in the years down to 371 and the reason Epaminondas gavefor his abstinence viz that lsquounless there was great necessity he would notkill any of his fellow-citizens without trialrsquo (594 B) is consistent with his at-titude at the height of his power and glory According to Diodorus (1557)when the Thebans a er Leuctra campaigned against Orchomenus oncethe chief obstacle to Theban domination of Boeotia and still at least dissi-dent and they intended to enslave the city Epaminondas dissuaded themsaying that lsquothose aiming to have the leadership of the Greeksrsquo should notso behave The Orchomenians Diodorus declares were then made lsquoal-liesrsquo and in the same mood the Phocians were made lsquofriendsrsquo of Thebesbut on terms hardly suitable to lsquothose aiming to have the leadership of theGreeksrsquo for they were able to refuse to join the army of Epaminondas on itsway to se le the affairs of the Peloponnese in the ba le of Mantineia theydeclared that their treaty with Thebes obliged them to lend military aid inthe case of an a ack on Thebes but said nothing about campaigns againstothers (Xen Hell 754) In comparable spirit Epaminondas was later totreat with moderation lsquothe best menrsquo of Achaea (ibid 7142) The criticismmade of him by Theocritus the diviner in 3798 (576DE) foreshadows theenmity he aroused at the height of his career6 Epaminondas was in shorta credit to philosophy if not to Realpolitik The De genio makes a usefulcontribution to our understanding of this great man

The main historical question however that naturally poses itself toreaders of the De genio concerns the division in Theban politics betweenLeontiadas and Archias on the one hand and on the other the liberatorsand previously Ismenias and Androclidas in other words between theLaconisers and their opponents

First one must ask whether it was a struggle between democrats andoligarchs the sort of stasis with which we are familiar from all over the

6 Cf C 1972 266ndash8

104 George Cawkwell

pages of Thucydides and especially his analysis of stasis (382) Effortsto unite Boeotia were already underway in the late sixth century as theunsuccessful Theban effort to coerce Plataea in 519 shows (Hdt 61085Thuc 3685) and Herodotus (9151) speaks of Boeotarchs in 479 How-ever the full Boeotian constitution may not have been in place by that dateto judge by what the Thebans are made by Thucydides (362) to claim inanswer to the charge of Medism during Xerxesrsquo invasion Perhaps theyspoke tongue in cheek but they went on to say that things were differenta er the Persians withdrew and the city τοὺς νόmicroους ἔλαβε there hav-ing been been previously neither ὀλιγαρχία ἰσόνοmicroος nor δηmicroοκρατίαbut a δυναστεία ὀλίγων By the middle of the century we are on firmerground A er victory in the ba le of Oenophyta in 457 the Athenians es-tablished some sort of control over all of Boeotia save Thebes (Diod 1183cf [Xen] Ath Pol311) and there would seem to have been some kind ofdemocracy in Thebes in this period (Ar Pol 1302 b 29) Ten years lateran Athenian force was defeated at Coronea (Thuc 1113) The Athenianscompletely withdrew from Boeotia and the Boeotian Confederacy as wesee it described in Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (XIX Chambers) was securely es-tablished (Thuc 3625) It was a decisive point in the rise of Boeotia whichthe Theban commander at the ba le of Delium in 424 used to inspire theBoeotian army (Thuc 4926) and the firm establishment of the federalconstitution hardly le room for much in the way of democracy Each ofthe lsquodivisionsrsquo (microέρη) sent one hundred and sixty councillors to the Fed-eral Council si ing in Thebes which decided affairs It is not surely tobe excluded that individual cities had a popular assembly but if they didit must have been largely unemployed Yet the political division whichhad come on the Boeotians according to the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (XIX1Chambers) lsquonot many yearsrsquo before the outbreak of hostilities in 395 andwhich set Ismenias in conflict with Leontiadas had no constitutional effectas far as we can see The charges made against Ismenias a er his arrest in382 (Xen Hell 5235) appear to have nothing to do with a clash of oli-garchy and democracy and everything to do with Spartan policy towardsPersia It was according toHellenica Oxyrhynchia (XX1) a division amongstthe βέλτιστοι καὶ γνωριmicroώτατοι τῶν πολιτῶν The federal constitutioncontinued until the Kingrsquos Peace of 386 when Agesilaus required its disso-lution and Thebes was made into what we see in the De genio a separatecity with three Polemarchs as its senior magistrates

It is true that there was some sort of assembly in Thebes which is al-luded to by Plutarch in his Life of Pelopidas (12) It had been assembledthe morning a er the liberation and indeed elected on Plutarchrsquos account

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 105

(Pel 1317) three Boeotarchs Whenever exactly the Boeotarchy was rein-stated the seizure of Plataea by the Thebans in 373 was led by a Boeotarchwho led the Thebans directly from the assembly with their weapons inhand (Paus 916 and 7) The whole trick depending on Plataean pre-sumption that the assembly would be longdrawn ndash ἠπίσταντο γὰρ τοὺςΘηβαίους ⟨ὡς⟩ πανδηmicroεὶ καὶ ἅmicroα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εἰώθεσαν βουλεύεσθαι(Paus 915) There is a decree of the Boeotians honouring a Carthaginian(Rhodes and Osborne no 43) which is headed ἔδοξε τotildeι δάmicroοι Its dateis unsure but under 364 Diodorus 1578 has Epaminondas speaking in anassembly8 and the δῆmicroος then passing a decree just as was to happen at thetime of the Revolt of Thebes in 335 (Arr Anab 172 Diod 1791) So thereis no doubt that Thebes was some sort of democracy a er 379 HoweverPausaniasrsquo account of the assembly of 373 suggests that this democracywas as restricted a er the Kingrsquos Peace as it had been in 395 as describedby the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia only those with a certain property qualifi-cation were eligible for the lsquofour councilsrsquo (XIX2 Chambers) there was aproclamation that lsquoeach Theban should take his weapons with him to theassemblyrsquo (Paus 916) It would seem then that there was no change inthis regard between 395 and 373 and there is no reason to suppose thatthe liberation brought an outburst of democratic fervour The factional ri-valry of that period was not the struggle of δῆmicroος and ὀλίγοι so commonin Greek states

In 379 Thebes was in the grip of what Thucydides termed a δυναστείαὀλίγων Three years before the Boeotians had like the Athenians sent anembassy to Olynthus and it was believed that the Olynthians had passed adecree to send embassies accompanying the Athenians and Boeotians ontheir return home to make alliances (Xen Hell 5215) For the Spartansthis was a serious situation They had used the Kingrsquos Peace to requirethe dissolution of the Chalcidic League just as they had done to affect thebreak-up of the Boeotian confederacy Such insubordination was not tobe tolerated They sent out an army northwards and as it passed Thebesthe Theban Laconisers persuaded the Spartans to occupy the Cadmea andstop the rot So Leontiadas and Archias took control and a reign of terrorbegan In fear three hundred Thebans fled to Athens the situation brieflydelineated in De genio (575F ndash 576A) One of the leaders of those opposedto Leontiadas Ismenias was arrested and judicially murdered (Xen Hell5231 35ndash36) The other Androclidas thought in Thebes to be the leaderof the exiles and a likely source of plo ing (595B) was assassinated byan agent of Leontiadas (Plut Pel 63) Amphitheus named by Plutarchelsewhere (Lysander 27) as political partner of Androclidas was on the

7 Buckler is prominent among those who accept Plutarchrsquos account Cf B 2003215

8 Aeschin or 2105 quoted a remark of Epaminondas in an assembly

106 George Cawkwell

very night of the liberation expected to be taken from prison questionedand put to death (577D 586E) Clearly there were a good many othersincarcerated (598E)

If this was not a version of the usual struggle of democrats against oli-garchs why were Leontiadas and his gang so submissive to Spartan domi-nation Plainly the Liberators sought to secure liberty (cf 595D) Why didthe δυναστεία ὀλίγων desire otherwise It might have been a mixture offear and prudence but it is to be noted that on Xenophonrsquos account (Hell5226) the whole idea of the Spartans occupying the Cadmea originatedwith Leontiadas Why was he so minded Of course he may simply havewanted to be in power himself but the accusations made against Ismenias(Xen Hell 5236) suggest that there may have been a serious issue of pol-icy These accusations were lsquothat Ismenias took the side of the Barbarianthat he had become ξένος to the Persian for no good purpose for Greecethat he had had a share of the money sent by the King and that he andAndroclidas were principally responsible for all the turmoil in Greecersquo

There runs through the history ofGreece in the fourth century a melan-choly river of folly viz the Panhellenist dream of the union of Greece ina war against Persia which would stop the Greeks quarrelling amongstthemselves and allow them to exploit the wealth of Asia The chief advo-cate of this idea was Isocrates and the man who chiefly sought to realiseit King Agesilaus of Sparta9 When he went to Asia in 396 his campaignwas to be lsquoagainst Asiarsquo (Xen Hell 342) just as in 394 when about toobey the summons to return to Greece and defend Sparta he promisedthe Greeks of Asia that when he could he would return to carry on withthe grand campaign from which he had been prevented by the turmoil inGreece (Xen Hell 423 and 4 cf 4141) The Kingrsquos Peace of 386 formallyended such ambitions but it did not end his hatred of Persia according tohis friend and admirer Xenophon (cf Ages 77) By the time Agesilausdied in 359 Panhellenism for Spartans was an extinct idea In Thebes asfar as we know it had never been alive When Agesilaus was se ing outon his great campaign lsquoagainst Asiarsquo in 396 he sought lsquoto make sacrificesin Aulis where Agamemnon made sacrifice when he was sailing againstTroyrsquo The Boeotarchs intervened and violently prevented it (Xen Hell344) Admi edly Panhellenism was largely a ma er not of action butof talk and we do not have any samples of Theban oratory as we have ofAthenian but there is no hint anywhere of Theban policy being affectedby the desire to punish Persia Indeed in 344 when the Great King ap-pealed to the Greek states for help in the reconquest of Egypt the Thebanssent a force of a thousand hoplites to assist (Diod 1644) and in 335 whenduring the Theban Revolt Alexander called for individuals to submit the

9 Cf G L C The Greek Wars (Oxford 2005) 6

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 107

Thebans countered calling for volunteers from Alexanderrsquos army lsquoto joinwith the Great King and the Thebans to free the Greeks and overthrow thetyrant of Hellashelliprsquo (Diod 1795) thus displaying the clear good sense thatDemosthenes (1034) had sought for in vain in Athenian policy

What suggests that the division between Leontiadas and Ismenias mayhave been at least sharpened by serious difference over the question of re-lations with Persia is the part played by an earlier Leontiadas presumablya direct ancestor probably grandfather to the leading villain of the De ge-nio in the defence of Thermopylae in 480 For all Herodotusrsquo malignitas itseems that although the δυναστεία ὀλίγων had given earth and water toXerxes four hundred Thebans under the command of Leontiadas foughtand as a punishment were branded by the Persians lsquobeginning with theirGeneralrsquo (Hdt 72332) It is not inconceivable that hostility to the Barbar-ian was cherished in that family Ismenias Leontiadasrsquo chief opponenthad accepted from the King an invitation to become ξένος an offer Agesi-laus had no doubt ostentatiously rebuffed (Xen Ages 83) It would notbe surprising if Ismeniasrsquo policy had caused serious division in the state

In the fi h century the centripetal forces of Boeotia seeking to establishthe Boeotian Federation were strongly pro-Spartan the centrifugal forcesanti-Spartan and therefore sympathetic to Athens A er the end of thePeloponnesian War this was abruptly reversed In the preliminary discus-sions of Sparta and her allies about the terms of a se lement with Athensthe Boeotian representative like the Corinthian spoke against any se le-ment and demanded the destruction of Athens (Xen Hell 2219 cf 358)and the enslavement of the populace (Isoc 1431) yet within a very shorttime the city of Thebes was offering refuge to the Athenian exiles (XenHell 241 etc) then supporting their return (Justin 59 etc) and refusingto heed Spartarsquos call for help in dealing with the liberation of Athens Thiswas a dramatic change from Thebesrsquo earnest support of Sparta in the Dece-lean War and their strenuous participation in the war in Ionia and schol-ars have largely concurred with the view10 that Thebes was moved to suchdissidence by Spartarsquos domination both in the Peloponnese and in centralGreece (cf Diodorus 14177 and 822)

The dramatic change in Theban policy in 404 can be readily understoodBut it is equally to be considered why Spartan policy towards Athens wasso unexpectedly lenient Sparta regarded walls round cities as a sourceof trouble They had tried to prevent the building of the Themistocleanring a er the Persians withdrew (Thuc 1902) just as they prevented thewalling of cities in the Peloponnese (Xen Hell 527) In 411 it was feared inAthens that Athensrsquo walls would be demolished (Thuc 8913) and Critiasthe hard-line oligarch of 404 was believed to want A ica lsquoto be reduced to

10 Cf P C ldquoLa Politique Theacutebaine de 404 agrave 396 av JCrdquo REG 31 (1918) 315ndash43

108 George Cawkwell

sheep-grazing emptied of the herd of menrsquo (Philost V Soph 116 = VS88 A1) Why then a er all the bi erness of the Peloponnesian War didSparta let Athens off so lightly Theramenes returned to Athens from whathe represented as his successful negotiations at Sparta a greatly popularman (Diod 1441) But the Spartans were not so Why did they let theAthenians keep the city wallsThe answer is probably that Sparta was afraid of Thebes and Theban ambi-tions11 Indeed one of the Thirty at Athens went to Sparta a er the returnof Theramenes to the Piraeus and bade them campaign in support of theThirty lsquosaying slanderouslyrsquo according to Lysias (1258) lsquothat the city willbelong to the Boeotians rsquo Now Thebes had certainly irritated the Spar-tans by claiming a tithe of the spoils of war (Xen Hell 4321 Plut Lys274) but that and other minor incidents were not enough to make Spartafear the Boeotians One of these incidents is suggestive In 42019 the Boeo-tians took over the Spartan foundation Heraclea and the Spartans were an-gry with them for doing so (Thuc 5521) What business had Boeotia withthis place The answer is to be found in Xenophonrsquos explanation of Jasonof Pherae destroying the fortification in 371 (Hell 6427) Heraclea con-trolled the route from Central Greece northwards Perhaps as early as 420Boeotian ambitions envisaged the expansion northwards of the 360s andSparta in the person of Lysander sought to prevent them The measureof Lysanderrsquos efforts is to be found in the mixed army of Central Greekswhich he took to fight Thebes in the ba le of Haliartus in 395 (Hell 356)Agesilaus in the 380s sought in the Kingrsquos Peace to keep Boeotia disunited

TheTheban decision to seek an alliancewith Olynthus (Xen Hell 5215)was an open challenge to Spartan domination This was followed by aproclamation that no Theban was to join the campaign against the Olyn-thians (ibid 5227) This was the policy of Ismenias and Androclidasclearly a challenge to the Kingrsquos Peace and Leontiadas to maintain thePeace struck The tyranny depicted in the De genio was established Ofcourse given the nature of the evidence it is not to be denied that Leon-tiadas may have been solely concerned to secure for himself a position ofpower It is equally not to be denied that he thought that the maintenanceof the Kingrsquos Peace was the best or rather the only way to secure peacefor Thebes Judgement of Leontiadas however depends on unanswerablequestions concerning the Kingrsquos Peace12 Was the proclamation forbiddingany Theban to join in the campaign against Olynthus (Xen Hell 5227) acontravention of the Kingrsquos Peace Had Ismenias thereby gone too far

11 Cf G E M S C The Origins of the Peloponnesian War (London 1972) 34312 Xenophon has done his best to obscure the nature of the Kingrsquos Peace Cf C

ldquoThe Kingrsquos Peacerdquo CQ 31 (1981) [69ndash83] 78 where the possibility is raised that in forbid-ding lsquovolunteersrsquo joining the Spartan campaign against Olynthus Thebes was in breach ofthe Peace

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 109

The Thebans were not popular For a start they were too well fed (cfAristophanes Ach 860ndash84 Pax 1003ndash5 The Athenians pinned on them thelabel lsquoBoeotian swinersquo (according to Plutarch De esu carnium 16) whichPindar the Boeotian passed on (Ol VI90) perhaps tongue in cheek13 but asPlutarch shows it concerned Theban eating not Theban thinking Epho-rus would claim (FGrHist 70 F 119) that the leaders of Thebes neglectededucation (cf Diod 15792) save in the period of Epaminondas14 buthe neglected to explain how and why the Pythagorean Lysis of Tarentum(VS 44) became the teacher of Epaminondas he had died some time beforeEpaminondas rose to prominence and power (cf 578D 583B etc) Thetwo Thebans Simmias and Cebes familiar to us from Platorsquos Phaedo arepart of the philosophical circle pictured in the De genio and all in all it isclear that Thebes in the early Fourth Century was no philosophical back-water15 Perhaps Plutarch meant to proclaim through his dialogues thatThebes was a place of intellectual importance Elsewhere in the De malig-nitate Herodoti (864D ndash 867B) Plutarch berated Herodotus for his treatmentof the Thebans at Thermopylae and his a ack seems just though it is not tobe discussed here Overall what is undeniable is Theban military virtueThe history of the fourth century makes that abundantly clear as does thevalour displayed on the night of the liberation Plutarch had reason to beproud

13 For lsquoBoeotian swinersquo see SC B in H B J B (edd) Boiotika(Munich 1989) 67ndash8

14 Cf P S A Historical Commentary on Diodorus Siculus Book 15 (Oxford 1998)10

15 Cf N H D Thebes in the Fi h Century (London 1982) Chapter 5 lsquoPhilosophy inThebesrsquo

The liberation of Thebesin Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidaslowast

Christopher Pelling

1 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext

The liberation of Thebes in 379 offers a particularly rich opportunityto investigate Plutarchrsquos narrative technique for this is the most elaborateinstance where we find the same episode recounted in a moral essay theDe genio and in a biography the Pelopidas

As the present volume makes clear the De genio a racts a good deal ofscholarly interest does for instance Plutarch side with Epaminondas inthis essay That view is taken by Daniel Babut1 Aristoula Georgiadou2

and Frederick Brenk3 and already a generation ago in the standard com-mentary by Corlu4 If so it would be a paradox as Epaminondas theperson who decides to stay out of the Liberation is something of an ab-sent presence in this narrative but that would not be the only paradox inPlutarch Is there a moral for Plutarchrsquos own generation and if so what is itndash political quietism on the model of Epaminondas or the search for a newequivalent of liberation or simply an invitation to any readers to consulttheir own conscience What are we to make of the problems of reading anysigns whether it be the obscure writings found at the tomb of Alcmene(577EndashF) or the various omens that a end the conspiracy itself Is there

lowast This is a lightly adapted version of a paper that was given at a conference in Rethymnoin May 2005 the original version is included in the volume of that conference The Unity ofPlutarchrsquos Work lsquoMoraliarsquo Themes in the lsquoLivesrsquo Features of the lsquoLivesrsquo in the lsquoMoraliarsquo editedby Anastasios N (de Gruyter 2008) I am most grateful to Professor Nand to de Gruyter for their permission to republish the material here

1 B 1969 344ndash6 B 1984 72ndash3 = B 1994 426ndash72 A G ldquoVita activa and vita contemplativa Plutarchrsquos De Genio Socratis and

Euripidesrsquo Antioperdquo in I G B S (edd) Teoria e Prassi Politica nelle opere diPlutarco (Naples 1995) 187ndash200 ead Πράξεις and λόγοι the Liberation of the Cadmeiain Plutarchrsquos de Genio (abstract) in ΕΡΕΤΗΡΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΤΑΙΡΕΙΑΣ ΒΟΙΩΤΙΚΩΝ ΜΕΛΕΤΩΝSecond International Congress Levadeia 1992 (Athens 1995) 1129ndash30 G 1996

3 B 1996 B 20024 Thus for C 1970 20 ldquoEacutepaminondas incarne lrsquoideacuteal plutarcheacuteen de lrsquounion de la

philosophie et la politiquerdquo Cf also B 1988 and D 1984 576ndash7 thoughD also brings out Plutarchrsquos appreciation of the virtue and nerve of the active plo ers(583) H 1988 374ndash8 gives a balanced view

112 Christopher Pelling

a metatextual significance of such problematic semiotics for the readingof Plutarchrsquos own text and the drawing of any lessons perhaps includingpolitical lessons That is the subject of a subtle article by Philip Hardie(1996)5 What does the pervasive Platonic intertextuality add to it all Is itjust a clever and playful bonding with an accomplished reader or mightPlutarch be providing his own counterpart of Plato in a way that interlockswith the a empts of the characters in the text to explore a counterpart tothe Platonic Socrates Not all these issues will be explored in this chapterbut some light may fall on them if we concentrate on narrative itself andthe contrast of Life and essay

The Platonic intertextuality will provide the essential background forthis discussion There is a vast amount of this in the essay and other as-pects of this are explored elsewhere in this volume questions of souls dip-ping up and down in the manner of Timaeus questions of how a myth ofrebirth works in the manner of Republic 10 and so on6 But it is the Phaedothat is particularly relevant There are several particular echoes right atthe beginning the discussion of whether there is time to talk and whetherthose present are willing to listen (575DndashE sim Phaedo 58cndashd) and the intro-duction of lsquoSimmiasrsquo the man of Thebes who was so important in Phaedoand is now the host here There is some wryness too in the way he is intro-duced He has lsquobeen away for a long time in foreign parts and had travelledamong strange peoplesrsquo (576C 578A) exactly as the Socrates of Phaedo hadencouraged his interlocutors to do (78a where Socrates was in fact talkingto Cebes ndash but Cebes is not forgo en here either 580E 590E) Now Simmiashas arrived home lsquofull of all sorts of myths and barbarian storiesrsquo Peoplekeep visiting him at his home not unlike the way they visited Socratesin prison but Simmias has a rather different reason for not being able toroam around for he has suffered a nasty ailment of the leg and can onlylie on his couch That is most convenient as it means Simmias cannot in-volve himself in the action himself and Plutarch therefore sidesteps theissue whether he would be an active participant like Pelopidas or a philo-sophical bystander like Epaminondas the question cannot arise for himBut this participant who was closest to the Platonic Socrates shows a fur-ther wry Socratic touch for does not the Phaedo itself end with a Socrateson his couch as the hemlock gradually strikes at his ndash legs There is evena lsquofasteningrsquo here as well the ἐπίδεσmicroος that has just been removed from

5 On this theme cf also B 1984 63ndash5 = B 1994 417ndash9 also D 1988 580ndash1B 1996 45

6 For a treatment of some of these issues see V 1977 93ndash5 105ndash14 K D ldquoPlutarch und das Daimonion des Sokrates (Plut de genio SocratisKap 20ndash24)rdquoMnemosyne37 (1984) 376ndash92 and B 1996 See also Deuse below p 193 with n 67

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 113

Simmiasrsquo leg (589A) ndash a blander equivalent of the fe er removed fromSocratesrsquo leg at Phaedo 59e7

The mild divergences between Plutarchrsquos two accounts have been wellstudied by others most recently and thoroughly byGeorgiadou 1997 HereI shall give a broader comparison of Life and essay under three headingsthat have become familiar from narratological theory duration focalisa-tion and voice One recurrent question will be what we might call the in-tertwining of lsquothemersquo and lsquoeventrsquo how far the various issues of conscienceand political activism are affected by and affect the events of this stirringstory Ziegler thought the intertwining of theme and event inDe geniowassuperficial and contrived a shallow imitation of their thorough integrationin the Phaedo8 Perhaps we can be a li le more generous

2 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas

First duration The version in the Life is quite expansive by Life standardsbut is still only seven chapters long The essay is developing the narrativeall through the work a er the dialogue introduction it starts with the ar-rival of the news that the plo ers are on the way from Athens and at theend it goes through to the moment when the Spartan garrison withdrawsThe Life version might take twenty minutes to read aloud the essay versionwould require more like two hours and is ge ing close to an equivalentin duration to the length in real time that the events would take (so in theterms made familiar by Bal9 the lsquostoryrsquo becomes equivalent in extent to thelsquofabularsquo) That is especially so as the back-narrative is given in very com-pressed form at the beginning in 575Fndash6B lsquowe all know already howhelliprsquoand then there is a quickening of pace at the end once the action itself fi-nally starts at 596DndashE the time in between that taken by the discussion asthe conspiracy develops is pre y well exactly the time that the discussionif real would have taken That lsquoisochronicrsquo equivalence of duration is notunusual in Plutarch (compare for instance De Pythiae Oraculis where theconversation occupies the time it would take to climb the hill at Delphi)and it is very much on the pa ern of a Platonic dialogue including thePlatonic dialogue that has the most important indeed cataclysmic actioninterwoven with it the Phaedo

This point of duration has several effects The first of course is that

7 For these and other Platonic echoes cf esp H 1895 148ndash51 C 1970 93ndash58 Z 1964 204 = 1951 841 (lsquoThemarsquo and lsquoHandlungrsquo) cf the similar verdict of

H 1895 151 V 1977 93 states uncompromisingly that ldquole sujet veacuteritable cenrsquoest pas le deacutemon de Socrate crsquoest la libeacuteration de Thegravebesrdquo though she has a more nuancedview on p 95 For a more sympathetic treatment of the interweaving of the philosophywith the narrative see esp D 1984

9 B 1985

114 Christopher Pelling

this is extremely mimetic almost the extreme case of narrative mimesisThe longueur the agonising waiting that a ends even such exciting andswi -moving events as these is caught by the way the participants talkalmost literally to pass the time rather as the Spartan partisan Archiasliked philosophical conversation to distract others from his disgraceful ac-tions (576C) so the conspirators too seem to be talking as much to distractthemselves as to buoy up their spirits or to provide the suspicious with anexcuse for their gathering When we come to the interaction of theme andaction this is not just a ploy of Plutarch himself to inject a factitious liter-ary lsquounityrsquo it characterises too for instance when the conversation turnsto how a momentary inspiration allowed Socrates to escape mortal dangerat the hands of not coincidentally the Thebans (581DndashE of Delium with ahint of Platorsquos Symposium) At times like this a mind dri s easily into preoc-cupation with mortal danger and dwelling here on divine inspiration maybe wishful thinking but is psychologically just right It is something of acontrary counterpart of the Phaedo itself where it is so natural for Socratesand his friends to talk of immortality

Not that the main point of the discussion is to illuminate the momenttense though it is The forward movement of the essay is carried not bythe action but by the discussion of Socratesrsquo daimonion and the moments ofaction or of news punctuate it even serve as panel-dividers to separate thediscussion We might compare the Amatorius another dialogue peculiarlyrich in Platonic reminiscence where the debate is interwoven with andaffected by the news coming from Thespiae of Ismenodorarsquos doings (754E756A 771D) It is a mirror-image of the phenomenon familiar from manyLives though not Pelopidas itself where the narrative action is divided intopanels by lsquodigressionsrsquo (what used to be called lsquoeidologyrsquo) digressions thatthemselves have something of the manner of theMoralia take for instancethe discussion of divine inspiration at Coriolanus 32 or of the way manticsigns work at Pericles 6 both Moralia-like topics which happen to overlapclosely with the themes of De genio Socratis

There is more to it still though and this brings us on to the interlockingof theme and event Some interaction is exactly what we should expectin that Coriolanus case for instance the lsquoHomericrsquo texture of the digres-sion has an interesting interplay with the lsquoAchilleanrsquo figure we have so farseen in that Life and the lsquoOdysseanrsquo crisis of powerful womenfolk that heis about to face In De genio the most obvious interaction is the way thatreflections and actions affect one another just as the charactersrsquo thoughtschange under the pressure of events so also their thought-processes drivetheir actions Thus the texture of the discussion becomes different oncethe tingling-nerved Hipposthenidas has told how among other things hefound the dream of Hypatodorus so frightening that he decided to abortthe whole affair (587AndashB) Not merely does Hipposthenidas himself illus-

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 115

trate the point made earlier that one has to have the right mindset if oneis to receive divine guidance and interpret it aright this is also the pointwhere dreams and visions are dropped as appropriate vehicles for inspi-ration and Simmias moves the discussion on to a new level by talking of asort of (perhaps wordless) lsquovoicersquo that Socrates always found much morereliable (588DndashE) So the alarming lsquoeventsrsquo of that night do affect the waythe lsquothemersquo of inspiration is viewed

What is difficult is to find this interaction going the other way The par-ticipantsrsquo determination to act may certainly be driven by their moral andphilosophical convictions but if they are looking for divine inspiration toguide their actions now they do not seem to find it once the narrative ofevents begins and it is good planning and good luck that carries the day10

Or so at least it seems yet this is a question to which we shall return (be-low p 125)

It is easy to represent this sort of narrative or dialogue dynamic as apurely artistic ma er just as we did a paragraph ago in asserting the the-matic unity ofCoriolanus But the comparison with Plato suggests a furtherpoint A Platonic dialogue is not merely an airing of philosophical issuesbut an indication of the right way to do philosophy through discussiondialectic and testing rather than by simple exposition The Phaedo illus-trates how to act and (more important) how to think in a moment of crisisin the presence of imminent and unjust death Cannot we make the samemove with Plutarch too and see him as exploring the way that events arenot merely conditioned by but also affect the way the participants thinkabout the biggest issues (Though in the Phaedo it is true the more ba-sic point is that Socratesrsquo stable insight is not unse led or revised by theimminence of death) A cultured and insightful response to the presentinvolves applying onersquos knowledge of and reflection on the paradigmaticpast and it also affects how we read and interpret the past and we cansee that in the thought-processes of the participants themselves The im-pact of the present crisis means that some approaches are dropped andothers become more a ractive And if that is true of an Artemidorus anda Galaxidorus and a Simmias might there not be a moral for Plutarchrsquosown readers too and the ways they should think about the biggest moraldilemmas

10 Thus B 1984 53 and 1988 esp 384ndash93 = 1994 407 and esp 432ndash41 cf H1996 132 ldquo[t]he success of the action depends entirely on the intelligent plans of the con-spirators and on the corresponding failure of the enemy to satisfactorily analyse eventsrdquo ndasha sort of sign-reading to be sure but not on the daemonic level M R ldquoThe purposeand unity of Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratisrdquo GRBS 18 (1977) 257ndash73 by contrast claimed thatldquothe narrative sections hellip show how daimonic guidance manifests itself in the real worldrdquo(258)

116 Christopher Pelling

3 Internal and external links

Underlying this question of duration is one extremely obvious differencebetween the two narratives the Pelopidas narrative is only a small sectionof a Life whereas theDe genio narrative is together with its accompanyingdiscussion the whole thing The natural inference from this would be thatwhen we talk of the links between the particular lsquoeventsrsquo of the narrativeand the wider lsquothemesrsquo then in the Life we shall be looking outside theseseven chapters talking of links with other parts of Pelopidasrsquo story ndash andindeed Marcellusrsquo story too for these are pairs not just individual LivesIf it were a web-site a link would connect with a later or an earlier screenexcept that perhaps we would not realise there was a link at all until wereached that later screen and recognised the point of contact11 In the Degenio we will at least begin by looking internally within the narrative itselfthe web-site might scroll us to another part of the same screen but it wouldstill be within this episode itself12

We shall soon want to complicate that contrast of lsquoexternalrsquo and lsquointer-nalrsquo link-building but still it works reasonably well as a first bid In Pelo-pidas we certainly find those links that go outside the episodersquos frame Inparticular echoes of the Cadmea come back at the end of the Life and comeback twice in a way that is typical of Plutarchrsquos closural technique13 Pelo-pidasrsquo final move against Alexander of Pherae in the ba le that takes hislife is strikingly described as an action of τυραννοκτονία (Pel 347) this isnot the most natural word for a pitched ba le against a force that happensto be led by a tyrant especially as the tyrant does not even get killed but itis one that highlights the similarity with the liberation The most strikingelement of that similarity is the readiness of Pelopidas to take a personalrisk seen in the bedroom struggle with Leontiadas (138ndash9) and again inhis thrusting into the front line against the tyrant Alexander (328ndash9) ineach case in the service of freedom This is identifiably the same personacting in a similar way

11 Cf G 1980 56 on Proustrsquos Recherche du Temps Perdu lsquothis is the most persistentfunction of recalls in the Recherche to modify the meaning of past occurrences a er theevent either by making significant what was not so originally or by refuting a first inter-pretation and replacing it with a new onersquo We will discuss later whether such lsquorecallsrsquo inPelopidas do in fact replace an initial interpretation with a new one

12 This is not the same distinction as between lsquointernalrsquo and lsquoexternalrsquo analep-sisprolepsis in narratology (a) because an analepsis or prolepsis is typically an explicitrecall or anticipation of an event whereas here the lsquolinksrsquo are a ma er of implicit sugges-tion through thematic pa erning (lsquorecallsrsquo as G 1980 puts it see n 12) and (b)because I here use lsquointernalrsquo to mean lsquointernal to the episodersquo rather than lsquointernal to thewhole workrsquo

13 On PelndashMarc in particular C B R P ldquoRoman heroes and Greek culturerdquo in MG J B (edd) Philosophia Togata I (Oxford 1989) [199ndash232] 207ndash8 more gener-ally P 1997 esp 240ndash2 = 2002 373ndash6

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 117

Once again though this is not simply an artistic ma er of lsquounityrsquo oreven of unified characterisation the parallels are thought-provoking in away that is important to the moralism too In the second case the onethat brings his death it is clear that Plutarch disapproves of Pelopidasrsquoaction That picks up the elaborate discussion in the proem of the follyof a commander exposing himself to this sort of danger (1ndash2) that too isthe theme that establishes the link with Marcellus who similarly meets arash death and this duly figures as the culminating issue in the synkriticepilogue as well as in the proem (Marc 33(3))

Should we therefore infer that it was a bad idea the first time round aswell that Pelopidas should have kept his distance (something that wouldalign the Life more closely with the BabutndashBrenkndashGeorgiadou reading ofthe essay incidentally praising Epaminondas as the detached non-violentmore Socratic figure of the pair) What makes that more difficult to be-lieve at least in the case of the Life is the second final contact The lastchapter of the work goes on to cover events a er Pelopidasrsquo death wherehis killer Alexander of Pherae is murdered by his disgruntled wife Thebein a similar sequence of tyrant-killing fervour secret plo ing nervous coldfeet and a final decisive steeling of the nerve for an act of bedroom blood-iness (35) This is not the only case where a Life goes on past the principalrsquosdeath to trace posthumous vengeance and makes this central to a Lifersquossignificance I have discussed this elsewhere14 It looks too as if Plutarchis working hard on the tradition to link Thebersquos vengeance with Pelopidashimself In Plutarch what inspires Thebe now is her memory of meetingPelopidas during his captivity at a time when he again showed rashnessas well as courage in his plain speaking to his captor Alexander (Pel 355sim285ndash10) yet that does not figure in any of the several possible motivationsthat Xenophon airs for Thebersquos murder of her husband (Hell 6435ndash7) stillless in the cruder version we find in Roman authors that Thebe was simplymotivated by jealousy of a concubine (Cic Off 225 Val Max 913 ext 3)In the Life Thebe is clearly a good person doing a good thing that makesit easier to believe that Pelopidasrsquo own bedroom killing and the liberationwas a good thing too even if it was less of a good thing to be so precipitatein fighting in the front line

So the differing consequences of similar behaviour need not entail anyfinal revision of the initial surely positive judgement we make on Pelop-idas in the Life but this sort of lsquoexternalrsquo link of the liberation with laterevents still deeply affects the way we take the moralism Perhaps the up-shot is how very difficult it is to make such moral differentiation of appar-ently similar motives or perhaps how striking a fact of human nature itis that the same human characteristic can generate acts that are so good ndash

14 P 1997

118 Christopher Pelling

Cadmea the killing of Alexander ndash and so disastrous ndash Pelopidasrsquo deathBut the fundamental point remains we have to build the bigger context ofthe manrsquos whole career if we are to interpret the liberation episode and wecannot take it simply on its own

What about the essay side of that initial straightforward contrast of ex-ternal and internal link-building Even in De genio do we in fact take theCadmea episode simply on its own The strongly phrased proem must berelevant here Archedamus there inveighs against allowing the perspec-tive of later events to distort onersquos moral evaluation of the actions that leadto them It is he says an unsophisticated reading of history that simplyjudges events on the basis of outcome and ignores lsquocausesrsquo lsquooriginsrsquo orlsquomotivesrsquo aitiai

A I remember Caphisias that I once heard a painter use rather an apt im-age to describe people who look at pictures He said that a layman with no knowledgeof the art was like a man addressing a whole crowd at once whereas the sophisticatedconnoisseur was more like someone greeting every person he met individually Lay-men you see have an inexact and merely general view of works of art while those whojudge detail by detail let nothing whether well or badly executed pass unobserved orwithout comment It is much the same I fancy with real events For the lazy-minded itsatisfies curiosity to learn the basic facts and the outcome of the affair but the devotee ofhonour and beauty who views the achievement of the great Art (as it were) of Virtuetakes pleasure rather in the detail because ndash since the outcome (τέλος) has much incommon with Fortune while the part of the ma er ltconcerned withgt motives (αἰτίαι)and ltthe action itselfgt involves conflicts between virtue and circumstance ndash he can thereobserve instances of intelligent daring in the face of danger where rational calculationis mixed with moments of crisis and emotion So please regard us as viewers of thissort tell us the story of the whole action from the beginning and ltsharegt with us thediscussions which ltwe heargt took place ltthen in yourgt presence bearing in mind thatI should not have hesitated even to go to Thebes for this if I were not already thoughtby the Athenians to be too pro-Boeotian

(De genio Socratis 575AndashD)

So the cultured and discriminating reader says Archedamus will realisethat events are o en directed by chance and therefore very different out-comes can mask very similar origins (aitiai) And Plutarch clearly thoughtthat lsquoArchedamusrsquo was right about this he says something very similarwhen contrasting the different outcomes of Alexanderrsquos and Crassusrsquo Par-thian campaigns (Crass 37(4)4) That might encourage us to concentrateon the events of 379 without being distracted by later lsquoconsequencesrsquoand so far that chimes with our initial expectation that evaluation in the es-say should be lsquointernalrsquo based on the events themselves Yet it is immedi-ately more complicated for the proem is also saying that even if differentstory-pa erns spring from similar aitiai one can still find inspiring pointsof parallel in those lsquostruggles of virtue against contingencyrsquo and lsquothought-ful daring in times of dangerrsquo ndash and that implies a process of comparisonIt is just that if we bring other events into contact with this sequence it

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 119

will not be those that were causally linked with it in what followed it willbe other occasions where motives and mindsets and drives were similarwhatever their consequences

In particular of course the whole topic of the dialogue makes us museon how similar the lsquooriginsrsquo in the participantsrsquo minds in 379 are to theinspiration that guided Socrates a generation or so earlier for the Platonicintertextuality is here crucial Whatever else that intertext may suggestthe particular recall of the Phaedomust recall the circumstances of Socratesrsquodeath The difficulty is to know what we should make of that comparisonof the two sequences Should we follow Babut and Georgiadou in findinga further alignment of Socrates to Epaminondas as both refuse to get in-volved in the hard real-life exchanges of politics Or is it rather a reminderof the dangers that any conscience-driven activity can bring something af-ter Platorsquos manner of anticipating Socratesrsquo trial towards the end of Gorgiasand in Alcibiadesrsquo lsquodefencersquo speech in Symposium At the end of this chap-ter I shall suggest that it might be a mistake to decide too firmly in eitherdirection

Perhaps too we should develop a further lsquointertextrsquo as there is a lesswidely noticed series of parallels here with the killing of Julius Caesaron the Ides of March There too we have the indications that the newsis spreading (596AndashB sim Brut 154) and the conspirators jump to a pre-cipitate conclusion that all is lost there is the decisive message which thevictim decides not to read (596EndashF sim Pel 107ndash10 sim Caes 65) there is thesick man who cannot be involved but wishes well (578CndashD sim Brut 11)there is the participantsrsquo nervousness as the crisis approaches (Brut 15)there are the suspicions that the plot has become known (586F 595A simPel 98 sim Brut 154) there are the conspirators who are philosophicallyalert and commi ed there is the awareness of a deep moral issue centringon the risk of the civil bloodshed that may ensue and the concern of theconspirators to limit the killing as far as possible (576Fndash7A Brut 194ndash5202 Ant 133) there is the intervention of a sympathiser who pretends tobe pleading for his condemned brother (576DndashE sim Brut 173 Caes 665)there is the heated (θερmicroοίν) and radiant reaction as the killers summontheir fellow-citizens to liberty (598AndashD sim Caes 673) Perhaps such simi-larities simply suggest that there are only so many ways of killing a tyrantand only so many ways of describing it but the killing of Caesar was suchan epoch-making story that it is not extravagant to suspect that the paral-lel is expressive Yet once again it is unclear what it is expressive of otherthan the simple suggestion that the issues at stake and the dilemmas theypose recur time and time again and in the most momentous ways yet justas with Socrates the parallel does not make moral judgement any easierespecially as moral judgement on Caesarrsquos assassination was notoriouslyso difficult

120 Christopher Pelling

For the moment let us simply note that even in the self-contained nar-rative of the De genio one can never take a single episode wholly on itsown As we saw that is really the suggestion of the proem itself suggest-ing that one ought to look for parallel aitiai in different sequences withoutbeing misled by different outcomes In both Lives andMoralia then com-parison is basic to the judgements that one makes Even the sort of com-parison is not wholly different not at least if we still apply that distinctionbetween lsquooriginsrsquo and lsquooutcomesrsquo for even the comparison in the Lifewithlater events does not look to anything that is an outcome (or at least a di-rect outcome one that is seen as such) of the Cadmea liberation but ratherto separate sequences ones that are connected by the way Pelopidas orThebe behaves ndash in short by the lsquooriginsrsquo by the mindset and mentalitythat drives on the nobly inspired individuals as they grapple for freedomSo in both Life and essay we are comparing similar aitiai and allowing thatcomparison to affect our moral judgement

It is still true that the sustained intertext of reading X against anotherrsquoswork Y is a good deal more elaborate in De genio than we typically havein the Lives Perhaps even in the Liveswe occasionally find such sustainedintertextuality for instance in reading Alcibiades against Symposium or theend of Cato minor against Phaedo itself but it does not usually become sopervasive through a text as it does here in De genio But even if there is notthat sustained reading against another authorrsquos Y there is still somethingsimilar in the Parallel Lives for we may certainly find a pervasive readingof one personrsquos Life against anotherrsquos even if that is usually another Lifeproduced by Plutarch himself Evidently that is true here in the compari-son withMarcellus but as so o en in Plutarch the formal synkrisis is onlythe part of it and the informal comparison with Epaminondas is just asimportant (esp Pel 3ndash4 254) Here there was presumably some implicitrelationship to Plutarchrsquos own Epaminondas the flagship opening Life of theseries Plutarch will be suggesting a comparison of these two very differ-ent Boeotian models of how to apply philosophy to politics So this hasbrought us back to a similar project to one found in De genio with its lurk-ing presence of Epaminondas spotlighting the issue of paideia and practicalpolitics even if once again the two Lives of Epaminondas and Pelopidas ex-plore that issue over the canvas not of a single episode but of both menrsquoswhole lives

Finally one particularly intriguing question does the essay show a sim-ilar awareness of other writings of Plutarch himself Do we recall that thissame author can produce works of a very different texture rather as wedo in Pericles where a er discussing divination he adds that lsquothis is moresuitable for another sort of workrsquo (Per 65) ndash and we know full well thatPlutarch himself could write it may indeed go on to write it Unfortu-

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 121

nately we do not know when De genio was wri en15 nor whether it pre-dates or postdates Pelopidas but it might well make a difference to ourreading if Plutarch were already embarked on the Lives or even some Lives(the Caesars or some of the other free-standing ones) and the original au-dience knew it ndash and therefore knew too that Plutarch himself in othermoods and modes would be describing and evaluating these issues in awider narrative context one that could hardly avoid being more outcome-conscious If that is so Archedamusrsquo warning in the proem could soundas a warning about any project of using history to provide raw material formoral inquiry including that project on which an audience would knowPlutarch himself had embarked

4 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas

Let us move on rather more swi ly to the category that has been exploitedmost assiduously in theoretical narratology that of lsquofocalisationrsquo Againwe may start with a simple contrast and see if it works What we wouldexpect to find would be the Life focalising through Pelopidas himself see-ing things through his eyes just as we would expect it to concentrate onhis actions The essay might be less predictable but at least the princi-pal narrator is one of the conspirators (in fact it is Epaminondasrsquo brotherCaphisias) so it is likely to be a partisan point of view not just that ofa mere messenger nor even the more detached narratorial viewpoint ofPlutarch himself

In some ways again that initial crude contrast works quite well butrather less well than we would expect Pelopidas certainly figures morein the Life ndash the conspirators can be described as lsquoPelopidasrsquo partyrsquo for in-stance τοῖςπερὶ Πελοπίδαν (91 and 10 evidently a genuine plural here16)in the Life Charon gives a full report to lsquoPelopidasrsquo partyrsquo οἱ περὶ τὸνΠελοπίδαν again (105 this time less clearly a genuine plural) and a fic-tional report to others but in the essay everyone is told the truth (595Fndash6C)(So this is indeed a ma er of focalisation not just narrative lsquofocusrsquo it is not

15 C P J ldquoTowards a chronology of Plutarchrsquos worksrdquo JRS 56 (1966) [61ndash74] 70 (reprin B S [ed] Essays on Plutarchrsquos Lives Oxford 1995 [95ndash123] 115) against Z1964 205 = 1951 842 Plutarchrsquos close knowledge of the history in De genio (however hemay decide to tweak or supplement it) and some elements of clear contact with the nar-rative details of Pelopidas do not demonstrate a closeness of composition date whateverhis sources in Pelopidas Plutarch was doubtless familiar with accounts of this particularepisode throughout his life On that source-question see esp G 1997 15ndash28 notjust Xenophon clearly for Xenophon omits Pelopidas from his liberation account at Hell541ndash12 something that can only be deliberate S 1997 127

16 On the familiar later Greek idiom whereby lsquoοἱ περὶ Xrsquo can be but need not be a simpleperiphrasis for lsquoXrsquo see esp S L R ldquoNoch einmal Aischylos Niobe Fr 162 N2 (278 M)rdquoZPE 38 (1980) 47ndash56 (ldquo1 Die Bedeutung von οἱ περὶ Τάνταλονrdquo)

122 Christopher Pelling

simply a ma er of who is centre-stage it also makes the reader know whatPelopidas knew and hear the successive reports as he heard them Whenthis Pelopidas-perspective is momentarily disturbed Plutarch is careful toadd lsquoas was later discoveredrsquo 107) Still the deployment of narrative detailis not always as neat and simple as that For instance when Charon offershis teenage son as a sort of hostage for his friends to kill if he Charonlets himself and his comrades down who finds this so appalling that heprotests It is Pelopidas ndash but not in the Life in the essay (595C) in theLife it is lsquoeveryonersquo (911ndash12) And when Pelopidas has his own moment ofphysical glory killing Leontiadas in hand-to-hand combat it is the essayrather than the Life that has more details

The essay has some interesting features too as that partisan focalisationis in some ways more in some ways less fulfilled than we might expect Itis more fulfilled in that Caphisias not merely tells the story as he viewsit now in retrospect he also tells it in the way the story would have un-folded to him at the time There is very li le here for instance on thearrangements for the party at Archiasrsquo house with the conspirators set upto arrive in womenrsquos clothing and give the lustful pro-Spartans a night toremember The Life goes into detail here drawing on Xenophon (and withan additional intertext incidentally in Herodotus 520 one that is alreadysensed in Xenophon) and in terms of sensational narrative that is a naturalhigh-spot ndash but Caphisias even though he could have told us about it inview of what he knows now was not an observer of the party-arrangementsthen and limits himself to what he then knew at first hand We only hearwhat Charon discovered of the preliminaries at Archiasrsquo house as he re-ports back to Simmiasrsquo party (596A) and so we learn that a rumour wasseeping out at the point when the conspirators heard of it too In narrato-logical terms the lsquonarrating selfrsquo becomes assimilated to the lsquoexperiencingselfrsquo and the primary focaliser Caphisias turns himself into a secondaryfocaliser as well17 involving an internal analepsis as he recalls those ear-lier details or should we perhaps say remembering the brief initial scene-se ing that the primary focaliser lsquoPlutarchrsquo first introduces Caphisias as asecondary focaliser who goes on to use himself as a tertiary focaliser Theeffect is complex anyway and the Caphisias focalisation is strong

On the other hand the focalisation is less intense in that it is not partic-ularly ideologically partisan or rather that any partisan elements are notespecially interesting Everyone accepts that the pro-Spartans are villainsIf there is an interesting issue it is not that but what one does about it andthat brings us back to the question of right and wrong between Epaminon-

17 Cf G 1980 198ndash9 discussing a similar case in Proust he terms such suppres-sion of information paralipsis ldquosince the narrator in order to limit himself to the informa-tion held by the hero at the moment of the action had to suppress all the information heacquired later information which very o en is vitalrdquo Cf N 1990 370ndash1

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 123

das and the rest should one adopt a more Socrates-like quietist positionand stay out of it or should one grasp the ne le and the dagger Caphisiasrsquocharacterisation does ma er here As Epaminondasrsquo brother he sees hispoint of view and indeed articulates it particularly clearly one should notexecute people without trial except in the most extreme necessity and itwould be be er to have people who had kept aloof to carry conviction inthe post-bloodshed se lement (594BndashC) But it is also clear that Caphisiashimself disagrees with his brother and he is involved in the action evenif not especially prominently at the end Just as Simmiasrsquo affliction allowshim to preside without taking sides so Caphisiasrsquo position allows him tobe as close as possible to a non-partisan on that most interesting issue ofall not whether the tyrants are evil but what to do about it

5 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas

In a case such as this focalisation18 connects inextricably with another ofGene ersquos narratological categories lsquovoicersquo and here the dialogue struc-ture of De genio is significant In many ways this is a narrative within adialogue and a dialogue within a narrative again very much in Platonicfashion It starts as an lsquoextra-diegeticrsquo19 dialogue between Archedamusand Caphisias and Archedamus sets up Caphisias to speak (De PythiaeOraculis and Amatorius are again parallel here so isDe Cohibenda Ira) Thisproem incidentally is not without a hint of the inter-state bad feeling thatfollowed for Archedamus says that he would even have been preparedto go to Thebes to hear the story if it had not been for the suspicion thatthis would trigger in Athens (575D above p 118) This is just a er hehas been arguing that we should judge aitiai without an eye to outcomes

18 I am conscious that in the previous paragraph I am using lsquofocalisationrsquo in a broadsense one involving a itudes as well as pure cognition in other words the lsquohowrsquo in lsquohowone seesrsquo is one that involves response and feeling as well as recognition This I think isinevitable for emotion and cognition are inextricably connected onersquos emotional perspec-tive not merely builds on onersquos perceptions it also conditions what one notices and howone notices it Hence emotional perspectives (what S C ldquoCharacters and narra-tors filter center slant and interest-focusrdquo Poetics Today 72 1986 [189ndash204] 197ndash8 termedlsquoslantrsquo) in this case the possibilities of a partisan stance are thoroughly relevant to lsquohow oneseesrsquo On the inextricability of emotion ideology and focalisation see Shl R -K Narrative Fiction Contemporary Poetics (London 1983) 80ndash2 and in a classical context espe-cially D P F (ldquoDeviant focalization in Vergilrsquos Aeneidrdquo PCPS 1990 216 42ndash63 reprin id Roman Constructions Oxford 2000 40ndash63) though he is treating much more intricateissues (and I find his word lsquodeviantrsquo misleading in many of his cases of embedded focali-sation lsquocomplexrsquo lsquopolyvalentrsquo or lsquoblurredrsquo would be be er) By now quite evidently I amtouching on theoretical issues too large to treat properly here I also avoid discussion ofthe relative merits of G rsquos (1980) and B rsquos (1985) slightly different terminologies butmy sympathies are with G for the reasons given by N 1990 and succinctly TC B R Thucydides Narrative and Explanation (Oxford 1998) 294ndash6

19 For this unlovely term G 1980 228ndash9

124 Christopher Pelling

and consequences yet perhaps it is more difficult to forget consequencesa er all just as Archedamus found it impossible to ignore all that laterhistory that centred on the increasing Theban domination of Greece Andcertainly that dialogue introduction points as similar Platonic introduc-tions do to the way that the events and discussions described were onesthat were talked about years later and in Athens as well as Thebes Thiswas no ordinary day and it was not ndash as if the audience did not know hisalready ndash a Liberation that failed

Once Caphisias gets underway it is again striking how his narrative soreadily becomes dramatic dialogue That is not just true of the philosophi-cal dialogue and the exchange of elaborate views but also of the momentsof action too as when Charon and Archias come face to face (595Fndash6C)lsquoThere are exiles in the cityrsquo says Archias lsquoWherersquo says Charon lsquoI donot knowrsquo says Archias lsquothatrsquos why I called you herersquo So thatrsquos all rightCharon thinks lsquoThere used to be lots of these rumoursrsquo he says lsquobut Ihavenrsquot heard anything ndash Irsquoll look into it thoughrsquo lsquoGood idearsquo says thescribe Phyllidas who is in on the plothellip This is a dialogue within a narra-tive (Charonrsquos) within a dialogue (Charon and the others) within a narra-tive (Caphisias) within a dialogue (Caphisias Archedamus and the others)Even in the Life there is some dialogue here (101ndash4) but only two speechesPlutarch uses direct speech in the Lives very rarely ndash indeed its rarity makesits use here dramatically arresting too ndash but the version inDe genio remainsfar more elaborate That links too with the other dialogues that are em-bedded in the narrative throughout the essay including the one that doesnot happen that which Socrates would so much have liked to have withthe recently-dead Timarchus (592F)

One aspect of this technique is indeed lsquodramaticrsquo the dialogue is asstriking as the visual scene-se ing lsquoJust as in a dramarsquo indeed the for-tune (tyche) of the action lsquoelaborated our enterprise with perilous scenes hellipand brought a sharp and terrifying conflict one involving an unexpectedreversalrsquo (peripeteia 596DndashE) True there was drama already in Xenophonrsquosaccount where it is surely no coincidence that he does not have twelve as-sailants as in Plutarch but precisely seven ndash against Thebes (Hell 543)20

but Plutarch makes it evenmore theatrical That is not all though through-out the essay the dialogue texture is also peculiarly suitable for raising is-sues ndash raising them not necessarily se ling them This is not the place todebate how far the discussion se les issues of demonology or of divine in-tervention in mortal affairs though it is worth recalling that earlier pointthat it is hard to find inspiration on the Socratic model in action once we getto the narrative crisis nor has there been any clear indication of daimones inaction (a point made by Babut) Yet that too is problematic I suggested ear-

20 This is well brought out by S 1997

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 125

lier that it was good planning and good luck that brought success (p 115)ndash but is it Or is the point that all those lucky coincidences and so-nearly-went-wrongs suggest divine intervention but of a different sort Whenthings could so easily have gone wrong a er Hipposthenidasrsquo failure ofnerve is Caphisias right to infer that lsquothe gods are encouraging us towardsthe deedrsquo (588B) ndash or was it indeed just coincidence and is Caphisias in-dulging in that brand of wishful thinking that Simmias immediately goeson to discuss (588C) We cannot know It is so characteristic of dialoguesto leave loose ends alternative views that need not be wholly integratedor wholly decided between or among the notion of divine guidance is sig-nificantly absent from the narrative in the Life for in Lives interpretation istypically more clear-cut The form of the essay allows lsquovoicersquo to be givento discordant views and in literature as in life the most civilised and in-sightful of people have sometimes to realise that they cannot be sure whichview is the be er

Perhaps this is the be er way to look at the Epaminondas issue too andthe dialogue airs but does not decide the question whether his quietism isright But there is an extra twist for what makes Epaminondas so enig-matic is that he has so li le voice at least on this issue He waxes eloquenton the virtues of poverty in turning down even acceptable wealth (andit is not clear he is right there either21) but others speak for him when itcomes to his non-involvement in the conspiracy (576Fndash7A 594BndashC) a non-involvement that is slightly more total in the De genio than in the Life22

His taciturnity is indeed most striking and is itself the object of comment(592Fndash3A) One thing he does express is his fear that the bloodshed mayget out of hand (577A) but does it The essay ends with jubilation notwith widespread slaying23 and even if Xenophon suggests there was acertain amount of score-se ling (Hell 5412) that is not an emphasis thatPlutarch himself gave even in Pelopidas Epaminondasrsquo high-principledstance against lsquokilling any fellow-citizen without trial except in the pres-

21 582Cndash586A pace eg D 1984 576ndash7 he is questionable both in interpreting therequest for Lysisrsquo bones as if it was an insulting a empt to buy off people who did notresent their penury (the gentlemanly language of the Crotoniate Theanor did not deservesuch a put-down) and also in treating the possibility of funds with such disdain lsquoIt is justas if you came offering arms to a city that you thought was at war and then discovered itwas at peacersquo says Epaminondas (584A) and the analogy is closer than he thinks for hiscolleagues do see themselves as at war with the Spartan occupying force and funds areuseful in warfare Plutarch knew very well that to be too philosophical at a time of crisismay compromise a higher principle the good of onersquos city (Phoc 326ndash7)

22 He is active and bellicose at Pel 122 (lsquoin armsrsquo) and stirs up anti-Spartan subversive-ness at Pel 74ndash5 In De genio he is simply waiting at the end (598C)

23 B 1984 56 = 1994 410 B 1988 421ndash2 = 1994 230ndash1 and B 2002 108put weight on the fate of Cabirichus at 597BndashC not the most glorious moment of the libera-tion it is true but not I think enough to demonstrate that lsquoEpameinondas had been lucidlyclairvoyantrsquo (B )

126 Christopher Pelling

ence of grave necessityrsquo (594B) is all very well but is this not lsquograve ne-cessityrsquo Epaminondas only manages to occupy the high moral ground byassuming without argument that this is the high moral ground And canone should one forget the glory that this brought to Thebes Should oneignore all that followed Leuctra and so on Or should we put more weightas Brenk does on the internecine Greek bloodshed that followed in latercenturies (579A 579CndashD) and think that this rather validates Epaminon-dasrsquo viewpoint Yet perhaps both of those views fall into the trap of lsquojudg-ing events by their outcomesrsquo It is all very difficult but whether or notPelopidas had already been wri en with its enthusiastic praise of the deed(one incidentally that dwells on its consequences so lsquooutcomesrsquo are rele-vant a er all 134ndash7) Plutarchrsquos first readers could hardly have laid asidetheir awareness that the natural reading of events ndash especially the readingthat was natural for this Boeotian author Plutarch to take ndash was that thiswas a glorious action one where the risk of bloodshed was thoroughlyworth taking24 That a er all is Archedamusrsquo assumption in the proem

So Epaminondasrsquo stance is not dismissed out of hand and here we mayagree with Babut Brenk and Georgiadou but it is not clearly validatedeither The dialogue form allows both positions to be aired and the readeris involved in weighing both points of view ndash in a further dialogue if youlike a more Bakhtinian dialogic sort of dialogue in which the reader con-verses with the text That dialogic dialogue may even be one we see in adifferent form in the Life as well especially if we remember that the readerwould have read Epaminondas too and would have seen the other possi-ble viewpoint As so o en in both Moralia and Lives we may see peoplewrestling with the past and finding it relevant but difficult to read just asPlutarchrsquos own readers would ndash and perhaps that is the lsquomessage for hisown generationrsquo and perhaps for ours too We are coming back to a po-sition similar to that urged by Philip Hardie in his paper on the semioticsof this lsquoSign of Socratesrsquo (1996) where he stressed the difficulty of readingsigns and the correlated difficulty of reading historical texts25

24 Or as Z put it ldquoer wollte einer der glaumlnzendsten boiotischen Ruhmestaten einDenkmal setzen und zugleich indem er seine Helden im Augenblick der houmlchsten Span-nung ruhigen Gemuumltes uumlber die schwierigsten philosophischen Fragen diskutieren lieszligdem Vorurteil der boiotischen Ungeistigkeit entgegentretenrdquo (1964 204 = 1951 841) Andbrilliant and glorious in memory it surely was if B 1976 is right it even mostunusually for a historical event figured in artistic as well as literary representations

25 I argue this more fully in C B R P ldquoPlutarchrsquos SocratesrdquoHermathena 179 (2005)105ndash39 where I also suggest that this emphasis fits well with the way Plutarch treatsSocrates in his other works (cf also H 1988) the difficulty of reading and un-derstanding Socrates is a recurrent theme

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 127

6 Lessons for today

One final point could hardly escape the audience at the conference in 2005where this paper was first given26 at a time when the debate over Amer-ican and British intervention in Iraq was raging Many of these issues in-evitably sounded all too contemporary to that audience When is it rightto take direct murderous action to overthrow a tyrant When is it be erto keep a thoughtful reflective detachment feeling that civil bloodshedcan so easily get out of hand How far should the educated ethically con-cerned patriot feel not merely a licence but an obligation to take a moralstance on issues as profound as these Yet is that moral stance best takenby a course of risky bloody action How reliable a guide can religiousconviction be in issues like this ndash or does it depend on having the rightreligious mindset in the first place Plutarchrsquos deepest moral concerns re-main concerns for us timeless ones not simply parochial preoccupationsof imperial Chaeronea The Plutarch which Georgiadou and Brenk foundin the 1990s validating Epaminondasrsquo detachment and concern to avoidbloodshed is one that prefigures what one might call the European liberalconsensus on the events of 2003 disapproving of the uncompromising de-cisiveness of American policy Liberals are usually Epaminondases now Iam one myself If I paint a more equivocal Plutarch allowing voice to bothsides and not plumping one way or another in one way that is simply af-firming that issues like this are very difficult and gauging the right lessonsfrom history is as hard as gauging the right ethical principles to apply Butthere is also a sympathy for the men of action even for the politicianswho cannot allow themselves the luxury of saying lsquoit is too early to tellrsquoand have to take agonising decisions anyway under the pressure of eventswhen in those terms of the proem one can only see the aitiai and can onlygrope nervously forwards towards the unseeable consequences Judgingin the light of outcomes is indeed the privilege of history and of biographyit is knowing what to do with those past judgments how to apply them tothe new crisis that is both intractable and unavoidable He knew a thingor two did Plutarch

26 See above n lowast

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena1

Robert Parker

The De genio is the unique source for the story of how king Agesilaus ofSparta a empted to fetch the remains of Heraclesrsquo mother Alcmena fromHaliartus to Sparta During the conversation at Simmiasrsquo house the seerTheocritus naturally interested in such ma ers asks a Haliartian whohappens to be present Phidolaus lsquowhat was found and in general whatwas the appearance of Alcmenarsquos tomb when it was opened in your coun-try ndash if that is you were present yourself when Agesilaus sent and re-moved the remains to Spartarsquo Phidolaus replies lsquoI wasnrsquot present andthanks to my indignation and complaints to my fellow-citizens I was leout by themrsquo (577E)2 Despite his indignation at the whole procedure hegoes on to describe the finds The first find or non-find is obscured by alacuna in the text it was ltsome remainsgt of a body or ltno remainsgt of abody or even lta stone instead ofgt a body if the last suggestion is right amyth about the miraculous disappearance of Alcmenarsquos body known fromThebes was also influential at Haliartus3 The certain finds were lsquoa bronzebracelet of no great size and two po ery jars containing earth compressedand hardened like stone by the passage of timersquo also somewhere in the re-gion of the tomb (there is another short lacuna) lsquoa bronze tablet with muchwriting on it wonderfully ancient This writing appeared clearly whenthe bronze was washed but it allowed nothing to be made out becausethe form of the characters was peculiar and foreign very like the Egyptian(577F)rsquo

Phidolaus then tells how Agesilaus sent a copy of the bronze tablet tothe king of Egypt (unfortunately unnamed) for transmission to lsquothe priestsrsquoto see if they could decipher it (577F) He suggests that Simmias who wasin Egypt at the time and in contact with the priests on ma ers of philos-ophy might be able to report on the outcome But lsquoas for the people ofHaliartus they think that the great dearth and overflowing of the lake wasnot fortuitous but was a visitation of wrath come upon them for allow-

1 Cf S 1958 80ndash832 The Greek can equally well be translated lsquodespite my indignation and complaintsrsquo

in which case we would have to suppose that Phidolaus resented exclusion from an in-teresting spectacle But the rendering adopted in this volume which implies that he hadprotested vigorously against the violation of a tomb surely gives be er sense

3 See below pp 131ndash33

130 Robert Parker

ing the tomb to be dug uprsquo Theocritus adds that the Spartans too seemto have incurred divine anger Lysanoridas has just been consulting himabout omens and has now gone off to Haliartus lsquoto fill in the grave againand offer libations to Alcmena and Aleus in accordance with some oraclethough he does not know who Aleus was (577Fndash578B)rsquo He goes on to sug-gest that on his return Lysanoridas may try to seek out the tomb of Dirceat which the outgoing and incoming Theban hipparchs meet for a secretnigh ime ritual when the transfer of office between them takes place theyalone know its location4 We should perhaps suppose that Lysanoridashopes to capture for the Spartans benefits that should properly fall to theThebans from offerings brought to the hidden tomb he is suspected at allevents of intending to meddle with sacred ma ers that are no concern ofhis

The theme of lsquohijacked ritesrsquo becomes explicit later in the dialogue whenHipposthenidas reports nervously on the omens reported by lsquothe seerssacrificing the ox to Demeterrsquo (evidently an occasion sufficiently famil-iar for this casual allusion to suffice) (586F)5 Theocritus bursts out thatevil omens can only be expected when rituals are performed by usurpers(587C) Early in the dialogue a conversation is mentioned between the quis-ling Theban Archias the Spartan Lysanoridas and the Theban patriot The-ocritus (577B) It occurred lsquowhen they turned off the road a li le belowthe Amphionrsquo apparently the supposed place of burial of the mythicalbuilders of Thebesrsquo walls Amphion and Zethus6 The Thebes of Plutarchrsquosday it should be noted was in large part unoccupied7 and his topographyis likely to be more literary and symbolic than realistic The glancing allu-sion via the Amphion to the builders of the famous walls may be more thana touch of local colour given that at the dramatic date ofDe genio the wallswere subject to a lawless occupation Just before the crucial appeal to theTheban citizenry to accept the proferred liberty Epaminondas Gorgidasand their friends assemble at the lsquosanctuary of Athenarsquo (598D) probably to

4 See note 57 on the translation above p 865 S 1981 166ndash8 acutely argues from the reference to lsquoofficersquo in 587C that this

otherwise unknown sacrifice was offered in connection with the inauguration of the newannual board of magistrates we know from Xen Hell 544 that the conspiracy occurredwhen one yearrsquos polemarchs were about to leave office This would fit well with the un-usually important civic role that Demeter had at Thebes the sanctuary of Demeter Thes-mophoros was apparently on the Cadmea and it was here that omens occurred in relationboth to the ba le of Leuctra and the arrival of Alexander (Paus 965ndash6) thither too weresent spoils from Leuctra (Paus 9165)

6 See note 41 on the translation above p 857 Paus 8332 Dio 7 121 cf D J M Euripides Phoenissae (Cambridge

1994) 647ndash650 (lsquoThe poetic topography of Thebesrsquo with bibliography also on its actualtopography)

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 131

be understood as the shrine of Athena Onka associated with Cadmus andwell-known from tragedy8 another aptly-chosen location therefore

I revert to the bronze tablet excavated on Agesilausrsquo orders When Sim-mias rejoins the conversation and is appealed to he replies that he knowsnothing of the tablet from Alcmenarsquos tomb but he does know of manywritings sent from Agesilaus by the Spartan Agetoridas via the king (iepharaoh) to the prophet Chonouphis at Memphis When deciphered byChonouphis a er three daysrsquo study they turned out to contain instructionsfrom Heracles (who had learnt the Egyptian language used in the age ofProteus) to lsquohold a competition in honour of the Musesrsquo the godrsquos (ie Her-aclesrsquo) advice to the Greeks Chonouphis interpreted was to live in peaceand harmony

The De genio says no more on the issue except in the sense that thewhole narrative of the Spartan loss of the Cadmea suggests that Lysanori-dasrsquo a empts at propitiation were vain But from a passage in the Life ofLysander (284ndash5) we see that Lysanoridasrsquo ignorance about Aleus is due tolack of knowledge of local traditions Plutarch is discussing the topogra-phy of the Haliartus region in the context of Lysanderrsquos campaign there of395 Near the spring Kissousa he writes grows the Cretan styrax whichthe Haliartians take as proof of the Cretan Rhadamanthysrsquo residence inthe region lsquoAnd they show his tomb calling it that of Aleus9 (καὶ τάφοναὐτοῦ δεικνύουσιν Ἀλέου (Ziegler Ἀλεᾶ codd) καλοῦντες) The monu-ment of Alcmena is nearby For it was here as they say that she was buriedhaving married Rhadamanthys a er the death of Amphitryonrsquo The tra-dition that Rhadamanthys lived in Boeotia in exile and married Alcmenaoccurs elsewhere too10 This stage in the Cretan herorsquos career follows noobvious mythological logic it might be a secondary product of a mythwhereby Alcmenarsquos body was snatched away during her funeral in order

8 Cf S 1981 129ndash33 in Aeschylusrsquo Septem there are repeated allusions whichstress Athena Onkarsquos role as protectress of the city (164 487 501) and a commentator onEuripides (Σ Phoen 1062) quotes two hexameter lines supposedly inscribed on her temple(which they refer to as a νηός) describing its foundation by Cadmus Pausanias (9122)credits her only with a statue and altar in the open air but other places known to him inThebes where Athena was honoured are even less well endowed (9102 9117 9173) forpossible explanations of the literary allusions to Theban lsquotemplesrsquo of Athena (Soph OT20ndash21 lsquotwin templesrsquo Eur Phoen 1372 lsquothe house of Pallasrsquo Σ Eur Phoen 1062 above)see S loc cit Aeschylus seems to place Athena Onka lsquobefore the cityrsquo thoughnear the gates (Sept 164 501) but Pausanias it has been argued is still at the southern endof the Cadmea when he reaches her for different proposed locations (south west from theCadmea at the southern end of the Cadmea) see S 1985 185 with figs 51 and52 Only archaeological discoveries can advance the issue

9 S rsquos suggestion (1981 9) that the phrase should be rendered lsquoand they showa tomb there calling it that of Aleusrsquo removes the puzzling identification of Aleus andRhadamanthys but makes Plutarchrsquos sequence of thought very inconsequential

10 Apollod 270[411] 36[12] (doubtless the source for Tzetzes on Lyc Alex 50) wholocates it at Ocaleae near Haliartus (Strabo 9226 410)

132 Robert Parker

for her to live with Rhadamanthys on the Islands of the Blessed ndash fit destinyfor the mother of the greatest hero11 However that may be two tombs inthe Haliartus region were at a certain point identified as belonging to thecouple though only apparently by violence to an existing tradition whichassigned one of them to lsquoAleusrsquo

Agesilausrsquo a empt to move the remains of Alcmena recalls several sim-ilar stories12 To take only cases to which sources assign an approximatedate the Spartans during their sixth century war against Tegea supposedlybrought the bones of Orestes from Tegea to Sparta Cimon in the 470s ()those of Theseus from Scyrus to Athens Hagnon in 437 those of Rhesusfrom Troy to the new se lement at Amphipolis the Messenians those ofAristomenes from Rhodes probably at or shortly a er the re-foundationof Messene in 36913 The remains of Minos were supposedly handed backvoluntarily as it seems by the Acragantines to the Cretans when Theronwas tyrant in the early 5th century14 But none of these cases provides anexact parallel to that of Agesilaus and Alcmena In every instance exceptthe last the bone transferal occurred on the instructions of an oracle Age-silaus had no such legitimation for his action at all events not in the ac-count given of it by Plutarch which treats it as an unsanctioned impietyIt duly proves a failure and on oracular advice Lysanoridas hurries off tolsquofill in the grave againrsquo15 and appease Alcmena and Aleus In this regardthe closest parallel is a mysterious Theban story in Pausanias that a erChaeronea king Philip prompted by a dream took the bones of Heraclesrsquomusic-teacher Linus to Macedonia but prompted by another dream laterrestored them16

A further difference is that in all the cases just mentioned and in mosttoo of those which float without firm chronological location17 the hero in

11 lsquoPherecydesrsquo fr 84 F ap Anton Lib 33 cf Anth Pal 313 which describes aCyzican monument of the third c BC

12 Cf M C 199913 Hdt 166ndash68 Plut Cim 85ndash7 Thes 361ndash4 Paus 1172ndash6 337 Polyaen Strat 653

Paus 432314 Diod 4791ndash215 TheDe genio account does not allow him time to fetch back from Sparta the finds from

the excavation as full reparation would have required But there was certainly no lsquotombof Alcmenarsquo shown there

16 9298ndash9 P 1909 194ndash6 treats both the Linus and the Alcmena stories as fictionsdesigned to explain why a site which claimed to be the site of a particular herorsquos buriallacked all visible relics But in neither case does the explanation work Pausanias describesthe restoration of Linusrsquo bones and goes on lsquobut they say that with the course of time thetombstone and all the other markers have disappearedrsquo What then did the Philip storyadd As for Alcmena in De genio the sole source her tomb was lsquorefilledrsquo there were thenstill lsquovisible remainsrsquo

17 So eg the return of the bones of Tisamenus from Helice to Sparta (Paus 718) Arcasfrom Maenalus to Mantinea (Paus 893ndash4) Hippodamia from Midea to Elis (Paus 6207)for suggested dates for these cases see M C 1999 95 n 38 97 nn 43ndash44 The clear-

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 133

question has died abroad and is being brought back to repose in his na-tive soil usually too he is a figure of high importance for the self-image ofthe country to whom he returns Alcmena mother of Heracles was boundto be of interest to any Spartan king Heraclids as they claimed to be andthus her lineal descendants But she was not to the Spartans what Theseuswas to the Athenians or Aristomenes to the Messenians and no-one everclaimed that she had resided in Sparta In this sense the incident resem-bles a empts to suborn enemy heroes by sacrificing to them secretly or thelike though actual bone-removal is not a ested in such cases18 The textunfortunately does not make plain what traditions about Alcmenarsquos burialat Haliartus may have pre-dated Agesilausrsquo interest in the ma er Manydifferent stories were told about Alcmenarsquos post-mortem fate The Megari-ans claimed that she died while travelling and was buried in Megara (Paus1411) the Thebans claimed she died in Thebes and her body disappearedbeing replaced by a stone which was still visible in her sanctuary whilebeing carried out for burial19 But at a certain point there emerged thetradition discussed above which identified two tombs at Haliartus as be-longing to Alcmena and Rhadamanthys Unfortunately we cannot knowwhen one or both tombs were first so explained The simplest view is thatthe identification already existed in c 381 (to take that as the date of Agesi-lausrsquo action) Agesilaus will then have opportunistically exploited Spartancontrol of the region to try to bring his ancestressrsquo remains to Sparta Analternative scenario would have an impressive bronze age tumulus beingdiscovered by chance in c 381 and identified (by a local antiquary by anoracle) as Alcmenarsquos ndash a rash identification given the response it evokedfrom Agesilaus20 No doubt other scenarios are possible too Plutarch wasusing the story primarily for its consequences the grim omens that Age-silausrsquo impiety evoked at the time of the loss of the Cadmea Agesilausrsquooriginal motivation was not his concern and we are le with too li le in-formation to recover it For the religious historian the text promises anddisappoints

All this however is to assume that the incident is historical and that

est counter-case of a hero whose bones are transported away from home is the bringing(unexplained) of Hector to Thebes (S 1981 I 233ndash4)

18 See eg Hdt 5892ndash3 Eur Erechtheus F 37087ndash9 K Plut Sol 91 E K Heroes of A ica (London 1989) 44ndash55 For Theban anxieties about such forms of a ack Paus9174 is striking testimony

19 lsquoPherecydesrsquo (fr 84 F ) ap Anton Lib Met 33 Diod Sic 4586 Paus 9167Plut Rom 287 the last without any specific location

20 M C 1999 95 lsquothe bones were found by accident in what must certainly havebeen a tholos tomb and identified (we are not told how) as those of Alkmenersquo (with anunexplained dating to precisely 382) S 1981 14 speculates that objects discov-ered during the excavation might have encouraged the identification made perhaps by anoracle But in Plutarch the identification seems to precede the excavation

134 Robert Parker

assumption must now be tested In favour of it is the absence of any ob-vious motive for invention The story puts the Spartans in a bad lightbut not so bad as to make it powerfully anti-Spartan contrast for instancethe myth of the daughters of Scedasus who died a er rape by lsquoSpartiateguestsstrangersrsquo21 It has no obvious aetiological purpose22 Though itcertainly contributes valuably to Plutarchrsquos scene-se ing one hesitates tosuppose that he would invent such a story about a historical character forthat purpose alone The disappointing result of the excavation might alsoplead for authenticity In his pre-history of archaeology Alain Schnapp23

contrasts the realism of Plutarchrsquos account a realism which incidentallyshould probably warn against introducing the legendary motif of the dis-appearing body with the quite different manner of the lsquobones of Orestesrsquostory in Herodotus He observes lsquoit does not take too much imagination fortodayrsquos archaeologists to recognize a Mycenaean burialrsquo Even before thediscovery of a large cache of Linear B tablets at Thebes the possibility thatAgesilausrsquo bronze was inscribed in Linear B (or A) had o en been contem-plated24 It is a difficulty however that texts wri en in linear B on bronzeare unknown and even if we make the easy assumption that a clay tabletchanged to bronze in transmission of the story Linear B tablets have noproper place to our knowledge in or near tombs An extensive text wri enin a different pictographic script (Linear A or Cretan hieroglyphic) wouldbe a very surprising find in Boeotia25 The possibility that the lsquorealismrsquo wasinjected by Plutarch should also not be neglected26

Even a believer in the story must baulk at some details particularly

21 Plut Pelopidas 204ndash21122 Against P rsquos theory see n 16 above23 S 1997 54 He comments that lsquoPlutarch like Pausanias was more a entive

than Herodotus to the discoveries revealed by the soil because the spirit of the times in thesecond century AD favoured the collection and interpretation of antiquitiesrsquo But since hedoes not seem to question the historicity of the incident it should also have implicationsfor the fourth century S 1958 82 supposes that Plutarch may have fleshed out askeletal contemporary account with details from his own day

24 Linear A S 1958 81 with earlier references add FW B ldquoEu-doxus von Knidosrsquo Aufenthalt in Aegypten und seine Uebertragung aumlgyptischer Tierfa-belnrdquo Forschungen und Fortschri e 25 (1949) [225ndash230] 225ndash6 Linear B S 198114 S 1997 54 (with reservations)

25 For the few scraps of Linear A from the mainland see T P ldquoThe InscribedBronze lsquoKesselrsquo from Sha Grave IVrdquo in Y D (ed) Briciaka A Tribute to WC Brice(Cretan Studies 9 Amsterdam 2003) [187ndash201] 194 for the distribution of Cretan hiero-glyphic J P O L G J C P Corpus Hieroglyphicorum Inscriptionum Cretae(Eacutetudes Creacutetoises 31 1996) 22 (My thanks to Lisa Bendall for advice on this point)

26 S 1997 54 comments that lsquoPlutarch like Pausanias was more a entive thanHerodotus to the discoveries revealed by the soil because the spirit of the times in thesecond century AD favoured the collection and interpretation of antiquitiesrsquo S1958 82 supposes that Plutarch may have fleshed out a skeletal contemporary accountwith details from his own day

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 135

those relating to Egypt What were the lsquomany writingsrsquo (not just a sin-gle tablet)27 in an arcane script sent by Agesilaus to the pharaoh for deci-pherment Simmias says that he was in Egypt with Plato It is doubtfulwhether Plato ever went to Egypt if he did the ancient tradition suggeststhat he should have been there somewhere between 399 and c 38728 tooearly for the most convincing location of the incident of Alcmenarsquos tombChonouphisrsquo interpretation of the arcane writings above all strains be-lief Heraclesrsquo supposed message to the Greeks about the Muses and peacewas it has been suggested a diplomatic invention on the Egyptian side toturn down a Spartan request for military alliance29 One can accept thatAgesilausrsquo dispatch of the tablet might have occurred in the context of anembassy on ma ers of more immediate concern But Chonouphis wouldhave needed to be well-versed indeed in Greek culture and Greek preoccu-pations to devise such an elegantly oblique evasion If on the other handHeraclesrsquo instruction to lsquohold a competition in honour of the Musesrsquo hasany connection with the famous cult of those goddesses at Thespiae30 it islikely to have been concocted in Boeotia and not in Egypt

The chronology is difficult too Agesilausrsquo best-known association withEgypt which culminated in actual campaigning with the Egyptians c 360against the great king occurred in the last years of his life the terminusa quo for this phase of Spartan-Egyptian relations is usually taken to bethe pro-Theban stance taken by Persia to Spartarsquos outrage in 36731 Theprobably historical visit to Egypt of Eudoxus of Cnidus carrying a let-ter of introduction from Agesilaus to the pharaoh Nectanebo who thenintroduced him to lsquothe priestsrsquo (among whom Chonouphis is sometimesnamed)32 should it is generally agreed belong to this period33 But a datein the 360s is far too late for the dramatic situation of the dialogue and alsofor any Spartan activity at Haliartus Back in 396 Agesilaus had appealedfrom Ephesus to Nepherites I for support against Persia the pharaoh de-clined an alliance but helped with equipment and supplies (Diod 14794)Diodorus claims that the rebel Persian admiral Glos made an alliance with

27 These could of course include the one tablet as is commonly assumed (the discrep-ancy that only Simmiasrsquo account mentions Agetoridas as intermediary can certainly beexplained in terms of the artful interweaving of different narrative perspectives) but canthey be reduced to it

28 R 1976 60 n 129 S 1958 78ndash7930 So tentatively A S Cults of Boeotia II (London 1986) 15731 Xen Hell 7133ndash4032 Sotion ap Diog Laert 887 Eudoxus and Chonouphis Diog Laert 890 (located in

Heliupolis cf Strabo 17229 806) Plut De Is et Os 10 (Memphis)33 So S H Mausolus (Oxford 1982) 117 (lsquoperhaps the 360srsquo) with the sugges-

tion that Mausolus who had ties with both Agesilaus and Eudoxus had a role F L Die Fragmente des Eudoxos von Knidos (Berlin 1966) 139ndash140 puts the introduction preciselyin 3654

136 Robert Parker

both Sparta and the pharaoh Acoris in 38334 There is no great difficultyin the hypothesis that diplomatic contacts between Sparta and Egypt oc-curred at any moment in Agesilausrsquo long life even in the period (from thekingrsquos peace in 386 down to 367) when they were not actively united byhostility to Persia35 All the same there is a suspicious similarity betweenthe story of Eudoxus recommended by Agesilaus to Nectanebo and thenintroduced to Chonouphis and of the bronze tablet sent by Agesilaus toa Pharaoh who forwarded it to Chonouphis Perhaps the former is histor-ical the la er a fiction calqued upon it If so we can abandon the effortto reconcile the Haliartian and the Egyptian ends of the story chronolog-ically The excavation at Haliartus yielded a tablet in a mysterious scriptAn imaginative account was then added (we do not know by whom) ofhow the tablet came to be deciphered

Detached from its Egyptian tailpiece the story becomes easy to placechronologically Or rather it becomes so if we allow that Plutarch got thestory from a source that located it in time and did so correctly36 577Espeaks of the tomb being lsquoopened uprsquo (ἀνοιχθέντος) lsquowhen Agesilaus sentand had the remains removed to Spartarsquo (ὅτε πέmicroψας Ἀγησίλαος εἰςΣπάρτην τὰ λείψανα microετεκόmicroιζε) That language not only does not re-quire but should actually exclude Agesilausrsquo presence at the site of the ex-cavation the object of lsquosentrsquo is not lsquothe remainsrsquo for that point is coveredby lsquohad hellip removedrsquo but lsquoa messagelsquo (unexpressed as o en) sent by himto those on the spot at Haliartus 578F too τοῦ πίνακος ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶνἔλαβεν Ἀγησίλαος τὸν Ἀλκmicroήνης τάφον ἀνασκευασάmicroενος can com-fortably be rendered in a way that leaves Agesilaus seated in Sparta lsquothetablet which Agesilaus obtained from us when he had the tomb of Alcmenadismantledrsquo The campaigns conducted by Agesilaus in Boeotia a er theTheban recovery of the Cadmea in 378 are irrelevant therefore it is per-verse to reverse the sequence of events37 given in the De genio where theAlcmena incident unambiguously precedes the recovery of the Cadmeain order to find a time when Agesilaus was campaigning in Boeotia in per-son There were Spartans in the Haliartus region in 395 when they fought

34 1593ndash5 see P J S rsquos commentary ad loc for views on the reliability of thisclaim

35 For this factor see FK K Die politische Geschichte Aumlgyptens vom 7 bis zum 4Jahrhundert vor der Zeitwende (Berlin 1953) Ch 7 A B Lloyd in The Cambridge AncientHistory VI2 The Fourth Century BC (1994) 345ndash9 For Agesilausrsquo permanent hostility toPersia see C above p 106

36 The other possibility that Plutarch anchored a chronologically imprecise tradition inthe context that suited his dialogue can unfortunately not be ruled out we know nothingat all of the storyrsquos provenance But I proceed on the more optimistic assumption

37 Whether knowingly as S 1958 78 or inadvertently as P 1909 195ndash6assumes P F ldquoLe culte des heacuteros chez les Grecsrdquo Meacutem de lrsquoAcad des Inscriptionset Belles-Le res 42 (1918) 62 speaks vaguely of lsquoone of [Agesilausrsquo] campaigns in Boeotiarsquo

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 137

the famous ba le at which Lysander fell38 But Agesilaus was far awayin Asia Minor at the time and the Spartans on the spot will surely havehad li le leisure for practical archaeology during that brief and disastrousincursion Though the campaign of 395 cannot quite be ruled out as a con-text it is probably relevant only in the sense that it might have stimulatedSpartan interest in the antiquities of the area

The political situation presupposed in De genio is one in which Spartais free to intervene in a heavy-handed way but without military force inBoeotian affairs Such was exactly the situation from 382ndash379 but at noother time the period when both Thebes and the rest of Boeotia (Xen Hell5446 49) were in the hands of pro-Spartan juntas R J Buck very reason-ably uses the incident to illustrate how in these years (p 71) lsquothe Spartansapparently exercised direct control when they desiredrsquo39 That is perhapsthe least infirm conclusion that the historian can derive from the fascinat-ing but frustrating incident

38 Xen Hell 3517ndash25 Plut Lys 2839 Boiotia and the Boiotian League (Alberta 1994) 71

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch

John Dillon

1 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophicalupbringing

Plutarch would never I think be regarded as being anywhere close towhat one might term the lsquoNeopythagorean wingrsquo of Middle Platonism ndashthat space inhabited by such figures as Moderatus of Gades Nicomachusof Gerasa and Numenius of Apamea ndash but there is no question on theother hand that he knew a good deal about the Pythagorean traditionand greatly respected what he knew

To begin at the beginning there is the intriguing problem as to what hemeans by his self-portrayal in theE atDelphi (387F) as in his youth (around66ndash7 AD) ldquodevoting myself to mathematics with the greatest enthusiasmalthough I was destined soon to pay all honour to the maxim lsquoNothing inexcessrsquo when I joined the Academyrdquo This sounds very much like a mildlyironic confession of excessive enthusiasm for Pythagorean-style numerol-ogy at some early phase of his intellectual development which is depictedas being somehow lsquooutsidersquo the ambit of lsquothe Academyrsquo ndash which can onlyreally mean the (more) orthodox or main-stream Platonist tradition sincethere was a er all in his day no Platonic Academy in an institutionalsense

This will have been succeeded by a lsquoconversionrsquo to a more moderateand on the whole Peripateticizing Platonism presumably under the influ-ence of his later mentor Ammonius He also however portrays Ammo-nius in this same dialogue (391E) as holding that ldquoin mathematics was con-tained not the least important part of philosophyrdquo which in the contextwould seem once again to imply some interest in Pythagorean number-theory ndash although such an assertion could reasonably be made by any Pla-tonist

All that we can tentatively derive from this piece of information is thatthere would seem to have been a period in Plutarchrsquos youth when he wasexposed to and a racted by Pythagorean number-mysticism How muchof this we may wonder together with interest in other aspects of Pythago-rasrsquo life and teachings (and those of early Pythagoreans such as Archytasor Philolaus) continued into later life

140 John Dillon

If we take our start from the first principles of his metaphysics we cancertainly identify Pythagorean influence if we wish in his postulation of apair of supreme principles the One and the Indefinite Dyad though thereis at the same time nothing un-Platonic about this However at De DefectuOraculorum 428F we find quite a starkly dualist scenario presented whichis compatible with the oldest Pythagorean traditions

ldquoOf the supreme (anoacutetatoacute) principles by which I mean the One and the Indefinite Dyadthe la er being the element underlying all formlessness and disorder has been calledLimitlessness (apeiria) but the nature of the One limits and contains what is void andirrational and indeterminate in Limitlessness gives it shape and renders it in someway tolerant and receptive of definitionrdquo

This pair of principles turns up at various places in Plutarchrsquos works at-tributed to a wide range of authorities including Zoroaster and variouspre-Socratic figures such as Heraclitus Parmenides and Anaxagoras egDeAn Proc 1024Dndash1025DDe Is et Os 370Cndash371A where lsquothe Pythagore-ansrsquo are included Pythagoras is not included in the list in this passage ofthe De An Proc but elsewhere at 1012E we find the information thatlsquoZaratasrsquo (whom Plutarch does not seem to identify with Zoroaster) was ateacher of Pythagoras and called the Indefinite Dyad the mother of Num-ber the One being its father

In the third of the Quaestiones Platonicae agrave propos the analysis of theDivided Line of Republic VI we find at 1001Eff a system of derivationof number and then point line and solid from the Monad and the Dyadwhich while not being a ributed to Pythagoras agrees with the system setout by the Ist Cent BC Neopythagorean Alexander Polyhistor in hisHis-tory of Philosophy (ap Diog Laert 725) except that Alexander describesthe Pythagoreans as deriving the Dyad from the Monad which Plutarchdoes not do How far back such a system goes however is a moot pointit might well be itself derived from the speculations of Old Academicianssuch as Xenocrates with whom Plutarch was well acquainted1

Plutarchrsquos distinctive doctrines on the nature of the soul both WorldSoul and individual soul on the separable intellect (as set out for exampleatDe genio 591Dndash592D) and on daemonology do not seem to owe anythingto the Pythagorean tradition though one cannot be sure that they do notdepend on some Neopythagorean sources not available to us2 There doeshowever seem some warrant for claiming at least a belief in a personaldaimon as distinctive of Pythagoreanism from Plutarchrsquos presentation ofthe doctrine in De genio 585EndashF (see below)

1 Cf eg D 1996 214ndash182 The efforts of Marcel D however in La notion de Daimon dans le pythagorisme

(Paris 1963) to derive a Neopythagorean daemonology from the De genio Socratis seemmuch too optimistic Cf on this FE B In Mist Apparelled Religious Themes inPlutarchrsquos Moralia and Lives (Leiden 1977) 139 n 30 Certainly the Pythagoreans believedin daemons as did everybody else

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch 141

2 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics

In the sphere of ethics on the other hand particularly in his essay De Vir-tute Morali we can discern I think interesting traces of Pythagoreanismwithin the overall framework of a distinctly Peripateticizing expositionbased primarily on Nicomachean Ethics II 5ndash7 First of all whereas Aris-totle speaks of virtue simply as a lsquostate (hexis) in the mean between twoextremesrsquo (1106b36) and expressly denies that it is an activity or a faculty(dynamis 1106a5) Plutarch describes virtue at Virt Mor 444B as lsquoan ac-tivity (kineacutesis) and faculty (dynamis) concerned with the irrational whichdoes away with remissions and over-strainings of impulse (hormeacute) and re-duces each passion to moderation and faultlessnessrsquo This characterizationof virtue as something more active than a hexis is not in itself perhaps dis-tinctively Pythagorean but Plutarch goes on to discuss the precise sensein which virtue is a lsquomeanrsquo and that is more significant Having dismissedthree other senses of lsquomeanrsquo he goes for a distinctively Pythagorean oneas is a ested by its presence in various pseudo-Pythagorica

ldquoBut it is a mean and is said to be so in a sense very like that which obtains in musicalsounds and harmonies For there the mean or meseacute a properlyndashpitched note like theneacuteteacute or the hypateacute escapes the sharpness of the one and the deepness of the otherrdquo

In various Pythagorean treatises we find virtue described as a lsquoharmo-nizingrsquo (harmonia synharmogeacute) of the irrational by the rational soul (eglsquoArchytasrsquo On Law and Justice p 3317 Thesleff lsquoMetoposrsquo On Virtue p19927 lsquoTheagesrsquo On Virtue p 1901ndash14) and Philo of Alexandria whois also open to influence from Neopythagorean sources approves of theconcept (Immut 24 Sacr 37) This then would seem to indicate an over-laying by Plutarch of Neopythagorean influence on a basically Aristoteliansubstratum

Apart from the theory of virtue in general we find in Plutarchrsquos worksinteresting signs of a commitment to vegetarianism which while embrace-able within the spectrum of main-line Platonist doctrine may be regardedas something distinctively Pythagorean At the beginning of his treatiseOn the Eating of Flesh (De esu carnium 993BndashC) we find the following ratherhyperbolic tirade

ldquoCan you really ask what reason Pythagoras had for abstaining from flesh For mypart I rather wonder both by what accident and in what state of soul or mind the firstman who did so touched his mouth to gore and brought his lips to the flesh of a deadcreature he who set forth tables of dead stale bodies and ventured to call food andnourishment the parts that had a li le before bellowed and cried moved and livedHow could his eyes endure the slaughter when throats were slit and hides flayed andlimbs torn from limb How could his nose endure the stench How was it that thepollution did not turn away his taste which made contact with the sores of others andsucked juices and serums from mortal woundsrdquo (trans Helmbold)

The De esu carnium may well be a youthful work and it is certainly com-posed in the diatribe mode References in more mature works however

142 John Dillon

indicate that Plutarch took vegetarianism less seriously in later life so itmay be that this was an enthusiasm of his youth At Symposiaca 87ndash8for instance which portrays a dinner-party at Rome in Plutarchrsquos honourgiven by his friend Sextius Sulla around the turn of the century Plutarchpresents his friend Philinus as being a vegetarian (727B) and by implica-tion not himself In 88 in response to the question lsquoWhy the Pythagoreansused to abstain from fish more strictly than from any other living crea-turersquo Plutarch himself gives an explanation (729Dndash730D) which whileexhibiting considerable knowledge of and sympathy with Pythagoreantraditions defends the sacrifice and consumption of certain land-animalson grounds of ecology ldquoif everyone should abstain from eating chickensalone say or hares in a short time their number would make it impossibleto maintain city life or to reap a harvest (730A)rdquo Fish on the other handpose no threat to us and so the Pythagoreans have no wish to harm them

3 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and ofcontemporary Pythagoreans

This same passage of the Symposiaca affords useful evidence both of Plu-tarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and beliefs and of the exis-tence of contemporary Pythagoreans from whom he could have learnedThere is first of all among the guests the rather mysterious Lucius (spelledLeukios) of Etruscan ancestry ndash and a patriotic Etruscan who claims Pytha-goras as an Etruscan born and bred (727B) ndash who is described as a pupil(matheacuteteacutes) of Moderatus of Gades Moderatus is known to have posed asan lsquoextremersquo Pythagorean3 who according to Porphyry (Vit Pyth 53)a acked the Platonists for appropriating all the finest elements of Pytha-gorean philosophy while leaving the dross to be a ributed to the Pythago-rean School We do not know where Moderatus himself taught (possiblyin Rome) but we also find mention in this passage (728D) of a certain Alex-icrates as a lsquomoderatersquo contemporary Pythagorean teacher who abstainedfrom fish but ldquosometimes used the flesh of other living creatures in mod-erationrdquo Moderatus then is known to Plutarch at least by repute butAlexicrates is probably known to him personally

Plutarch also in this passage and elsewhere exhibits considerable know-ledge both of the life-legend of Pythagoras and of the Pythagorean symbolaA propos of abstaining from fish at 729D we hear the story of Pythagorasrsquoransoming of the catch of fish during his journey from Sybaris to Croton(also mentioned at De cap ex in ut 91C) and the whole of Question 87 is devoted to the discussion of the symbolic meaning of such preceptsas not receiving a swallow in the house always obliterating the mark ofa pot in the ashes and the smoothing out of the bedclothes a er arising

3 On Moderatus see D 1996 344ndash51

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch 143

(727Bndash728C)4 If we turn from this to such a work as the Life of Numawe find also much of interest under both headings A er initially (ch 1)recording serious doubts on the basis of chronology5 as to whether Numacan have been familiar (syneacutetheacutes) with Pythagoras he returns to the ques-tion in ch 8 in connection with Numarsquos religious regulations by means ofwhich he wished to instil due fear of the gods into his citizens

ldquoThis was the chief reason why Numarsquos wisdom and culture were said to have been dueto his intimacy with Pythagoras for in the philosophy of the one and in the politicaldispositions (politeia) of the other religious services and occupations have a large placeIt is said also that the solemnity of his outward demeanour was adopted by him becausehe possessed the same mind-set (dianoia) as did Pythagoras That philosopher indeedis thought to have tamed an eagle which he stopped by certain cries of his and lureddown as it flew over him and also to have revealed his golden thigh as he passedthrough the crowds assembled at the Olympic Games and we have reports of otherdevices and practices of hishelliprdquo (trans Perrin somewhat modified)

Here we can observe Plutarchrsquos familiarity with various of the standard sto-ries about Pythagoras preserved in the later Lives of Porphyry and Iambli-chus Just below he gives evidence of his familiarity with Pythagoreandoctrine in specifying how Numa was in accord with Pythagorean princi-ples in his banning of graven images of the gods and in his prescriptionsfor sacrifice

ldquoFurthermore his (sc Numarsquos) ordinances concerning images are altogether in har-mony with the doctrines of Pythagoras For that philosopher maintained that thefirst principle (to proton) was beyond sense-perception or feeling invisible and un-created6and intelligiblehellip Their sacrifices too were altogether appropriate to thePythagorean mode of worship for most of them involved no bloodshed but were madewith flour drink-offerings and least costly substancesrdquo

For Plutarch then Pythagoras is an enormously revered figure both inrespect of his teachings and of his mode of life but whatever may havebeen the nature of his youthful enthusiasms about which we receive onlycoy hints as we have seen in his mature years he remains firmly a Platon-ist For him as he remarks in an earlier symposiac discussion (8 2 719A)Plato combines the spirit of Socrates with that of Pythagoras and it is thatcombination which in his view makes Plato the supreme philosopher

4 Pythagorean elements in De genio

Against this background we can observe I think something of Plutarchrsquosbroad and deep knowledge of Pythagorean doctrines and history put to

4 He is also quite fond of the precept about not si ing on a peck-measure (khoinix) men-tioned at QC 74703E and four other places

5 It is claimed by some he admits that Pythagoras lived as many as five generationsa er Numa and that Numa had no acquaintance whatever with Greek culture

6 If the true reading here is aktiston a very rare word an alternative is akeacuteraton lsquopureunmixedrsquo

144 John Dillon

use in the De Genio in various ways The visit of the Pythagorean sageTheanor of Croton to Thebes in 379 in search of the body of his formerfriend and colleague Lysis is the occasion for the presentation by Plutarchof a good deal of Pythagorean lore both about friendship and about deathand the a erlife7 as well as some details about the overthrow of the Pytha-gorean regimes in Southern Italy

As regards Pythagorean friendship we see Theanor even in old agejourneying across the Greek world to ensure that his friend Lysis has re-ceived proper burial and in case he has not to bring his body home toCroton In the event he finds that Lysis has received all due honours fromhis host Epaminondas and decides to leave him where he is though af-ter performing a burnt offering and making a libation of milk at his grave(579F) He is also in receipt of an encouraging dream (585EF) which tellshim that Lysisrsquo soul has passed the requisite tests in the a erlife and beenallo ed a new guardian daimon

This brings up the question alluded to above as to the possible Pytha-gorean origins of the belief in a personal daemon of which we receive quitean exposition in the course of Theanorrsquos approving comments on Timar-chusrsquo narrative in the myth (593Dndash594A) This doctrine is tied in with thePythagorean doctrine of a sequence of reincarnations leading at least insome privileged cases to a level of purification which allows the daemonto intervene in a special way and give the soul a helping hand through thesending of inspired dreams and waking visions (of which Socratesrsquo daimo-nion is an instance) These daemons it would seem are themselves puri-fied souls who have gone through the cycle of lives and are now in theposition as it were of wise and benevolent athletic trainers who can givedue encouragement to those in the final stages of their earthly odyssey(593EF)

How far back in the Pythagorean tradition such a doctrine goes we can-not be sure but it certainly basic to the tradition from an early stage thatPythagoras himself was such a privileged soul and of course Empedocleswho was also part of the early tradition felt himself to be such a one sothere is no reason to doubt that it is ancient8

7 We also find agrave propos Theanorrsquos a empt to press a gi of gold on Epaminondas forlooking a er Lysis and Epaminondasrsquo declining of this a nice detail not recorded else-where about Pythagorean ascetic practices (585A) The Pythagoreans it seems to exercisetheir self-control used to have fine feasts prepared for themselves which they would thencontemplate for a while before allowing their servants to enjoy them while they dined onhumbler fare

8 On the other hand other doctrines presented in the myth such as the remarkable fourlevels of reality (591B) or the separable intellect (591E) may not safely be identified asPythagorean notwithstanding Theanorrsquos blanket approval of Timarchusrsquo narrative

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspirationlowast

Stephan Schroumlder

1 Preliminary remarks

Presenting various a empts by the speakers in De genio to explain the dai-monion of Socrates Plutarch enters a field which he has dealt with repeat-edly in his writings As the main question is how Socrates came to receiveinspirations from a higher sphere we have to do with a special form ofdivination (mantike)

An interest in all forms of prophecy runs through all of Plutarchrsquos oeu-vre wherever an occasion presents itself in the Lives as well as in theMoralia Plutarch loves to talk about such things wherever an opportunityoffers He also devotes whole treatises to these topics

Of some of these we know only the titles or small fragments We owethem to a list of Plutarchrsquos writings probably dating from Late Antiquitythe so-called Lamprias Catalogue and to quotations in later authors Inone or two works Plutarch defends the compatibility of believing in div-ination with Academic philosophy (Lamprias Cat 71 and 131 fr 147Sandbach) in another he discusses the question whether to know futureevents in advance is useful (fr 21ndash23 Sandbach) Furthermore he collectedoracles (Lamprias Cat 171) and wrote on the Oracle of Trophonius nearLebadeia (Lamprias Cat 181) which plays an important role also in Degenio While these works are lost we still have ndash besidesDe genio ndash the dia-logues ldquoThe Pythiarsquos propheciesrdquo (De Pythiae oraculis) and ldquoThe decline ofOraclesrdquo (De defectu oraculorum)

Both these dialogues are given a Delphic se ing and deal wholly or inpart with questions concerning the Delphic Oracle in particular Not onlyliterary or philosophic and theoretical interests connected Plutarch withDelphi for many years he held priestly office there1 In this function heappears on the base (found in Delphi) of a statue which the Amphictyonsdedicated to the Emperor Hadrian (Syll3 829A) and in his ldquoTable Talkrdquo

lowast Thanks are due to Fabian B and Hendrik O for critical comments onthe dra of this paper and to O and Henning S for helping me obtain thesecondary literature

1 According toDef or 38431CndashD his brother Lamprias who plays an important role inthat dialogue seems to have held a similar office at the Oracle of Trophonius at Lebadeia

146 Stephan Schroumlder

(722700E) he calls one of the participants in the conversation ldquohis col-league in priestly officerdquo Finally in his essay An seni sit gerenda res publica17792F he claims to have performed sacrifices in the service of PythianApollo and to have participated in processions and cultic dances alreadyfor ldquomany Pythiadsrdquo Plutarch evidently rendered great services to Del-phi the Delphians (together with the citizens of his hometown Chaeronea)honoured him by se ing up a herm the head of which has unfortunatelybeen lost but its sha (together with its verse inscription Syll3 843A) hasbeen found in the excavations

Let us now have a look at the two essays on oracles and then try to relatethe ideas set out in De genio to them

2 The dialogues on the oracles

Neither inDe Pythiae oraculis nor inDe defectu oraculorum does Plutarch ex-pound systematically how oracles function how the Delphic Oracle worksor how we should conceive the process of inspiration Both dialogueshowever discuss questions of detail for which a more exact determinationof how inspiration works is necessary

21 De Pythiae oraculis

The main topic of discussion in De Pythiae oraculis is the lsquoscandalrsquo that thePythiarsquos oracles were said to be no longer expressed in verse This had beendebated already long before Plutarchrsquos time In the essay itself (19403E)the historian Theopompus of Chios (who lived in the fourth century BC) issaid to have taken people to task who talked about the end of verse oracles(FGrHist 115 F 336) On the other hand Cicero in his work on divination(De div 2116) claims that already at the time of King Pyrrhus (ie in theearly third century BC) the Pythia had no longer produced verses

In the picture of the activities of the Delphic Oracle given by ancientliterature sayings in verse (almost always in hexameters) play an importantrole What share however they really had of the pronouncements madeby the Pythiae of earlier times is quite unclear2 Plutarch himself has oneof the participants of the debate express considerable reservations in thisrespect (ch 19) In any case for some people the claim that Delphi hadpassed from verse to prose was reason enough to reject further belief in theoracle or more exactly to question the institutionrsquos powers of inspirationat least for their own times3 This conclusion is formulated in 17402Bonly to be refuted in the core section of the treatise (which begins at this

2 See A 1950 159ndash683 How such a conclusion may be reached is shown by Cicero De div 2117

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 147

point) in a continuous speech by Theon one of the dialoguersquos participantsI shall concentrate on this section of text (which extends until the end of thedialogue) because there is no space to discuss other parts (eg the disputein ch 8 over miraculous phenomena in the godrsquos sanctuary which mightbe interpreted mantically or over the Sibylrsquos oracles in ch 9ndash11) or even togive an overall account of the variety of the dialoguersquos contents

Theonrsquos arguments develop in four phases In the first (ch 18ndash20404A)he doubts whether the difference between conditions of the present andthose of the past is as fundamental as his opponents claim or at least as-sume This and especially the fact that verse and prose coexisted in theoracular sayings of earlier times leads him to question the assumptionthat the form of these sayings entitles us to infer a change in the meansby which they were produced

In a second step (ch 20404Andashch 23) Theon tries to make plausible theview that the form of the sayings goes back not to the god but only to thePythia is therefore independent of divine inspiration and does not allowany conclusions about its nature

According to Theon we should conceive the Pythiarsquos soul as an instru-ment in the hand of the god during the process of divination The proper-ties of the instrument however (he claims) are no less important for de-termining the nature of the thing it produces than the intentions of its userNow the human soul ndash and therefore the Pythiarsquos as well ndash is perpetuallydisturbed by its connection with the body and by its own passions and wehave to conceive the state of mantic excitement (enthousiasmos) as a mixtureof two motions one of which originates with the god the other with thePythia Thus we have to assume that when the Pythia in office is not poet-ically gi ed different oracles are produced from those which come froma real poetess occupying the tripod Now people of earlier times had atendency to express themselves poetically and took every opportunity toindulge this This (Theon concludes) explains the earlier oracular sayingsin verse with this precondition gone it is now prose that is cultivated

In ch 24 Theon enters the third phase of his argument (to ch 28) Tomeet the case that the sceptic may not be willing to accept his earlier trainof thought he changes his premise and starts anew he now wants to showthat even if one holds the god responsible for the form of the sayings (notpreviously assumed) the fatal conclusion that divine inspiration has driedup is not necessary rather a number of good reasons are conceivable thatmay have convinced the god himself to switch to prose

In the times when metrically phrased und poetically stylised speech wasthe dominant fashion it was ndash according to Theon ndash obvious for the godtoo to take care that his oracles conformed to this practice Later how-ever when humanity had largely renounced verse and turned to prose thegod had to consider that prophecies in prose would appear more convinc-

148 Stephan Schroumlder

ing than those in verse Otherwise he would have incurred the reproachthat he intended to cloak his predictions in the vagueness of poetical ex-pression Moreover because some sayings had allegedly been versified af-terwards by unauthorized people and forgers had fabricated particularlyelaborate oracles verse had acquired the bad reputation of something notreally respectable Furthermore poetical form had acquired a bad namebecause of people who made their living by dealing in versified oracles inthe vicinity of sanctuaries of oriental deities and the god did not want tobe associated with such rabble

Thus (Theon continues) there were ndash from the godrsquos perspective ndash goodreasons to distance himself from verse On the other hand poetical formhad something to say for it in earlier times When powerful people putawkward questions to the oracle it was sometimes necessary to obscurethe answers a bit in order to protect the staff of the sanctuary or to makesure that important communications would not get to the wrong peopleFurthermore with these communications being o en very complex versi-fication could provide an important mnemotechnic advantage

Lastly ndash and with this the third phase of Theonrsquos argument concludesndash it would now under the conditions of pax Romana when the oracle isconsulted only in simple everyday ma ers be downright offensive if thePythiarsquos answers were too pretentiously stylised

In his fourth and last step (ch 29ndash30) Theon confesses ndash in case his oppo-nent should still not be convinced ndash the impossibility of a aining certainknowledge in such ma ers but he also points to clear and tangible evi-dence for the continuation of Apolline inspiration at the sanctuary Del-phirsquos enormous upturn in recent times This is necessarily founded on therecognition the Pythiarsquos mantic successes enjoy and as the simple form ofher oracular responses make it impossible to hide ignorance the Pythiaclearly still derives her knowledge from Apollo just as before

This is a very abbreviated account of Theonrsquos discussion4 As we haveseen an analysis of the process of inspiration plays a part only in its sec-ond phase and serves there as one argument among several in the a ackdirected against the sceptics Nevertheless it seems best ndash in view of thispaperrsquos topic ndash to take a closer look at this aspect of the essay first

Theonrsquos account begins with a very generally and abstractly phrasedreflection The human body uses many instruments but is itself an instru-ment of the soul which again is an instrument of the god The use of aninstrument however prevents the user from giving unbiased expressionto his intentions in the intended product because the instrument itself ex-erts influence on this (21404BndashC) A series of analogies follow Of these

4 A more detailed analysis is provided by S 1990 8ndash15 and 22ndash4 There thebeginning of the argumentrsquos last phase is posited a er ch 27 This error is corrected inS 19945 240ndash2

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 149

Theon regards as the most suitable the one according to which the mooncan be conceived as an instrument reflecting the sunrsquos light upon earth andconveying this light to us only in a very much dimmed form If we takeall this together (thus Theon makes his transition from the general to theparticular in 404DndashE) with Heraclitusrsquo remark (VS 22 B 93) that the Del-phic god neither speaks nor conceals but only signifies it seems plausibleto interpret also the Pythia in the sense of this saying as an instrument inthe hand of the god the god reveals his thoughts but in blended form andby using a human soul This soul is never available to him ldquowithout mo-tionrdquo but is always independently active because of its own passions In404F inspiration (indicated by the classic term enthousiasmos also used in7397C) is therefore conceived as a blending of two ldquomotionsrdquo one of whichreaches the soul from outside while the other is intrinsically her own bynature Theon adds an argumentum a minore ad maius to make this expla-nation still more convincing If you cannot use even an inanimate bodydifferently from what its nature allows ndash ie you cannot move a cylinderlike a sphere or a cone like a cube and you cannot play a wind instrumentlike a string instrument and vice versa ndash it is an even stricter rule that asoul can be handled only in accordance with its own intrinsic nature

Where this leads is indicated at the end of the chapter (404Fndash405A) onlyin a rather general way of every soul you may expect only the kind ofactivity that corresponds to its talents and its education Things becomeclearer in ch 23 To express oneself poetically and in verse one has tohave inclination and talent and only under such conditions will one putthe thoughts transmi ed by the god in mantic enthousiasmos in such a formNow inclination and talent for poetical expression were widely currentamong people of earlier times but between then and now they have van-ished Therefore one need not wonder that the Pythiae of old put theirresponses into verse every now and then while the more recent ones haveceased to do so

Theonrsquos reasoning in this passage seems to be composed mainly of twoelements found in the philosophical tradition5

One of them is the idea that the body is an instrument of the soul Thisis first stated in various passages in Plato then in Aristotlersquos Protrepticusand in Neo-Pythagorean Hellenistic texts in later times it is widely at-tested especially in the Neo-Platonists The locus classicus responsible forthe spread of this idea seems to be a passage in the (Platonic or Pseudo-

5 For this see S 1990 25ndash51 Against the view that the core of the theory ofinspiration presented by Theon is of Stoic origin J H ldquoZur InspirationslehrePlutarchs in De Pythiae oraculisrdquo Philologus 137 (1993) 72ndash91 has tried to establish a Pla-tonic derivation In S 19945 I have tried to refute this B (in H D MB Der Platonismus in der Antike vol 62 Stu gart 2002 145ndash7) again puts emphasison Platonic origins

150 Stephan Schroumlder

Platonic) Greater Alcibiades (128endash129e) the first text in which this idea ismore extensively developed

In De Pyth or the idea is expanded into a hierarchy with four levelsthe god is placed above the soul and the instrument (in the proper sense)below the body This four-level construct is found only here while in an-other passage of Plutarch in the Septem sapientium convivium (21163DndashE)a combination of the three highest levels returns with the relationship be-tween body and instrument missing There is a good reason for that Inthe Banquet of the Seven Sages it is emphasized that the body is a willing in-strument for the soul and even more that the soul is a willing instrumentfor the god InDe Pyth or Theon intends to show the opposite The soul isnot least an obstacle because its use diminishes the purity with which thegodrsquos thought is transmi ed to humanity To make this clear Theon has totalk of the ldquoinstrumentrdquo in its everyday sense and expects that the effectsof change wrought by the instrument are accepted as a fundamental factand extended to the other levels especially the two higher ones as well

This is the decisive conceptual element of his whole theory but this the-ory does not come from the tradition of the idea of the instrument In theGreater Alcibiades ndash to say nothing of the fact that the god as the highest levelof Plutarchrsquos model is missing ndash there is no talk of an influence hinderingthe intentions of the user Rather this text (quite in the spirit of the otherPlatonic references) stresses the problematic and unnatural aspects of theconnection between body and soul with the intention of reducing the roleof the body to that of a mere instrument which does not really ma er Thisis also the tendency of almost all other passages in which similar ideas areexpressed while the idea in which Theon is interested is nowhere to befound

The origin of this core idea must be looked for in another area It sur-faces in the passage where Theon mentions ndash as a simile for his view thatthe godrsquos possibilities are restricted by the specific character of the Pythiarsquossoul ndash the geometric bodies sphere cylinder cone and cube each of whichcan be moved only in its own specific way (21404F) This simile has its ori-gin in an argument by which the Stoic philosopher Chrysippus tried topreserve manrsquos responsibility for his actions in spite of his deterministicview of the world Chrysippus located the point at which the individualis affected by external circumstances in notions which approach the indi-vidual and to which he reacts either by ldquoassentrdquo or rejection both assentand rejection are in manrsquos power and not forced on him by external causesChrysippus compared this to the fact that cylinder and cone at first need anexternal impulse but then move each in their specific way though havingundergone the same impulse This argument is a ested by Cicero (De fato42 f = SVF II 974) and Gellius (Noctes A icae 7211 = SVF 1000) Sphere andcube are missing in these passages but they appear together with cylinder

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 151

and cone ndash in a not unrelated context ndash in the pseudo-Aristotelian treatiseOn the world (6398b27ndash9) which is known for its Stoic affiliations Herethe four bodies appear in a comparison intended to show that the god pro-vides one basic impulse a er which the various processes of the worldrun their course according to the nature of things (6398b19ndash27) The con-nection of Theonrsquos theory with such ideas is even clearer than in ch 21 ina passage which has not yet been mentioned because it does not form apart of Theonrsquos great speech but belongs together with ch 21 inasmuchas we are here confronted with a ldquoforeshadowingrdquo of that chapter In ch 7(397B) Theon wanting to exonerate the god from the intermi ently dubi-ous metrical and poetic quality of Delphic oracles in verse states ldquoLet usnot believe that the verses come from the god but that he provides the firstimpulse for motion and that each of the prophetesses moves according toher own naturerdquo

It is clear then that although the salient point of Theonrsquos reasoning isalready expressed when he first talks about the instrument he could notfind this point within the tradition of the idea of the instrument it derivesfrom the Stoic theory of causality and responsibility The lsquoinstrumental-istrsquo phrases with which Theon starts his argument conceal this and theyare perhaps not indispensable if we take into consideration only the aimof his argument Plutarch however may possibly have a ached some im-portance to giving Theonrsquos explanations a Platonic colouring We may alsoassume that he did not expect very much from openly drawing a ention tohis adaptation of a Chrysippan theory that had been much disputed withinits original context The idea that an instrument is not always fully com-patible with the intentions of its user might have derived a certain convinc-ingness from everyday experience And lastly the hierarchy of the tripleuser-instrument-connection offered the option of presenting the god as theone who ndash in spite of everything ndash is still the master of the mantic processand this was Theonrsquos overriding aim6

To what extent is Theonrsquos theory valid And what does it claim to ac-complish It is wholly designed to prove that it is unnecessary to con-clude (as Theonrsquos opponents do) that the cessation of verse oracles meansthe disappearance of divine inspiration Theon demonstrates that we canperfectly well regard the god as the source of inspiration and at the sametime trace the form of the oracles back to the Pythia It is for this purposethat Plutarch has developed this theory ad hoc It neither asks nor answersthe question how inspiration works how the godrsquos thoughts arrive in the

6 It is only in this sense that the soul or the medium is called an ldquoinstrumentrdquo of a godelsewhere as well see in Plutarch (besidesDe gen Socr 20588F) alsoDe sollertia animalium22975A Philo Quis rerum divinarum heres 259 (a passage which J H ldquoVon Gobesessenrdquo RhM 137 (1994) [53ndash65] 63 n 52 connects with De Pyth or) and the passagesin the Neo-Platonic Jamblichus collected in S 1990 41ndash2

152 Stephan Schroumlder

Pythiarsquos soul or what role the Delphic sanctuary plays7 Moreover nei-ther Theon nor Plutarch behaves like a dogmatist What Theon presents isan hypothesis designed to make an a ack against the traditional belief inthe Delphic Oracle appear groundless If the same aim can be reached byabandoning this hypothesis Theon (and Plutarch too) will be well contentThus at the beginning of ch 24 Theon can change his premise without fur-ther ado and show that to infer a drying up of divine inspiration from thevanishing of verse oracles is not necessary even if we lay responsibility forthe oraclesrsquo form at the godrsquos door8

The same a itude to this topic characerizes the treatise as a whole The-on does not insist on the premise of the third phase of his argument (ch24ndash28) either and at the beginning of ch 29 he explicitly concedes that realknowledge of these things is una ainable He then falls back on obviouspoints the external splendour and recent upturn of the Pythian sanctuaryfrom which (he says) we may conclude that inspiration still persists Tobe sure Theon here argues ndash and this is different from the earlier phasesof his reasoning ndash in the mode of positive proof and from his perspec-tive ndash and also from that of the group of people conversing on the steps ofApollorsquos temple ndash this is surely meant seriously though we have to makesome allowances for the rhetorical flourish with which Theon ends his lec-ture presenting as convincing proof something which is no more than amere hint In the end however he still expects that many people may re-main sceptical (ch 30) And Plutarch himself may not have put too muchtrust in Theonrsquos demonstration because he for one could surely not de-ceive himself as to the political reasons for the happy development of theDelphic Oracle which were quite independent of the Pythiarsquos successes inprophecy

The guiding principle and program of this whole inquiry seem to beformulated ndash right at its beginning ndash by Sarapion the Stoic participant inthis dialogue ldquoWe must not want to enter into conflict with the god norabolish providence and the divine together with prophecy but we mustlook for solutions for the apparent obstacles and not abandon our piousand traditional faithrdquo (18402E) Only where no explanation can be foundat all is doubt justified

7 Still it is stated as something obvious that inspiration originates with the god (see egAmatorius 16758E but while theAmatorius ndash following Plato ndash speaks of ldquodivine madnessrdquothere is no trace of that in our treatise) InDe defectu oraculorum this is temporarily lost sightof see below pp 157ndash8

8 See S 1990 68ndash9

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 153

22 De defectu oraculorum

We find a similar basic a itude also in De defectu oraculorum9 In manyrespects however this treatise is quite different Once again our exami-nation must restrict itself to the sections relevant to our present topic

In this dialogue too everything starts with a scandalous situation mostof the Greek oracles have suspended operation This is of course not thecase with Delphi and the well-reputed and much consulted oracles in AsiaMinor at Clarus and Didyma are never mentioned In particular howeverin Plutarchrsquos home region of Boeotia which in classical times boasted animpressive number of sites for prophecy only the Oracle of Trophonius atLebadeia is still active (ch 5)10

A er this the reader of the dialogue gets a remarkable demonstrationhow the dialoguersquos participants together grope their way looking for a re-ligiously satisfying explanation for the stated situation In this way thetreatise is laid out very differently from De Pythiae oraculis from the verybeginning11

The first a empt (not to be taken entirely seriously) to solve the problemis made by an outsider Didymus Planetiades (who is characterized as aranter) in ch 7 Didymus claims that the questions presented to the oraclesanctuaries were of such shamefulness that Pronoia (the personification ofdivine providence for humanity) felt prompted to pack up its oracles anddisappear with them out of the world The other participants howeverregard this as blasphemy and he finds himself bowed out of their circle

Still Didymusrsquo hypothesis leads to a formulation of what makes thedecline of so many oracle sanctuaries so scandalous Prophecy is a giof Pronoia and one must not without good cause believe that the godstake something back which they once granted (7413C) This is stated byPlutarchrsquos brother Lamprias who plays a main role in the dialogue andwho is also the narrator Lamprias entreats the others not to hold the divineresponsible for this development

With Ammoniusrsquos answer the problem turns into a dilemma He seesno way out in what Lamprias has just said If the cause for the vanish-ing of the oracles is not to be sought in the divine we are not very farfrom separating also their origin and existence from it and that meansndash a er what Lamprias has said ndash from Pronoia itself This is intolerableAmmonius himself proposes an explanation which is supposed to makedirect divine intervention plausible without compromising divine perfec-

9 Rich material is presented by A R Plutarco Lacuteeclissi degli oracoli Introduzionetesto critico traduzione e commento (Naples 1995)

10 On the development of oracle sanctuaries from Hellenism to Late Antiquity seeS L ldquoThe Old Greek Oracles in Declinerdquo ANRW 2182 (Berlin New York 1989)1599ndash1649

11 See S 1990 66ndash8

154 Stephan Schroumlder

tion Pronoia (he argues) is always concerned to provide what is sufficientnothing more nothing less However as Greece has suffered a consider-able decline in population since classical times Pronoia has undertakenthe obvious step of abolishing a large part of the oracles that were onceneeded but are now no more (ch 8)

Lamprias however sticks to his conviction that the gods cannot be heldresponsible for such an action and proposes to seek the reasons for it inthis world and in the material and human aspects of the oraclesrsquo operationAt this point however he does not yet tell us how to get a closer view ofthis (ch 9)

Yet another participant in the discussion Cleombrotus proposes a viamedia arguing that we should look to the daimones for the causes With-out these mediators between gods and humans we would in any case ei-ther have to deny any contacts between the divine and human sphere orto involve the divine inappropriately in the circumstances of this worldTherefore (Cleombrotus continues) we should assume that daimones oper-ate the oracle sanctuaries as agents for the gods and that the death of suchdaimones is responsible for the silencing of oracles and their removal toanother place for the loss of prophetic power in the la er case even therenaissance of a sanctuary is conceivable in case the demon returns Withthis proposition Cleombrotus concludes his speech (15418CndashD)

Chs 16ndash37 present a wide-ranging discussion of the question whetherdaimonesmay indeed be mortal and how we may imagine a change of placeby them this need not occupy us here In ch 38 the conversation returnsto questions about prophecy in the proper sense A theory (it is here said)according to which the drying up of oracles is connected with the van-ishing of the associated daimones can command respect only if it also ex-plains by what mechanism the daimones (when present) cause the oraclesto speak Lamprias (who once more has the leading part here) and Am-monius agree that daimones are souls of the dead If souls freed from theirbodies have the ability to foresee the future they cannot have acquiredthis ability (Lamprias argues) a er their death but must have had it al-ways though diminished by the union of soul and body The process ofprophecy (he continues) is tied to an irrational state in which the soul isfree from all bonds to the mind this is enthousiasmos (cf how the term isused De Pyth or 21404F and see above p 151) and it can only occur ifthe body connected with the soul is put into an appropriate state ie anappropriate ldquomixturerdquo This happens o en during sleep and immediatelybefore death It can however also be brought about by suitable exhala-tions of the earth We can only speculate (Lamprias goes on) how theseanathymiaseis operate exactly but the assumption that such an exhalation(a pneuma) plays a role in the particular case of the Delphic Oracle is sup-ported by the legend of the accidental discovery of the prophetic power

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 155

of the place by the herdsman Coretas We must believe that such exhala-tions dry up spring up anew and change place just like springs or mineraldeposits Meteorological or seismic events may also play a role FinallyLamprias underpins this theory by relating a single case pointing to suchconnections In Boeotian Orchomenus the silence of the Oracle of Tiresiascoincided with a pestilence (the assumption here seems to be that the epi-demic had also been caused by exhalations of the earth cf 40432D)

The crucial element (with regard to the original question) of this lectureby Lamprias (ch 39ndash45) viz the explanation of why the oracles driedup does not at all require the daimones introduced by Cleombrotus Theyonly appear at the beginning (39431Dndash432A following 38431BndashC) wheretheir characteristics provide the starting-point for considerations concern-ing the nature of the soul while it is connected with the body A er thatthey disappear from the argument which is built solely upon the idea thata (normally dormant) prophetic ability within the soul of a living humanbeing can be activated by natural causes immanent in this world

It is just this which Ammonius reproaches Lamprias with in ch 46 andhe stresses once again (exactly in accordance with his position in ch 8) thatwe have to assign a role also to the gods especially to the Delphian Apollo

Confronted with these objections Lamprias (in the last speech of thedialogue ch 47ndash52) tries to bring his theory of anathymiaseis and pneumainto harmony both with the mediating role of the daimones and the orig-inating role of the god To the daimones as guards and overseers he at-tributes the task of controlling the composition of the pneuma which pro-vides the Pythia with her divinatory capability just as one elicits soundsfrom a string instrument by means of a plectron Above all reigns the godwho also indicates through signs during the sacrificial ritual preceding theconsultation of the oracle whether this consultation is admissible Thisagain depends not only on the current composition of the pneuma but alsoon the question whether the Pythiarsquos current constitution is right to be putinto enthousiasmos by the pneuma Finally Lamprias adds that the force ofthe pneuma is on the one hand ldquodivinerdquo but on the other ndash like all thingsbetween Earth and Moon ndash not imperishable

Lamprias concludes in ch 52 by exhorting all participants of the con-versation to reflect further on these ma ers adding that he knows verywell that there are points which might provide the basis for arguing thecontrary

The engagement with the theory of inspiration in this treatise is some-what different from that in De Pythiae oraculis It is true that here too aneffort is made to lsquodefusersquo a problematic diagnosis by an explanation thatleaves traditional religious notions untouched on the one hand prophecymust not be separated from the gods on the other the belief in their car-ing for this world must not be compromised by the assumption that they

156 Stephan Schroumlder

would deprive humanity of the support of prophecy which they had oncegranted De Pythiae oraculis however presents the claim that inspirationhas dried up as based upon a certain (observed) situation in De defectuoraculorum the end of inspiration is the situation itself While therefore inDe Pythiae oraculis Theon needs to do no more than explain why Delphihas passed from verse to prose in another way inDe defectu oraculorum theefforts at explanation quickly lead to positive statements about the divina-tory process itself (which might be discussed quite apart from the actualproblem considered here)12 Among these statements is Ammoniusrsquo hy-pothesis (38 431BndashC) that the daimones being nothing but souls freed fromthe connection with a body could enter into contact with souls which arestill within bodies and produce ldquorepresentations of future thingsrdquo in themjust as people in everyday life communicate some things without voiceby writing by looks or by touch (some of this appears again in De genioSocratis 20588DndashE and 589B) In 39431Dndash40432D Lamprias assumes thedivinatory force to be in the human soul itself and thinks that it must beactivated by an exhalation of the earth and freed from control through therational mind by introducing a suitable disposition in the body to which itbelongs In ch 41 we even find conjectures about the physical effects thepneumamight have on the soul

There remains however the question whether Plutarch himself can beshown to adhere to any of these ideas as a firm conviction or doctrine

When Cleombrotus undertakes his a empt to explain the silencing ofthe oracles by the hypothesis that they have been deserted by the daimoneslooking a er them he declares that he is not the first to do so but comesldquoa er many othersrdquo (15418C) The fundamental ideas concerning the dai-mones in ch 13ndash15 very probably derive from Xenocrates13 Platorsquos secondsuccessor as head of the Academy who in the late 4th century integratedthe thoughts which his master had u ered about the daimones as mediatorsbetween gods and men in the Diotima myth of the Symposium (202dndash203a)in his conception of the world turned them into dogma and thus preparedthe way for the philosophic belief in daimones which spread widely in sub-sequent times14 It would certainly be going to far to detect in the mentionof the ldquomanyrdquo in 15418C a reference to Xenocrates15 Nevertheless it seemsprobable ndash in view of the Platonic model (in the Symposium the daimones are

12 See S 1990 67ndash913 See H 1892 81ndash2 The number of relevant fragments is ndash in the now authoritative

edition by Margherita I P (there fr 213 and 222ndash30) ndash still the same as inH Almost all of them come from Plutarch most of them from De defectu oraculorum

14 Of less influence was the roughly contemporary Epinomis which has been transmi edas part of the Corpus Platonicum its author develops the Symposium passage not unlikeXenocrates (984dndash985b)

15 Thus F J De oraculis quid veteres philosophi iudicaverint (Diss Rostock 1909 Borna1910) 26 Surely Xenocrates had no reason yet to look for causes for the silencing of oracles

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 157

responsible inter alia for prophecy) and of the idea of mediation betweengods and men ndash that Xenocrates also a ributed a role in divination to thedaimones In any case this was no original thought in Plutarchrsquos time theNeo-Pythagoreans who according to Diogenes Laertius 832 held this be-lief belong at the latest in Hellenistic times and Stobaeus claims that theStoics defined divination as knowledge concerning the signs coming fromgods or daimones (Eclogae 275b12 p 6716ndash19 Wachsmuth cf Posidoniusfr 108 Edelstein Kidd where daimones in any case play a role concerningdreams)

The conviction then that daimones have responsibility for divinationseems to have been fairly widespread On the other hand it cannot havebeen communis opinio This is shown by the debate in Plutarchrsquos treatiseand by the way in which the unknown man from the Red Sea is presented(21421B) as tracing divination back to daimones and it does not look asif Plutarch himself was convinced of the importance of the daimones fordivination much less for the Delphic Oracle in particular16 Not (primar-ily) because there is nothing about this in De Pyth or what is presentedthere might still be valid if we wanted to introduce a separate lsquolevelrsquo for dai-mones between the god and the Pythia We would simply get a digressionin Theonrsquos argument if he had chosen to speak of daimones17 In fact wefind clear clues for Plutarchrsquos reluctance also within De defectu oraculorumAmmonius who as Plutarchrsquos teacher is always a very authoritative voicewants from the start to look for the cause for the oraclesrsquo silence amongthe gods (ch 8) and in 46435A he clearly signals his unease with the lsquode-monologicalrsquo explanation and its premises Lamprias ndash in the speech inwhich he introduces the divinatory importance of exhalations of the earthndash totally loses sight of the daimones makes them superfluous (at least inview of the main question) by explaining the drying-up of an oracle asthe result of meteorological and geological processes and then ndash havingbeen admonished by Ammonius ndash tries to integrate them the god and thepneuma into a comprehensive conception which causes him no li le trou-ble In this conception the role of the god ndash which of course especially inDelphi had to remain predominant ndash does not become very clear The dai-mones are now allowed to regulate the pneuma which however had beenintroduced in the first place to present a natural cause for the disappear-ance of the divinatory force In the concluding words of the treatise Lam-prias readily concedes that his construct can only be provisional and thatgrave difficulties result from it18 Cleombrotus ndash at the end of his speech ndash

16 This is not contradicted byDe facie in orbe lunae 30944C this passage belongs to a mythwhich has been conceived precisely under this premise which is here regarded as worthyof consideration

17 See S 1990 69ndash7018 D B ldquoLa composition des Dialogues Pythiques de Plutarque et le problegraveme de

158 Stephan Schroumlder

presents the application of demonology to the question raised at the begin-ning as something distinctly hazardous and in ch 16 a controversy eruptsaround certain aspects which goes on until ch 37 without leading to a re-sult that is universally accepted Not least Cleombrotus himself appears ina somewhat doubtful light In 2410AndashB we learn that he is a wide-rangingtraveller in far-away lands collecting material there for a philosophy withtheological orientation Such a man will be particularly ndash indeed exces-sively ndash susceptible to far-fetched lore about daimones19

About the hypothetical character of the remarks on the pneuma the mainpoints have essentially been made The treatise as a whole keeps a cau-tious distance from it and this is all the more interesting because what issaid here overlaps with what may be called the vulgate conception (wella ested since Cicero De div 138) of how at least the Delphic Oracle func-tioned20 It is o en connected with the claim that there was a fissure inthe earth from which the pneuma arose which the Pythia approached andabove which she took her seat Such an opening has not been found andat least until some time ago there was agreement that the geological pre-conditions for such a fissure with real exhalations were lacking this pointhas recently been debated again21 In any case the way in which Lampriasand the others speak about pneuma and anathymiasis demonstrates that onecould speculate about this phenomenon as a material one but not palpablyprove it22 The idea that a pneuma coming out of the earth was the deci-sive means of Delphic inspiration seems to have developed in an interplay(which we cannot now disentangle) of popular belief with philosophy andto have gained considerable influence We may asssume that Plutarch toodid not wholly escape from this influence It is striking that in De Pythor 17402B where the dangerous inference from the end of versificationto the failure of inspiration is stated this failure of inspiration is directlyconceived as the disappearance of the pneuma although the more detailedcircumstances of this will not play any role in what follows In any casePlutarch does not commit himself to the pneuma in De defectu oraculorum

leur uniteacuterdquo Journal des Savants 1992 2 [187ndash234] 223 (= B 1994 [457ndash504] 493) possiblyoverrates the weight to be a ributed to Lampriasrsquo exposition in comparison with the othercontributions to the discussion in this dialogue

19 Nevertheless Cleombrotus is taken quite seriously as is shown ndash against earlier in-terpretations ndash by B 1994b This paper also presents a well-considered and balancedgeneral judgment on the importance of theory about daimones in De defectu oraculorum

20 For references see A 1950 215-3021 Cf J 2008 47ndash5022 See A 1950 221ndash2

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 159

3 De genio Socratis

Let us now considerDe genio Socratis As has been stated at the beginningthe problem of the Socratic daimonion is a very special case of divinationAs far as people knew Socrates was the only one ever to claim a connectionwith such a daimonion and somehow he seemed to conceive it as somethingcoming from outside23

We shall see that Plutarchrsquos handling of this phenomenon is not marked-ly different from the way in which he approaches problems of divinationin the other two treatises discussed above Let us have a closer look atthe relevant chapters their train of thought and the connections betweenthem

The discussion starts in ch 9 with the polemical reaction by Galaxi-dorus (who appears on the stage as a resolute rationalist) to the account(given in ch 8) of the appearance of Theanor who claims to have beeninstigated to his voyage to Thebes by ldquodreams and distinct apparitionsrdquowhich admonished him to perform certain cultic acts at the tomb of Ly-sis Theanor then spent the night at this tomb to find out whether τι δαιmicroόνιον (ldquosomething daemonicrdquo) would dissuade him from his inten-tion to take Lysisrsquo body home In Galaxidorusrsquo eyes such recourse to en-lightenment by the divine is no conduct worthy of a philosopher who isobliged to justify his actions rationally For Galaxidorus a model of this isSocrates

To this the seer Theocritus objects that Socrates always talked of his dai-monion which shows that Socrates too did not refuse to avail himself ofhelp from divine inspiration (9580Bndashend of ch 10) With this we are al-ready in the middle of the main discussion

Galaxidorus does not want to see Socratic rationality diminished andto defend it he chooses to normalise it The daimonion (he claims) was noth-ing special on the contrary Socrates used some form of everyday divina-tion and even this only if he could not reach a decision by rational means(11580Fndash581A) Polymnis at first seems to confirm this assessment relat-ing how Terpsion ascribed a whole system of interpreting sneezes comingfrom others or from oneself to Socrates a er that however he raises theobvious objection that Socrates himself talked of the daimonion and not ofsneezes that a man of such firm resolutions would hardly have let him-self be determined to do or not to do something just by a sneeze andfinally that the contents of his predictions were too important for suchsigns (11581AndashE) Phidolaus agrees and asks Simmias ndash who is not onlythe brightest mind in this circle but also formerly enjoyed intimate fa-

23 In Platorsquos Apology (40a) Socrates himself talks of divination and Xenophon apologet-ically places the daimonion on the same level as everyday sorts of divination practiced byothers (Mem 112ndash9 and Apol 12ndash3)

160 Stephan Schroumlder

miliarity with Socrates ndash to refute Galaxidorusrsquo claims But before Sim-mias starts to speak Galaxidorus justifies himself presenting two argu-ments (12581Fndash582B) to defend the variety of divination which he ad-duced Firstly (he says) nothing militates against the assumption thatgreat events are announced by trivial signs this is o en the case also inmedicine and in observations of the weather by seamen Secondly wedo not perceive the connections of such signs with future events but thisis no reason to reject their use A third argument (12582BndashC) is to bringhis hypothesis into harmony with what Socrates said about himself whenSocrates mentioned his ldquodaimonionrdquo he need not have meant more thanthat such signs are caused by the divine which uses them like instrumentsto indicate things24

One may get the impression that Galaxidorus has painted himself intoa corner25 It was probably not his original intention to defend everydaydivination as he does in his first two arguments His main interest surelywas to show that no great importance should be a ached to the daimonionHis third argument is downright dubious it is really hard to believe thatSocrates used a means of everyday divination and then always claimedthis as his daimonion26

Simmiasrsquo comment is for the time being postponed because the circlenow turns to other topics At the beginning of ch 17 Plutarch removes thenarrator when he returns at the end of ch 19 we are told (20588C) thathe has missed Simmiasrsquo speech (which had been announced in 12581EndashFand 582C) against Galaxidorusrsquo propositions Simmias now is just begin-ning with affirmative statements of his own se ing out how he himselfconceives the daimonion

Thus the reader might think that the refutation of Galaxidorusrsquo hypoth-esis is withheld from him and that something totally new and independentis now starting This however is not the case there is a close connec-tion of thought between chs 9ndash12 on the one hand and Simmiasrsquo speech(20588Cndash21589F) as well as Timarchusrsquo story presented by him(21589Fndash23592F) and Theanorrsquos theory in ch 24 on the other

24 There is only a superficial similarity of this passage with the ldquotheory of the instrumentrdquoin De Pythiae oraculis (see above pp 148ndash9)

25 Cf C 1970 5126 This reasoning looks like a curious exaggeration of what Xenophon says in Mem

113ndash4 Xenophon wants to defend Socrates against the accusation of having wanted tointroduce ldquonew godsrdquo (δαιmicroόνια) For this purpose he compares the practice of Sokrateswith the use of ldquotechnicalrdquo divination by others These people (Xenophon says) surelybelieve that the signs they use derive from the gods but talk of birds and other signs assources for their predictions Socrates on the contrary correctly spoke not of the sign butof the divine behind it The ldquovoicerdquo on which Socrates relied is (differently from the par-allel passage Xen Apol 12ndash3) not mentioned explicitly which suits Xenophonrsquos intentionHe does however not go so far as to identify the daimonion with one of the known kindsof everyday divination this is only done by Galaxidorus

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 161

Galaxidorus has tried to fit the Socratic daimonion into what the theoryof prophecy developed by the Stoics called ldquotechnical divinationrdquo27 Theforms of divination belonging to this domain are based on the interpre-tation of signs in a more or less rational way something which everyonecan learn28 Galaxidorus has objected to an explanation of the daimonionaccording to which Socrates claimed to have an irrational and privilegedeven individual access to divine knowledge No doubt the seer Theocri-tus has such an explanation in mind when he first introduces the daimo-nion into the conversation in 9580Bndash10580C29 He definitely thinks thatSocrates practised what the Stoic system called ldquonaturalrdquo divination

The account given by Simmias in what follows is calculated in contentand structure of the argument to show that an interpretation of the phe-nomenon within the frame of ldquonaturalrdquo divination is perfectly possible andadmissible and that we will prefer such an interpretation in order not toaccuse Socrates (whose modest discretion is brought out in 20588C) of pre-tentiousness With this Galaxidorus is implicitly refuted One of the majorreasons why Plutarch made the direct confrontation between Galaxidorusand Simmias vanish in the ldquogap of the narrativerdquo may have been that hedid not want to diminish the effect of the following lines of reasoning30

It is also well-calculated that Galaxidorusrsquo argument ends in 12582BndashCprecisely with the dubious claim that Socrates could have spoken of thedaimonion even if he actually followed sneezes This remains a difficultyand whoever wants to save ndash or rather not lightly give up ndash the traditionabout Socrates and his good reputation needs to do nothing more than justto present an hypothesis which avoids this difficulty and at the same timeexplains Socratesrsquo direct access to the divine and his privileged position

Simmiasrsquo reasoning is structured in the following wayFirst of all he conjectures ndash in keeping with the a itude to divine rev-

elations exhibited by Socrates in other contexts ndash that Socratesrsquo experienceof the daimonion may not have been totally different from that which wecan make in dreams when we believe we hear something but in realityonly receive the content of a thought without hearing a voice While nor-mal people can have such an experience only in their sleep ndash a er theirsoul has been freed from the chaos of their everyday cares and passionsand a ained a state of peace ndash one may believe that Socrates had such ex-

27 For the division of divination in ldquotechnicalrdquo and ldquonaturalrdquo divination see Fr P Studien zur Mantik in der Philosophie der Antike (Meisenheim am Glan 1976) 57ndash9

28 By referring to Terpsion (11581A) and by stating that Simmias and his friends ldquodidnot think highlyrdquo (21589F) of the representatives of such an explanation of the daimonionPlutarch creates the impression that this explanation was already current among the So-cratics of the 4th century There is no direct evidence for this

29 From the very start Galaxidorus suspects people who talk about direct contact to thedivine of presumption see 9579Fndash580B

30 There is not much sense in speculating what Simmias could have said in this gap

162 Stephan Schroumlder

periences also when awake because of his inner peace and self-commandSocratesrsquo soul (Simmias continues) was accessible to impressions and ablealways to react to outer influences such influences however we mightthink of as coming from a daimon who would have been able to touchSocratesrsquo mind with the mere content of a thought

So far this is a mere hypothesis about the character of the Socratic daimo-nion formulated as a cautious conjecture (20588CndashE) Now Simmias setsout to justify it as such

He tries ndash without explicitly referring to Socrates ndash to demonstrate asplausible that a communication by such a sublime path is conceivable Toachieve this he starts by devaluing communication by voice in compari-son with the purely spiritual one which he has assumed Taking over andaccentuating a phrase from Platorsquos Timaeus (67b) he compares the sound ofthe voice to a ldquoblowrdquo by which the thought is somehow ldquobeatenrdquo into thesoul via the ears Humans need such rough means when they communi-cate with each other a superior being however and a suitably structuredsoul do not need such a ldquoblowrdquo For them the mere touch by the thoughtis sufficient and the soul willingly ndash and without any resistance inducedby the passions ndash submits to the direction which is offered to it This de-scription derives its plausibility at first from basic assumptions made byPlatonizing philosophy but is then supported by a conclusion from theinanimate to the animate if even big ships can be set on another courseand then held to it by small tillers and if the po ers wheel can by virtue ofits form be kept in regular motion by the tip of the finger surely the soulcan be set in motion by the mere touch of a thought A er all the roots ofpassions and impulses reach into the seat of intellectual capability and ifthis is disturbed they too are presently set in motion

When the impulses in turn stir the body in the end it is the thoughtwithin the soul which is responsible for the process The details of howthis happens may not be clear but the fact that the soul is able to set thoseheavy masses in motion (Simmias goes on again using an argumentum amaiore ad minus) entitles us to assert the possibility that the human spiritcan be moved by a superior or more divine spirit or the thoughts of thisspirit respectively

Up to this point the claim seems justified that direct contact between ahuman intellect and that of a daimonworking upon it from outside shouldbe possible The question now naturally arises in what way this might hap-pen This is of course no less impenetrable than the mechanisms whichtransform the thoughts of a mind into the motion of a body and there-fore Simmiasrsquo statements regarding this point (589B τῷ γὰρ ὄντι ndash 589Dἀνθρώπους καλοῦmicroεν) remain extraordinarily vague

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 163

Simmias first says that the daimones ldquoshinerdquo into the souls but this seemsto be a mere metaphor to indicate that direct transmission of thoughts issuperior to communication via the sounds of voices31

A er this Simmias introduces ndash with much reserve ndash the possibility thatlike the voice thoughts also can perhaps be transmi ed through the air thesoul at rest in itself being once again superior in perceptive capacity to thenormal soul

This consideration however is not pursued further rather in 589DndashESimmias once more using the analogy of dreams in sleep which he had al-ready used at the beginning of his speech now formulates a reductio ad ab-surdum of the opposing position and finally concludes with the argumentthat ndash as daemonic inspiration during sleep is accepted by most people ndashonly someone who does not take account of the difference between the soulof Socrates and that of a normal human being can deny the possibility thatSocrates received such inspiration also while being awake

In summary Simmiasrsquo argument is the following Nothing militatesagainst our regarding that which is transmi ed as pure thoughts (not con-verted into sounds) just as they are believed by many to come to us out ofa higher sphere while we are dreaming This purely spiritual influencingof the human mind by a superior one may seem quite plausible consider-ing how the body too is steered by the thoughts of the human mind Thefact that it was just Socrates who received messages from the daimonion canbe explained by the philosophical calm of his soul which made him moresusceptible to such purely mental contacts

Simmias does not seek a comprehensive explanation of how the dai-monion functions His aim is more modest to make it plausible to re-gard the daimonion of which Socrates used to talk and which seemed tohave an effect on his actions as a phenomenon of direct inspiration andnot necessarily ndash as Galaxidorus thinks ndash as an instance of simple lsquotechni-calrsquo divination32 Furthermore Simmias gives reasons why it was Socrateswho received such inspiration while it is denied to others One may re-gard Galaxidorusrsquo scepticism as refuted in view of the problematic conse-quences for the image of Socrates which would spring from it In harmonywith this is Simmiasrsquo remark (at the end of his argument in 21589F) that heand his friends in the Socratic circle had agreed on this account of the dai-monion and rejected the idea that it might belong to lsquotechnicalrsquo divinationThe theory of daimones is not very important here being only a premiseand not the theme of Simmiasrsquo discourse33 The word daimon appears (it

31 See S 1990 15532 To illustrate this one may contrast Simmiasrsquo argument which is consciously set out

as a hypothesis with the dogmatic certainty of Calcidius and Hermias presenting similarideas in the same context (see the translation of their texts in the Appendix below pp 202204ndash207)

33 See B 1969 432

164 Stephan Schroumlder

seems) only three times otherwise Simmias uses the much vaguer daimo-nion or talks of ldquohigher powersrdquo 589B is the only passage which couldnot be phrased as it is (or in a very similar way) under the premise thatinspiration comes from a god here indeed the argument is founded on therelationship between the daemonic soul and the human soul much as inDe def or 38431BndashC

A er this reasoning which Simmias presents on his own account andon that of friends belonging to the circle of Socrates34 he relates (in chs21ndash23) Timarchusrsquo report of what he experienced in the Oracle of Tropho-nius at Lebadeia a er which (in ch 24) Theanor the Pythagorean arrivedfrom Southern Italy also contributes to the discussion35

The myth of Timarchus does not need to be covered here as a wholeas that will be done by W Deuse (see below pp 173ndash5 177ndash8 181ndash83191 194ndash7) I will restrict myself to what is said in it about the relationshipbetween daimon and soul and about divination

Every soul ndash so Timarchus is told in 22591DndashF ndash has its share of reasonbut that part of it with which it gets involved with bodies and passionsis prone to degeneration The degree of this degeneration is in each casedifferent In any case the remaining reasonable part hovers above the partthat has become irrational (it is pointed out to Timarchus that looking moreclosely he may see the connections between the two parts) and tries to pre-vent its drowning and perishing On closer inspection the part hoveringabove is seen to be not an integral part of the respective human being butoutside of it ie the daimon of the person concerned

Timarchus goes on to report (591Fndash592C) that he saw these daimonesgoing up and down like corks which have to keep a net in balance on thesea some of them more than others Some were also moving vehementlyand erratically and the explaining voice told him that those daimoneswhomoved at ease and in a regular way had to control rather docile souls (orirrational parts of souls) while those moving jerkily had great difficultiesin keeping under control souls whose lack of education made them re-calcitrant and disobedient It takes a considerable time (the explanationcontinues) to tame such souls and accustom them to obey the signals oftheir daimon Other souls however have this inclination and ability fromthe beginning and it is to these that humans gi ed for divination belongThe explanations of the voice conclude in 592CndashD with the story of Hermo-

34 I cannot discuss possible sources here There are good surveys of the proposals madeand controversies raised in L 1933 44ndash9 and C 1970 56ndash60

35 On the relationship (which will be some importance in what follows) of these threecontributions to the discussion to each other see D B ldquoLa doctrine deacutemonologiquedans le De Genio Socratis de Plutarque coheacuterence et fonctionrdquo Lacuteinformation li eacuteraire 35(1983) 201ndash5 and K D ldquoPlutarch und das Daimonion des Sokratesrdquo Mnemosyne 38(1984) 376ndash92 with assessments that in part differ from each other and from what is arguedabove

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 165

timus (whom Plutarch erroneously calls ldquoHermodorusrdquo) of Clazomenaewhose soul allegedly used to leave his body (like a shaman) and thus toacquire knowledge of things happening at great distances This story hasto be corrected inasmuch as to talk of a real separation of soul from bodyhere is inadmissible rather the soul remained in the body but kept its dai-mon on a long leash so that he could roam far and wide and have a lot oftales to tell

Here too daimones play a role in the divinatory process and again acalm willingness to be guided undisturbed by passions is a prerequi-site for inspiration by the daimon Thus far Simmiasrsquo considerations andTimarchusrsquo vision go together There are however also important differ-ences In Simmiasrsquo theory there is not a word about a stable and continu-ous connection of Socrates with one particular daimon moreover Simmiasassumed that the inspiring daimon was outside Socratesrsquo soul and personwhile the myth of Timarchus presents it (in one aspect at least) as an in-gredient of the individual soul

Let us now turn to the Pythagorean Theanor It is the aim of his speechto underpin the hypothesis that certain individuals have privileged accessto divine inspiration taking account of the fact that the gods grant theirspecial favour to the best of humans This idea is then connected with the(Pythagorean) doctrine of metempsychosis which already played a part inthe myth of Timarchus (22591C)Daimones (Theanor says) are souls whichhave passed through the whole cycle of rebirths and become free Thesesouls feel sympathy with others who have not yet a ained the same goalbut are very near to it The souls who have made progress but are still in-carnate and still have to make the last steps are supported by the daimonesin question with the permission of the god

Again we find common ground with the other two sections of the textbut also differences In harmony with the myth of Timarchus ndash but withouta corresponding idea in Simmiasrsquo speech ndash Theanor assumes a firm connec-tion between the individual soul and the daimon inspiring it following thepopular conception of an individual protecting daimon36 Like Simmiasbut unlike the revelation of Timarchus he resolutely separates the daimonfrom the inspired soul The prominence of Pythagorean metempsychosisis new in the myth of Timarchus it is not explicitly connected with theproblem of divination and in Simmiasrsquo speech it plays no role at all

Theanor however certainly does not want to correct Simmias Hisspeech begins with an expression of total agreement with what Simmiashas said in his own name Theanorrsquos contribution once more tries to cometo grips with the point that most fuels the doubts of sceptics like Galaxi-dorus why is Socrates allowed to have experiences which are denied toothers Such a claim ndash expressed by Socrates himself ndash was the main stim-

36 Cf B 1969 431ndash4

166 Stephan Schroumlder

ulus for Galaxidorusrsquo polemics and Simmias too tried to deal with it atthe end Theanorrsquos words are suited to confirm Simmiasrsquo reasoning insofaras they lend plausibility to the idea that an excellent and philosophicallypurified soul has privileged access to divine knowledge transmi ed by adaimon Still the thrust of Theanorrsquos thoughts is different it is concernedwith religion and morals not (as Simmias) with physics and psychologyThe main aspects of Simmiasrsquo discourse play no part in Theanorrsquos consid-erations the ideas most stressed by Theanor are not present in Simmiasrsquoreasoning and both speakers reach their goal ndash to explain the special sta-tus of Socrates ndash by different ways On the other hand we may not say thatSimmiasrsquo arguments would become wholly invalid if Theanor were rightMost of what Simmias has said might even be used to develop Theanorrsquostheory further Admi edly the remarks of ch 20 are based on the assump-tion that the daimonesrsquo messages are in principle directed at everyone pro-vided his soul fulfils the relevant requirements37 Still the differences inreceptivitymight find a place within the frameof Theanorrsquos considerationsif one wanted to inquire into the ways and means of transmission whichhe has not got in view at all The other point concerning which difficultiesmight arise is the divinatory dream which for Simmias represents a com-monly shared experience of daemonic messages and is therefore of greatimportance for his argument Theanor tells us nothing about a lsquobasic pro-visionrsquo of dreams provided by daimones to all or most humans to do thiswould surely endanger the logical consistency of his speech The differ-ence however between a divinatory dream and the kind of favour grantedto Socrates by the daimones is surely so great that there is no real incompat-ibility in this respect between the positions of Simmias and Theanor38

The case is similar with the revelation reported by Timarchus It is in-troduced by Simmias in 21589F and concluded in 23592F in such a wayas to suggest the impression that he feels confirmed by it He may indeedwell be because the myth supports the assumption that a few calm soulsfreed from body and passions have access to superhuman knowledge Inti-mately connected with this is an explanation how this superior knowledgecomes into being Differences of detail need not bother Simmias (i) be-cause the mythrsquos conception of daimones suggests an interpretation of thedaimonion which in itself would be quite adequate to make Galaxidorusrsquointerpretation of the daimonion unnecessary and (ii) because Timarchusrsquoaccount has the form of a Platonic myth and not a systematic philosophi-cal demonstration And to overcome his residual doubts Simmias indeedaccepts Theocritusrsquo helpful observation (in 21589F) that also the lsquomythicalrsquomay at least partially lead to the truth Theanor for one sets Timarchusrsquo

37 Thus H 1895 II 160 n 0 (starting as note 2 on p 158)38 The limited importance of the discrepancies is stressed also by L 1933 66ndash7

and C 1970 81

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 167

report aside as not criticisable (24593A) but agrees with him in the onemain aspect that of a continuous connection of at least some human be-ings with a daimon

4 Conclusion

Let us in conclusion compare the dialogue about Socratesrsquo daimonionwiththe two treatises on oracles

When Simmias tries to show the superfluity of an hypothesis that mightlead to dangerous consequences his procedure is not unlike that of the de-baters in De defectu oraculorum and especially that of Theon in De Pythiaeoraculis The respect for Socrates and his testimony about himself ndash trans-mi ed in different ways by Plato and Xenophon and vouched for by Sim-mias in this dialogue situation from his own experience ndash plays a role simi-lar to that of the respect for traditional religious ideas in the other two trea-tises The myth stands by itself Theanorrsquos speech introduces a dogmaticelement his contribution to the discussion is phrased more confidentlyand argues less cautiously than Simmiasrsquo Theanor regards metempsy-chosis as incontrovertible fact and he does not show much doubt regard-ing the combination of this doctrine with the idea of the daimones whichhe presents From the beginning however Theanor is characterized asa particularly orthodox Pythagorean (cf also ch 16) and subscribes to atheory which the reader may regard as strongly coloured by his spiritualupbringing Moreover when he has spoken the conversation is broken offAs the scope of his explanations is limited as compared to those of Simmias(Theanor just supplements Simmiasrsquo arguments from his own special per-spective) we may take this breaking-off as meaning that nobody gets theopportunity to raise critical questions There is no reason to think thatPlutarch meant Theanorrsquos words to be the last word in this ma er eventhough he may have harboured much sympathy (though perhaps not asmuch as Simmias) for metempsychosis

The notion of the daimones and their importance for divinatory pro-cesses which is introduced in so roundabout a way in De def or andmeant to provide a starting point for the solution of the problem discussedthere is a simple premise in Simmiasrsquo considerations and does not haveany great significance for his argument There is no talk of a mediatingrole of daimones here nor would it have looked very convincing in connec-tion with the theme under discussion39 Explicit theories and beliefs aboutdaimones are contained in Timarchusrsquo report but here there are also manyother things which do not fit easily with Simmiasrsquo speech while Theanor

39 For a similar reason also the term enthousiasmos which appears in both treatises onoracles is missing in De genio Socratis

168 Stephan Schroumlder

just puts the myth on one side In his speech however the daimones arereally needed the explanation of Socratesrsquo privileged position given in itis actually based on a specific connection of the doctrine of daimones andmetempsychosis

However consideringwhat wehave said about the validity of Theanorrsquosstatements this can hardly be the real reason why daimones are taken ac-count of in our dialogue Soon a er Plutarchrsquos time other treatises werewri en about the daimonion Maximus of Tyrus treated the topic in his dis-courses 8 and 9 Apuleius of Madaura wrote a whole book De deo SocratisBoth authors interpret the daimonion by connecting it with theories aboutdaimones We may therefore assume that this view of the phenomenon waswidespread already in Plutarchrsquos time even though evidence is lacking

There is not much that would indicate a firm opinion of Plutarch regard-ing belief in daimones The belief plays a role in a considerable number ofhis writings which cannot be discussed here but in them too observationscan be made that are similar to those we have made here Moreover thevarious passages exhibit considerable factual differences It is nowadayscommunis opinio that Plutarch was indeed much interested in belief in andtheories about daimones but that he did not go beyond considering ndash in var-ious contexts ndash the existence and importance of such intermediate beingsas a possibility40

We can therefore hardly claim that Plutarch presented either a theoryabout the role of daimones in the process of inspiration of which he wasconvinced himself or a system of doctrines on divination or inspiration ingeneral What we are dealing with in his case is on the one hand a firmbelief in divination as it had always been practised and in the providenceof a god shown by it and on the other a determination to defend this be-lief against a acks as well as possible by presenting hypothetically plausi-ble arguments From the thoughts expressed in the several discussions hekeeps a distance that is well suited to his loyalty to the basic Sceptic ten-dency of the Platonic School With this goes a cautious modesty and waryrestraint in his judgment about things divine and an aversion to a emptsto confront traditional beliefs with all-too-astute criticisms (cf De Pyth or18402E De def or 47435E De sera numinis vindicta 4549Endash550A Amato-rius 13756AndashB)41 It fits well with this that in De genio Socratis he wishesto protect Socrates against interpretations like that of Galaxidorus and tofree him from the suspicion of being pretentious

40 The most important presentation of the opposing view is made by S 1942 cf alsothe judgment by B 1969 435ndash6 Against this see D A R Plutarch (London 1973)75ndash8 D 1996 216ndash24 B 1986 2117ndash30 See also (once more) B 1994b

41 Cf J O ldquoDivination and Academic lsquoScepticismrsquo according to Plutarchrdquo inV S 1996 165ndash94 On Plutarchrsquos basic religious a itude see also B 1969504ndash27

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths

Werner Deuse

1 Preliminary remarks

In Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths the reader will discover himself as aplayer in a universal drama of guilt and atonement success and failure inwhich his future ndash which as he discovers was also his past ndash is significantlyrevealed (before a truly cosmic background) as something now brilliantlybright now threateningly dark This drama is a Tua res agitur transposedfrom the earthly present into the temporal and spatial dimensions of thecosmos from which the reader can hardly escape

Of the three myths which will be discussed here1 two (in De sera undin De facie) are integrated into the course of the presentation so that theyform the grand final act of a series of arguments which are developed inlively discussion Many times announced and full of powerful mythicalimagery they transcend the preceding logos and the reader has the taskof interpreting both the myth by means of the logos (as rational argument)and the logos by means of the myth for Plutarch declines to be a guideand interpreter as the concluding words of De facie show (945D) A er itsmyth (microῦθος)2 has been told by Sulla as the tale (λόγος) of a stranger Sullaremarks ldquoYou and your companions Lamprias may make what you willof the tale (λόγος)rdquo3 InDe sera Plutarch even teases the reader with the de-ceptive hope that he will be enlightened The dialogue ends with the mythitself without further comment on it but shortly before the myth is toldOlympichus remarks (563B a er Plutarch who is one of the participantshas ended his argument) ldquoWe do not applaud lest you imagine we arele ing you off from the myth (microῦθος) on the ground that your argumentsuffices to prove your case No we shall pass judgement only when wehave heard that further recitalrdquo The judgement of the participants how-ever we never learn so that a hint by Plutarch is lacking here as well Inboth cases the myth is neither a mere extra nor just a poetic game which

1 They are treated in monographs by B 1953 and V 19772 920B 940F as translated by H G Plutarch Das Mondgesicht (Zuumlrich 1968)

63 ldquomeinen [ie Sullarsquos] Mythosrdquo differently G 1970 533 For De sera the English quotations are taken from E D L 1959 for De

facie from C 1957 and for De genio from that of Donald R in this volume

170 Werner Deuse

might allow us to neglect the significance of the myth for the whole workor even not to take it seriously on the contrary the reader is called uponto do for himself what was expected of the participants of both dialoguesto continue the discussion and to do this now in the light of the myth

InDe genio on the contrary the myth is situated in the middle of the di-alogue and apparently has ndash at first sight ndash hardly a real connection with itsgeneral theme ie the narrative of the liberation of Thebes but it does havea function within the discussion about the daimonion of Socrates Here toowe may observe that much weight is ascribed to the myth but that an in-terpretation of it in the light of the preceding discussion fails to take placeand must again be supplied by the reader Thus the Pythagorean Theanorwhen called upon to express his opinion does not comment upon the mythitself (which he calls λόγος) at all but simply states (593A) ldquoMy opinion[] is that Timarchusrsquo account (λόγος) should be dedicated to the god assacred and inviolablerdquo ndash a judgement that does not permit us to call indi-vidual assertions of the myth into question or examine them critically

As we have seen the myth being a report or narrative can also be calledlsquologosrsquo so that we might assume that it may not be easy to make a distinc-tion between myth and logos (the la er weighs arguments against eachother and is subject to rational demonstration as well as being severelycritical of all assertions which cannot be verified empirically) especially asin our three mythsndashndashapart from the sublime and dramatic cosmic experi-ences the geography of the Beyond and the daimones as guides thereinndashndashthe structure of the Beyond and dynamic of its processes are given a thor-oughly rational basis The closeness of myth to logos however does notinvalidate the differences and this becomes particularly clear when theparticipants of the dialogues consider whether the myth might in fact beunderstood as a logos Compare Simmiasrsquo words in De genio 589F ldquoAsfor the account of this which we heard from Timarchus of Chaeronea itis ltmore likegt myth than rational argument (λόγοις) and perhaps it isbest le unsaidrdquo to which Theocritus answers ldquoNot at all tell us aboutit Myth too does touch on truth even if not very preciselyrdquo SimilarlyPlutarch (as speaker in the dialogue) remarks in De sera 561B ldquothat [] isshown by an account (λόγος) I recently heard but I fear you would takeit for a myth I confine myself accordingly to probabilities (τῷ εἰκότι)rdquo towhich Olympichus responds ldquoBy no means do so but let us have it toordquoa er which Plutarch proposes ldquoFirst let me complete my account (λόγος)of the probabilities later if you decide let us venture upon the myth ndash ifmyth it isrdquo As the participants of the dialogues vacillate they make it clearthat the dignity of logos may indeed be ascribed to the myth but that themythrsquos approach to knowledge (to lsquotruthrsquo) is apparently so different and of

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 171

such a special kind that the speaker who is going to relate the myth at firsthesitates to tell it or even does not want to tell it at all4

Thus we may say that Plutarch so shapes the myths that they can andshould be interpreted The myths do not primarily spring from an urge forartistic creation and they are not simply a compositional means for the aes-thetic play of the authorrsquos imagination Of course they also serve to lsquocitersquoa tradition of literary style deriving from Plato and to satisfy the demandsof a sophisticated technique of dialogue but this should not be taken asthe decisive reason why Plutarch introduces myths into his writings

Summarily ndash and rather provisionally ndash we can describe the inner rela-tionship between each of the three myths and the argumentative parts ofthe three dialogues as follows

(1) De facie Important topics of the lsquoscientificrsquo part ndash like the moonrsquosearthly nature its size and motion the earthrsquos shadow and the moonrsquoseclipse the explanation of the moonrsquos surface (the ldquoface of the moonrdquo) ndashare again taken up in the myth individual hypotheses and explanationsare accepted rejected extended or interpreted afresh At the end of thelsquoscientificrsquo part (940CndashF) some arguments for the habitability of the moonare presented thus providing a lsquobridgersquo to the conception of the moon asthe place of the souls in the myth

(2) De genio Simmiasrsquo a empt to explain the daimonion of Socrates as aphenomenon of direct contact between the nous of a daimon with the nousof Socrates corresponds with the defining role that the freedom of the nousfrom soul and body and the definition of the nous as daimon have in themyth

(3) De sera The participants of this dialogue discuss the question whyGod allows wrongdoers to suffer just punishment for their deeds only verylate and o en not at all during their lifetime The starting-point of this dis-cussion is an Epicureanrsquos a ack against divine providence (at the begin-ning of the work 548C) divine agency seems sufficiently refuted by thefact that punishments are delayed In the further course of the argumentPlutarch (as one of the participants of the dialogue) ventures the hypothe-sis that the concept of divine providence must be combined with the ideathat the soul continues to exist a er manrsquos death 560F ldquoIt is one and thesame argument then [] that establishes both the providence of God andthe survival of the human soul and it is impossible to upset the one con-tention and let the other standrdquo This paves the way to the myth divinejustice is made complete by the punishment of the souls of wrongdoersin the Beyond and the doctrine of the soul on which the myth is basedis itself founded on the continuing existence of the soul as laid out in thelsquoscientificrsquo part

4 On Plutarchrsquos myths see F 1995 173ndash5 H -L 2002 138ndash44 esp 143E 2003 336ndash9 F 2003 325ndash7

172 Werner Deuse

In the myths we thus (re-)encounter the topics of the dialoguesrsquo argu-ments in the guise of imaginative narrative The story however that isthe core of the myth needs corroboration for when the myth is introducedin order to gain a wider perspective of understanding it becomes neces-sary to give a convincing justification of the particular advantage of thisperspective as against the procedure by rational argument This purposeis served by the introduction of informants who tell the story from theirown immediate experience These guarantors however are never identi-cal with those who relate the myth to the other participants of the dialoguendash a strategy of the author which on the one hand guarantees the credibilityof the story and on the other relieves him from having to take responsibil-ity for details especially for those arising from the free play of imaginationand the delight in experimenting with ideas

In De sera and De facie we even get a third person between the authorand the narrator of the myth functioning as its transmi er InDe sera Thes-pesius (also called Aridaeus) is introduced as a relative and friend of Pro-togenes a well-known acquaintance of the participants of the dialogueThespesius told him and other friends what he had seen in the Beyonda er everybody could see that some quite extraordinary experience had tobe the cause for the radical change in his way of life from a reckless rogueto a good and pious man So the story came to Plutarch through Proto-genes and Plutarch relates it to the other participants of the dialogue

In De genio too the author of the myth is ndash according to the fiction ofthe dialogue ndash a historical person who was closely connected to Socratesand his circle Timarchus a friend of Socratesrsquo son Lamprocles Timarchusdescends into the Oracle of Trophonius to learn something about the daimo-nion of Socrates and he then relates to Simmias and others what he has ex-perienced during his removal into the world beyond and Simmias tells hisstory in De genio Thespesius and Timarchus both report what happenedto them and Plutarch leaves no doubt that these men are to regarded asreliable and trustworthy witnesses the death which was prophesied toTimarchus during this vision has already happened as Simmias remarksand of Thespesiusrsquo surprising change of character we have already heard

The myth related by Sulla inDe facie has its origin with a widely-travel-led stranger who is highly educated in philosophy and natural sciencesthis stranger however does not draw on an immediate and personal expe-rience of the Beyond as the two authors of the other myths do but reportswhat the daimones dwelling on the Isle of Kronos (to the west of Britain)have taught him about the moon when he stayed on this island for thirtyyears Later on the myth will make it clear that the daimones belong to themoon and thence come down to earth to fulfil important tasks It is justsuch daimones that the stranger must have encountered on the Isle of Kro-nos which is described as an earthly paradise there they look a er Kronos

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 173

who sleeps in a deep cave this sleep being the fe ers that Zeus has or-dained for him These informants are of course even more to be believedthan human beings Plutarch seems here to have succeeded in strengthen-ing the grounds for credibility For the same reason he makes Sulla stressonce more (at the very end of his tale) that the stranger has learned all thisfrom the servants of Kronos (945D) ldquo[] and he had the account as hesaid himself from the chamberlains and servitors of Kronosrdquo This proofof course rests wholly on the trustworthiness of the stranger Does not hisreport of the journey to the Isle of Kronos look all too much like the fan-tastic tales of travel romances The Carthaginian Sulla however ndash who ina long preliminary remark (which serves as the introduction to the myth)portrays the strangerrsquos travels and his astonishing thirst for knowledge ndashcan point out that the stranger came to Carthage because Kronos enjoyshigh honours there5 and here he discovered holy books which had long re-mained hidden Who would refuse to believe such an extraordinary manStill some doubts remain How trustworthy is Sulla (who is perhaps toopartial regarding his native Carthage) and how are we to check whetherthe stranger has really lived on the Isle of Kronos especially as apparentlyother travellers6 too have heard of its existence Compared with thatboth the fall of Thespesius and Timarchusrsquo visit in the famous oracularcave ndash each being the prerequisite of their soulsrsquo journeys ndash acquire a verydifferent degree of credibility everything in these prerequisites is verifi-able and very well a ested even Socrates himself would very much haveliked to hear Timarchusrsquo report from himself and to have asked him ques-tions if only he had learnt about it soon enough (592F)

In what follows we will ndash always starting with De genio ndash discuss topicsthat play a part in all three myths Our synopsis of them will bring outwith increasing clarity both common traits and differences and it will fi-nally help us to answer the question whether Plutarchrsquos myths are basedon a uniform and internally consistent conception of the Beyond and of theeschatological conditions of the soul or whether the peculiarities and aimsof each work had priority over his wish to stress the unity of his concept

5 E rsquo textual supplement ⟨τοῦ Κρόνου τιmicroάς⟩ 942C is fairly certain cf C1957 191 n b

6 The motif of the sleeping Kronos surrounded by daimones on an island west of Britainis also found in De defectu oraculorum 419Endash420A There Demetrius of Tarsus (apparentlya historical figure cf Z 1964 36) talks of the Isle of Kronos in connection with ajourney to these islands on an imperial mission There have been (rather unconvincing)a empts to identify this Demetrius with the ldquostrangerrdquo see V 1977 102ndash3 andA 1921 42ndash4

174 Werner Deuse

2 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatologicaltopography

In De genio and De sera humans hovering between life and death ventureinto the world beyond they are presumed dead (either because of a dan-gerous fall as in Thespesiusrsquo case in De sera or because as in Timarchusrsquocase in De genio a return out of the oracular cave is no longer expected)but they are still alive with their bonds to their bodies preserved thoughthey have le the earth In De facie no being crosses the frontier betweenlife and death and a direct experience of separation from the body is notpart of the story

In Timarchusrsquo case external agency leads to the separation of soul andbody a blow on the head accompanied by a loud noise causes the su-tures of the skull to open and release the soul (ψυχή) Thespesius fallson his neck so unfortunately that his consciousness (his organ of thinkingτὸ φρονοῦν 563E) jumps out of his body and he experiences a plungeinto the deep like a helmsman thrown off his ship7 soon a erwards heis li ed up a bit and feels as though he was breathing freely throughouthis whole being ndash Timarchus experiences the same8 ndash and then his gazereaches everywhere as if his soul (ψυχή 563E) had opened like a singleeye Timarchusrsquo experience is different he hears something before helooks up and he looks up because he hears a pleasant whirring abovehis head As Timarchus (when looking up) can no more see the earth butonly shining islands so Thespesius sees nothing of what was before butonly the stars in their mighty size Not only is their beam of light brilliantlycoloured but it also possesses vigorous energy (τόνος) so that Thespesiusrsquosoul using this light as a vehicle can move easily and quickly in every di-rection Thespesius sees very much more of which he does not tell us hemay have seen the sea of stars with its islands coasts and mouths of fieryrivers which Timarchus describes in detail

Timarchus reports that his soul ndash immediately a er leaving the bodybut before breathing its sigh of relief and relaxing while extending ndash blendswith clear and pure air (πρὸς ἀέρα διαυγῆ καὶ καθαρόν 590BC) Thisphase is not related by Thespesius who at once proceeds from breathing towatching but he too mentions the realm of air However it is not he thatis affected by it but the souls of the dying ascending from below whom heobserves undergoing the following change (563F564A) they form a fire-like bubble while the air divides (ie while the air makes room for theascending souls9) then the bubble bursts and the soul in the form of a

7 On this see note a by E D L 1959 2728 De sera 563E ἔδοξεν ἀναπνεῖν (ldquowas breathingrdquo) ὅλος De genio 590C ἀναπνεῦσαι

(ldquoto relaxrdquo) τότε δοκεῖν and what follows in De genio (ldquoand become bigger than beforelike a sail being unfurledrdquo) looks like a commentary on the word ὅλος in De sera

9 ldquoThey made a flamelike bubble as the air was displaced (ἐξισταmicroένου τοῦ ἀέρος) and

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 175

human comes out of it We may therefore say with certainty that for thesouls ndash a er they have le their body and the earth ndash the realm of air isthe first stopping-place on their way This is confirmed by De facie 943Cwhere every soul has to stay in the space between earth and moon for acertain time the good ones ldquoin the gentlest part of the air which they calllsquothe meads of Hadesrsquordquo10 The realm of air itself is apparently divided intoseveral regions where the air is ldquogentlestrdquo the uppermost layer (so wemay assume) is reached and this serves for cleansing the good souls fromremains of corporeal contacts Probably this layer is also alluded to in Desera where two groups are distinguished among the ascending souls ac-cording to their motions (564A) on the one hand those moving aimlessly toand fro on the other hand those moving straight up and probably identicalwith those who seem cheerful to Thespesius being situated ἐν ἄκρῳ11 τοῦπεριέχοντος (564B) and so at the highest point of the space encompassingthe souls ie of the realm of air

Where exactly however are the observers Timarchus and ThespesiusFirst of all there is a remarkable difference between them Timarchus doesnot change his location he may look more closely at things but nowhereis it said that he moves to another place in the Beyond It is differentwith Thespesius Already at the beginning it is said that the starlight al-lows his soul to move quickly and easily in every direction (563F) Thushis relative ndash acting as knowledgeable cicerone of the Beyond ndash leads himon beams of light like wings across a vast distance to a deep abyss thePlace of Lethe (565Endash566A) then across another distance just as vast to an-other deep abyss into which mighty streams plunge as into a mixing bowl(566AndashC) And still he remains in motion an a empt to get nearer to theOracle of Apollo fails continuing on his way he listens to the Sibyl andis finally driven in the opposite direction by the momentum of the moon(566DndashE) His next stop is the site of horrendous punishments which he

then as the bubble gently burst came forth human in form but slight in bulk []rdquo F -2003 115 translates ldquowenn die Lu entwichrdquo and comments (378 n 3 on ch 23)

ldquoIm irdischen Leben war der Seele offenbar Lu beigemischtrdquo This however is contra-dicted by the meaning of ἐξίσταmicroαι and the fact that the souls first have to cross the realmof air During this crossing the souls form the airy bubble as a fiery envelope ie theyclothe themselves in particles of air when touching the air which divides before them (seealso E D L 1959 273 n e) When Timarchus speaks of his soul as blendingwith the clear (translucent διαυγής) air this might be a preliminary stage to or a variantof the forming of the flame- or firelike lsquosoul-bubblersquo

10 ἐν τῷ πραοτάτῳ τοῦ ἀέρος ὃν λειmicroῶνας Ἅιδου καλοῦσι On λειmicroών see C1957 201 n c

11 The majority of the manuscripts transmit κάρῳ from which no sense can be gainedand which in Ambrosianus 859 is corrected to ἄκρῳ τῷ (P ) καθαρῷ is read by P -

(citing the above-mentioned passage from De genio 590BC πρὸς ἀέρα hellip καθαρόν)and E D L 1959 If we choose P rsquos conjecture there are also different lay-ers ie of differing purity should we in this case not expect a comparative or superlative

176 Werner Deuse

has to pass through Even the end of the tale is characterized by changeof places Thespesius wants to turn round but is forbidden to do so sud-denly he finds himself again in his body the change from the other worldinto this being complete (568A)

The series of stops on this way through the Beyond may be interpretedas follows (1) Thespesius is at first where the souls arrive straight a erdeath there he encounters not only the souls of the dying12 but also thosewhose death happened some time ago like the soul of his guide throughthe Beyond13 (2) Then his relative takes him to the Place of Lethe an abyssnear which Thespesiusrsquo soul and the other souls are abandoned by the car-rying force of the light The souls move down towards the abyss and ndashnot daring to fly across it ndash just circle it We may assume that these othersouls14 correspond to those souls (or at least to some of them) whom Thes-pesius has observed during and a er their ascent although this is not saidexplicitly Now the abyss of Lethe is not a dark and dreadful gorge but aplace of Dionysiac joys15 a paradise full of flowers scents laughter playand pleasure It therefore exerts tremendous a raction seducing the soulto remember its existence within the body and thus enticing it to yearn forthe world of becoming This abyss then is an intermediate stop for thesouls on their way back to earth but for Dionysus (and later Semele aswell) it was the place of ascent (566A) Thespesius must not linger hereWe do not learn what happens to the souls circling round this seductiveabyss evidently the scents wa ing out of it have a beneficial effect on themWhether however these souls proceed from the rim into the deep and jointhe banqueters (or are even identical with them) or whether on the con-trary there is a strict distinction between those outside and those insidethe abyss cannot be decided (3) The next stop the Mixing Bowl of theDreams16 another abyss is called the Oracle of Night and Moon by thesoul guide Orpheus (the guide says) came this far while searching for thesoul of his wife though he later talked erroneously of an Oracle of Apolloand Night at Delphi It is from the Oracle of Night and Moon that dreamscome to humans as a mixture of truth and falsehood Here then we havea second connection with earth and Thespesius is now apparently in theregion of the moon This is confirmed by the guidersquos a empt to lead Thes-pesius still higher to show him the Oracle of Apollo this however failsbecause Thespesius is still bound to his body and the beam of the light of

12 563F τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν τελευτώντων13 This is the soul (564BC 564D) of a relative who died when Thespesius was still a child

(564C) he is later called ὁ τοῦ Θεσπεσίου ψυχοπόmicroπος (566B) and ὁ δαίmicroων (566D) bythe narrator

14 565E καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ψυχὰς ἑώρα ταὐτὸ (ie the loss of the force carrying them)πασχούσας ἐκεῖ

15 It is compared to cultic gro os of Bacchus see V 1977 186 with n 516 Cf M P N ldquoKraterrdquo in Id Opuscula selecta III (Lund 1960) 332ndash8 esp 334ndash5

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 177

the Oracle is too bright Thespesius then cannot transcend the sphere ofthe moon he remains there as is shown by his encounter with the Sibylwho ndash wandering in front of the face of the moon ndash tells him the future (ap-parently also the time of his death) The movement of the moon howeverdrives him off in the opposite direction17 (4) The last stop is the terriblespectacle of punishments extending to the circle of hell where the soulsare suitably moulded for their rebirth (567EndashF) We do not learn howeverwhere exactly Thespesius now is At first both Thespesius and his guidewatch the humans being tortured but as Thespesius encounters his crimi-nal father he wants to flee in desperation but his guide has vanished andhe has to follow other dreadful beings pushing him onwards (567A) Thefields of punishment then must be located where the face of the mooncannot be seen and pure (or purified) souls like that of his guide are notallowed to linger

So the narrative leads us from the place where the souls first arrive anddwell provisionally to the starting-point of return to life on earth from theplace of oracles dreams and prophecies ndash which concern life on earth aswell ndash and thus from the moon and its face to its rear side which is (it maybe thought) the place of hellish punishment and of preparation for rebirth

As for Thespesius change of place is decisive so for Timarchus it ischange of perspective of view

(1) Looking up Timarchus at first perceives the world of stars (star cir-cles fixed stars planets the Galaxy) as a multi-coloured sea of light (withislands and currents) which delights him Then looking down he sees abig circular abyss deep and dreadful full of darkness and restlessly mov-ing and from its depths varied wails of living beings sounds of lamentand tumultuous noises can be heard

(2) At this moment a voice (Timarchus will never see the speaker) offersto be his guide and to interpret what he sees This invisible guide howeverwill only be able to enlighten Timarchus adequately about that region ofthe Beyond to which he himself belongs and which he administers togetherwith the other daimones the higher region in which he (and the others ofhis kind) have only li le part is the realm of other gods18 His sphere ofaction (that of Persephone) is the last of four within the hierarchy of theparts of the cosmos the border area of the zone of light up to which Styxthe way into Hades reaches from below with its extreme tip (of shadow)

(3) The explanation of the nature of Styx makes it necessary to explainalso the whole structure of the cosmos to Timarchus ie the hierarchy notonly of the four Principles (Life Motion Becoming Decay) but also of thethree connecting links (Monad Intellect Nature) together with the three

17 For a tentative explanation see below pp 179ndash8018 591A ἄλλων γὰρ θεῶν ἐκεῖνα Perhaps we should understand ldquothe realm of oth-

ers namely godsrdquo compare 591BC ldquoThe other islands have gods (θεούς) but the moonbelongs to terrestrial daimonesrdquo

178 Werner Deuse

associated regions of the cosmos (that of the Invisible of the Sun and ofthe Moon) and the three Moirai (Atropos Clotho Lachesis)

(4) Only now is the exact location of the area in which the guide isactive revealed it is the moon the turning-point of Becoming to whichthe earthly daimones belong while the other islands are inhabited by godsThus we assume that Timarchusrsquo guide is an earthly demon dwelling onthe moon We have returned ndash but not without having learned somethingndash to the starting-point of the guidersquos explanation of the cosmos

(5) Now it is also possible to describe the special relationship betweenStyx and moon in more detail and to regard the border region betweenthese two as the stage on which the future of the soul is decided The guidenow focuses on the fate and nature of the soul he opens Timarchusrsquo eyesfor what he sees but cannot understand without explanation

His following remarks further develop this theme of the soul (a) Inconnection with the (periodically failing) a empt of the moon to escapeStyx a lsquodrama of soulsrsquo unfolds on the one hand the souls who are stillimpure are rejected by the moon tumble back become the prey of Hadesand have to go down again into Becoming on the other hand the soulsfor whom the end of Becoming has arrived are accepted by the moon (b)At first Timarchus does not understand this lsquodrama of soulsrsquo because hesees only stars and their various movements (b1) stars that move up anddown around the abyss (παλλοmicroένους 591D) (b2) stars that plunge intoit (b3) stars that dart up from below (c) Timarchus does not comprehendndash as the guide recognizes ndash that he is watching the daimones themselves (d)Therefore the guide has to explain the structure and nature of the soul ieits participation in Intellect so that Timarchus may recognize its nature asbeing that of a daimon19

The moon and the cosmic region bordering the world of Becoming are atthe centre of Timarchusrsquo experience of the Beyond As the voice instructinghim does not seem to have a body and a fixed place in space so the locationat which Timarchus gets his round view of the heavenly regions remainsoddly indefinite is he on the moon or near to the border region of moonand Styx or directly above the moon One thing seems certain the abyssis below him for he must look down to see it

If we compare this to the Thespesius myth we detect surprising gapsFirst of all regarding spatial dimensions Thespesius has to overcome tre-mendous distances to arrive at the abyss of Lethe and the Mixing Bowlof Dreams Of these two abysses Timarchus tells us nothing and for himspace in all its extension is also totally unimportant when he looks downinto his abyss of darkness We learn nothing of the place of punishmentthat is the climax of Thespesiusrsquo tale perhaps to be located in the moon re-gion because that is the last stage of Thespesiusrsquo journey in the Beyond To

19 This analysis is continued below on pp 181ndash3

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 179

be sure the abyss that terrifies Timarchus sends up wailings and lamentsof men and women but also of countless li le children is this to be theplace of punishment that we know from De sera20

What however is missing in both myths Both are silent about thedwelling place of the good and pure souls This holds true for the pe-riod between the soulrsquos separation from the body and its reincarnation aswell as for the unlimited time of an existence that has surmounted theneed to return into the world of Becoming To be sure there are somehints The voice mentions the impure souls which are rejected by the moonand return into the circle of Becoming and the souls which arrive on themoon having reached the end of Becoming but there follows no descrip-tion where and how they then dwell on the moon In the Thespesius myththe paradise-like abyss of Lethe serves as the starting-point for rebirth thismay refer to the realm of the blessed and describe the form of existence ofthe souls a er their arrival in the Beyond and before their reincarnationbut the negative aspect of the beguilement and seduction of the souls intoassociation with the body is surely the dominant theme in the descriptionof the place

We may perhaps get a complete picture by turning to the myth in Defacie and its topography for here the moon is at the centre of the story

The space between earth and moon has already been described as a re-gion for punishing and purifying the souls Their stay here varies in lengthand there is a plain higher up reserved for the good souls the Meadow ofHades (943C) Only the pure souls reach the moon itself to lead a life therewhich is extremely pleasant but neither blessed nor divine until the Intel-lect separates from the soul (942F) At the same time the moon is a place ofpunishment and reward for the souls that have already become daimonesThere are two ways21 for them the one leading to the side of the moonthat is turned towards heaven the other to that turned towards earth Theside turned towards heaven is called the Elysian Field22 How the soulslive there and whether this is a temporary stay we are not told but as theseparation of soul from Intellect happens on the moon this stay can onlybe temporary

So we get more detailed indications of topography only in De facie buteven they do not help us to locate and understand be er certain placesnamed inDe genio undDe sera We may just try to make a few conjecturesBoth of the abysses inDe sera are so far apart from each other that only the

20 See also von A 1921 28f21 944C C 1957 considers reading καλοῦσι δrsquo αὐτῶν (ldquosc the depths and hol-

lows of the moonrdquo) τὸ microὲν microέγιστον Ἑκάτης microυχόν [] τὰ δὲ δύο microακρὰ ⟨τὰς Πύλας⟩ldquoand the two long ones are called ltlsquothe Gatesrsquogtrdquo

22 Ἠλύσιον πεδίον see C 1957 195 n d but De gen 591A τὴν δὲ Φερσεφόνηςmicroοῖραν (ldquothe portion of Persephonerdquo) is erroneously interpreted by him as ldquoHadesrdquo andnot as ldquoMoonrdquo (see n 216 to the translation)

180 Werner Deuse

Mixing Bowl of the Dreams (the Oracle of Night and Moon) can be thoughtto be near the moon but about thisOracleDe sera stays silent23 Again thegreat distance of the Dionysiac abyss of Lethe from the Mixing Bowl (andthus from the moon) prevents us from connecting this abyss with the Gorgeof Hecate or with the side of the moon turned towards earth though it ishere that an intermediate stay of the souls before returning into the worldof Becoming might at least be conceivable24 The (futile) a empt of theguide to take Thespesius higher towards the light of the Oracle of Apollomight have been launched from the heavenward side of the moon Shortlya er that when Thespesius listening to the Sibylrsquos prophecies is pushedin the opposite direction by the momentum of the moon25 this should takehim to the moonrsquos earthward side which is perhaps identical with the placeof punishment Thespesius visits a er the episode with the Sibyl

Neither of the two abysses to which Thespesius is led can be comparedwith the dark abyss terrifying Timarchus it is through this abyss of horrorthat for the most part the souls ascending from earth and returning toit move There is no lack of dark colours either in Thespesiusrsquo scenario oflsquoascentrsquo or inDe facie Thespesius describes the dismay of some of the soulsand their ldquoinarticulate sounds mingled with outcries as of lamentationand terrorrdquo (564B) Sullarsquos report mentions the wailing and lamenting ofthe souls that are brought to their just punishment in the space betweenearth and moon (944B cf 943C) ldquoAt the same time too with wails ltandgtcries the souls of the chastised then approach through the shadow frombelowrdquo Wailing and weeping of course also fill the place of punishmentin De sera (566E and 567D) and there we also encounter (at the end) themotive of return for Thespesius visits the souls who are being preparedfor their second birth (567E here however there is no more talk of wailingand lamenting although the tortured souls would have good reason forthis) So there is common ground but the abyss in De genio still preservesits peculiarities ndash and its mystery for we would like to separate cleanlywhat here seems to be treated as a single process the up and down of thesouls on the one hand their fear and failure on the other and thirdly theirpunishment The comparison with the other myths makes clear that theseare separate things

The heavenly space above the moon is to be our last topographical prob-lem it is also well suited to lead us to the lsquoanthropologyrsquo We have already

23 We can hardly take the fact that the daimones take care of the oracles on the earth (944C)as an allusion to this Oracle which moreover is not located on earth (564C)

24 According toDe facie 942F the pure souls lead an absolutely easy (though not blessed)life on the moon only just the final phase of this life shortly before the return into theexistence within a body might be reflected in Dionysiac actions ndash but there still remains thedistance problem

25 566E τῇ ῥύmicroῃ τῆς σελήνης εἰς τοὐναντίον [] ἐξεώσθη

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 181

seen that there are allusions to this realm beyond the moon inDe genio andDe sera The voice instructs Timarchus that the islands in the heavenly seaare ruled by gods while the moon is administrated by the daimones stat-ing ldquowe have li le to do with what is above that belongs to other godsrdquo(591A)26 Thespesius too is permi ed to see the stars and their size anddistance from each other at the beginning of his heavenly journey (563EF)but his a empt to look up towards the Oracle of Apollo fails because ofthe excessive brightness of its source of light (566D) In both texts thenthe space above the moon is not really part of the myth the allusions to itonly serve to inform the reader of the restriction of perspective It is all themore astonishing that in the outline of cosmic hierarchy with which thevoice of the guide prefaces his explanations two further spheres above themoon are mentioned (the Invisible and the sun) but have no part at all toplay in what follows This is further proof that Plutarch wants to excludethe Invisible and the sun as topics and alert the reader to this Why thenis the sun so important in De facie There the relationship of Intellect tothe sun is brought up again and again Intellect separates from the soulon the moon and longs for the sun (944E) the sun brings Intellect into ex-istence (943A) and lsquosowsrsquo it on the moon (945C) Why on the contrary isthe topic of the sun avoided in De genio although the distinction betweensoul and Intellect is here at the centre of the anthropology of the myth aswell The answer must be only in De facie can the myth cover all aspectsof the doctrine of the soul and thus also of cosmology for it is to the dai-mones that the stranger owes his knowledge and the daimones can give in-formation about the doctrine of the soul and the hierarchy of the cosmosbecause it is their nature to wander between the worlds27 Timarchus andThespesius however remain fe ered to their earthly existence while ex-periencing the Beyond there is on the one hand a detailed description ofthe ldquobond of the soulrdquo which plays a role also in the tale about the endof Hermodorus (De gen 591Fndash592D) and on the other ndash in De sera ndash theldquocable of the soulrdquo which prevents Thespesius from ascending any higher(566D) Thus the way into the spheres beyond the moon is closed to bothof them The myths of De genio und De sera however gain their impor-tance from their protagonistsrsquo personal experience of the beyond so thatthis has to be at the centre of their stories while a more abstract discus-sion would not carry the conviction of something personally experiencedPlutarch therefore forgoes a presentation of the supra-lunar world in thiscontext

26 See also n 18 above27 Timarchusrsquo guide in the Beyond is a daimon too and therefore able to explain the

structure of the cosmos and although he has only li le contact to the world beyond themoon (see above n 18) he is obviously familiar with it

182 Werner Deuse

3 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of themyths28

Both in De genio and in De facie the whole doctrine of the soul is based ona sharp distinction between soul (ψυχή) and intellect (νοῦς) In De genio591D we read that every soul possesses a share in Intellect and that there isno soul without reason (ἄλογος) or without intellect (ἄνους) this is stated(as the context shows) of the human soul Now it is important that mostpeople regard intellect as residing in themselves while it actually existsoutside of them so those with the right understanding call it δαίmicroων Aneven sharper distinction of soul and intellect is worked out inDe facie heretoo we find the statement (polemically arguing against a widespread mis-understanding) that the intellect is in no way a part (microόριον) of the soul (asthe soul itself is no part of the body) but that it is be er and more divinethan the soul29 During manrsquos ldquosecond deathrdquo (on the moon) the intellect isindeed separated from the soul so that only the soul remains on the moonWe do not however find an identification of Daimon and intellect in thistext it even talks of souls who have become daimones30

We will understand the differences between these very similar conceptsof intellect only if we pay close a ention to the intentions of the respec-tive texts We therefore have to begin with a detailed analysis of De genio591Dndash592C31 The train of thought of this passage can be described as fol-lows

(6) The soul has a share of Intellect When it combines with the body thismeans a turn towards the irrational (ἄλογον) There are various degreesin intensity of the connection of soul and body (a) there are souls whichsink wholly into the body (b) souls which on the one hand combine withthe body up to a certain degree but on the other ldquoto some extent leave theirpurest element outsiderdquo A er this the right definition of soul and Intellect daimon is explained So this section has the function of shi ing the centreof the presentation from the ldquodrama of the soulsrdquo and the observation ofthe stars to the form of existence of the soul within a living manrsquos body andof highlighting the meaning of the term lsquodaimonrsquo

(7) Timarchus is now able to connect the stars he discovered when helooked at the abyss and the motions of which he described (see above nr5b 591D) with souls (a) the stars that are flickering out are the souls sink-ing wholly into the body (b) the stars that are lighting up are the souls

28 See K A ldquoZur Auffassung von Seele und Geist bei Platon Mi elplatonikernPlotinrdquo Hyperboreus 11 (2005) 30ndash59 B 2005 V 1977 123ndash215

29 943A νοῦς γὰρ ψυχῆς ὅσῳ ψυχὴ σώmicroατος ἄmicroεινόν ἐστι καὶ θειότερον30 944C (ψυχαὶ) ἤδη γεγενηmicroέναι δαίmicroονες31 We start where the analysis of 590Cndash591D (above p 178) ended with nr 5d so that

the numbering now resumes with nr 6 There is a good interpretation in D B2002 vol 62 228ndash34 (Baustein 1732)

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 183

re-emerging from the bodies a er death (c) the stars moving above arethe daimones of people distinguished by Intellect32 Section 7 then has thefunction of combining both themes treated hitherto (ie the ldquodrama of thesoulsrdquo and the term daimon) focusing (at last) on the relationship betweendaimon and soul while the soul is still in the body and making this the realtopic of the question about the daimonion of Socrates section 7c providesthe transition

(8) The guide asks Timarchus to have a close look at the bond (σύνδε-σmicroος) of each daimon to its soul Timarchus then observes stars that (a1) toss up and down to a lesser degree those that (a 2) do so to a higherdegree and those that (b) move in confused spirals and do not managea motion in one straight direction Obviously only those souls are herebeing described that have entered a body so that the distinction betweensoul and intellect-daimon is now in the foreground

(9) The motions of the stars reflect the behaviour of the souls within thebody and their strength or weakness vis-agrave-vis their irrational element (orpart τὸ ἄλογον) The bond of the daimon to the soul acts on this irrationalelement like a rein (a) a straight and well-ordered motion shows an eas-ily guidable soul (b) a disordered motion indicates the up and down ofvictory and defeat in the struggle with a disobedient and barely guidableone The distinction (which made sense in section 8) between two vari-ants of the (basically orderly) up-and-down motion of the stars (a 1 and a2 the irrational though pliable element of these souls will not permit to-tally uniform movements of the stars daimones so that varying degrees ofthis up and down movement result) can be neglected here in section 9 be-cause this section is meant to lead us to a special kind of humans with theirοἰκεῖος δαίmicroων namely τὸ microαντικὸν γένος of which Hermodorus ispresented as an example Therefore the distinction here is only between(a) fundamentally orderly and (b) totally disorderly motion33 in connec-tion with the respective nature of the soul With this also the questionof the daimon of Socrates has finally found its answer now that a numberof prerequisites for the right understanding of it have been discussed andexplained

32 In tabular form (591EndashF)ἀστέρες ψυχαί(a) τοὺς microὲν οὖν ἀποσβέννυσθαι δο-

κοῦντας ἀστέρας(a) τὰς εἰς σῶmicroα καταδυοmicroένας ὅλας

ψυχάς(b) τοὺς δrsquo οἷον ἀναλάmicroποντας πάλιν

καὶ ἀναφαινοmicroένους κάτωθεν(b) τὰς ἐκ τῶν σωmicroάτων ἐπαναπλεού-

σας microετὰ τὸν θάνατον(c) οἱ δrsquo ἄνω διαφερόmicroενοι (c) δαίmicroονές εἰσι τῶν νοῦν ἔχειν λεγο-

microένων ἀνθρώπων

33 Cf 592A (= 8b) ἐνίους δὲ hellip ἕλικα τεταραγmicroένην καὶ ἀνώmicroαλον ἕλκοντας and 592AB(= 9b) τοὺς δrsquo ἄνω καὶ κάτω πολλάκις ἀνωmicroάλως καὶ τεταραγmicroένως ἐγκλίνοντας

184 Werner Deuse

The whole passage derives its inner tension from the necessity (on theone hand) to elaborate the intimately connected linking and separation inthe relationship between soul and Intellect and (on the other hand) to de-termine exactly the relationship between soul and Intellect during the twomutually exclusive forms of existence of the soul (during life in the bodyand a er death) The compositional device lies in creating a border regionwith its up and down (the moon) but to equip this up and down with aspecial ambivalence now stressing one strand of the argument (the soula er it has le the body) now the other (the soul in the body) or even let-ting both run side by side (sections 5b and 7) and finally making one ofthem (the soul in the body) the real aim of the argument (sections 6 8ndash9)34

InDe facie as well there are (from 942F onwards) two primary strands ofmotifs connected in such a way that now one and now the other receivesspecial emphasis without the reader noticing this at once There are somesecondary topics as well the significance of which for the development ofthe central argument does not immediately become clear

The discussion (and correction) of the mythological interpretation of themoonrsquos eclipse leads to the description of the border region between earthand moon which is marked by the earthrsquos shadow Now Sulla by describ-ing the soulsrsquo ascent to the moon and their stay on it as well as the separa-tion of Intellect from the soul on it interweaves two main topics from thebeginning (A) the relation between soul and moon (ie the soulrsquos move-ment towards the moon and away from it the soulrsquos existence on it thesoulrsquos dissolution and renewed union with Intellect) (B) the basic anthro-pological conception and the separation of Intellect from the soul Laterhowever the tale focuses on topic B the transition to topic A is then pre-pared by telling us what the main difference is between the two processesof separation taking place on earth and on the moon that on earth is quickand violent that on the moon (ie the separation of Intellect from the soul)is slow and gentle (943B) Taken by itself this description of the mode ofseparation need not necessarily lead to topic A topic B could very well becontinued and brought to an end so that the whole topic would be treatedcoherently and consistently Plutarch chooses another way the topic ofthe separation of intellect from the soul having been le behind topic Acomes into its own occupying a long passage (943Cndash944E) which ndash in con-nection with the question about the substance (οὐσία) of the moon ndash alsodiscusses (on a fundamental level) hypotheses about the mixture of com-

34 How keen Plutarch is on creating a sense of suspense is shown by the fact that thepeculiarity of the crucial motion of the stars around the abyss (section 5 b1 παλλοmicroένουςthis is going to explain the effects on Intellect as daimon on certain distinguished people)cannot be understood either by Timarchus or by the reader because all the stars are de-clared daimones We might say that everything that follows only serves to explain this kindof star

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 185

ponents in the stars (starting from Plato and following the lead given byXenocratesrsquo doctrine as a guide 943Fndash944A) It is only in 944E that the sep-aration of Intellect from the soul turns up again ndash somewhat unexpectedlya er passages on the life and activities of the daimones on the moon ndash withthe very important statement that this separation is brought about by Intel-lectrsquos longing for the ldquoimage in the sunrdquo Very soon the topic of moon andsoul is dominant again (from 944F onwards) and the topic of separationis only briefly and incidentally alluded to35 until finally (945CndashD) withwidening perspective we get a description not only of the interplay of sun(ldquosowingrdquo of Intellect) moon and earth during the genesis of the soul butalso of the function of the three Moirai for sun moon and earth Thus thedemonstration returns to its beginning but now in the cosmological per-spective the role of the lsquoanthropology of sun and moonrsquo has become muchclearer

Why does the separation of soul and Intellect so soon recede into thebackground Why does it not continue to be discussed in connection withthe topic of moon and soul or ndash this could have been an alternative ndash whydid Plutarch not treat these topics one a er the other and bring each ofthem on its own to a neat conclusion There are two important reasonsfor Plutarchrsquos choice (1) To do justice to the complex relationship betweensoul and moon many elements and most of all the connection betweenthese elements had to be taken account of thus there had to be details ofargument that did not allow a direct reference to the second main topicand in which a hint of the separation of Intellect from the soul would be analien element (2) On the other hand these details of argument create theconditions to take up the second main topic again and deepen it for beforethe process of removal of the Intellect from the soul can be described withmore detail it is necessary to discuss both the soulrsquos form of existence onthe moon and the nature of the moon itself The description of the formof the soulrsquos existence on the moon a er separation naturally follows fromthis

We may assume that the strict separation of Intellect and soul is themore important of the two main topics it is central both at the beginningand at the end and is also the prerequisite of the soulrsquos peculiar existence onthe moon for if the Intellect could not remove itself from the soul entirelyie if there were still traces of Intellect preserved in the soul it would beunthinkable that the soul could dissolve itself entirely into the substanceof the moon For however a Platonist might define the soul and its partsor faculties the immortality indestructibility and immateriality of the ra-tional soul and the Intellect36 remains the one prerequisite of the Platonic

35 945A χωρὶς ἑκατέρου (ie without body and Intellect) ibid ἀφεθεῖσαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦνοῦ (ldquofor abandoned by the mindrdquo)

36 Cf in De facie 945C ὁ δὲ νοῦς ἀπαθὴς καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ microικτὸν δὲ καὶ microέσον ἡ

186 Werner Deuse

doctrine of the soul accepted by all The moon receiving Intellect from thesun brings forth new souls (945C) ie it supplies Intellect with souls lack-ing Intellect It is able to do that because the souls dissolve themselves intoit and this makes the moon their basic element (στοιχεῖον 945A) Both theseparation of Intellect from the soul and the combination of Intellect withthe soul happen on the moon Without the moon there could be no gene-sis of the soul but if soul and Intellect were not fundamentally distinct innature in origin and on the ontological scale of values37 the process of thegenesis of man could not even begin38

Let us now look once more at the respective conception of Intellect inthe passages of De genio and De facie that we have discussed Are bothconceptions in harmony with each other Does it at all make sense to pre-suppose or indeed demand a uniform conception A comparison of thepurposes of the respective texts quickly shows that this would mean tocompare things which are not comparable ndash strange as this may soundin view of their basic agreement Since in De genio the Intellect as daimonguides the human from outside its separation from the soul seems just asmuch a given here as in De facie The topic of separation however as weknow it from De facie plays no part here because the fate of the Intellect-daimon a er the soulrsquos ascent to the moon is not so much as discussed inDe genio at all This text is only concerned with the Intellect-daimon duringthe existence of the soul within the body of a living human To be surethere is talk of the soulrsquos ascent a er death and of successful or failed at-tempts by the souls to get to the moon but the lunar existence of this soulcoupled with the Intellect-daimon ndash this must be stressed once again ndash isnot investigated further Having read Sullarsquos myth the reader will be verykeen to put questions to the Timarchus myth which are answered in theSulla myth but the Timarchus myth will have nothing to say Again theSulla myth will be dumb when asked about the identity of Intellect anddaimon We should therefore beware of playing off the statements of thetwo myths against each other

In De sera the guide distinguishes between the faculty of reasoning iethe intellect39 of Thespesius and ldquothe rest of your soulrdquo40 this part of the

ψυχὴ (ldquothe mind is impassible and sovereign but the soul is a mixed and intermediatethingrdquo) on ἀπαθής see De animae procreatione 1026D ἔκ τε τῆς θείας καὶ ἀπαθοῦς ἔκτε τῆς θνητῆς καὶ περὶ τᾶ σώmicroατα παθητῆς microερίδος and 1022E (τὸ γὰρ ἁπλοῦν καὶἀπαθές) on which see C 214 n a of his edition (London 1976) with further pas-sages De genio 591E (here τὸ φθορᾶς λειφθὲν is called νοῦς) and in general AlcinousDidaskalikos 25 p 17721ndash17823 H (W L Paris 1990 48ndash50) on the λογικὴψυχή as ἀθάνατος ἀνώλεθρος ἀσύνθετος ἀδιάλυτος in contrast to the ἄλογοι ψυχαίwhich in all probability are θνηταί and φθαρταί (25 p 17831f H)

37 Cf 943A (above n 29)38 See also D B 2002 203ndash7 (Baustein 1542)39 564C τῷ φρονοῦντι Thespesius has come into the Beyond (the guide says) at the

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 187

soul has remained in the body like an anchor We do not learn any moreAs passions and crimes on earth leave their imprints on the soul the soulsin the Beyond show clear traces of them The nature of these souls is notexplained in more detail so that we can only gather from a few hints bythe guide what role intellect plays here and to what extent the irrational el-ement of the souls of the deceased also finds it way into the Beyond Thereare souls whose power of reasoning is apparently too weak41 so that theywish to enter a body again and experience a rebirth so the rational elementof the soul must be endangered in the Beyond as well42 Furthermore thereis an explicit distinction between a punishment in the Beyond directed onlyat the irrational part of the soul43 and one aimed at the rational part44 asthe hidden site of corruption We may therefore assume that the soul ar-rives in the Beyond as an entity consisting of its rational and its irrationalpart (or element or faculty) and finds it place of punishment there

The aspects of the doctrine of the soul just mentioned are importantfor De sera because they explain the soulrsquos ability to move around with itshighest part even outside the body this is a clear parallel to De facie andeven more to De genio (where the connection to the body is described aswell) Crucial however is the conception of the soul in the Beyond as anentity consisting of an irrational and a rational part only so can the mythmake it plausible that all transgressions and crimes the most brutal andthe most subtle leave their mark on the souls and determine their futurepunishment Indeed the inquiry into the consequences for the soul of itsoffences on earth ndash their imprint on the souls and the resulting punishmentndash lies at the heart of the myth Thus here too the doctrine of the soul whollyserves the intentions of the text

beginning of the narrative (563E) we read ldquoHe said that when his intelligence (τὸ φρονοῦν)was driven from his bodyrdquo see also 566A That this means the intellect (nous) is shown byDe facie 944Fndash945A ldquoIn fact the self of each of us is not anger [] but is that with which wereason and understand (ᾧ διανοούmicroεθα καὶ φρονοῦmicroεν)rdquo (see C 1957 215 n d)

40 564C τὴν ἄλλην ψυχήν41 565D ἡ microὲν γὰρ ἀσθενείᾳ λόγου καὶ δι ἀργίαν τοῦ θεωρεῖν ἔρρεψε τῷ πρακτικῷ

πρὸς γένεσιν [] (ldquoFor one soul from weakness of reason and neglect of contemplationis borne down by its practical proclivity to birth []rdquo)

42 In accord with this is the seductive effect exerted by the Abyss of Lethe on the intel-lect about which the guide says 566A ὡς ἐκτήκεται καὶ ἀνυγραίνεται τὸ φρονοῦν ὑπὸτῆς ἡδονῆς τὸ δ ἄλογον καὶ σωmicroατοειδὲς ἀρδόmicroενον καὶ σαρκούmicroενον ἐmicroποιεῖ τοῦσώmicroατος microνήmicroην ἐκ δὲ τῆς microνήmicroης ἵmicroερον [] ἕλκοντα πρὸς γένεσιν [] (ldquothat theintelligent part of the soul is dissolved away and liquefied by pleasure while the irrationaland carnal part is fed by its flow and puts on flesh and thus induces memory of the bodyand that from such memory arises a yearning [] that draws the soul toward birthrdquo)

43 567A περὶ τὸ ἄλογον καὶ παθητικὸν44 567B ἐνίους [] ἐν τῷ λογιστικῷ καὶ κυρίῳ τὴν microοχθηρίαν ἔχοντας

188 Werner Deuse

4 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths

De sera presents the lsquomaterialityrsquo of the soul in particularly drastic imagesRight at the beginning of his tale Thespesius observes the soul coming outof the ldquosoul-bubblerdquo (which formed when the dying humanrsquos soul startedto ascend) like a kind of homunculus45 If the souls did not become visiblein this form the myth could not be told for Thespesius has to be able toidentify dead people as relatives or acquaintances like his guide and laterhis criminal father The various colours the scars and weals of the soulsalso imply this The idea reaches a climax in the hellish punishments inwhich the souls are depicted as suffering bodies And corporeality is al-most over-exaggerated at the end when the souls are presented as metalobjects receiving their appropriate animal form at the hands of cra smenIt would be pointless to try to discover a philosophical concept behind thisPlutarch simply delights in graphically displaying punishment a er deathand thus permi ing his imagination to present the doctrine (established byargument) of the chastisement and purification of immortal souls as a vividtale This is an experimental idea which uses all the liberties allowed by amythical narrative

The image of the soul inDe genio is very different We might understandthe description of the loud lamentations of the souls rejected by the moonas requiring the corporeality of these souls this would then be a conces-sion to the form of the tale and its dramatic elements This assumptionhowever is unnecessary for Simmias ndash trying to explain the daimonionof Socrates ndash instructs us that contact between spiritual beings is possiblewithout audible language as with the voices we seem to hear in dreams(588D) Nowhere in the myth is the soul presented to us as corporeal orbody-like This is confirmed by the programmatic statement in 591D ldquoev-ery soul has its share of Intellect there is none which is without reason orIntellectrdquo Deeply as the soul may sink into the body and weak as its con-nection to Intellect may become it will never lose its own nature by thischange towards the irrational46

De facie has a peculiar intermediate position Because of the strict dis-tinction between soul and Intellect and because of the special role of themoon as the place where new souls come into being Plutarch here has noqualms about a ributing special corporeal qualities to the substance of thesoul that is freed from Intellect because the (already mentioned) dissolu-tion of the soul into the moon and the fact that the moon is the lsquoelementrsquo

45 564A (τὰς ψυχὰς) ἐκβαίνειν τύπον ἐχούσας ἀνθρωποειδῆ τὸν δ ὄγκον εὐσταλεῖς(ldquocame forth human in form but slight in bulkrdquo)

46 591D ἀλλrsquo ὅσον ἂν αὐτῆς σαρκὶ microιχθῇ καὶ πάθεσιν ἀλλοιούmicroενον τρέπεται [] εἰςτὸ ἄλογον

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 189

of the soul itself being a mixture of earth and star (943E)47 can hardly bebrought into harmony with an immaterial nature of the soul without In-tellect The corporeal affinity of the soul to earthly bodies is also shownby the fact that even a er leaving the body it preserves traces of bodily lifeon the moon indeed it has itself formed the body as intellect in turn hasformed the soul48 Thus we read of the souls that have enjoyed a philo-sophical life that a er the loss of Intellect they have no more use for thepassions and wither away49 On the other hand the souls of those whowere ambitious and driven by passions obviously continue to live50 with-out Intellect dreaming of their lives as in sleep and must be held backby the moon when unrest and passion draw them away from the moontowards a new Becoming (945B) Here we get the impression that thesesouls do not really dissolve themselves into the moon but retain their na-ture The passion-driven souls that nevertheless succeed in acquiring abody51 act in harmful and destructive ways on earth (Tityus Typhon andPython ndash whom however the moon at last took back into itself ndash belongedwithin this category) It seems indeed here as if the preservation of onersquosown passionate nature on the moon is a mark of a soul that was passion-driven on earth Thus the dissolution of their irrational souls is accordedonly to those who have lived reasonably on earth as a kind of distinctionor reward where the passions have totally vanished the irrational soul isfree from everything that makes it what it is and consequently vanishesRegarding this irrational soul then we observe a curious inversion of thevalues of dissolution (now seen as positive) and continuation (now seen asnegative)

The souls that were so fortunate as to reach the moon resemble in theiroutward appearance a beam of light What follows in the text is unfortu-nately corrupt but it at least seems certain that the moonrsquos aether ndash which

47 The substance of stars is obviously aether as the continuation of the text shows οὕτωςτῷ αἰθέρι λέγουσι (for the subject of the sentence see C 1957 205 n e) τὴν σελήνηνἀνακεκραmicroένην διὰ βάθους ἅmicroα microὲν ἔmicroψυχον εἶναι καὶ γόνιmicroον ἅmicroα δrsquo [] (ldquoso themoon they say because it has been permeated through and through by ether is at onceanimated and fertile and []rdquo)

48 945A ldquothe soul receives the impression of its shape (ἐκmicroάττεται τὸ εἶδος) throughbeing moulded by the mind (τυπουmicroένη ὑπὸ τοῦ νοῦ) and moulding (τυποῦσα) in turnand enfolding the body on all sides so that even if it be separated from either one for along time since it preserves the likeness and the imprint (τὴν ὁmicroοιότητα καὶ τὸν τύπον) itis correctly called an image (εἴδωλον)rdquo Before that the good souls had to stay in the spacebetween earth and moon to free themselves there from the impurities acquired by contactwith the body (943C)

49 945A ἀποmicroαραίνονται (ldquothey wither quietly awayrdquo)50 For this translation see C 1957 217 n d51 It is remarkable that here ndash in contrast toDe genio (591D) ndash the possibility of existence of

an ἄνους ψυχή within the body is in no way denied already earlier the text states (943C)ldquoAll soul whether without mind or with it (ἄνουν τε καὶ σὺν νῷ) when it has issued fromthe body []rdquo

190 Werner Deuse

as we have already heard is a part of the moonrsquos mixed substance ndash sta-bilizes and strengthens the souls52 The subsequent explanation of thisagain strengthens the suspicion that what is spoken of here is some sortof corporeal entity as we read (943DE) ldquofor what laxness and diffusenessthey still have is strengthened and becomes firm and translucent In con-sequence they are nourished by any exhalation that reaches themrdquo53 Nextfollows Heraclitusrsquo fragment VS 22 B 98 ldquoSouls employ the sense of smellin Hadesrdquo Scholars have long assumed Stoic influence on this whole pas-sage up to the Heraclitus quotation54 It is true that according to Stoic doc-trine the moon is a mixture of air and fire55 but there is also a Stoic notionof aither as being a form of fire56 Plutarch is apparently using Stoic clicheacutesto achieve the objects of his presentation Plutarch certainly does not heresurrender unconditionally to the influence of a Stoic source if he reallywere using a source and not just a Stoic commonplace he would do so ashis own master treating the source simply as a means to his end57 As it canbe said inDe sera even of the Intellect58 ldquothe intelligent part (τὸ φρονοῦν)of the soul is dissolved and liquefiedrdquo so here too Plutarch may speakof the soul in images evoking corporeal-material processes All of this isallowed because in this text the function of the moon ndash to receive the soulinto itself (by making it a part of itself) and to generate it anew out of itself ndashis at the centre and also because the way in which the moon is an lsquoelementrsquo(στοιχεῖον) of the soul can only be expressed by means of imagery

52 943D the souls receive τόνος and δύναmicroις53 τὸ γὰρ ἀραιὸν ἔτι καὶ διακεχυmicroένον ῥώννυται καὶ γίνεται σταθερὸν καὶ διαυγές

ὥσθrsquo ὑπὸ τῆς τυχούσης ἀναθυmicroιάσεως τρέφεσθαι Here by the way Plutarch buildsa bridge to the last section of the lsquoscientificrsquo part and the discussion of the hypothesis ofinhabitants of the moon we read in 940C τοὺς δrsquo ἐπὶ τῆς σελήνης εἴπερ εἰσίν εὐσταλεῖςεἶναι τοῖς σώmicroασι καὶ διαρκεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων τρέφεσθαι πιθανόν ἐστι On this seeG 1970 84

54 See C 1957 203 n e (the term τόνος the nourishment of the soul Heraklit)G 1970 84 most of all D 1988 140ndash3 (140 ldquoNot only is the soulrsquos corpo-reality here clearly stated but the language is clearly that of the Stoicsrdquo) see also D B 2002 208 (Baustein 1543)

55 De facie 921F ἀέρος microῖγmicroα καὶ microαλακοῦ πυρός56 SVF 2580 (= Diogenes Laert 7135) ἀνωτάτω microὲν οὖν εἶναι τὸ πῦρ ὃ δὴ αἰθέρα

καλεῖσθαι For Stoic aither see De facie 922B and 928CD with C 1957 203 n e and49 n g

57 See the good observations of D 1988 140ndash1 on this point58 566A (text quoted above in n 42)

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 191

5 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo59

The voice speaking to Timarchus is (as we have seen) that of one of thedaimones belonging to the sphere of the moon As it calls the lsquointellect-daimonesrsquo (about whom it enlightens Timarchus) simply ldquodaimonesrdquo with-out distinguishing them from the lunar daimones (ie those like himself)we have to regard the lunar daimones likewise as lsquointellect-daimonesrsquo ofsouls We may therefore draw the conclusion that the lunar daimones arelsquointellect-daimonesrsquo that are no longer united to a body on earth How thishas happened whether this form of existence is permanent whether thelunar daimones distinguish themselves from the other lsquointellect-daimonesrsquothat have reached the moon and perhaps have broken the cycle of rebirthsndash all this we are not told A er the myth has been related the PythagoreanTheanor voices his opinion about Simmiasrsquo hypothesis concerning the dai-monion but not about the myth He knows of souls that have been freedfrom Becoming and now as daimones take care of humans (593DndashE) Thesedaimones then become the personal daimones of human souls that havefought bravely and overcome many rebirths such a daimon wanting tosave a soul spurs it on and if it listens to him it is saved reaching thehigher region of freedom from the cycle of Becoming Souls however thatdo not obey their daimon are le by him to their misfortunes (593Fndash594A)Plutarch here makes Theanor develop a doctrine of daimones that no-onepresent comments upon it shows no relation to the central conception ofthe Timarchus myth and may perhaps be thought to illustrate a discardedpreliminary stage of it60 In this comparatively lsquoarchaicrsquo conception theproblem of the relationship between soul and intellect and the necessity tofind a solution for it do not yet play any part

We may now rather surprisedly discover that the idea of the soul be-coming a daimon is assumed in De facie quite as a ma er of course Therewe meet good and bad daimones the daimones dwell not only on the moonthey also go to earth take care of sanctuaries participate in the operationof mysteries execute punishments and are at the same time rescuers andhelpers If however these daimones get carried away to perform unjust

59 See B 1986 2117ndash30 id ldquoAn Imperial Heritage The Religious Spirit of Plutarch ofChaironeiardquo ANRW 2361 (1987) [248ndash349] 275ndash94 V 1977 249ndash62 I K ldquoSomePhilosophical Demonsrdquo Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 49 (1995) 217ndash24 esp222ndash3 H S S ldquoXenocratesrsquo Daemons and the Irrational Soulrdquo CQ 43 (1993) [143ndash67]156ndash9 and 166ndash7

60 It is presumably for that reason that Plutarch once talks about the lsquointellect-daimonrsquo asthe οἰκεῖος δαίmicroων in the myth (592C) using the term properly reserved for the personaldaimon to describe the function of the intellect See K A ldquoDer Daimon als SeelenfuumlhrerZur Vorstellung des persoumlnlichen Schutzgeistes bei den Griechenrdquo Hyperboreus 6 (2000)[219ndash52] 236 ldquoDass dieser unmi elbar der Person des Menschen angehoumlrige Daimon hierοἰκεῖος δαίmicroων genannt wird ist verwirrend denn diese Bezeichnung gilt in der Regel ndashund so auch im Kap 24 ndash dem separaten Wesen dem Daimon als Seelengeleiterrdquo

192 Werner Deuse

deeds ndash being seized by anger or envy ndash then they must enter human bod-ies61 and are driven back to earth (944CndashD) We may conclude from thisthat daimones act in an entirely uncorporeal way on earth it is only a erwrongdoing that they receive a body and apparently no longer functionas daimones but as human souls in human bodies This helps us to be erunderstand a passage in De facie where there is talk (rather unexpectedly)of souls having already become daimones In the biggest of the depressionson the moon ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo ldquothe souls suffer and exact penalties forwhatever they have endured or commi ed a er having already becomeSpiritsrdquo62 So those daimones are punished who commi ed faults when theywere active on earth A er their return from earth they first have to answerfor their deeds in ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo and are then punished by rebirth in ahuman body They can commit evil on earth because on the moon ndash likeall pure souls ndash they still exist as a combination of soul and intellect63 andit is only on earth that the soul gains the upper hand over intellect anditself gives in to the passions The good daimones must presumably havepainful experiences while acting as rescuers and avengers so that they getcompensation for that in ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo Which souls become daimoneswe are not told The triumph of reason over the passions and irrational in-clinations distinguishes all souls that finally arrive on the moon (943D)but perhaps there are those among them that are even more perfect thanothers or that have honoured oracle sanctuaries and mystery cults alreadyon earth in some particular way so that it is especially these that becomedaimones It is by the way not totally excluded that a er the lsquosowingrsquo ofintellect on the moon the newly generated souls become daimones as wellAll this is speculation On the other hand it is certain that the souls thathave become daimones also die a lsquosecond deathrsquo in which their intellectleaves the soul We may note that Plutarch here chooses phrases that dojustice to the peculiar dignity of the be er daimones64 (944E) ὧν (sc τῶνβελτιόνων) [] τῆς ἀρίστης ἐξαλλαγῆς τυγχανόντων (ldquoas they achievedthe ultimate alterationrdquo)65 This separation of soul and intellect happenssometimes sooner sometimes later

61 944D συνειργνύmicroενοι σώmicroασιν ἀνθρωπίνοις (ldquoconfined in human bodiesrdquo) parallelpassages about the failure and punishment of daimones in Plutarch are cited by C1957 212 n a

62 944C Ἑκάτης microυχόν ὅπου καὶ δίκας διδόασιν αἱ ψυχαὶ καὶ λαmicroβάνουσιν ὧν ἂν ἤδηγεγενηmicroέναι δαίmicroονες ἢ πάθωσιν ἢ δράσωσι In what immediately follows the text againonly speaks of souls that pass through two other recesses or gorges in different directions(see above p 179 n 21)

63 On this see C 1957 210 n a According to 943A (with Bernardakisrsquo supple-ment) the combination of intellect and soul creates reason (λόγος) and this is ἀρχὴ ἀρετῆςκαὶ κακίας (ldquosource of virtue and vicerdquo)

64 It is to these that also the servants of Kronos belong as they themselves have toldSullarsquos source (944D)

65 The transmi ed text is ὧν ἱερὰ καὶ τιmicroαὶ καὶ προσηγορίαι διαmicroένουσιν αἱ δὲδυνάmicroεις ἐνίων (ἔνευον C following A ) εἰς ἕτερον τόπον τῆς ἀρίστης

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 193

As we have seen inDe sera the soul of a relative is the guide through theBeyond This guide is later (566D) called a daimon Thespesius meets yetother daimones the three responsible for the mixing of dreams (566B) thedaimones of punishment at the several lakes of metal (567C) As the guideexplains punishment is executed in three degrees of various severity themiddle one of which Dike is in charge concerns grave cases the healingof which is difficult The daimon (ὁ δαίmicroων) leads these humans to Dike(564F) this is obviously the personal daimon who leads the soul first intocourt and then into Hades in the Phaedo (107dndashe) It is remarkable thatalthough (only66) in this myth the conception of a personal daimon is justmentioned this conception is then no longer required in the detailed de-scription of punishments Probably Plutarch just wants to remind us of hisPlatonic models ndash the final myth of the Republic also knows the personaldaimon (617e 620de) ndash and at the same time to encourage the reader tonotice the differences too

So the three eschatological myths are indeed creations of Plutarch him-self although he owes many individual traits and images to the Platonicmodels in Gorgias (523andash527a) Phaedo (107dndash115a) and most of all in theRepublic (613endash621b)67 With these myths ndash the creation of which may becalled a success ndash he tries to find answers for new exciting and controver-sial questions regarding the doctrine of the soul and the doctrine of intellectwithin the frame of cosmology and anthropology These questions arosenot least from reading Plato and particularly from intensive concern withthe Timaeus and the history of its interpretation68

ἐξαλλαγῆς τυγχανόντων (Z translates ldquo[] deren Heiligtuumlmer Kulte und Vereh-rung noch besteht Doch lassen die wirkenden Krauml e mancher von ihnen nach wenn ih-nen die houmlchste Wandlung und Versetzung an einen anderen Ort zuteil wirdrdquo C ldquowhose rites honours and titles persist but whose powers tended to another place as theyachieved the ultimate alterationrdquo) νεύω does not necessarily mean a downward move-ment and one cannot see why only some of the be er daimones can reach the sun (see thecontinuation of the text)

66 Theanorrsquos remarks are no part of the Timarchus myth on the lsquonon-terminologicalrsquo useof ldquopersonal daimonrdquo in the Timarchus myth see above n 60

67 See (apart from references of detail in commentaries and translations) V 197795ndash101 and passim W E ldquoJenseitsmythen bei Platon und Plutarchrdquo in M L ML (edd) LebendigeHoffnung ndash ewiger Tod Jenseitsvorstellungen imHellenismus Judentumund Christentum Arbeiten zur Bibel und ihrer Geschichte 24 (Leipzig 2007) 315ndash340 CW ldquoKurskorrektur auf der Jenseitsfahrt Plutarchs Thespesios-Mythos und KolotesrsquoKritik an Platons PoliteiardquoWuumlrzburger Jahrbuumlcher NF 28a (2004) 49ndash63 (on De sera) I giveonly two examples for Plutarchrsquos transferral of even small details from the myth of Er intoDe genio 591CD ἀστέρας ᾄττοντας asymp Politeia 621b ᾄττοντας ὥσπερ ἀστέρας in 591C itis said of the moon that it prevents the impure souls from approaching microυκωmicroένη whilein Rep 615e Er reports that the lsquoMouth of Ascentrsquo (στόmicroιον) refused to receive someoneand ἐmicroυκᾶτο every time a criminal thought he could ascend

68 See eg F E B ldquolsquoSpeaking with Unperfumed Words Reaches to a ThousandYearsrsquo Plutarch and His Agerdquo in Id With Unperfumed Voice Studies in Greek Literature

194 Werner Deuse

6 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie

Timarchus wants to know everything but the voice giving him informa-tion modestly points to the limits of its competence only to contradict thismodesty in what follows Before starting its instructions the voice ndash bygiving a very brief sketch of a complex and not easily comprehensible69

doctrine of cosmic principles (591B) ndash makes it clear to Timarchus (andthe reader) how li le he knows and still will know even a er the guidedtour through the cosmos There remains however the incentive (and forthe reader the curiosity) to want to know more With the four Principles(Life Motion Becoming and Decay) are coordinated three groups of threefirstly the ontological triad of Monad Intellect and Nature which guaran-tees the connection between the four Principles secondly the cosmologicaltriad of the Invisible the Sun and the Moon which marks the appropriateplace of the connection in the cosmos finally the three ldquodaughters of Ne-cessityrdquo the Moirai Atropos Clotho and Lachesis who as ldquoholders of thekeysrdquo are in charge of the connection of the four Principles Life (ζωή) mayhave been chosen as the highest Principle because the model of the Demi-urge in the Timaeus is the perfect intelligible living being (παντελὲς ζῷον31b τέλεον καὶ νοητὸν ζῷον 39e)70 Tim 31andashb stresses the uniquenessof the living being which becomes the model also for the visible cosmoswhich is therefore similar to its model also κατὰ τὴν microόνωσιν This leadsus to the Μονάς of the ontological triad situated in the Invisible whichbeing God Intellect and the Demiurge71 must have its place above thevisible world and the movements of the stars It is only by the creativeact of the Demiurge that the cosmic soul comes into being the Intellect(Νοῦς) who combines Motion and Intellect in the sun is not a second In-tellect besides the first transcendental one but presumably the Intellectof the cosmic soul since the original soul a ains orderly motion and be-comes the world-soul only by participating in the intelligible being of the

Religion and Philosophy and in the New Testament Background Potsdamer AltertumswissBeitraumlge 21 (Stu gart 2007) [1ndash35] 14ndash7 (ldquoThe philosophical revolutionrdquo) and 17ndash20 (ldquoTherevolution within Platonismrdquo) with further literature

69 D 1981 105 ldquoDie Benennungen mit denen die vier ἀρχαί gekennzeichnet wer-den stellen ihrerseits wieder Verschluumlsselungen dar geeignet den Laien vom vollstaumlndi-gen Verstaumlndnis fernzuhaltenrdquo D 2001 38 ldquoThere is indeed much that is peculiarhererdquo O 2007 288 n 22 ldquoThe obscure passage should not however overrule theevidence of the texts in which Plutarch directly exposes his viewsrdquo

70 See K 1964 98 n 250 who further refers to Arist De anima I 2 404b19ndash20perhaps more important is Arist Metaph 125 1072b19ndash30 esp 28ndash30 (before that thetext states ἡ γὰρ νοῦ ἐνέργεια ζωή) φαmicroὲν δὴ τὸν θεὸν εἶναι ζῷον ἀΐδιον ἄριστονὥστε ζωὴ καὶ αἰὼν συνεχὴς καὶ ἀΐδιος ὑπάρχει τῷ θεῷ

71 For the identity of God the Demiurge and Intellect see O 2007 289ndash92 F2005 18ndash20

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 195

Demiurge72 The world-soul itself carries out demiurgic functions73 so thePrinciple of Becoming is important for it too We will then have to inter-pret the combination of Becoming with Decay in the sphere of the Moonby the operation of Nature Φύσις by saying that in this sphere the world-soul governs with its irrational part74 for example by supplying the lsquosoul-substratumrsquo that is necessary for the soulrsquos contact with the body and thentaking it back again a er the individual soul has been separated from thebody

This doctrine of Principles has always been compared with the passage945C inDe facie where we read ldquoOf the three Fates too Atropos enthronedin the sun initiates generation (τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐνδίδωσι τῆς γενέσεως) Clothoin motion on the moon mingles and binds together and finally upon theearth Lachesis too puts her hand to the task (ἐσχάτη συνεφάπτεται περὶγῆν) she who has the largest share in chancerdquo75 In contrast to the doctrineof Principles offered in De genio the sense of this passage is elucidated bythe context It is preceded by an explanation of how the sun lsquosowsrsquo intellectinto the moon which then generates new souls while earth supplies thebody The sun then is the origin of becoming for the souls the mooncombines its substance with the intellect and on earth the soul enters abody

Ferrari76 wants to interpret the core of this cosmic hierarchy as the triadIntellect (ldquointelle ordquo ie ldquoil piano trascendente e intellegibilerdquo) soul (ieldquoil nivello matematico-astronomicordquo) and body claiming an analogy withthe doctrine of Principles in the Timarchus myth He refers to 944E asproof that the sun is to be connected to the space of the Intelligible and tothe transcendent god in this passage the intellect takes leave of the soulldquoby love for the image in the sun through which shines forth manifest thedesirable and fair and divine and blessed towards which all nature in oneway or another yearnsrdquo77 The same arrangement of the Moirai seems alsoto confirm Ferrarirsquos order

In De facie however the sequence sun moon earth necessarily followsfrom the central theme of the ldquofirstrdquo and the ldquosecondrdquo death It suffices

72 See De animae procreatione 1014E 1016C 1017Af 1026E cf F 2005 20 ldquonachPlutarch uumlbertraumlgt Go der Weltseele einen Teil seiner selbstrdquo

73 See O 2007 29774 See D 2001 38 and K 1964 98 n 250 following Xenocrates further F

1995 176ndash83 on the cosmic and the individual soul see B 2005 esp 84ndash975 For an interpretation of his passage within its context see D B 2002 207ndash13

(Baustein 1543)76 F 1995 178ndash8177 ἔρωτι τῆς περὶ τὸν ἥλιον εἰκόνος διrsquo ἧς ἐπιλάmicroπει τὸ ἐφετὸν καὶ καλὸν καὶ θεῖον

καὶ microακάριον οὗ πᾶσα φύσις [] ὀρέγεται See also P D ldquoIl De facie di Plutarcoe la teologia medioplatonicardquo in St G Ch K (edd) Platonism in LateAntiquity (Notre Dame Indiana 1992) [103ndash14] 104ndash6

196 Werner Deuse

therefore to name only the cause of the intellectrsquos striving towards the sunthere is no need for an ontological differentiation on the level of the intel-lect all the more so as the idea of the lsquosowingrsquo of intellect by the sun isnot used to explain the origin of intellect in more detail but puts the moonright at the centre as the receiver of this lsquosowingrsquo (945C) It is thus moreprobable that the reference to τὸ ἐφετὸν κτλ serves only to remind thereader that the cosmic gradation mentioned here can be restricted to whatillustrates the central topic of the text appropriately and sufficiently78 Wemust therefore restrain our wish to make both hierarchies agree fully witheach other and content ourselves with stating that the sphere of the Monad(and of the Invisible) remains excluded here (although it has been alludedto in 944E) and that the sun-intellect-relationship (with Atropos in the sun)corresponds to the sun-intellect-relationship on the second level of the hi-erarchical model in De genio (with Clotho in the sun)79 When Plutarchjoins Atropos to Intellect inDe facie this is not really a serious change com-pared withDe genio because the Monad too can be interpreted as IntellectIncidentally one is readily tempted to find the true key to the associationof Becoming with Intellect as given in the De genio doctrine of Principlesonly in the statement of the function of Atropos inDe facie 945C (τὴν ἀρχὴνἐνδίδωσι τῆς γενέσεως see above) in this way this doctrine of Principleswould presuppose the hierarchical model of De facie80

Why then does the guide initiate Timarchus in the doctrine of Prin-ciples at all as it plays no part in what follows81 while the doctrine ofhierarchy inDe facie is in fact a necessary consequence of the train of argu-ment First the tradition of eschatological myth is important in a purelyformal way The doctrine of Principles is of course constructed quite dif-ferently from the model of heaven in the Myth of Er in Republic 616bndash617dbut Plutarch at least wants to remind us of this model That is why hementions the three Moirai the model of heaven shows that they have a

78 F himself (1995 180ndash1) acknowledges the difficulty of subsuming the wholerealm of the stars under the sphere of the moon His solution moves too far away fromthe context of giving and taking of separating and combining which is the moonrsquos mostimportant function evoked here (945C σελήνη δὲ καὶ λαmicroβάνει καὶ δίδωσι καὶ συντίθησικαὶ διαιρεῖ) F instead demands that we not only take into account the composi-tion of the whole text (including its mathematical-astronomical part) but also make themoon the paramount paradigm of the world of stars and interpret the hierarchy from thisperspective

79 See already A 1921 30ndash2 H 1934b 176ndash8 also V 1977 238ndash41(also on variations in the order of the Moirai)

80 Cf the thoughts on the relative chronology of De genio and De facie in V 1977239 n 9 but also H 1934b 178ndash9 For a comparison of De genio and De facie seealso the extensive analysis in E 2003 307ndash28 and 332ndash5

81 Cf D 1981 106 n 58 ldquoIm Grunde uumlberfordert diese Kumulierung den Houmlrerund den Leser zumal hernach keine dieser Reihen und keiner dieser Begriffe irgendwelcheBedeutung erlangtrdquo

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 197

different function in the Myth of Er but this does not lessen their poten-tial allusive value This makes them important for De facie too82 It is notwithout reason that the doctrine of Principles is placed at the beginning ofthe guidersquos explanations for the myth gives access only to a very restrictedpart of the cosmos Thus the myth has a certain lsquocompensatoryrsquo functionwe are to perceive the section of the cosmos we are introduced to as part ofa multi-layered reality Moreover Timarchus is to recognize how tightlythe bonds between the degrees of being the powers at work and the lev-els of the cosmos are woven The knowledge about this interplay of alllevels and powers permits Timarchus to feel confident that the ascent ofthe intellect-daimon does not end in the sphere of the moon The doctrineof Principles also provides the ontological and cosmological foundation ofthe special existential status of the intellect-daimon and a promise for thefuture

Looking back we can see that Plutarch is indeed a masterly construc-tor of myths Each of the three myths takes the reader into a world thatfar transcends his own experience and permits him to have a ldquoview fromaboverdquo83 at the same time however this is also the world of his fears andhopes Each myth fulfils a specific task of its own within the work for whichit was conceived and yet in each there are also motifs and elements thatconnect it with the other myths It is a sign of Plutarchrsquos great art that themyths supplement each other but that they can hardly be subjected to acomprehensive synopsis or interpreted as parts of a uniform and overarch-ing conception The oscillating play of real or apparent lsquodoubletsrsquo whichso fascinated lsquoQuellenforschungrsquo84 sufficiently shows that the myths mustnot be taken as doctrinal treatises they are a play of the philosophical andtheological imagination but at the same time a proclamation of the effortand seriousness of inquiry and research

82 Cf J 1916 59 n 152 for linguistic allusions to Platorsquos text see ibid and C1957 221 n b (this note also discusses the order of the Moirai)

83 Cf P H Philosophie als Lebensform Geistige Uumlbungen in der Antike (Berlin 1991)123ndash35

84 See ndash inter alia ndash H 1892 A 1921 R 1926 313ndash53 R1953 782ndash9 B 1953 (on the doublets esp 57ff) for criticism of lsquoQuellenforschungrsquo seendash inter alia ndash R M J ldquoPosidonius and Solar Eschatologyrdquo Classical Philology 27 (1932)113-135 also in id The Platonism of Plutarch and Selected Papers (New York London 1980)H 1934a and 1934b G 1970 80 n 117 D 1988 141 n 26

D Appendices

Some Texts similar to De genio

D A Russell

We give here translations of four passages which present theories similar to thoseadvanced in De genio and especially in Simmiasrsquo speech (583Cndash589F) on the wayin which daimones might communicate with human minds without using physi-cal organs of speech This topic received considerable a ention from philosophersboth in connection with divination and in the interpretation of myths (such as theMyth of Er in Platorsquos Republic) in which disembodied souls are represented asconversing with one another The passages are those mentioned in our Introduc-tion (p 5 p 6 n 6) Two of the four are directly concerned with Socrates the othertwo are not Apart from the first (Philo) they are all later than Plutarch and allfrom the Neoplatonist school hence though the similarity of their ideas with thosein Plutarch is evident it must be remembered that they rest on a metaphysicalstructure undeveloped in his time

I Philo De Decalogo 32ndash35

This passage tries to explain in philosophical terms how God conveyed his message to theassembled people of Israel when he delivered the Ten Commandments to Moses

The ten sayings or oracles in truth laws and commandments were pro-claimed by the Father of All when the whole nation men and womenalike was gathered in assembly Did he himself u er them like a voiceOf course not we must not so much as entertain the idea God is not asman is in need of mouth and tongue and air-passages I believe that atthat moment he wrought a most holy wonder ordering an invisible soundto be created in the air one more marvellous than any instrument tunedwith perfect harmony not without soul yet not composed like a livingcreature of soul and body but a rational soul pervaded by clarity and lu-cidity which by shaping and stretching the air and turning it into brilliantfire produced (like breath through a trumpet) an articulate voice of suchpower that those far away seemed to hear it as well as those near at handHuman voices naturally become weaker as they reach out into the distanceand the apprehension of them is no longer clear to remoter hearers butgrows gradually fainter as the distance increases since its organs also aresubject to destruction In contrast the power of God which inspired this

202 D A Russell

newly contrived voice roused it kindled it spread it all around and madeits end more brilliant than its beginning implanting in each manrsquos soul anew sense of hearing much be er than that which depends on the ears be-cause that slower sense remains inactive until it is moved by being struckby the air whereas the sense of a mind divinely inspired responds withgreat speed and goes out to meet what is being said

II Calcidius Commentary on Platorsquos Timaeus sectsect 254ndash5(ed Waszink)

This account of Socratesrsquo divine sign follows a discussion of dreams (based on Timaeus 45e)which has ended with a mention of Socratesrsquo dreams (Crito 44a Phaedo 60e)

That Socrates was used to having these vivid dreams [evidenter somniare]is I believe due to the fact that his entire being [totum eius animal] wasstrong in purity both of body and of soul

(255) Nor did he lack a friendly divinity to guide his actions in his wak-ing hours as Plato shows in Euthydemus [actually not Euthyd 272e butTheages 128d] in these words

lsquoFrom my early years I have had a divinity [numen] as companion It is a voice whichwhen it visits my mind and sense indicates that I should hold back from what I in-tended to do it never encourages me in any action and if a friend desires my adviceabout something he plans to do it forbids me this alsorsquo

The reality of these facts and signs is assured Manrsquos feeble nature needsthe protection of a nature that is higher and be er as he asserts above [cfTim 41c () Calcidius sect 132] The voice of which Socrates was consciouswas not I believe such as might be produced by impact on air but rathersuch as might reveal the presence and company of a familiar divinity toa soul cleansed by exceptional purity and consequently more capable ofunderstanding if it is indeed right and proper for the pure to be close toand mixed in the pure [cf Phaedo 67b] Just as in dreams we seem to hearvoices and articulate speech though there is no voice but only a sign [signi-ficatio] reproducing the function of voice so when Socrates was awake hismind divined the presence of a divinity by its observation of a clear sign[signum] It would be quite wrong to doubt that the Intelligible God whoin the goodness of his nature consults the interest of all things has chosento bring aid to the human race by the intermediary of divine powers sincehe himself has no affinity [conciliatio] with the body The benefits whichthese powers confer are evident in prodigies and in divination both thedivination of dream at night and the daytime activity of Rumour [Fama]that has the foreknowledge which enables it to spread news They are ev-ident also in the communication of remedies against disease and in thetruthful inspiration of prophets

Some Texts similar to De genio 203

III Proclus Commentary on Platorsquos Republic (2166ndash7 Kroll)

Here Proclus asks how the souls in the Myth of Er in Republic X can converse with oneanother though they no longer have bodily organs His answer involves Neoplatonist meta-physics and psychology but the crucial notion of the disembodied soulrsquos lsquoVehiclersquo (ochēma seeER Dodds Proclus the Elements of Theology Appendix II pp 313ndash21 and for a selectionof relevant texts R Sorabji The Philosophy of the Commentators a sourcebook (London2004) i 221ndash41) has clear affinities with the picture Plutarch gives in the myth of Timarchus(591D) of the starry objects which represent the souls in their a erlife Parts of our text aregiven in Sorabji op cit p 71 p 226 The text (which depends on a single manuscript) hassome gaps but except in one passage the sense is fairly clear

(16610) If then souls can know souls also in the other world achievingknowledge and recognition of one another either through themselves orthrough their Vehicles it follows that acquaintances recognize one anotherltand rejoicegt to have one anotherrsquos company lton meetinggt a er a long ab-sence for their whole being will be anxious to make contact with ltthe oth-ersrsquogt whole being and feel friendly towards it Again it would be wrong todoubt that souls can also have conversations though they have no tonguewindpipe or lips which in our life on earth can alone make speech pos-sible This is because their Vehicles in their entirety possess the form oftongues and are themselves in their entirety eyes and ears and can hearsee and speak It would be paradoxical if while the tongue can producearticulate sound by making an impact on the air from the lungs the soulsrsquoVehicles cannot move the air around them and fashion it into differentsounds by various kinds of movement Furthermore their manner of con-verse is not necessarily complex or involving many movements like that ofsouls in this world they can signal their thoughts to one another by somesimpler movements Just as their thoughts and imaginings (phantasiai) aresimpler so their conversation is effected by movements which are corre-spondingly smaller and in all probability free of the complexity of thisworld And since true perception resides in their Vehicles ndash for every bodythat partakes of soul lives and if it partakes of rational soul it both lives byperception and furthermore needs perception also if it possesses locomo-tion and similarly every Vehicle which is a ached to a rational soul canin the same way hear and see and in general perceive what is simple (foras Aristotle says somewhere in his work on perception and perceptibles[455 a20] perception in the strict sense is a unity and the true sense-organis one) ndash if then the Vehicle uses the lsquocommonrsquo sense also it can surelyapprehend sounds without being affected (apathōs) and can hear soundswhich the hearing in our body cannot grasp Not every sense of hearinggrasps every audible object different hearings grasp different objects Thisis why some hear the voices of daimones and others do not even if they arein the company of those who do This ability is given to some by hieraticpower to others by the make-up of their nature just as these same two

204 D A Russell

factors allow some eyes to see visions invisible to others Thus the firstVehicle of the souls as it possesses the common faculty of perception isnaturally capable of seeing and hearing things which are not audible orvisible to the hearing and sight of mortal beings

IV Hermias Commentary on Platorsquos Phaedrus (6526ndash6931Couvreur)

This is a commentary on Phaedrus 242andashb where Socrates says he received his usual lsquowarningrsquowhen he was about to cross the Ilissus with Phaedrus

As to Socratesrsquo daimonion that it is neither lsquoa part of his soulrsquo nor lsquoPhiloso-phy itselfrsquo as some have thought has o en been said and is plainly statedby himself in this passage [242b7] lsquoMy usual daemonic [daimonion] signcame to me and I instantly heard a voice it always checks mersquo But Phi-losophy o en encourages and lsquoa part of the soulrsquo desires to do a thing It istherefore clearly stated that Socratesrsquo daimonion is not either of these Whatit is we must explain

The race of daimones as a whole is said by Plato in the Symposium [202e]to be lsquobetweenrsquo gods and men lsquoferryingrsquo messages from the gods to usand reporting our affairs to the gods There is however a special race ofdaimones which is set immediately over us and guides each one of us foreach of us always serves under some daimonwhich controls our whole lifeFor example we are not masters of all our circumstances since we haveno control over certain kinds of action (eg becoming a general) or indeedover our own nature If you claim that reason controls all our doings thatwill not be true We have no control over the kind of visions we see inour sleep or over the manner in which we digest our food Yet there mustbe some one thing that does rule and control all our affairs and guide ourwhole life If you say that this is God you are stating a transcendent causebut there must be some proximate cause which rules our life This is thedaimon to which we have been allo ed which is assigned to the soul a erit has made its choice [this is the lsquochoicersquo made by souls in the Myth of ErRep 617e] as the fulfiller of all its choices

Not everyone is aware of his daimon for one to be conscious of its carethere needs to be great suitability [epitēdeiotēs] and a turning [epistrophē]towards the control on the part of the controlled For just as all things aresubject to the providence of the gods though not all have consciousness ofthis unless they have the natural ability to see and are purified so it is alsowith regard to the supervision [epistasia] of the daimon The suitability andconsciousness arise in the first place as a consequence of the soulrsquos havingmade certain choices and been allo ed to a certain daimon and then at onceturning towards this daimon and continuing always to hold fast to it having

Some Texts similar to De genio 205

moreover drunk only so much of the water of Lethe as it is essential for itto drink in its descent to birth without altogether forge ing the counseland supervision of its daimon That is why such souls are conscious of thesupervision of their daimon in this world also whereas others which rebuffthe daimon ndash like the person who chooses lsquotyranny and eating childrenrsquo[Plat Rep 619b] ndash and do not turn towards it but are driven like irrationalcreatures ndash these are totally incapable in this world also of understandingthe guidance [prostasia] of the daemonic [daimonion]

So whether they are conscious of the daimon or not depends firstly onthe fact that some souls turn immediately towards the daimon to whichthey have been allo ed and others do not secondly on their not havingdrunk much of Lethe and thirdly on the order of the universe because aparticular order of the universe has made one person suitable to acquirethis consciousness and another not This is why ltthis particular ordergt hasallo ed to one person and not to another a body of a kind to bear certaintokens [sumbola] in visible form in spirit and in soul

Consciousness or the absence of it depends also on a certain kind of lifeVirtuous men who live well devote their whole life activity contemplationand action to the gods and the unseen causes they perceive by means ofcertain tokens and signs whether the daimon inhibits them from an action ornot If a weasel runs across their path or their coat is caught in somethingif a stone falls or a voice speaks or a thunderbolt descends they becomeaware of the inhibition and desist from the action Most men however livethe life of ca le [Plat Rep 586a]

In view of all this it was to be expected that Socrates having seen thediscouragement of the daimonion should now lsquonot go awayrsquo [Phaedrus242c2] But why did it inhibit Socrates and never positively encouragehim Perhaps because just as some horses need the spur because they areslow and some the curb because they are eager so some men who are gen-erous anxious to do good and enterprising in everything like Socrateso en need to be checked by the daimonion whereas ungenerous personsneed to be aroused It would also be reasonable that the daimonion shouldrestrain him from common actions because it is preparing him to be raisedup [sc to a more divine level]

But why did it not also give him positive instructions In order thatSocrates should not be like an irrational thing moved by something else[heterokinēton] not doing anything on his own or as a soul that is rationaland self-moving [autokinētos] It allowed him to act as self-moved but if asa fallible human being he was about to do something inappropriate it re-strained him from that action How Well will not the daimonion be foundalso to give positive instruction if it projected a voice towards him which(as he says) lsquodoes not let me go away until I have atoned for some offenceI have commi ed against the divinersquo To wait to lsquoatonersquo was a positive in-

206 D A Russell

struction Or should we say rather that this lsquousualrsquo sign as he has himselfindicated was preventive for even if it was a voice (as he says elsewhere[Theages 129b Euthydemus 272b] as well as here) yet it was the lsquousualrsquo voicethat is to say a preventive one However it would also be quite reasonableto say that this voice prevented him from going away by showing him hisfault and that Socrates then on his own initiative becomes conscious thathe must make atonement lsquoAtonementrsquo is the fulfilment of a neglected re-ligious duty And as he said lsquoI thought I heard a voicersquo and the voice wasobviously daemonic (for otherwise Phaedrus would have heard it too) weneed to inquire how such voices are heard and whether daimones have avoice [phōnousin]

Plotinus in his first book On Difficulties [Enn 4318] says that thereis nothing lsquoextraordinaryrsquo about daimones u ering sounds because theylive lsquoin airrsquo and a particular kind of impact on air is sound And sincedivine persons [eg the inspired poet Homer] a ribute voice and sensesto the gods and to heaven (lsquosun who sees all thingsrsquo [Od 12323] lsquoa smellcame into my mindrsquo [oracle Hdt 1473]1) and indeed assign a voice to thewhole universe [sc the music of the spheres ()] we must seek a generalexplanation which will apply to all of how the higher classes of beingsspeak and more generally how they perceive

Let us put it clearly and concisely as follows When we recognize some-thing on our own account by sense two things happen an experience(pathos) of a sense-organ (eg eye-jelly [commonly translated ldquopupilrdquo] oranother organ of sense) and cognition (gnōsis) of the experience In the caseof superior beings let us take away the experience but leave the cognitionWe must then say that the body of the sun does not perceive through expe-rience (we are speaking of sense-perception and sense-perception belongsto the body) but that it is capable of cognition [gnōstikon] as a whole andthroughout its being and is through and through both vision and hear-ing remember that in our case too when we have been separated fromthe body our Vehicle is bright and pure capable of perception throughoutits whole being and sees and hears as a whole Note in general that the di-vine men of old allow cognitive faculties (of which perceptive faculties area part since the senses are a kind of cognition) to the gods in heaven butsuspend judgement about the appetitive faculty Plotinus grants them thisalso Iamblichus denies it [cf Plot Enn 448 Iambl De mysteriis 112ndash14]

As to voice we have to say that they do not u er the voice we havebased on impact and sound nor do they depend on the air-passages andorgans like that or need an intervening space and an impact on air In-stead as we have given them another form of perception which is cogni-tive and not based on experience [pathos] so we have given them a different

1 I owe this explanation to Prof M L West who saw that the text should read ὀδmicroή microrsquoἐς φρένας ἦλθε

Some Texts similar to De genio 207

kind of voice corresponding to their level [sustoichon] This is released bythem in one way and accepted by the recipient in another Just as whilethe sun itself is not burning but there is in it a living live-giving and non-irritant [aplēktos] heat the air receives the light from it by being affected[pathētikōs] and by burning so likewise there being in them [ie the dai-mones] a certain harmony and a different kind of voice we hear this bybeing affected [pathētikōs] but we do not of course hear it with our sensibleears nor do we see daemonic and divine visions with our sensible eyesInstead since there are in the spirit [pneuma] senses more primary [archoei-desterai] exemplary and pure than all our ordinary senses it is obviouslyby means of these that the soul hears and sees divine apparitions She alonesees them and not any of those around her Compare

lsquoAppearing to him alone and none of the others saw herrsquo [Il 1198 the appearance ofAthena to Achilles]

There is a community between the Vehicle of the daimon and that of thesoul for the Vehicle of the daimon not using a tongue or vocal organbut simply the will of the soul of the daimon produces a movement andmelodious and meaningful sound which the human soul perceives by thesense present in its primary2 Vehicle There is as has been said a dai-mon which essentially (katrsquo ousian) guides the soul but it is o en the casethat the soul in the same life (bios) but according to its various life-stages(zōai) is assigned to various daimones not to the one which is essentiallyassigned to it (for this daimon is always present) but to other more special-ized (merikōteroi) daimones which supervise its various actions Even it itchooses the lot corresponding to its own peculiar god and is assigned tothe daimon subordinate to this god it will still fall under various more spe-cialized daimones If it lives sinfully it falls under a daimon more liable topassion [empathesterus] and wallows in evils When however it recovers itssobriety and lives more purely it ranges itself under a daimon of a be erkind and thus changes its supervisory daimones without departing fromthe latitude (platos) of its lot So in the Republic everyone has the powerthrough actions of a particular kind to set himself under the Serf class orunder the Auxiliary class This is what is meant by lsquoThe daimon will notdraw you as its lot you will choose your daimonrsquo [617e]

2 So C probably rightly MSS have αὐγοειδεῖ lsquoluminousrsquo

Bibliography

1 AbbreviationsBAGB Bulletin de lrsquoAssociation Guillaume BudeacuteCPG Corpus Paroemiographorum GraecorumCQ Classical QuarterlyFGrHist F J Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker Bd IndashIIIC

(Berlin 1926ndash1958)GGM CM (Hg)Geographi GraeciMinores Bd 1ndash2 (Paris 1855ndash1861

repr Hildesheim 1990)ICS Ilinois Classical StudiesJHS Journal of Hellenic StudiesRE A P G W (Hgg) Real-Encyclopaumldie der classischen Al-

tertumswissenscha 83 Bde (Stu gart 1893ndash19802 Registerbde 199698)

VS H D W K (Hgg) Die Fragmente der VorsokratikerBd 1ndash3 (71954)

WJbb Wuumlrzburger Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr die Altertumswissenscha

2 Editions Commentaries Translations of De genio

A J A Les Oeuvres Morales et Meslees de Plutarque Translateesde Grec en Franccedilois revues et corrigees en plusieurs passages par leTranslateur (Geneve 1627)

B G N B Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia vol 3 (Leipzig1891)

C 1970 A C Plutarque Le deacutemon de Socrate (Paris 1970)

E D L 1959

B E P H D L Plutarch Moralia Vol vii (London1959) 170ndash299

H J H Plutarque Oeuvres morales VIII (Du destin Le deacutemon deSocrate De lexil Consolation agrave sa femme) (Paris 1980)

P P S

W R P M P W S Plutarchi Moralia III(Leipzig 1929)

R 1993 D A R Plutarch Selected Essays and Dialogues (Oxford1993)

W Plutarch Essays transl by R W intr and notes by IK (Penguin Books) 1992

210 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

3 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

A 1974 H A Plutarchs Schri Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epi-curum (Amsterdam 1974)

A 1950 P A La mantique Apollinienne agrave Delphes Essai sur le fonc-tionnement de lacuteoracle (Paris 1950)

A 1921 H A Plutarch uumlber Daumlmonen und Mantik Verhandel dkon Akad v Wetensch te Amsterdam Afd Le erkunde 1921

B 1969 D B Plutarque et le Stoicisme (Paris 1969)

B 1984 D B ldquoLe dialogue de Plutarque sur le deacutemon de SocrateEssai drsquointerpreacutetationrdquo BAGB 1984) 51ndash76 repr in Babut 1994405ndash30

B 1988 D B ldquoLa part du rationalisme dans la religion de PlutarqueLrsquoexemple du de Genio Socratisrdquo ICS 132 (1988) 383ndash408 repr inB 1994 77ndash102

B 1994 D B Parerga Choix drsquoArticles de Daniel Babut (1974ndash94) Col-lection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient Meacutediterraneacuteen 24 Seacuter Li eacuter etPhilos 6 (Lyon 1994)

B 1985 M B Narratology Introduction to the Theory of Narrative (tr CB Toronto Buffalo London 1985 Dutch original

1980)

B 2005 M B ldquoPlutarchs Lehre von der Seelerdquo in id EPI-NOHMATAKleine Schri en zur antiken Philosophie und homerischenDichtung hrsg von M-L Lakmann (Leipzig 2005) 77ndash99 [origi-nal version in Italian 2000]

B 1988 A B ldquoUna nuova interpretazione del De genio SocratisrdquoICS 132 (1988) 409ndash25 repr in id (1994) Studi su Plutarco(Firenze) 213ndash34

B 1953 W B Plutarchs Mythopoiie (Diss Heidelberg 1953)

B 1976 E K B ldquoThe scene on the Panagjurischte Amphora anew solutionrdquo JHS 96 (1976) 149ndash52

B 1986 F E B ldquoIn the Light of the Moon Demonology in the EarlyImperial Periodrdquo ANRW 2163 (1986) 2068ndash2145

B 1996 F E B ldquoTime as structure in Plutarchrsquos The Daimonion ofSocratesrdquo in V S 1996 29ndash52

B 2002 F E B ldquoSocial and unsocial memory the liberation of Thebesin Plutarchrsquos The Daimonion of Sokratesrdquo in L T (ed) Scri iin onore di Italo Gallo Pubblicazoni dellrsquoUniversitagrave degli Studi diSalerno Sezione A i Convegni Miscellanee 59 (Salerno 2002)97ndash112

B 2003 J B AegeanGreece in the Fourth Century BC (LeidenBoston2003)

B 1962 W B Weisheit und Wissenscha (Erlanger Beitraumlge zurSprach- und Kunstwissenscha X) (Nuumlrnberg 1962)

Bibliography 211

C 1972 G L C ldquoEpaminondas and Thebesrdquo CQ 22 (1972)254ndash78

C 1957 H C W C H Plutarchrsquos Moralia in Fi eenVolumes XII 920A-999B with an English translation (London Cambridge Mass 1957 (LCL) 2ndash223

D P D ldquoIl de Genio Socratis di Plutarco un esempio di lsquoSto-riografia Tragicarsquordquo Athenaeum ns 62 (1984) 569ndash85

D 1996 J D The Middle Platonists (London 2nd ed 1996)

D 2001 J D ldquoPlutarch and the Separable Intellectrdquo in A PeacuterezJimeacutenez F Casadesuacutes Bordoy (edd) Estudios sobre PlutarcoMisticismo y Religiones Misteacutericas en la Obra de Plutarco Actas delVII Simposio Espantildeol sobre Plutarco (Madrid-Maacutelaga 2001) 35ndash44

D 2004 J D ldquoDaumlmonologie im fruumlhen Platonismusrdquo in M Bet al Apuleius De deo Socratis (SAPERE vol 7) (Darmstadt 2004)123ndash41

D 1988 P D ldquoScience and Metaphysics Platonism Aristotelianismand Stoicism in Plutarchrsquos On the Face in the Moonrdquo in J MD A A L (edd) The Question of lsquoEclecticismrsquo Studiesin Later Greek Philosophy (Berkeley Los Angeles London 1988)126ndash44

D 1981 H D ldquoGnostische Spuren bei Plutarchrdquo in RB M J V (edd) Studies in Gnosticism and Hel-lenistic Religions presented to Gilles Quispel on the Occasion of his 65thBirthday EacutePRO 91 (Leiden 1981) 92ndash116

D B2002

H D M B Der Platonismus in der Antike Bd 61 62 Die philosophische Lehre des Platonismus Von der bdquoSeeleldquo als derUrsache aller sinnvollen Ablaumlufe Bausteine 151ndash68 169ndash81 TextUumlbersetzung (Kommentar Stu gart Bad Cannsta 2002)

E 2003 W E Ein unerschuuml erliches Reich Die mi elplatonische Umfor-mung des Parusiegedankens im Hebraumlerbrief Beihe e zur Zeitschrf die neutestamentl Wiss u die Kunde d aumllteren Kirche 116(Berlin New York 2003)

F 2003 R F in H G Plutarch Drei religion-sphilosophische Schri en (Uumlber den Aberglauben Uumlber die spaumlte Strafeder Go heit Uumlber Isis und Osiris) Griechisch-deutsch Uumlbers uhrsg v H G unter Mitarbeit von R F u J A(Duumlsseldorf Zuumlrich 2003 Tusculum) 318ndash39 363ndash83

F 1995 F F Dio idee e materia La stru ura del cosmo in Plutarco diCheronea Strumenti per la Ricerca Plutarchea 3 (Napoli 1995)

F 2005 F F ldquoDer Go Plutarchs und der Go Platonsrdquo in RH -L (ed) Go und die Gouml er bei Plutarch Gouml erbilderndash Go esbilder ndash Weltbilder Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche undVorarbeiten 54 (Berlin New York 2005) 13ndash25

G 1980 G G Narrative Discourse (tr J Lewin Oxford 1980 trans-lated from the French original Figures III Paris 1972)

212 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

G 1996 A G ldquoEpameinondas and the Socratic paradigm in theDe genio Socratisrdquo in V S 1996 113ndash22

G 1997 A G Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas a Historical and PhilologicalCommentary (Stu gart Leipzig 1997)

G 1970 H G Untersuchungen zu Plutarchs Dialog De facie inorbe lunae (Heidelberg 1970)

G 1969 W K C G AHistory of Greek Philosophy III The fi h-centuryenlightenment (Cambridge 1969)

G 1975 W K C G A History of Greek Philosophy IV Plato the manand his dialogues earlier period (Cambridge 1975)

H 1934a W H ldquoThe Myth in Plutarchrsquos De facierdquo CQ 28 (1934)24ndash30

H 1934b W H ldquoThe myth in PlutarchrsquosDe genio (589Fndash592E)rdquo CQ28 (1934) 175ndash82

H 1996 P H ldquoSign language in On the sign of Socratesrdquo in VS 1996 123ndash36

H 1892 R H Xenokrates Darstellung der Lehre und Sammlung derFragmente (Leipzig 1892)

H 1988 J H ldquoPlutarchrsquos portrait of Socratesrdquo ICS 132 (1988)365ndash81

H -L 2002 R H -L Plutarchs Denken in Bildern Studien zur li-terarischen philosophischen und religioumlsen Funktion des Bildha en(Tuumlbingen 2002)

H 1895 R H Der Dialog (Leipzig 1895)

J 2008 S I J Ancient Greek Divination (Oxford 2008)

J 1916 R M J The Platonism of Plutarch (Menasha Wisc 1916)

J 1931 W J Topographie von Athen (Munich 1931 2nd ed)

K 1964 H J K Der Ursprung der Geistmetaphysik Untersuchungenzur Geschichte des Platonismus zwischen Platon und Plotin (Amster-dam 1964 2 unveraumlnd Aufl 1967)

L 1933 G M L Il De genio Socratis di Plutarco (Roma 1933)

M C 1999 B M C ldquoHeroes and Power the politics of bone trans-feralrdquo in R H (ed) Ancient Greek Hero Cult (Stockholm1999) 85ndash98

N 1990 W N ldquoGe ing focalization into focusrdquo Poetics Today 112(1990) 365ndash82

O 2007 J O ldquoThe place of Plutarch in the history of Platonismrdquoin P V C F F (edd) Plutarco e la culturadella sua etagrave A i del X Convegno plutarcheo (Napoli 2007) 283ndash309

P 1997 C B R P ldquoIs death the end Closure in Plutarchrsquos Livesrdquoin D H R F M D D F (edd) Classical Clo-sure Endings in Ancient Literature (Princeton 1997) 228ndash50 reprin id Plutarch and History (London 2002) 365ndash86

Bibliography 213

P 1909 F P Der Reliquienkult im Altertum (Gieszligen 1909)

P 1951 F P Die Reisebilder des Herakleides (Wien 1951)

R 1921 K R Poseidonios (Muumlnchen 1921)

R 1926 K R Kosmos and Sympathie Neue Untersuchungen uumlberPoseidonios (Muumlnchen 1926)

R 1953 K R ldquoPoseidonios von Apameia der Rhodier genanntrdquoRE XXII 1 (1953) 558ndash826

R 1976 A S R Platonica The Anecdotes concerning the Life and Writ-ings of Plato Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition III (Leiden1976)

R 1925 E R Psyche (Engl Transl London 1925 originally Tuumlbin-gen 2 vols 1907 4th ed)

R 1954 D A R ldquoNotes on Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratisrdquo CQ (NS)4 1954 61ndash3

S 1981 A S Cults of Boiotia I (London 1981)

S 1997 U S ldquoSieben Thebaner gegen Theben ndash Bemerkungenzur Darstellungsform in Xenophon hell 541ndash12rdquo WJbb 22(1997) 123ndash39

S 1997 A S tr I K G V The Discovery of the Past(New York 1997)

S 1958 J S ldquoLe tombeau drsquo Alcmegravenerdquo Revue archeacuteologique 195876ndash83

S 1990 S S Plutarchs Schri de Pythiae Oraculis (Stu gart 1990)

S 19945 S S ldquoPlaton oder Chrysipp Zur Inspirationstheorie inPlutarchs Schri lsquoDe Pythiae oraculisrsquordquoWJbb 20 (199495) 233ndash56

S 1942 G S La Deacutemonologie de Plutarque (Paris 1942)

S 1985 S S The Topography of Thebes from the Bronze Age toModern Times (Princeton 1985)

T 1965 H T The Pythagorean texts of the Hellenistic period (Aringbo1965)

V S1992

L V S Twinkling and Twilight Plutarchrsquos Reflections onLiterature (Brussels 1992)

V S1996

L V S (ed) Plutarchea Lovaniensia A Miscellany ofEssays on Plutarch (Leuven 1996)

V 1977 Y V Symboles et mythes dans la penseacutee de Plutarque (Paris1977)

W 2003 P W Studien zu den literarischen Beziehungen zwischenPlutarch und Lukian (Muumlnchen Leipzig 2003)

Z K Z Plutarchos von Chaironeia (Stu gart 21964) = RE xxi1(1951) 636ndash962

Source Index

AelianusVaria historia

119 91139

1215 94196

Aeneas Tacticus37 93186

Aeschinesor 2105 1058

or 3138 139 8218210

AeschylusSeptem contra Thebas

164 1318

487 1318

501 1318

528 8541

Andocidesor 162 8893

Anthologia Palatina313 13211

Apollodorus2411[270] 8651

270[411] 13110

36[12] 13110

344[55] 8657

AristophanesAcharnenses

860ndash84 109905 8541

Pax1003ndash5 109

Aristophanes BoeoticusFGrHist 379 102

AristotelesEthica Nicomachea

1106b36 141Metaphysica A

984b 19 96231

Politica1302 b 29 104

Protrepticusfr 61 96231

Ps-AristotelesDe mundo

6398b19ndash27 1516398b27ndash9 151

Problemata337 89102

Aristoxenusfr 54a 96232

fr 54ab 94196

ArrianusAnabasis

172 105186 8541

CallimachusEpigr 10 94193

CallisthenesFGrHist 124 102

Catullusc 45 89102

ChrysippusSVF 1000 150SVF II 974 150

CiceroDe divinatione

138 1581122 81123 89110

284 89102

2116 146De officiis

225 117Clearchus

fr 9 94199

CritiasTrGF I F 19 8883

VS 88 A1 108

DaimachusFGrHist 65 102

Demosthenesor 1034 107or 24135 8210

Diodorus Siculus4586 13319

4791ndash2 13214

10111 90126

1183 10412705 98278

1441 108

14177 10714794 8654 13514822 10715202 8313

15253 98285

15254 826

15392 1011557 1031578 10515792 1091644 1061795 1071791 105

Diogenes Laertius226 29 94196

725 14087 8764

810 92154

832 157887 13532

890 13532

EphorusFGrHist 70 F 119

109Euripides

Antiopefr 223 8657

Autolycusfr 28222 89113

Phoenissae1372 1318

Supplices663 8541

Eustratiusin Eth Nic 513 8

GelliusNoctes A icae

7211 150

Hellenica OxyrhynchiaXVII1 8312 8319

8548 97264

XVIII 97264

XIX 104

216 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

XIX1 104XIX2 105XX1 104

HeraclitusVS 22 B 98 190

Herodotus166ndash68 13213

243ndash45 8773

2112ndash120 8772

42002ndash3 93186

520 12261085 10472332 1079151 1049692 8657

HesiodusOpera et Dies

750 92155

HomerusIlias

2353 97253

744ndash5 96236

753 96236

10279 8890

13301 8891

Odyssea1170 90121

5410 96242

927 90134

11526ndash530 97259

13301 8890

17541 89102

HyginusFabulae

7 8657

Hymni Orphici2911 95216

IamblichusVita Pythagorae

85 92154

248ndash249 90126

Isocratesor 1431 107

Justinus59 107

LucianPhilopseudes

6 8661

LydusDe mensibus

4159 95214

Lysiasor 1258 108

Pausanias1172ndash6 13213

1411 133398 8548

4323 13213

915 105916 105917 105965ndash6 1305

9102 1318

9117 1318

9122 1318

913ndash156 1019136 97250

9137 90120

9165 1305

9167 13319

9173 1318

9174 8541

9298ndash9 13216

939 94198

Philo AlexandrinusDe decalogo

32ndash35 9De sacrificiis Abelis et

Caini 37 141Quis rerum

divinarum heres259 1516

Quod Deus sitimmutabilis 24141

PindarIsthmia

12 825

Olympia6152 827

VI90 109Plato

Alcibiades 2128endash129e 150

Apologia28e 89110

31d 8896

40A 15923

Cratylus396d 8892

Critias109c 9

Euthyphro3b 8896

Gorgias481d 89109

523a 94194

Laches181b 89110

Phaedo58cndashd 11259c 89105

59E 11360bndash61c 8661

61e 90124

64b 827

72b 95220

78a 8424 112107dndashe 193113a 95208

116a13 94193

Phaedrus227b 825

248a 95225

Respublica24b 8 8887

496b 4 8424

615e 19367

616bndash617d 196617c 95220

617e 193620de 193621b 19367

Sophistes248 10

Symposium174dndash175c 8894

182b 827

202dndash203a 156215a 8899

220c 8894

220e 89110

Theaetetus142a 89105

151a 8896

Timaeus31b 19436b 95209

38b 95209

39b 95209

42b 95222

67b 162

Source Index 217

Ps-PlatoEpinomis 984dndash985b

15614

Theages124a 94193

129A 10129c 89108

PliniusNaturalis historia

3546 92154

PlutarchusMoralia

Amatorius758E 1527

An seni sit gerendares publica792F 146

Consilia ad uxorem610B 98280

611F 95220

De anima17722 95220

De animaeprocreatione1012E 1401014E 19572

1016C 19572

1017Af 19572

1024Dndash1025D140

1026D 18636

1026E 19572

De audiendis poetis14E 339B 96232

De capienda exinimicis utilitate91C 142

De cohibenda ira463C 8877

De defectuoraculorum410AndashB 158413AndashD 7413C 153418C 156418CndashD 154419Endash420A 1736

421B 157428F 140

431BndashC 155156 164

431C 94198

431CndashD 1451

431Dndash432A 155431Dndash432D 156435A 157435E 168

De esu carnium993BndashC 141

De E apud Delphos386E 8775

387D 827

387F 139391E 139

De facie in orbe lunae921F 19055

922B 19056

928CD 19056

940CndashF 171942Dndash943C

1012 95216

942F 179 18024184

943ndash4 10943A 181 18229

943B 184

943C 175 179180 1894818951

943D 192943DE 190943E 189943Fndash944A 185944B 180944C 15716

18230 19262

944CndashD 192944D 19261

944E 181 185192 195 196

944F 185944Fndash945A

18739

945A 1853518948

945B 189945C 95220 181

18536 186195 196

945CndashD 185

945D 169 173De genio Socratis1 575AndashD 118

575C 4575D 123575DndashE 112575Fndash576A 105575Fndash576B 4

113576C 102 112

114576D 4 97254

576DndashE 119576DE 103

3 576E 103576Fndash7A 125576Fndash577A 119577A 5 96247

1254 577B 130

577D 5 106577E 129 136577EndashF 111577F 129577Fndash578B 130578A 97247 112578CndashD 119

6 578D 109578E 6 91141

7 578F 136579A 126579AndashD 3579CndashD 126579DE 8430

8 579F 144579Fndash580B 161

9 580BndashC 161580BndashF 159580C 6

10 580E 112580Fndash581A 159

11 581AndashE 159581DndashE 114581EndashF 160

12 581Fndash582B 160582BndashC 160 161582C 160582Cndash586A

12521

13 582Endash584B 91141

582Endash585D 8430

583B 8879 10914 583F 102

218 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

584A 12521

584Bndash585D 3584BndashD 91141

16 585E 8430

585EF 140 14417 586E 106

586F 119 130587AndashB 114

18 587C 130 1305

19 588B 125

588C 125 160161

588Cndash589F 160588CndashE 162588D 188588DndashE 115 156588F 9 1516

589A 113589AndashB 8589B 156 163589Bndash589D 162589F 163 166

170589Fndash592F 160590BndashC 10 174

22 590C 1748

590E 10 112590F 10591A 10 17718

180591B 10 194591BndashC 17718

591C 165 19367

591CndashD 19367

591D 178 181182 18818846 18951

591Dndash592C 182591Dndash592D 140591DndashF 164591EndashF 18332

591Fndash592C 164591Fndash592D 181592A 18333

592AndashB 18333

592CndashD 164592F 124 166

173592Fndash593A 125593A 166 170593Andash594A

91141

24 593Dndash594A 144593DndashE 191593EndashF 144593Fndash594A 191594B 101ndash103

126594BndashC 123 125

27 595A 119595BndashD 3595C 122595Fndash6C 121

12429 596A 122

596AndashB 119596C 101596DndashE 113 124596EndashF 119

32 597DndashF 10133 598AndashD 119

598C 101 10212522

598D 101 130De Herodoti

malignitate864D 827

864D ndash 867B 109De Iside et Osiride

354D 8769

370Cndash371A 140De primo frigido

948F 95214

De Pythiae oraculis397B 151397C 149402B 146 158402E 152 168403E 146404A 147404BndashC 148404DndashE 149404F 149 150

154404Fndash405A 149

De sera numinisvindicta548C 171549Endash550A 168560F 171561B 94194 170563B 169563E 174 1748

563EF 180563F 175 17512

563Fndash564A 174564A 175 18845

564B 175 180564BC 17613

564C 1863918740

564F 193565D 18741

565E 17614

565Endash566A 175566A 176 18742

19058

566AndashC 175566B 193566D 17613 181

193566DndashE 175566E 180567A 177 18743

567B 18744

567C 193567D 180567E 180567EndashF 176568A 175

De sollertiaanimalium975A 1516

De virtute morali444B 141

Praecepta gerendaereipublicae810F 98276

Quaestionesconvivales619D 97268

700E 146718E 8775

719A 143727B 142727Bndash728C 143728D 142729Dndash730D 142730A 142

QuaestionesPlatonicae1001Eff 140

Regum et ImperApophEpaminondas193B 91139

Source Index 219

Septem sapientiumconvivium147B 8763

163DndashE 150Amatorius

754E 114756A 114756AndashB 168771D 114

VitaeAgesilaus

24 8315

241 8313

Alcibiades175 89108

212 8893

Antonius133 119

Brutus11 11915 119154 119173 119194ndash5 119202 119

Caesar65 119665 119673 119

Cimon85ndash7 13213

Coriolanus32 114

Crassus37(4)4 118

Dion196 8877

Lysander83 97264

27 105271 97264

273 8548

274 10828 13738

284ndash5 131289 8651 8656

Marcellus149 8775

33(3) 117Nicias

139 89108

286 91137

Numa1 143

Pelopidas3ndash4 12032ndash3 97268

5 8313 8316

51 97264

52 96245

53 8319 8425

63 10573 8426 97269

74 8542 96245

74ndash5 12522

8 8315 10281 8425

82 97250 97251

83 8427

85ndash6 92158

87ndash8 92167

9 97254

91 12198 119911ndash12 12210 121101ndash4 124105 97263 121106 97267

107 122107ndash9 97268

107ndash10 11911 8315

111 97250 97266

1119 97265

12 8315 8320104

121 8425

122 12522

124 98285

13 8318

131 105133 92159 98289

134ndash7 126138ndash9 11614 8320

141 4142 8320

18 10118ndash19 8320

204ndash211 13421

223 8429

254 120285ndash10 117328ndash9 116

347 116355 117

Pericles6 11465 120

Philopoemen3 101

Phocion326ndash7 12521

Romulus287 8651 13319

Theseus361ndash4 13213

Timoleon36 101

Ps-PlutarchusDe vita et poesi

Homeri212 96236

Placita215 95207

PolyaenusStratagemata 653

13213

Polybius6566ndash12 8883

PorphyriusDe abstinentia

241 89115

Vita Pythagorae53 142

Posidoniusfr 108 157

Proclusin Rempublicam

211324 96231

PythagoricaArchytas De lege et

iustitia p 3317141

Metopos Devirtutibus p19927 141

Theages Devirtutibus p1901ndash14 141

Scholiain Eur Phoen

145 8541

1062 1318

220 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

SenecaDe beneficiis

2173 90123

2321ndash4 90123

SophoclesOedipus Coloneus

1518ndash1539 8657

Oedipus Tyrannus20ndash21 1318

StobaeusEclogae 275b12 p

6716ndash19 157Strabo

257 95211

9226 13110

92410 13110

17229 13532

17806 8769

SynesiusDe insomniis

133A 89115

TheopompusFGrHist 115 F 336

146Thucydides

1902 1071113 104362 1043625 1043685 104382 1044926 1044967 89111

5521 1088913 107

Tzetzesin Lyc Alex 50

13110

Valerius Maximus913 ext 3 117

XenophonAgesilaus

77 10683 107

Anabasis3111 92164

329 89102

Apologia Socratis12ndash3 15923

16026

Hellenica172 821

2219 107241 107342 106344 106351 8438 97264

356 108358 1073517ndash25 13738

4-3-21 1084141 106423 106527 1075211ndash24 8317

5215 105 1085225 8312

5225ndash36 8313

5226 1065227 1085229 98278

5231 35ndash36105

5235 8319 1045236 106

541 8427 102541ndash2 8322

542 8542 96245

542ndash7 8315

543 8426 124544 1305

548 8541

5410 9215992161

5411 98285

5412 1255413 92159

5419 45446 49 1375462 826

6118 1025

6239 98276

633 98276

6427 1086435ndash7 1177133ndash38 1027133ndash40 13531

7141 1027142 103737 97265

754 103Memorabilia

111 8887

112ndash9 15923

113ndash4 16026

221 94196

Ps-XenophonAtheniensium Res

Publica311 104

Zenobius155 92155

General Index

abyss 175ndash178 180Achaea 103Acoris (pharaoh) 136Agesilaus 5 25 8549 8650 8654 8768

103 104 106ndash108 129 131 133 135136

Agetoridas 29 131air 174 175 190aitiai 118 120Alcmena 5 27 8549 8651 129 132 133

136ndash tomb of 111 131 135 136

Aleos 27 8656 132Alexander of Pherae 106 116ndash118Alexicrates 142Ammonius 139 153 155 157Amphion 8541 130Amphitheus 5 12 8548 105Amphitryon 8651 131anathymiasis 154 158Anaxagoras 140Androclidas 8548 97264 103 105 108anthropology 181 185 193anti-Spartan 8319 8438 8548 97264 107

12522

Antiope 8657

Anytus 8886

Apollo 148 152 155Arcesus 39 8318 92159

Archedamus 19 118 121 123 126Archias 5 11 23 73 8312 8322 8542

96245 96247 97265 103 114 122 124130

Archinus 8210

Archytas 139Aristomenes 133Aristoxenus 96232

Artemidorus 115Asia Minor 137 153Athena OnkaOnkaia 98281 131Athens 4 821 826 8425 97254 98269 101

105 107 113 123 132Atropos 61 177 194 196A ica 8428 89112

Bacchylidas 90120

Barbarian 106 107Becoming 67 177 178 180 189 191

194ndash196Beyond 170ndash173 175 177 178 181 187

193birth 92156

body 3 10 11 93178 147 148 150 154156 163ndash166 171 174ndash176 178 182184 187 188 192 195

Boeotarch 8320 90120 97250 103 105106

Boeotia 8428 8655 89112 103 104 107108 131 134ndash136

Boeotian Confederacy 105 107lsquoBoeotian swinersquo 109

Cabirichus 12 98272

Cadmea 8312 8313 8314 8318 8319 854192163 96245 96247 97264 98281 98283101 105 116 118 120 131 133 136

Cadmus 131Callistratus of Aphidna 77 98276

Caphisias 3 4 6 7 11 821 8766 9624496247 97269 121 122

Caria 8774

Carthage 173cave 172 173Cebes 19 8424 90127 109 112Cephisodorus 11Chaeronea 132 146Chalcidic League 105chaos 161Charillus 33Charon 3 4 11 21 8426 97254 97263

122 124Chlidon 7 51 92167

Chonouphis 29 8769 131 135Chrysippus 90123 150Cimon 132Cithaeron 8428

Clarus 153Cleombrotus 154 156 157Clotho 61 177 194Conon 8210

conspiracy 113 125conspirator 8426 8542 97250 97251 98269

222 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

conspirators 11 102 119 121 122Coretas 155Coronea 104cosmic hierarchy 195cosmic principles 194cosmology 181 193cosmos 169 177 181 194 197counsciousness 174Crassus 118Critias 107Croton 39 90122 90127 142 144Cylon 90126

daimon 10 92156 95 101 140 144 162164 166 178 182 183 186 191

daimones 11 91141 124 154ndash158 162165ndash167 170 172 177 179 191

daimonion 6 33 8323 8887 89117 114145 159ndash161 163 166 170ndash172 188

Damoclidas 69 97250

death 11 115 154 172 173 175 176188 195

Decay 177 194 195Decelean War 107degeneration 164Delian campaign 89110

Delians 6Delium 6 35 89111 98278 114

ndash ba le of 104Delos 8775

Delphi 113 145 148 153 156Delphic Oracle 145 146 152 154 157

158Demeter 49 95216 130Demiurge 194Didyma 153Dike 193Dionysus 176Diotima 156Dirce 8657

ndash tomb of 5 130discussion 113divination 3 145 159ndash161 164 168divine 160 161divine inspiration 147divine providence 171dream 7 8 114 163 166 177

earth 10 149 154 155 158 171 172174 175 179 185 187 191 195

Egypt 6 8424 8769 8771 129 135 136Egyptian priests 5 129Elysian Field 179

Empedocles 6 7 8888 144enthousiasmos 149 16739

Epaminondas 3 4 6 7 11 829 83158316 8320 8430 8766 91141 9215192156 101 102 105 109 111 112117 120 123 125 130 144

Epicurean 171Etruscan 142Eudoxus of Cnidus 8769

exile 8315 8320 8425

exiles 4 7 11 101 105 107eye 174

fire 190fish 142

Galaxidorus 5 6 23 8438 96247 115159 160 163 165 168

God 9 171 194god 11 148 150 151 154 155 157 165

168 177 195Gorgias 39290 90130 119Gorgidas 8320 101 130Great King 102 106 107Greece 6 8430 106 124 154

ndash Central 108Greeks 6gymnasium 3 11 45

Hades 10 95216 177 193Haliartus 5 8655 92159 97247 129 133

135 136head 174heavenly bodies 10Hecate 179 192Helenus 11 96236

hemlock 112Hera 8765 92168

Heraclea 51 92168 108Heracles 8549 8773 129 132 135Heraclitus 140Herippidas 8318 92159

Hermodorus 11 183Hermotimus 96hierarchy 196hipparch 83 8657 101 130Hipposthenidas 7 47 92158 114 125

130hostage 97254 122Hypatas 12 75 8322 97265

Hypatodorus 114

Indefinite Dyad 140

General Index 223

inspiration 148 151 158 159 163 165168

instrument 150 151 155intellect 8 140 177 179 181 184 185

188 192 194 196Intellect 194Invisible 177 181 194 196Ionia 107Iraq 127islands 10 174 180Isle of Kronos 172 173Ismenias 8319 103ndash105 107 108Isocrates 106

Jason of Pherae 41 91139 102 108Julius Caesar 119

Kings Peace 104ndash106 108 136

Lachesis 61 177 194Laconisers 103 105Lamprias 94198 153 155 157Lamprocles 94193 172Leontiadas 5 11 27 75 8319 96245

97264 103ndash105 107 108 116Lethe 175 176 178 179Leuctra ba le(field) of 8430 90120

101ndash103liberty 106 130life 173 177 194light 10 174ndash177 181 189Linear B 134Linus 132logos 169Lycon 8886

Lysander 108 131 137Lysanoridas 5 21 8318 92159 96247

130ndash132Lysis 5ndash7 19 39 829 8430 8764 90130

92156 109 144 159Lysitheus 98273

Macedonia 101 132Mantineia ba le of 103mantis 4 6 8429

mathematics 3 6 8775 139Meletus 8886

Melon 21 51 8315 8316

messenger 4 7 121Metapontum 90125

metempsychosis 165 167Miletus 91138

Milky Way 10 95207 95212

mind 8 162Minos 132Mixing Bowl of the Dreams 176 178

179Moderatus of Gades 142Moirai 95 177 185 194ndash196Monad 140 177 194 196moon 95 155 171 172 175ndash177

179ndash182 184ndash186 190 191 194 195morals 166Moses 9Motion 177 194Muses 135music of the spheres 10mysteries 191myth 9 11 165 166 169ndash171 178 181

188ndash eschatological 193 196

narrator 121Nature 177 194 195Nectanebo (pharaoh) 8654 135 136Neo-Pythagoreans 157Neoptolemos 97259

Nestor 90125

nous 171 18739

Numa 143

obstacle 150Oenophyta ba le of 104Olympichus 170Olynthus 8317 105 108omen 11 51 89102 111 130oracle 6 8 133 148 153 156 167 177Oracle of Apollo 175 176 180Oracle ot Tiresias 155Orchomenus 103 155Orestes 132Orpheus 176

paideia 120Panhellenism 106Parmenides 140Parnes 89112

Parthian campaigns 118passions 162 164 165 187 192past 115 126 147 169pax Romana 148peace 6 41 81 135 161 162Pelopidas 12 21 69 8315 8316 101 112

116 120Peloponnese 103 107Peloponnesian War 101 107

224 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

Persephone 10 61 95216 177Persia 104 106 107 135 136Pherenicus 8425

Phidolaus 4 6 7 25 129 159Philip of Macedonia 132Philippus 11 73 96245 97265

Philolaus 90124 90127 139philosophy 115Phoebidas 8313 96245

Phyllidas 5 7 23 47 8542

physics 166Pindar 19 8657

Planetiades 7 153planets 10 177Plataea 104 105Plato 6 102 112 115 135 143 156 167

171 184Platonic

ndash Academy 139 156ndash dialogue 113 115ndash doctrine of the soul 186ndash intertextuality 112 119ndash models 193ndash myth 166ndash School 168

Platonism 11 139ndash Middle 139ndash Neo- 10

pneuma 154ndash158polemarch 8312 8542 104Polymnis 6 8766

Principles doctrine of 195 196prison 5 12 106 112pro-Spartan 826 8312 8319 8425 96245

97265 107 122 137Pronoia 153prophecy 153 155 177 180Proteus 8772

Protogenes 172psychology 166 203punishment 171 175 176 178 180 187

188 191 193Pyrilampes 35 89109

Pythagoras 6 8 33 8888 139 142 143Pythagorean 4ndash6 829 8430 90124 90127

91141 96238

ndash doctrine 143 144ndash sect 90122

ndash tradition(s) 139 140 142 144Pythagoreanism 8 140Pythagoreans 45 139 140 142 144Pythia 146ndash148 151 152 155 157 158Pythian 146 152

Python 189

reader 169 181reason 164 192 19263

rebirth 165 176 187 191 192reincarnation 96238 179religion 4 166Rhadamanthys 8651 8656 131 133

sanctuaries 148 153 154 191Scedasus 134scepticism 163sea 10 95207 174 177 180Semele 176separation 186Sibyl 175 176 180Sibyls oracles 147Sicilian Expedition 91137

Sicily 6 35 39 89108

sign 8 8429 160Simmias 4 5 7 8 11 19 8323 8424

90121 97247 109 112 115 122 129131 135 159 161 162 164 165167 170 172 188 191

skull 10 94200 174sleep 161 163 172sneeze 6 89102 89117 159 161Socrates 3 6 8 19290 8886 89108 101

112 115 119 124 159ndash161 163 165167 168 170ndash172 183 188

ndash death of 119soul 3 8ndash11 92156 93178 94200 96242

144 148 154 156 161 163ndash165 171173 174 176 178 181 184 186ndash188190 195

ndash cosmic 194ndash daemonic 164ndash dissolution 188ndash human 164ndash impure 179ndash irrational 189ndash liberation of the 3ndash nature of the 183ndash pure 178 179 18024

ndash purified 166sound 8 10 55 57 59 155 163 180Sparta 5 8317 8319 8548 101 103

106ndash108 129 132 136Spartan 97264

ndash commanders 92159 98289

ndash control 101 133ndash domination 106 108ndash garrison 12 101 113

General Index 225

ndash governors 8318

ndash king 8650

ndash occupation 3 5Spartans 5 134 136Spintharus of Tarentum 96232

stars 10 95 174 178 182Stoic 90123 95 150 151

ndash doctrine 190ndash interpretation 8

Stoics 157 161Styx 10 61 177substance 184 185 188 190 195sun 149 177 181 185 194ndash196Sybaris 142

Tegea 132Terpsion 33 159Thales 27 8662

Theages 4 8424

Theanor 5 7 11 39 829 8430 9114196238 12521 144 159 160 164 167170 191

Theban Revolt 106Thebans 8425

Thebes 8210 8319 8425 8438 8880 9012790130 96245 97264 98276 104 105107 108 112 123 133 137 144 159

ndash liberation of 3 821 101 103 109111 117 170

ndash walls of 8541

Thebe (wife of Alexander of Pherae)117 120

Themistoclean ring 107Theocritus 4 6 7 11 23 8429 96247

103 129 130 159Theon 147 148

Theopompus 69 97251

Theramenes 108Thermopylae 107 109Theseus 8657 132 133Thespesius 172 173 175 186 188 193Thespiae 92160 135Thirty Tyrants 8210 108thought 8 161ndash163Thrason 8210

Thrasybulus of Collytus 8210

Thrasymachus 7Timarchus 9 10 94193 95 124 144 160

165 166 172 173 175 182 191194 196

ndash myth of 164 186Timotheus (son of Conon) 8210

transmission 129 134 166Trophonius oracle of 9 94198 145 153

164 172truth 31 77 121 166 176Typhon 189tyrant 116 127

vegetarianism 141virtue 19 47 118 125 141 19263

vision 6 8 10 33 94198 115 165 172voice 10 95 161 162 164 178 180

191 194

wisdom 8424 143World Soul 140 194

Xenocrates 140 156 185Xerxes 104 107

Zeus 57 8541 172Zoroaster 140

• SAPERE
• Preface to this Volume
• Table of Contents
• A Introduction
• Introduction (D A Russell)
• • 1 Preliminary Remarks
  • 2 Synopsis
  • 3 The Text
  • 4 Suggested variations from Teubner text
  • • B Text Translation and Notes
    • • Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιμονίου (Text and Translation by D A Russell)
      • • Notes on the Translation (D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath)
        • • C Essays
          • • Between Athens Sparta and Persia the Historical Significance of the Liberation of Thebes in 379 (George Cawkwell)
            • The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas (Christopher Pelling)
            • • 1 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext
              • 2 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 3 Internal and external links
              • 4 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 5 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 6 Lessons for today
              • • Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena (Robert Parker)
                • Pythagoreanism in Plutarch (John Dillon)
                • • 1 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophical upbringing
                  • 2 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics
                  • 3 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and of contemporary Pythagoreans
                  • 4 Pythagorean elements in De genio
                  • • Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration (Stephan Schroumlder translated by H-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell)
                    • • 1 Preliminary remarks
                      • 2 The dialogues on the oracles
                      • • 21 De Pythiae oraculis
                        • 22 De defectu oraculorum
                        • • 3 De genio Socratis
                          • 4 Conclusion
                          • • Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths (Werner Deuse translated by H-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell)
                            • • 1 Preliminary remarks
                              • 2 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatological topography
                              • 3 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of the myths
                              • 4 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths
                              • 5 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo
                              • 6 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie
                              • • D Appendices
                                • • I Some Texts similar to De genio (D A Russell)
                                  • II Bibliography
                                  • • 1 Abbreviations
                                    • 2 Editions Commentaries Translations
                                    • 3 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)
                                    • • III Indices (Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper)
                                      • • 1 Source Index
                                        • 2 General Index

Mohr Siebeck

Plutarch

On the daimonion of Socrates

Human liberation divine guidance and philosophy

edited by

Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath

Introduction Text Translation and Interpretative Essays by

Donald Russell George Cawkwell Werner Deuse John Dillon Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath

Robert Parker Christopher Pelling Stephan Schroumlder

e-ISBN PDF 978-3-16-156444-4ISBN 978-3-16-150138-8 (cloth)ISBN 987-3-16-150137-1 (paperback)

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Natio-nal bibliographie detailed bibliographic data is availableon the Internet at httpdnbd-nbde

copy 2010 by Mohr Siebeck Tuumlbingen

This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisherrsquos written permission This applies particularly to reproductions translations microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems

This book was typeset by Christoph Alexander Martsch Serena Pirrotta and Thorsten Stolper at the SAPERE Research Institute Goumlttingen printed by Gulde-Druck in Tuumlbingen on non-aging paper and bound by Buchbinderei Spinner in Ottersweier

Printed in Germany

SAPEREGreek and Latin texts of Later Antiquity (1stndash4th centuries AD) have fora long time been overshadowed by those dating back to so-called lsquoclassi-calrsquo times The first four centuries of our era have however produced acornucopia of works in Greek and Latin dealing with questions of philoso-phy ethics and religion that continue to be relevant even today The seriesSAPERE (Scripta Antiquitatis Posterioris ad Ethicam REligionemque per-tinentia lsquoWritings of Later Antiquity with Ethical and Religious Themesrsquo)now funded by the German Union of Academies undertakes the task ofmaking these texts accessible through an innovative combination of edi-tion translation and commentary in the form of interpretative essays

The acronym lsquoSAPERErsquo deliberately evokes the various connotations ofsapere the Latin verb In addition to the intellectual dimension ndash whichKant made the mo o of the Enlightenment by translating lsquosapere audersquowith lsquodare to use thy reasonrsquo ndash the notion of lsquotastingrsquo should come intoplay as well On the one hand SAPERE makes important source textsavailable for discussion within various disciplines such as theology andreligious studies philology philosophy history archaeology and so onon the other it also seeks to whet the readersrsquo appetite to lsquotastersquo these textsConsequently a thorough scholarly analysis of the texts which are inves-tigated from the vantage points of different disciplines complements thepresentation of the sources both in the original and in translation In thisway the importance of these ancient authors for the history of ideas andtheir relevance to modern debates come clearly into focus thereby foster-ing an active engagement with the classical past

Preface to this VolumeThe first idea of bringing this volume into existence came into my heada er a dinner conversation with Donald Russell at All Souls College Ox-ford in May 2004 during which Donald told me that already a long timeago he had collected material for an edition (with commentary) of De ge-nio Socratis one of the most wonderful pieces of PlutarchrsquosMoralia Whenndash twenty-two months later ndash I finally plucked up the courage to ask himwhether he might be willing to provide an introduction into and a textand translation (with notes) of De genio for a SAPERE volume his first re-action was to call me a fool for bothering someone at his age with such aproposition ndash but barely half a year later he had in fact done what I hadasked him for thus giving us the heart of the present volume He had firstworked on this subject under the guidance of E R Dodds and would likethis contribution to be regarded as a partial and very late fulfilment of hisobligations to that great scholar

It took the next two and a half years to assemble a team of further con-tributors and get them to write a number of essays all of which ndash I hope ndashwill be useful and enlightening to all interested in De genio To all contrib-utors I am profoundly grateful for the time and energy they poured intothis venture it has been a privilege and a pleasure to work with each andeveryone of them My greatest debt of gratitude however I still owe toDonald without whom this volume would not exist May he yet live longto receive the acclaim he deserves for it

Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath Gouml ingen August 2009

Table of ContentsSAPERE VPreface to this Volume VII

A Introduction

Introduction (D A Russell) 31 Preliminary Remarks 32 Synopsis 43 The Text 124 Suggested variations from Teubner text 12

B Text Translation and Notes

Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου (Text and Translation by D A Russell) 18Notes on the Translation (D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath) 82

C Essays

Between Athens Sparta and Persia the Historical Significance of theLiberation of Thebes in 379 (George Cawkwell) 101

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas(Christopher Pelling) 1111 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext 1112 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1133 Internal and external links 1164 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1215 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1236 Lessons for today 127

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena (Robert Parker) 129

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch (John Dillon) 1391 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophical upbringing 1392 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics 1413 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and of contemporary

Pythagoreans 1424 Pythagorean elements in De genio 143

X Table of Contents

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration (Stephan Schroumlder translated byH-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell) 1451 Preliminary remarks 1452 The dialogues on the oracles 146

21 De Pythiae oraculis 14622 De defectu oraculorum 153

3 De genio Socratis 1594 Conclusion 167

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths (Werner Deuse translated by H-G Nesselrathtranslation revised by D A Russell) 1691 Preliminary remarks 1692 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatological topography 1743 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of the myths 1824 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths 1885 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo 1916 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie 194

D Appendices

I Some Texts similar to De genio (D A Russell) 201

II Bibliography 2071 Abbreviations 2092 Editions Commentaries Translations 2093 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works) 210

III Indices (Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper) 2131 Source Index 2132 General Index 221

A Introduction

IntroductionD A Russell

1 Preliminary Remarks

Il est des ouvrages en Plutarque ougrave il oublie son thegraveme ougrave le propos de son argumentne se trouve que par incident tout estouffeacute en matiere estrangere voyez ses alleuresau Daemon de Socrate O Dieu que ces gaillardes escapades que ce e variation a debeauteacute et plus lors que plus elle retire au nonchalant et fortuite

Montaigne (Essais III ix) here admires the inconsequentiality of De genioMost modern scholarship has been disconcerted by the combination of ex-citing historical romance and serious philosophical and religious discus-sion Many a empts have therefore been made to identify themes and con-nections which might be held to unify the whole Liberation (as the soulis freed with difficulty from the ills of the body so Thebes is freed fromthe Spartan occupation) divine guidance (Epaminondas like Socrates isunder a special tutelary daimon) or a general concern with signs and por-tents It is doubtful whether any of these ideas is a guide to Plutarchrsquosintentions1 These should be sought rather in his educational concerns Inthe preface toDe audiendis poetis (14E) he observes that young students notyet ready for the formal study of philosophy nevertheless take pleasurein works like Heraclidesrsquo Abaris and Aristonrsquos Lycon in which philosophyand fabulous narrative are combined If we consider De genio in this lightit is clear that it fills the bill very well There is the exciting patriotic storyof the liberation of Thebes there is also the speculation about divinationand the fate of the soul a er death there is even a miniature Socratic dia-logue on doing good (584Bndash585D) and a suggestion that it is a good thingto study mathematics (579AndashD) We should also recall that the narratorCaphisias Epaminondasrsquo younger brother is young and emphasises hisyouth (he has lovers he spends time in the gymnasia) and that the brav-ery of Charonrsquos fi een year old son is given special prominence (595BndashD)It would be foolish to suggest that Plutarch is primarily targeting an ado-lescent readership (or his own pupils) but he certainly has one in mindas he does also in his Banquet of the Seven Wise Men and in Gryllus And

1 But note the articles by A G (ldquoEpameinondas and the Socratic paradigm inthe De genio Socratisrdquo) and P H (ldquoSign language in On the sign of Socratesrdquo) in V

S 1996 113ndash22 and 123ndash36

4 D A Russell

it is a Boeotian audience he makes the visionary who relates the myth anative of his own city Chaeronea and he gives us a great deal of antiquar-ian detail about the religions and political practices of Boeotia in classicaltimes

2 Synopsis2

1 (575Andash576B)The frame dialogue (not resumed at the end cf Platorsquos Phaedo Theaetetus)serves as a preface It limits the scope of the following narrative (Archeda-mus explains what he and his friends already know 575Fndash576B) and itmakes an important statement about the value of detail and motivation asagainst mere information about the upshot of events for hearers who areconnoisseurs of the moral aspects of actions This recalls prefatory state-ments in several Lives eg Nicias 1 Alexander 1 Timoleon 1 and 6 Andwe are again reminded of De audiendis poetis Archedamusrsquo friends arelike those serious readers of poetry who are not just in search of amuse-ment (30D note τὸ δὲ φιλόκαλον καὶ φιλότιmicroον corresponding to τὸν δὲφιλότιmicroον καὶ φιλόκαλον θεατήν in 575C)

The exact occasion of this frame dialogue is unclear It is perhapsthought of as preceding the Athenian renunciation of the Theban alliance(Pelopidas 141 Xen Hell 5419) but we do not learn whether Plutarch hadany evidence that Caphisias participated in any such mission Archeda-musrsquo Boeotian sympathies however are well a ested as is the unpopu-larity they caused him

2ndash5 (576Bndash578C)The initial scenes of Caphisiasrsquo story are set outdoors as a party of the con-spirators makes its way to Simmiasrsquo house Simmias is in many ways thecentral character of the whole dialogue Famous from Phaedo as an in-timate of Socrates and a pupil (at Thebes) of the Pythagorean Phidolaushe has travelled far and acquired much knowledge He is of course in-volved in the conspiracy though his illness prevents him from taking anactive part Like Theages in Plato (Rep 6496D) his infirmity keeps himloyal to philosophy The day has come when the exiles are due to returnand a messenger arrives from Athens to bring word that there are twelveof them and to inquire who will give them lodging Charon offers (576D)This prompts the prophet (mantis) Theocritus to compare this readiness onthe part of a comparatively uneducated person with the reluctance of thehighly educated Epaminondas to take an active part Caphisias naturallydefends his brother There is no doubt that Epaminondasrsquo stance is an im-

2 A particularly careful analysis can be found in L 1933

Introduction 5

portant theme of the whole dialogue We learn later of his Pythagorean up-bringing and his steadfast refusal of material gain Theanor the mysteri-ous visitor will declare that the daimonwho guarded the dead Pythagoreanphilosopher Lysis now guides his pupil Epaminondas Here is at leastone link between the philosophical topics and the narrative for we are ledto conclude that a political life too can be divinely guided The loss ofPlutarchrsquos Epaminondas prevents us from knowing whether the career de-velopment suggested in De genio ndash from quietism to military leadership ndashwas a theme in the Life also

Caphisiasrsquo conversation on this subject is interrupted (577A) by Galaxi-dorus who has seen two officers of the Spartan occupation Archias andLysanoridas approaching Archias takes Theocritus aside Everyone isworried about the reason for this Another conspirator Phyllidas now ap-pears and discusses ma ers with Caphisias There is a longish lacuna inthe text at 577D which must cover the return of Theocritus to the groupThey are then joined by yet another figure Phidolaus of Haliartus whoasks them to wait a li le before entering Simmiasrsquo house because Sim-mias is trying to negotiate with the pro-Spartan Leontiadas about the fateof a leader of the anti-Spartan party Amphitheus who is in prison Thenarrative now takes a new turn Theocritus is glad to see Phidolaus be-cause he wants to ask him about the remains of Alcmena which Agesi-laus removed from Haliartus to Sparta some years before It appears thatthere was a mysterious inscription on the tomb which Agesilaus submit-ted to Egyptian priests for interpretation lsquoSimmias may have something totell us about thisrsquo Theocritus on hearing Phidolausrsquo account reveals thathis recent conversation with Lysanoridas was about some ominous signand that Lysanoridas will go to Haliartus to offer some ritual reparation toAlcmena When he comes back says Theocritus he is just the man to pryinto the Theban secret of the whereabouts of Dircersquos tomb

What has all this to do with the main themes of the dialogue It is notunusual for some minor ma ers to be discussed before a main theme isaddressed thus in De Pyth or 8ndash16 several disconnected topics delaythe introduction of the main issue In De genio there is a dramatic rea-son for sending Lysanoridas to Haliartus since he is (crucially) to be outof town on the day of the coup And the series of episodes enhances theatmosphere portents ominous for the Spartans deep concern for Thebancustoms and ritual

6ndash7 (578Cndash579D)The scene changes to Simmiasrsquo house and a further series of episodes pre-liminary both to the development of the plot and to the main discussiontakes place here Simmias has been disappointed in his a empt to winover Leontiadas but he has learned from him of the arrival of a mysterious

6 D A Russell

stranger who has been performing some ritual at Lysisrsquo tomb and inquir-ing for the family of Polymnis the father of Epaminondas and CaphisiasPhidolaus however is still preoccupied with the Alcmena inscription canSimmias throw any light on this (578E) Only indirectly it would appearSimmias tells a story about another text sent by the Spartans to Egyptwhile he and others were studying there which turned out to be an ex-hortation to the Greeks to pursue the arts of peace not war The samemessage was intended by the oracle given to the Delians ordering themto lsquodouble the size of the altarrsquo this baffled them until Plato explained tothem the necessary mathematics The true meaning of this oracle againwas an exhortation to peace and the civilized pursuits of science and learn-ing

Two things are achieved by this section the Pythagorean stranger isintroduced and the point is made that science and philosophy go with apeaceful life If we venture to look at this in the light of Plutarchrsquos ownday it is an acceptance of the role of Greece as the peaceful partner in theRoman world whose contribution lies in the sciences and the arts

8ndash9 (579Dndash580C)Polymnis arrives We hear more about the visitor who will shortly bebrought before the company Simmias likes very much what he hears ofthe man Galaxidorus does not to him the visitor sounds like a super-stitious charlatan unworthy of philosophy which Socrates (in contrast toPythagoras and Empedocles) showed to be a rational and down-to-earthbusiness This view is at once challenged by the mantis Theocritus whothinks that it implies an acceptance of the charge of impiety brought againstSocrates by his accusers

10ndash12 (580Cndash582C)This leads immediately to the daimonion which (according to Theocritus)shows Socrates a greater prophet than Pythagoras himself We may dis-tinguish five stages in this first lsquoactrsquo of the discussion1 Theocritusrsquo acceptance of the fact that Socrates had a divine guide (a

lsquovisionrsquo [580C] though this perception will not be maintained) and hisreminiscence of a rather trivial episode in which it figured

2 Galaxidorusrsquo argument that Socrates was really skilled in observingsigns (eg sneezes or casual words) as other diviners do

3 Polymnisrsquo rejection of the sneeze theory (which he a ributes to Terp-sion) on the ground that it could not possibly explain Socratesrsquo nobilityof character his prophecy of defeat in Sicily or his inspired behaviourat the ba le of Delium

4 Polymnisrsquo appeal to Simmias supported by Phidolaus5 Galaxidorusrsquo second speech in which he too defers to Simmias but (i)

refutes Phidolaus by saying that small signs may indicate great events

Introduction 7

and using the analogy of writing in which a few small scratches candisplay great wars and sufferings to the literate scholar and (ii) answersPolymnis by urging that Socrates called his sign daimonion not out ofpretentiousness but because he knew the difference between agent (thegod) and instrument (the sign)

13ndash16 (582Cndash586A)The discussion is broken off by the entrance of Epaminondas and Theanorwho dominate the following scene Theanor explains who he is and thecircumstances which have led him to track down the exiled Lysis He hashad a dispute with Epaminondas because he wishes to pay the family fortheir care of Lysis and Epaminondas refuses to accept anything A lengthydialogue in a Socratic style shows Epaminondas able to justify his point ofview Finally Theanor gives his decision Lysisrsquo body is to remain whereit is He looks hard at Epaminondas for he has come to believe that theyoung man is guided by the daimonwho once guided Lysis

17ndash19 (586Andash588B)At this point Phyllidas comes in and asks the others (including the nar-rator) to go outside with him There is cause for alarm Hipposthenidashas gone so far as to send a messenger to warn the exiles not to enter thecity Why Because he thinks the plot may have been discovered and hetakes this to be confirmed by a friendrsquos rather ominous dream Theocrituscomes to the rescue by suggesting a more favourable interpretation andthe messenger Chlidon unexpectedly returns having been unable to rideout to meet the exiles as he had been ordered because his wife had lenthis bridle to a neighbour There had been quite a scene about this but theyconclude that the alarms were all false and the plan is to go ahead The-ocritus and Caphisias go back to Simmiasrsquo house where the discussion isstill going on

20ndash24 (588Bndash594A)This central part of the dialogue the definitive discussion of its nominalsubject is best considered as a whole

(1) The narrator has not heard Simmiasrsquo reply to Galaxidorus and socannot tell what it was This is (I think) an important clue to the gen-eral tendency of the dialogue Galaxidorus is not a figure to be ridiculedlike Thrasymachus in Platorsquos Republic or Planetiades in Plutarchrsquos De de-fectu (413AndashD) True he is contemptuous of people like Empedocles andPythagoras and Pythagoreanism is very much in evidence in everythingto follow But it is probably3 a mistake to make too much of this Galaxi-dorus has maintained Socratesrsquo superiority as a man of reason and he has

3 But see Pierluigi D ldquoSokrates und sein Daumlmon im Platonismus des 1 und 2Jahrhunderts n Chrrdquo in B et al 2004 149

8 D A Russell

deferred to Simmiasrsquo superior knowledge (His view is akin to the Stoic in-terpretation reported in Cicero [De divinatione 1122] which treats Socratesas indeed an observer of signs but one whose capacity depends on a pureand chaste mind) Much of what he said would be acceptable to Plutarchand it is worth noting that in one of the very few ancient references to Degenio (Eustratius in Eth Nic 513 Heylbut) Galaxidorusrsquo and Simmiasrsquospeeches are dovetailed together

(2) Simmiasrsquo theory4 Simmias believed that Socratesrsquo daimonionwas nota vision (so Theocritus was wrong) but the apprehension of a thought notarticulated in speech but rather like the words we seem to hear in dreamsSocratesrsquo special aptitude (due to his unconcern with material things) wasto pick up these signals even when awake (the comparison and contrastwith dreams occurs again in Cic De div lc and is a motif common insuch discussion) The theory is that the thought (logos) of a daimon cancommunicate itself to gi ed souls without the violent lsquoblowrsquo involved inordinary communication by sound These souls yield readily to lsquothe in-tellect (νοῦς) of the higher beinghelliprsquo The best Simmias can do is to makethis plausible by analogies the ship guided by the tiller the po errsquos wheelcontrolled by the fingertip and our common experience (however diffi-cult it is to understand the mechanism of it) of the power of mind overma er (589AndashB) There is a sort of illumination or effulgence (ἀνταύγειαsee note for the problem of this passage) in the thoughts of the superiorpowers which makes them accessible to specially privileged minds bycontrast our knowledge of the thoughts of others is dim mediated onlyby voice If this is hard to grasp (589C) the analogy of sound may helpSound depends on an impact made on the air and we may suppose thatthe daimonrsquos thoughts also produce a physical change discernible only tothose specially endowed minds Or try another analogy this time a mili-tary one the presence of sappers in a tunnel can be detected by resonanceon a bronze shield held in the right place And if (once again) it seemsodd that something we think of as a dream-experience should be possibleto a person who is awake yet another analogy (suggested by the harmoniaarguments of Phaedo) presents itself a musician needs his lyre tuned notunstrung The essential point is that Socrates is very special An oraclegiven when he was a child (not otherwise known to us) declared that hehad his best guide within himself Pressed this implies that the guide wasin some sense his own νοῦς This is inconsistent with the theory of com-

4 See R H Xenokrates Darstellung der Lehre und Sammlung der Fragmente (Leipzig1892) 102ndash4 K R Kosmos and Sympathie Neue Untersuchungen uumlber Poseidonios(Muumlnchen 1926) 214 id ldquoPoseidonios von Apameia der Rhodier genanntrdquo in RE XXII1 (1953) [558ndash826] 803 A 1921 3ndash10 C 1970 53ndash8 L 1933 43ndash9

S (1992) 57ndash8

Introduction 9

munication just developed but it is indeed a Platonic idea (Timaeus 90) andwe shall find it again in the myth which soon follows

This repetitive and complicated speech has been much discussed andits lsquosourcesrsquo conjectured It is no doubt Plutarchrsquos own synthesis but thereare some texts of Platonic provenance which are very similar to it and itmay be convenient to mention the most striking of these here5

(a) Within the writings of Plato himself one may draw a ention toCritias 109c where Critias describes how in early times the gods guidedhuman beings ldquolike pilots from the stern of the vessel holding our soulsby the rudder of persuasionrdquo (transl Jowe )6

(b) Philo De decalogo 32ndash35 where it is explained that God spoke toMoses not with a physical voice but miraculously lsquocommanding an invis-ible sound to be created in air more wonderful than any instrument [cf588F] not without soul hellip but itself a rational soul hellip which shaped the airand gave u erance to an articulate voicersquo

(c) Calcidius sect255 lsquothe voice of which Socrates was aware was not suchas would result from impact on air but such as might reveal the presenceand company of a familiar divinity to a soul whose exceptional chastitymade it clean and therefore more intelligentrsquo Calcidius goes on almost inPlutarchrsquos terms to draw the comparison between our dream experienceand Socratesrsquo waking perception of a divine presence7

(3) The myth of Timarchus8 Timarchus consults the oracle of Tropho-nius in order to learn about Socratesrsquo divine warnings He gets no explicitanswers but he (and we) can draw some conclusions

In reading the myth we must of course have in mind both its Platonicmodels (esp Phaedo) and Plutarchrsquos other a empts in this genre (inDe seranuminis vindicta and De facie)9 But we must also remember that there ismuch room le for invention fantasy and deliberate mystification Plu-tarchrsquos myths (like Platorsquos) draw on a fund of religious philosophical andscientific lore but this fund does not amount to a coherent system and itwould be rash to assume that there is such a thing and that Plutarch is justrevealing parts of it to us a bit at a time (He is not at all like JRR Tolkien)

Timarchus is probably named a er a person mentioned inTheages 129Ain connection with the daimonion Plutarch makes him a Chaeronean andsets his vision at the great Boeotian oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea The

5 Translations of most of these texts can be found in the Appendix below pp 201ndash2076 See H-G N Platon Kritias Uumlbersetzung und Kommentar (Gouml ingen 2006)

132ndash37 Further development of these ideas is to be found in Neoplatonist texts note esp

Hermias in Phaedrum 68ndash9 C Proclus in rempublicam 2166 (which explains howsouls converse in Hades)

8 See in addition to works cited above (n 4) H 1934b S 1942 153ndash76V 1977 D 1996 214ndash6

9 See W Deusersquos essay below pp 169ndash97

10 D A Russell

story begins (590BndashC) with Timarchus lying in the cave (having performedall the due rituals) not knowing whether he is asleep or awake He feelsa blow on his head followed by a pleasurable sensation of rising and ex-panding bright light and a harmonious sound (presumably the music ofthe spheres) His soul has escaped from the opening sutures of his skull(an unparalleled detail in such stories it would seem) He cannot see theearth but when he looks up (from a standpoint not clearly indicated) hesees innumerable islands moving through a great sea and all shining withvariously coloured light These islands are the heavenly bodies planetsincluded the sea represents the whole celestial sphere10 There is clearly(590E) an allusion not without mystification to the inclination of the eclip-tic to the celestial equator When Timarchus looks down as he does next(590F) he sees a dark gulf from which emerge sounds of human suffer-ing this gulf is Hades and it is (or at least includes) the earth on which welive11 Timarchus sees but as yet does not understand An unseen speaker(591A) offers to enlighten him but only with regard to lsquothe realm of Perse-phonersquo12 because lsquothe things aboversquo belong to lsquoother godsrsquo So the visionis limited Persephonersquos realm is bounded by Styx which is we are toldthe earthrsquos shadow periodically in its revolution catching the moon andcausing an eclipse Though the voice cannot tell much about the world be-yond it does offer a curious metaphysical system (591B) which seems tobe a complication of one set out in De facie (943ndash4) This involves the triadMonas-Nous-Physis which puts us in mind of later Neoplatonism13 butwhich is no doubt based largely on a text of Plato Sophist 24814 The systemplays no part in what follows for the voice goes on to explain simply thatlsquoStyxrsquo catches many souls in the air below the moon and takes them backfor rebirth Some the wicked are rejected by the moon altogether and inanger others whose time has come are rescued by her and (presumably)suffer no further reincarnation

This is the explanation given by the Voice all Timarchus can actuallysee is a lot of stars moving up and down These are souls more or lessobedient to their daimon (or νοῦς) but also more or less submerged in thebody This variation in obedience and recalcitrance occurs it seems bothin incarnate souls and a er death when the souls seek to escape from thetrammels of the body altogether But what of Socrates We must infer thathe was one of these most obedient and least troubled by the demands of the

10 It cannot be simply the Milky Way as A 1921 thought though one detail ndashthe white and foamy part of it [590F] ndash does seem to represent this

11 H 1892 135 H A Plutarchs Schri Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epi-curum (Amsterdam 1974) 70 n 18

12 Which includes the moon cf De facie 942Dndash943C13 D 1996 214ndash614 R 1926 327

Introduction 11

body and this was evident in his lifetime He is not mentioned by namethe example given is Hermodorus of Clazomenae whose soul travelledfreely around the world while his body lay asleep

(4) Theanorrsquos speech15 Theanor does not mention Socrates either Hetreats the myth as something to be dedicated to the god and so uncriti-cized he accepts in general what Simmias has said But he has his ownpoint of view and presents it in a magisterial fashion Some men arespecially favoured by gods and these are they who can understand thethought of the gods as is (he thinks) shown by the example of Helenus inHomer (but see notes) More generally humans are in the care of daimonesthese being disembodied souls whose special function seems here to be toguide towards final salvation souls which have completed their cycle ofbirths and deaths This is a classical lsquodemonologyrsquo such as Apuleius andMaximus use in their accounts of Socrates Based on classic texts of Hesiodand Plato and probably developed by Xenocrates it is a standard elementin Platonism by Plutarchrsquos time16 Where does Socrates fit in Was he oneof the rare ones guided by a god We are not told But the guidance hereceives we must infer is from an outside power (as Simmias said) notfrom something like his νοῦς which could be interpreted as within him

25ndash34 (594Andash598F)The conclusion of the narrative is rapid and skilful and is not again inter-rupted Epaminondas tells Caphisias to go to the gymnasium he himselfremains to continue the discussion For this he makes his apologia he willnot take part in violence or illegal executions but reserves himself to cometo the front later At the gymnasium plo ing continues and Archias andPhilip go off to the dinner which is to be fatal to them (25) And now theconspirators join forces with the twelve exiles who have had a good omen(lightning on their right) on entering the city (26) They all meet together atCharonrsquos house and are greatly alarmed when Archias sends for Charonhe obeys the summons and leaves his son in his friendsrsquo charge with anemotional speech Cephisodorus and Theocritus advise prompt action topreempt betrayal and they get ready (27ndash28) But Charon soon returnsand is quite cheerful he does not think Archias has had any sure informa-tion and there is no reason to believe that the plot has been disclosed (29)The conspirators hesitate no longer one party goes to deal with Leonti-adas the other (including some disguised as women) to the party havingdinner with Archias (Archias has in fact had another warning but has dis-regarded it with the remark lsquoSerious business tomorrowrsquo ndash a saying whichbecame proverbial) (30) The a ack on the dinner is successful the archonCabirichus is killed the servants killed or locked in (31) Meanwhile the

15 See J 1916 31ndash3 L 1933 65ndash7 S 1942 131ndash4016 See J D in B et al 2004 123ndash41

12 D A Russell

second party (which includes Pelopidas) has prevailed against Leontiadasand Hypates despite strong resistance (32) Finally the two parties areunited Amphitheus and others are released from prison There is a gen-eral rising and the Spartan garrison surrenders (33ndash34)

3 The Text

De genio (like a number of other works) survives in two manuscripts onlyPar gr 1672 (E) and Par gr 1675 (B) E probably dates from the secondhalf of the fourteenth century B is later There has been much discussionof the relation between them (summary in Schroumlder 1990 73ndash80) The con-clusion here adopted is that B is dependent on E though not a direct copyThe consequence is that good readings in B should be accepted as goodconjectures and that the indications and placing of lacunae in E (thoughnot infallible) are more likely to represent the gaps in the damaged ancestorthan those in B In many places no convincing supplement of the lacunaeis possible we have made what seem to us probable choices and the notesrecord some other suggestions

4 Suggested variations from Teubner text

(See also the notes on the translation Anonymous changes are by D ARussell Passages are indicated by page and line numbering in the Teubneredition as well as by the traditional Stephanus pagination)

461 10ndash12 [575C] ndash ⟨ὡς⟩ τοῦ microὲν τέλους πολλὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὴν τύχηνἔχοντος τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖςπροσήκοντος⟩ microέρους ἀγῶνας ἀρετῆς πρὸς τὰ συν-τυγχάνοντα ndash καὶ τόλmicroας

462 1 [575E] δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν (Post)462 3 [575E] microαραινόmicroενον ⟨ἐξ οὗ Σιmicromicroίας microὲν καὶ Κέβης φοι-

τῶντες⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη462 14 [575F] οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν462 20 [575F] Λεοντιάδαν (and throughout but there must be some

doubt about the form)463 28 [576D] θηρεύειν (Hartman)464 14 [576E] ⟨ ὡς εἰ microὴ παρὰ⟩ τοῦτον παρὰ τίνα (Wyttenbach)464 23 [576F] microηδένα (Wyttenbach) τῶν πολιτῶν464 24 [576F] ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος (cf Einarson)465 12 [577A] διακρούων ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoἐγγὺς γάρrsquo ⟨εἶπεν lsquoἈρ-

χίαν ὁρῶ⟩ καὶ Λυσανορίδαν rsquo ()

Introduction 13

465 21 [577B] ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ (postWilamowitz qui post Turnebi γραmicromicroατεύονταsupplevit συνειδὼς τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας

466 4 [577C] ἢ πλείους ⟨γrsquo⟩467 3 [577F] συmicroπεπηγυῖαν τοῦ microνήmicroατος ⟨ἔκειτο⟩ (we canrsquot

be sure what the missing words were)468 2 [578B] ὑπὸ σκότους (Bernardakis)469 8 [578F] ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶν (Reiske)469 13 [578F] τότὲ (post Schwartz qui ⟨ᾧ πολλὰ⟩ τότε)469 17 [578F] πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ⟨ὁ⟩ δὲ (Kronenberg Waterfield)470 7 [579B] ᾗ (Waterfield) τὸ (Hartman)470 13 [579C] εἶναι τὴν δυεῖν (Holwerda)471 20 [579F] ἐκθειάζουσι (Pohlenz)471 22 [580A] ἀνδράσι καὶ πρὸς471 29 [580A] ἐπαναφέρει τὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχὴν (Bernardakis

after Amyot)473 7 [580E] ⟨ἀνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ⟩ (cf Amyot)473 19 [580F] ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩ (Wyttenbach)473 23 [580F] microόριόν τι microαντικῆς (Holwerda)474 4 [581A] ⟨οὐχ οἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν⟩ καὶ κοῦφον (von Arnim)474 20 [581B] lacuna after δοκοῦmicroεν (Waterfield)474 23 [581C] τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ (cf De prof in virt 1283B)476 15 [582B] τῷ ἱστορικῷ ()476 25 [582C] τὸ δαιmicroόνιον477 9 [582D] τὸν ξένον ἔοικεν (E)477 12 [582D] καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων (Reiske)478 26 [583B] τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος (Sandbach)478 27 [583B] προὐπεφήνει (Russell 1954)479 14 [583D] microόνῃ (E)479 20 [583D] οὐ προδίδωσι τὴν πενίαν οὐδrsquo ὡς βαφὴν ἀνίησι τὴν

πάτριον πενίαν481 20 [584E] αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν482 10 [584F] πρῶτονrsquo εἶπε lsquoτῆς (cf E)482 12 [585A] ἀσκήσεως482 14 [585A] ἥνπερ ἐπιδείκνυσθε (Wyttenbach)482 15 [585A] γυmicroναζόmicroενοι καὶ482 21 [585A] δικαιοσύνης483 5 [585C] ἐνδέδωκε [E]483 15 [585D] τῶν ἀγώνων (Reiske)483 18 [585D] διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον (Wyttenbach)484 25 [586A] τὴν φύσιν τὸ εἶδος485 18 [586C] συmicroπαρεσκεύασεν486 4 [586E] Ἡριππίδας (Reiske cf 511 19 = 598F)

14 D A Russell

487 21 [587D] προείληφε (Reiske)488 14ndash5 [587F] χρόνον ὡς δὲ ζητοῦσα καὶ σκευωρουmicroένη τὰ ἔνδον

ἱκανῶς ἀπολαύσασά (E)489 25 [588D] ⟨microᾶλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩ (Pohlenz)490 2 [588D] microη⟨δαmicroῶς εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ (Russell 1954)490 11 [588E] βιαίως ⟨ὡς⟩490 13 [588F] ἐνδοῦσα490 27 [589A] ἅmicroα τῷ (E)491 1 [589A] ὁ δὲ τῆς κινήσεως (Emperius)491 4 [589B] ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς (cf Einarson de

Lacy)491 8 [589B] daggerὥσπερ φῶς ἀνταύγειανdagger (φῶς fortasse delendum)491 10 [589B] τοῖς δεχοmicroένοις (Waterfield) ἐλλάmicroπουσιν491 19 [589C] ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξιον491 19ndash20 [589C] κατrsquo αὐτὸ (von Arnim)491 20 [589C] ὑπὸ τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩492 22 [589C] λόγον492 1 [589D] τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων (E)492 3 [589D] ἀθόρυβον ἦθος (E)492 17 [589D] κινεῖ (Bock) ()492 11 [589E] ἐν αὑτοῖς (Bernardakis)492 22 [589F] ⟨εἰσαγόντων⟩492 24 [589F] ὑπὲρ τούτου (E)493 4 [590A] ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς493 21 [590C] συστελλοmicroένην (Einarson)493 21 [590C] πλείονα] microείζονα493 26 [590C] ἐξαmicroειβούσας ⟨δrsquo⟩493 27 [590C] βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειν (von Arnim) microεταβολάς494 3 [590C] ⟨ἐmicromicroελῶς⟩494 9ndash10 [590D] ἄλλας δὲ πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩ἐφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θα-

λάττης ῥοῇ καὶ αὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroέ-νης

494 19 [590E] τούτων] ταύτην (cf Verniegravere)495 14 [591A] ὡς] num ἣν 496 17 [591D] ἀνακραθεῖσαι (Wyttenbach)496 21 [591E] ⟨δικτύου⟩ δεδυκότος (after Caster)497 2 [591F] διαφερόmicroενοι (E)497 24 [592B] ἐνθένδε (E)499 5ndash6 [592F] microηδενί πω Post (microηδενί πη Ε)499 16 [593B] ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους499 21 [593B] εὐθύνοντες499 26 [593B] fortasse τι προσταττόmicroενον501 3 [593F] ⟨microεθίησιν⟩ ἡmicroᾶς

Introduction 15

502 12 [594D] περὶ τῆς ⟨⟩ γυναικός ⟨ὑπάνδρου⟩ Bernardakis ⟨γα-microετῆς⟩ Post

502 20 [594E] ὑπερβαλόντες (Herwerden)503 22 [595A] πιθανὸν εἶναι504 3 [595B] πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον (an πρὸς τὸ συmicroπῖπτον)504 29 [595E] Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος (Wilamowitz)505 6 [595E] πρὸς ἀνθρώπους (Russell 1954)507 9 [596F] κατακεκλασmicroένος (E)507 11 [596F] ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων (Herwerden)511 8 [598E] ἐκκρίτους (Wilamowitz)

B Text Translation and Notes

Πλουτάρχου

Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου

575A 1 (Α) Ζωγράφου τινός ὦ Καφισία ltmicroέmicroνηmicroαί ποτεgt περὶ τῶν θεω-microένων τοὺς γεγραmicromicroένους πίνακας λόγον οὐ φαῦλον ἀκούσας ἐν εἰ-

575B κόνι λελεγmicroένον ἔφη γὰρ ἐοικέναι τοὺς microὲν ἰδιώτας καὶ ἀτέχνους θε-ατὰς ὄχλον ὁmicroοῦ πολὺν ἀσπαζοmicroένοις τοὺς δὲ κοmicroψοὺς καὶ φιλοτέ-χνους καθ ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων προσαγορεύουσι τοῖς microὲνγὰρ οὐκ ἀκριβὴς ἀλλὰ τύπῳ τινὶ γίγνεται microόνον ἡ τῶν ἀποτελεσmicroάτωνσύνοψις τοὺς δὲ τῇ κρίσει κατὰ microέρος τὸ ἔργον διαλαmicroβάνοντας οὐδὲνἀθέατον οὐδ ἀπροςφώνητον ἐκφεύγει τῶν καλῶς ἢ τοὐναντίον γεγο-

575C νότων οἶmicroαι δὴ καὶ περὶ τὰς ἀληθινὰς πράξεις ὁmicroοίως τῷ microὲν ἀργοτέ-ρῳ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐξαρκεῖν πρὸς ἱστορίαν εἰ τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτὸ καὶ τὸπέρας πύθοιτο τοῦ πράγmicroατος τὸν δὲ φιλότιmicroον καὶ φιλόκαλον τῶν ὑπἀρετῆς ὥσπερ τέχνης microεγάλης ἀπειργασmicroένων θεατὴν τὰ καθ ἕκασταmicroᾶλλον εὐφραίνειν ndash ⟨ὡς⟩ τοῦ microὲν τέλους πολλὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὴν τύχηνἔχοντος τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖς προσήκοντος⟩ microέ-ρους ἀγῶνας ἀρετῆς πρὸς τὰ συντυγχάνοντα ndash καὶ τόλmicroας ἔmicroφρονας

575D παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθορῶντα καιρῷ καὶ πάθει microεmicroιγmicroένου λογισmicroοῦ τού-του δὴ τοῦ γένους τῶν θεατῶν καὶ ἡmicroᾶς ὑπολαmicroβάνων εἶναι δίελθέτε τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡmicroῖν ἀπ ἀρχῆς ὡς ἐπράχθη καὶ τοῦ λόγου ⟨microετάδος ὃνἀκούοmicroεν⟩ γενέσθαι ⟨τότε σοῦ⟩ παρόντος ὡς ἐmicroοῦ microηδ ἂν εἰς Θήβαςἐπὶ τούτῳ κατοκνήσαντος ἐλθεῖν εἰ microὴ καὶ νῦν Ἀθηναίοις πέρα τοῦδέοντος ἐδόκουν βοιωτίζειν

(Κ) Ἀλλ ἔδει microέν ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε σοῦ δι εὔνοιαν οὕτω προθύmicroως τὰπεπραγmicroένα microαθεῖν σπουδάζοντος ἐmicroέ lsquoκαὶ ἀσχολίας ὑπέρτερον θέ-σθαιrsquo κατὰ Πίνδαρον τὸ δεῦρ ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν διήγησιν τὸ δὲ πρεσβείας

575E ἀφιγmicroένους ἕνεκα καὶ σχολὴν ἄγοντας ἄχρι οὗ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις τοῦ δή-microου λάβωmicroεν ἀντιτείνειν καὶ ἀγροικίζεσθαι πρὸς εὐγνώmicroονα καὶ φί-λον ἑταῖρον δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν τὸ κατὰ Βοιωτῶν ἀρχαῖον εἰς microισολο-γίαν ὄνειδος ἤδη microαραινόmicroενον ⟨ἐξ οὗ Σιmicromicroίας microὲν καὶ Κέβης φοιτῶν-τες⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη τὸν ὑmicroέτερον ἡmicroεῖς δὲ παρὰ Λῦσιν τὸν ἱερὸν σπου-δάζοντες οὕτω διεφάνηmicroεν ἀλλ ὅρα τοὺς παρόντας εἰ πρὸς ἀκρόασινἅmicroα πράξεων καὶ λόγων τοσούτων εὐκαίρως ἔχουσιν οὐ γὰρ βραχὺ

Plutarch

On the daimonion of Socrates

1 [575A] [Archedamus]1 I remember Caphisias2 that I once heard apainter use rather an apt image to describe people who look at pictures3[575B] He said that a layman with no knowledge of the art was like a manaddressing a whole crowd at once whereas the sophisticated connoisseurwas more like someone greeting every person he met individually Lay-men you see have an inexact and merely general view of works of artwhile those who judge detail by detail let nothing whether well or badlyexecuted pass unobserved or without comment It is much the same Ifancy with real events For the [575C] lazy-minded it satisfies curiosityto learn the basic facts and the outcome of the affair but the devotee of hon-our and beauty who views the achievement of the great Art (as it were) ofVirtue takes pleasure rather in the detail because ndash since the outcome hasmuch in common with Fortune while the part of the ma er ltconcernedwithgt motives and ltthe action itselfgt4 involves conflicts between virtue andcircumstance ndash he can there observe instances of intelligent daring in theface of danger where rational calculation is mixed with moments of crisisand emotion So please regard us [575D] as viewers of this sort tell usthe story of the whole action from the beginning and ltsharegt with us thediscussions which ltwe heargt took place ltthen in yourgt presence bearingin mind that I should not have hesitated even to go to Thebes for this if Iwere not already thought by the Athenians to be too pro-Boeotian[Caphisias] The very fact Archedamus that your goodwill makes you

so eager to hear what happened would itself have obliged me to lsquoput itabove all businessrsquo as Pindar5 says and make the journey to Athens to tellthe tale but as we are here anyway for an embassy6 and have time to spareuntil we get the peoplersquos answer [575E] any ill-mannered resistance to sowell-disposed a friend would be likely to revive the old reproach againstthe Boeotians7 for their dislike of culture though that has been fading awayltever since Simmias and Cebesgt8 showed themselves enthusiastic studentsof your Socrates and my family of the holy man Lysis9 But what aboutthese people here Do they have time to listen to such a lot of incidents

20 Text (1575Endash 2576D)

microῆκός ἐστι τῆς διηγήσεως ἐπεὶ σὺ καὶ τοὺς λόγους προσπεριβαλέσθαικελεύεις

575F (Α) Ἀγνοεῖς ὦ Καφισία τοὺς ἄνδρας ἦ microὴν ἄξιον εἰδέναι πατέρωνὄντας ἀγαθῶν καὶ πρὸς ὑmicroᾶς οἰκείως ἐχόντων ὁδὶ microέν ἐστιν ἀδελφι-δοῦς Θρασυβούλου Λυσιθείδης ὁδὶ δὲ Τιmicroόθεος Κόνωνος υἱός οὗτοι δἈρχίνου παῖδες οἱ δ ἄλλοι τῆς ἑταιρίας ⟨καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς⟩ ἡmicroετέρας πάν-τες ὥστε σοι θέατρον εὔνουν καὶ οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν τὴν διήγησιν

(Κ) Εὖ λέγεις ἀλλὰ τίς ἂν ὑmicroῖν microέτριος ἀρχὴ γένοιτο τῆς διηγήσεωςπρὸς ἃς ἴστε πράξεις

(Α) Ἡmicroεῖς ὦ Καφισία σχεδὸν ὡς εἶχον αἱ Θῆβαι πρὸ τῆς καθόδουτῶν φυγάδων ἐπιστάmicroεθα καὶ γάρ ὡς οἱ περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ ΛεοντιάδανΦοιβίδαν πείσαντες ἐν σπονδαῖς καταλαβεῖν τὴν Καδmicroείαν τοὺς microὲν

576A ἐξέβαλον τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς δὲ φόβῳ κατεῖργον | ἄρχοντες αὐτοὶ πα-ρανόmicroως καὶ βιαίως ἔγνωmicroεν ἐνταῦθα τῶν περὶ Μέλωνα καὶ Πελοπί-δαν ὡς οἶσθα ἰδιόξενοι γενόmicroενοι καὶ παρ ὃν χρόνον ἔφευγον ἀεὶ συν-διατρίβοντες αὐτοῖς καὶ πάλιν ὡς Λακεδαιmicroόνιοι Φοιβίδαν microὲν ἐζηmicroί-ωσαν ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν Καδmicroείαν καταλαβεῖν καὶ τῆς εἰς Ὄλυνθον στρατηγί-ας ἀπέστησαν Λυσανορίδαν δὲ τρίτον αὐτὸν ἀντ ἐκείνου πέmicroψαντεςἐγκρατέστερον ἐφρούρουν τὴν ἄκραν ἠκούσαmicroεν ἔγνωmicroεν δὲ καὶ τὸν

576B Ἰσmicroηνίαν οὐ τοῦ βελτίστου θανάτου τυχόντ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς δίκης τῆςπερὶ αὐτοῦ γενοmicroένης Γοργίδου πάντα τοῖς φυγάσι δεῦρο διὰ γραmicromicroά-των ἐξαγγείλαντος ὥστε σοι λείπεται τὰ περὶ τὴν κάθοδον αὐτὴν τῶνφίλων καὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῶν τυράννων διηγεῖσθαι2 (Κ) Καὶ microὴν ἐκείναις γε ταῖς ἡmicroέραις ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε πάντες οἱ τῶνπραττοmicroένων microετέχοντες εἰώθειmicroεν εἰς τὴν Σιmicromicroίου συνιόντες οἰκίανἔκ τινος πληγῆς περὶ τὸ σκέλος ἀναλαmicroβάνοντος αὑτὸν ἐντυγχάνεινmicroὲν ἀλλήλοις εἴ του δεήσειε φανερῶς δὲ διατρίβειν ἐπὶ λόγοις καὶ φι-

576C λοσοφίᾳ πολλάκις ἐφελκόmicroενοι τὸν Ἀρχίαν καὶ τὸν Λεοντιάδαν εἰς τὸἀνύποπτον οὐκ ὄντας ἀλλοτρίους παντάπασι τῆς τοιαύτης διατριβῆςκαὶ γὰρ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας πολὺν χρόνον ἐπὶ τῆς ξένης γεγονὼς καὶ πεπλα-νηmicroένος ἐν ἀλλοδαποῖς ἀνθρώποις ὀλίγῳ πρόσθεν εἰς Θήβας ἀφῖκτοmicroύθων τε παντοδαπῶν καὶ λόγων βαρβαρικῶν ὑπόπλεως ὧν ὁπότετυγχάνοι σχολὴν ἄγων ὁ Ἀρχίας ἡδέως ἠκροᾶτο συγκαθιεὶς microετὰ τῶννέων καὶ βουλόmicroενος ἡmicroᾶς ἐν λόγοις διάγειν microᾶλλον ἢ προσέχειν τὸννοῦν οἷς ἔπραττον ἐκεῖνοι τῆς δrsquo ἡmicroέρας ἐκείνης ἐν ᾗ σκότους ἔδει γε-νοmicroένου τοὺς φυγάδας ἥκειν κρύφα πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ἀφικνεῖταί τις ἐν-θένδε Φερενίκου πέmicroψαντος ἄνθρωπος οὐδενὶ τῶν παρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἢ Χάρωνι

576D γνώριmicroος ἐδήλου δὲ τῶν φυγάδων ὄντας δώδεκα τοὺς νεωτάτους microε-τὰ κυνῶν περὶ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα θηρεύειν ὡς πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἀφιξοmicroένουςαὐτὸς δὲ πεmicroφθῆναι ταῦτά τε προερῶν καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐν ᾗ κρυβήσονται

Translation 21

and conversations The story is not a short one since you are asking meto include the discussion as well[Archedamus] You donrsquot know them Caphisias But you should they

are sons of brave fathers who were also friends of Thebes [575F] Lysithei-des here is the nephew of Thrasybulus This one is Timotheus Cononrsquosson These are the sons of Archinus10 The others lttoogt are ltthemselvesgtall members of our group So your story will find11 a well-disposed andcongenial audience[Caphisias] Good But what from your point of view would be the

proper place to begin the story having regard to the events you know al-ready[Archedamus] Well Caphisias we know more or less the condition of

Thebes before the return of the exiles How Archias and Leontiadas12 per-suaded Phoebidas13 to seize the Cadmea14 in a time of truce and how theyexpelled some of the citizens [576A] and terrorized the rest by their vi-olent and lawless rule ndash all that we learned from people like Melon15 andPelopidas16 whose hosts we were (as you know) and in whose companywe constantly were throughout their exile Again we have heard how theLacedaemonians fined Phoebidas for his seizure of the Cadmea removedhim from the command of the expedition to Olynthus17 but sent Lysanori-das18 with two colleagues to Thebes in his place reinforcing the garrisonon the citadel We know also that Ismenias19 came to an unhappy endstraight a er his trial Gorgidas20 reported all this to the exiles in his let-ters [576B] So what is le for you is to tell us about the actual return ofour friends and the overthrow21 of the tyrants22

2 [Caphisias] It was in those very days Archedamus that all of us whowere involved in the affair used to meet in Simmiasrsquo23 house where he wasrecovering from a leg injury we could discuss with one another whateverwas necessary but ostensibly we were occupying the time with philosoph-ical discussion and we o en brought Archias and Leontiadas along to al-lay suspicion for they were no strangers to this kind of discourse [576C]Simmias having spent a long time abroad24 and wandered among manykinds of people had recently returned to Thebes full of all sorts of storiesand exotic lore Archias enjoyed listening to this when he had leisure herelaxed in the company of the young and he would rather we spent ourtime in these discussions than in addressing our minds to what he and hisfriends were doing Now on the day when the exiles were due to comesecretly up to the wall a er dark a person arrived from Athens sent byPherenicus25 but known to none of our party except Charon26 He broughtword that the youngest of the exiles twelve in number27 were huntingwith hounds on Cithaeron28 [576D] intending to reach their destinationat evening He himself had been sent (he said) to give notice of this and

22 Text (2576Dndash 4577B)

παρελθόντες ὃς παρέξει γνωσόmicroενος ὡς ἂν εἰδότες εὐθὺς ἐκεῖ βαδί-ζοιεν ἀπορουmicroένων δrsquo ἡmicroῶν καὶ σκοπούντων αὐτὸς ὡmicroολόγησεν ὁ Χά-ρων παρέξειν ὁ microὲν οὖν ἄνθρωπος ἔγνω πάλιν ἀπελθεῖν σπουδῇ πρὸςτοὺς φυγάδας

3 ἐmicroοῦ δrsquo ὁ microάντις Θεόκριτος τὴν χεῖρα πιέσας σφόδρα καὶ πρὸς τὸνΧάρωνα βλέψας προερχόmicroενον lsquoοὗτοςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία φιλόσοφοςοὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ microετείληφε παιδείας διαφόρου καὶ περιττῆς ὥσπερ Ἐπα-

576E microεινώνδας ὁ σὸς ἀδελφός ἀλλrsquo ὁρᾷς ὅτι φύσει πρὸς τὸ καλὸν ὑπὸ τῶννόmicroων ἀγόmicroενος τὸν microέγιστον ὑποδύεται κίνδυνον ἑκουσίως ὑπὲρ τῆςπατρίδος Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας δὲ Βοιωτῶν ἁπάντων τῷ πεπαιδεῦσθαι πρὸςἀρετὴν ἀξιῶν διαφέρειν ἀmicroβλύς ἐστι καὶ ἀπρόθυmicroος ⟨ ὡς εἰ microὴ πα-ρὰ⟩ τοῦτον παρὰ τίνα βελτίονα καιρὸν αὑτῷ πεφυκότι καὶ παρεσκευ-

576F ασmicroένῳ καλῶς οὕτω χρησόmicroενοςrsquo κἀγὼ πρὸς αὐτόν lsquoὦ προθυmicroότατεrsquoεἶπον lsquoΘεόκριτε τὰ δεδογmicroένα πράττοmicroεν ἡmicroεῖς Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας δὲ microὴπείθων ὡς οἴεται βέλτιον εἶναι ταῦτα microὴ πράσσειν εἰκότως ἀντιτείνειπρὸς ἃ microὴ πέφυκε microηδὲ δοκιmicroάζει παρακαλούmicroενος οὐδὲ γὰρ ἰατρὸνἄνευ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ὑπισχνούmicroενον τὸ νόσηmicroα παύσειν εὐγνωmicroο-νοίης ἄν οἶmicroαι τέmicroνειν ἢ ἀποκάειν βιαζόmicroενος οὐκοῦν καὶ οὗτος δήπου microηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ⟨ἀποκτενεῖν ὑπισχνεῖται microὴ microεγάλης γεγενοmicroένης ἀνάγκης⟩ ἄκριτον ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος ἐmicroφυλίου καὶ σφα-γῆς τὴν πόλιν ἐλευθεροῦσι συναγωνιεῖσθαι προθύmicroως ἐπεὶ δrsquo οὐ πεί-

577A θει τοὺς πολλούς ἀλλὰ ταύτην ὡρmicroήκαmicroεν τὴν ὁδόν ἐᾶν αὑτὸν κε-λεύει φόνου καθαρὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀναίτιον | ἐφεστάναι τοῖς καιροῖς microετὰτοῦ δικαίου καὶ τῷ συmicroφέροντι προσοισόmicroενον οὐδὲ γὰρ ὅρον ἕξειν τὸἔργον ἀλλὰ Φερένικον microὲν ἴσως καὶ Πελοπίδαν ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους microάλι-στα τρέψεσθαι καὶ πονηρούς Εὐmicroολπίδαν δὲ καὶ Σαmicroίδαν ἀνθρώπουςδιαπύρους πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ θυmicroοειδεῖς ἐν νυκτὶ λαβόντας ἐξουσίαν οὐκἀποθήσεσθαι τὰ ξίφη πρὶν ἐmicroπλῆσαι τὴν πόλιν ὅλην φόνων καὶ δια-φθεῖραι πολλοὺς τῶν ἰδίᾳ διαφόρων ὄντωνrsquo

4 Ταῦτά microου διαλεγοmicroένου πρὸς τὸν Θεόκριτον διακρούων ὁ Γαλαξί-δωρος lsquoἐγγὺς γάρrsquo ⟨εἶπεν lsquoἈρχίαν ὁρῶ⟩ καὶ Λυσανορίδαν τὸν Σπαρτι-

577B άτην ἀπὸ τῆς Καδmicroείας ὥσπερ εἰς ταὐτὸν ἡmicroῖν σπεύδονταςrsquo ἡmicroεῖς microὲνοὖν ἐπέσχοmicroεν ὁ δrsquo Ἀρχίας καλέσας τὸν Θεόκριτον καὶ τῷ Λυσανορίδᾳπροσαγαγὼν ἰδίᾳ ⟨διε⟩λάλει πολὺν χρόνον ἐκνεύσας τῆς ὁδοῦ microικρὸνὑπὸ τὸ Ἄmicroφιον ὥσθrsquo ἡmicroᾶς ἀγωνιᾶν microή τις ὑπόνοια προσπέπτωκεν ἢmicroήνυσις αὐτοῖς περὶ ἧς ἀνακρίνουσι τὸν Θεόκριτον ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Φυλ-λίδας ὃν οἶσθrsquo ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε τότε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν πολεmicroαρχοῦ-σι γραmicromicroατεύων ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ ἥξειν καὶτῆς πράξεως microετέχων λαβόmicroενός microου τῆς χειρὸς ὥσπερ εἰώθει φανε-

Translation 23

to ascertain who was to provide a house where they could be hidden onarrival so that they could know and make their way straight there Whilewe were puzzling over this and considering the question Charon offeredto provide the house himself The man therefore decided to return to theexiles with all speed3 At this Theocritus the diviner29 gripped my hand hard and looked to-wards Charon as he went on his way lsquoCaphisiasrsquo he said lsquothat man is not aphilosopher and he has not enjoyed any remarkable or special educationlike your brother Epaminondas30 But you see that he is naturally guidedby the laws31 to do the honourable thing and willingly incurs great dangerin his countryrsquos cause Epaminondas on the other hand who regards him-self as superior to all the Boeotians because he has been educated for virtueis dull and unenthusiastichellip32 as though he will one day use his splendidnatural endowments and training ltif not for this then forgt what be eroccasionrsquo [576F] lsquoMy dear enthusiastic Theocritusrsquo I replied lsquowe are do-ing what we resolved to do Epaminondas being unable to persuade us togive it up as he thinks we should is quite reasonably resisting requests todo something for which he is not suited and which he does not approveIf a doctor promised to cure a disease without knife or cautery you wouldsurely not be justified in forcing him to operate or cauterizersquo ltlsquoOf coursenotrsquo said Theocritusgt33 lsquoSo he toohellip ltundertakesgt not ltto putgt any citi-zen ltto deathgt without trial ltexcept in cases of great necessitygt34 but alsoto cooperate enthusiastically with a empts to liberate the city ltwithoutgt35

civil bloodshed and slaughter However as he cannot convince the ma-jority and we have taken this path he asks us to let him remain pure andinnocent of bloodshed and wait on events [577A] so as to contribute to theadvantage as well as the justice of our cause The action he believes willnot be limited Pherenicus36 and Pelopidas will perhaps concentrate theira entions on the guilty and the wicked but once Eumolpidas and Sami-das37 passionate men and quick to anger get their chance in the nightthey will not lay down their swords till they have swamped the whole citywith blood and killed many of their private enemiesrsquo4 While I was having this conversation with Theocritus Galaxidorus38

cut us short ltsaying lsquoI see Archias andgt39 the Spartan Lysanoridas near byhurrying from the Cadmea as though to join usrsquo [577B] So we stoppedand Archias called Theocritus led him up to Lysanoridas40 and talkedwith him privately for some time turning off the road a li le way belowthe Amphion41 so that we were on tenterhooks for fear that they had somesuspicion or information and were questioning Theocritus about it Mean-while Phyllidas42 (you know whom I mean Archedamus) who was atthat time clerk to the polemarchs43 ltand who knew that the exiles wereduegt44 to arrive and was privy to our scheme grasped me by the hand

24 Text (4577Bndash 5578A)

ρῶς ἔσκωπτεν εἰς τὰ γυmicroνάσια καὶ τὴν πάλην εἶτα πόρρω τῶν ἄλλων577C ἀπαγαγὼνἐπυνθάνετο περὶ τῶν φυγάδων εἰ τὴν ἡmicroέραν φυλάττουσιν

ἐmicroοῦ δὲ φήσαντος lsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὀρθῶς ἐγὼ τὴν ὑπο δοχὴν παρεσκεύ-ακα σήmicroερον ὡς δεξόmicroενος Ἀρχίαν καὶπαρέξων ἐν οἴνῳ καὶ microέθῃ τοῖςἀνδράσιν εὐχείρωτονrsquo

lsquoἄριστα microὲν οὖνrsquo εἶπον lsquoὦ Φυλλίδα καὶ πειράθητι πάντας ἢ πλείους⟨γrsquo⟩ εἰς ταὐτὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν συναγαγεῖνrsquo

lsquoἀλλrsquo οὐ ῥᾴδιονrsquo ἔφη lsquomicroᾶλλον δrsquo ἀδύνατον ὁ γὰρ Ἀρχίας ἐλπίζωντινὰ τῶν ἐν ἀξιώmicroατι γυναικῶν ἀφίξεσθαι τηνικαῦτα πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐβούλεται παρεῖναι τὸν Λεοντιάδαν ὥσθrsquo ἡmicroῖν δίχα διαιρετέον αὐτοὺς

577D ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας Ἀρχίου γὰρ ἅmicroα καὶ Λεοντιάδου προκαταληφθέντωνοἶmicroαι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκποδὼν ἔσεσθαι φεύγοντας ἢ microενεῖν microεθrsquo ἡσυχίαςἀγαπῶντας ἄν τις διδῷ τὴν ἀσφάλειανrsquo

lsquoοὕτωςrsquo ἔφην lsquoποιήσοmicroεν ἀλλὰ τί πρᾶγmicroα τούτοις πρὸς Θεόκριτόνἐστιν ὑπὲρ οὗ διαλέγονταιrsquo καὶ ὁ Φυλλίδας lsquoοὐ σαφῶςrsquo εἶπεν ⟨rsquoἔχω λέ-γειν⟩ οὐδrsquo ὡς ἐπιστάmicroενος ἤκουον δὲ σηmicroεῖα καὶ microαντεύmicroατα δυσχερῆκαὶ χαλεπὰ προτεθεσπίσθαι τῇ Σπάρτῃrsquo

Φειδόλαος ὁ ⟨Ἁλιάρ⟩τιος ἀπαντήσας lsquomicroικρόνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὑmicroᾶς ἐνταῦθα577E περιmicroεῖναι ⟨παρακαλεῖ⟩ Σιmicromicroίας ἐντυγχάνει γὰρ ἰδίᾳ Λεοντιάδᾳ περὶ

Ἀmicroφιθέου παραιτούmicroενος microεῖναι αὐτὸν διαπράξασθαι φυγὴν ἀντὶ θα-νάτου τῷ ἀνθρώπῳrsquo5 Καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoεἰς καιρόνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες καὶ γὰρ ἐβου-λόmicroην πυθέσθαι τίνrsquo ἦν τὰ εὑρεθέντα καὶ τίς ὅλως ἡ ὄψις τοῦ Ἀλκmicroή-νης τάφου παρrsquo ὑmicroῖν ἀνοιχθέντος εἰ δὴ παρεγένου καὶ αὐτός ὅτε πέmicro-ψας Ἀγησίλαος εἰς Σπάρτην τὰ λείψανα microετεκόmicroιζεrsquo

καὶ ὁ Φειδόλαος lsquoοὐ γάρrsquo ἔφη lsquoπαρέτυχον καὶ πολλὰ δυσανασχετῶν577F καὶ ἀγανακτῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ἐγκατελείφθην ὑπrsquo αὐτῶν εὑρέθη

δrsquo οὖν σώmicroατος ψέλλιον δὲ χαλκοῦν οὐ microέγα καὶ δύrsquo ἀmicroφορεῖς κε-ραmicroεοῖ γῆν ἔχοντες ἐντὸς ὑπὸ χρόνου λελιθωmicroένην ἤδη καὶ συmicroπεπη-γυῖαν τοῦ microνήmicroατος ⟨ἔκειτο⟩ πίναξ χαλκοῦς ἔχων γράmicromicroατα πολλὰθαυmicroαστὸν ὡς παmicroπάλαια γνῶναι γὰρ ἐξ αὑτῶν οὐδὲν παρεῖχε καί-περ ἐκφανέντα τοῦ χαλκοῦ καταπλυθέντος ἀλλrsquo ἴδιός τις ὁ τύπος καὶβαρβαρικὸς τῶν χαρακτήρων ἐmicroφερέστατος Αἰγυπτίοις διὸ καὶ Ἀγη-σίλαος ὡς ἔφασαν ἐξέπεmicroψεν ἀντίγραφα τῷ βασιλεῖ δεόmicroενος δεῖξαι

578A τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰ ξυνήσουσιν ἀλλὰ περὶ τούτων microὲν ἴσως ἂν ἔχοι τι καὶΣιmicromicroίας ἡmicroῖν ἀπαγγεῖλαι | κατrsquo ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολλὰτοῖς ἱερεῦσι διὰ φιλοσοφίαν συγγενόmicroενος Ἁλιάρτιοι δὲ τὴν microεγάληνἀφορίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπίβασιν τῆς λίmicroνης οὐκ ἀπὸ ταὐτοmicroάτου γενέσθαινοmicroίζουσιν ἀλλὰ microήνιmicroα τοῦ τάφου τοῦτο περιελθεῖν ἀνασχοmicroένουςὀρυττόmicroενονrsquo

Translation 25

and in his usual way made a show of joking about my athletic inter-ests and my wrestling but then took me aside from the others and askedwhether the exiles were keeping to their day I said they were and he wenton [577C] lsquoSo I was right then to make preparations to entertain Archiastoday and make him an easy prey for our friends when he is in drinkrsquo

lsquoYou were very right Phyllidasrsquo I said lsquoand do try to collect all or mostof our enemies togetherrsquo

lsquoNot easyrsquo he said lsquoindeed impossible Archias is expecting a certaindistinguished lady to visit him at that time and he doesnrsquot want Leonti-adas there So we must divide them between the houses If Archias andLeontiadas are dealt with first [577D] the rest will either flee and be outof our way or else stay quietly content just to be offered safetyrsquo

lsquoThatrsquos what wersquoll do thenrsquo said I lsquobut what is the business that thosepeople are talking to Theocritus aboutrsquo lsquoltI canrsquot saygt45 for surersquo he said lsquoorout of knowledge but I heard there had been some signs and propheciesominous and threatening to Spartarsquohellip46

Phidolaus of Haliartus47 met us and said lsquoSimmias ltasks yougt to waithere a li le because he is having a private conversation with Leontiadasabout Amphitheus48 pleading with him to arrange for the manrsquos sentence[577E] to be commuted from death to exilersquo5 lsquoYoursquove come at the right momentrsquo said Theocritus lsquoand as though itwas meant I wanted to ask what was found and in general what wasthe appearance of Alcmenarsquos tomb49 when it was opened in your countryndash if that is you were present yourself when Agesilaus50 sent and had theremains removed to Spartarsquo51

lsquoNorsquo said Phidolaus lsquoI wasnrsquot present and thanks to all my indigna-tion and complaints to my fellow-citizens I was le out by them How-ever what was found was hellip of a body52 [577F] a bronze bracelet of nogreat size and two po ery jars containing earth compressed and hard-ened like stone by the passage of time hellip53 the tomb ltthere wasgt a bronzetablet with much writing on it wonderfully ancient This writing appearedclearly when the bronze was washed but it allowed nothing to be madeout because the form of the characters was peculiar and foreign very likethe Egyptian For this reason as they said Agesilaus sent a copy to theking54 asking him to show it to the priests to see if they could understandit But Simmias may perhaps have something to tell us about this since atthat time [578A] he was much in contact with the priests in Egypt for phi-losophy As for the people of Haliartus they think that the great dearthand overflowing of the lake55 was not fortuitous but was a visitation ofwrath come upon them from the tomb for allowing it to be dug uprsquo

26 Text (5578Andash 7578F)

καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος microικρὸν διαλιπών lsquoἀλλrsquo οὐδrsquo αὐτοῖςrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛακεδαι-microονίοις ἀmicroήνιτον ἔοικεν εἶναι τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ὡς προδείκνυσι τὰ σηmicroεῖαπερὶ ὧν ἄρτι Λυσανορίδας ἡmicroῖν ἐκοινοῦτο καὶ νῦν microὲν ἄπεισιν εἰς Ἁλί-

578B αρτον ἐπιχώσων αὖθις τὸ σῆmicroα καὶ χοὰς ποιησόmicroενος Ἀλκmicroήνῃ καὶἈλέῳ κατὰ δή τινα χρησmicroόν ἀγνοῶν τὸν Ἄλεον ὅστις ἦν ἐπανελθὼνδrsquo ἐκεῖθεν οἷός ἐστι τὸν Δίρκης ἀναζητεῖν τάφον ἄγνωστον ὄντα τοῖςΘηβαίοις πλὴν τῶν ἱππαρχηκότων ὁ γὰρ ἀπαλλαττόmicroενος τὸν παρα-λαmicroβάνοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν microόνος ἄγων microόνον ἔδειξε νύκτωρ καί τιναςἐπrsquo αὐτῷ δράσαντες ἀπύρους ἱερουργίας ὧν τὰ σηmicroεῖα συγχέουσι καὶἀφανίζουσιν ὑπὸ σκότους ἀπέρχονται χωρισθέντες ἐγὼ δέ τ microέν ὦ

578C Φειδόλαε καλῶς ἐξευρήσειν αὐτοὺς νοmicroίζω φεύγουσι γὰρ οἱ πλεῖ-στοι τῶν ἱππαρχηκότων νοmicroίmicroως microᾶλλον δὲ πάντες πλὴν Γοργίδουκαὶ Πλάτωνος ὧν οὐδrsquo ἂν ἐπιχειρήσειαν ἐκπυνθάνεσθαι δεδιότες τοὺςἄνδρας οἱ δὲ νῦν ἄρχοντες ἐν τῇ Καδmicroείᾳ τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὴν σφραγῖδαπαραλαmicroβάνουσιν οὔτrsquo εἰδότες οὐδὲν οὔτε rsquo

6 Ταῦτα τοῦ Θεοκρίτου λέγοντος ὁ Λεοντιάδας ἐξῄει microετὰ τῶν φίλωνἡmicroεῖς δrsquo εἰσελθόντες ἠσπαζόmicroεθα τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης καθεζό-microενον οὐ κατατετευχότα τῆς δεήσεως οἶmicroαι microάλα σύννουν καὶ δια-

578D λελυπηmicroένον ἀποβλέψας δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἡmicroᾶς lsquoὦ Ἡράκλειςrsquo εἶπενlsquoἀγρίων καὶ βαρβάρων ἠθῶν εἶτrsquo οὐχ ὑπέρευ Θαλῆς ὁ παλαιὸς ἀπὸ ξέ-νης ἐλθὼν διὰ χρόνου τῶν φίλων ἐρωτώντων ὅ τι καινότατον ἱστορήκοιlsquoτύραννονrsquo ἔφη lsquoγέρονταrsquo καὶ γὰρ ᾧ microηδὲν ἰδίᾳ συmicroβέβηκεν ἀδικεῖσθαιτὸ βάρος αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν σκληρότητα τῆς ὁmicroιλίας δυσχεραίνων ἐχθρόςἐστι τῶν ἀνόmicroων καὶ ἀνυπευθύνων δυναστειῶν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα microὲν ἴσωςθεῷ microελήσει τὸν δὲ ξένον ἴστε τὸν ἀφιγmicroένον ὦ Καφισία πρὸς ὑmicroᾶςὅστις ἐστίνrsquo

lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo ἔφην ἐγώ lsquoτίνα λέγειςrsquo578E lsquoκαὶ microήνrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛεοντιάδας ⟨φησὶν⟩ ἄνθρωπον ὦφθαι παρὰ τὸ Λύσι-

δος microνηmicroεῖον ἐκ νυκτῶν ἀνιστάmicroενον ἀκολουθίας πλήθει καὶ κατα-σκευῇ σοβαρόν αὐτόθι κατηυλισmicroένον ἐπὶ στιβάδων φαίνεσθαι γὰρἄγνου καὶ microυρίκης χαmicroεύνας ἔτι δrsquo ἐmicroπύρων λείψανα καὶ χοὰς γάλα-κτος ἕωθεν δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τῶν ἀπαντώντων εἰ τοὺς Πολύmicroνιος παῖ-δας ἐνδηmicroοῦντας εὑρήσειrsquo

lsquoκαὶ τίς ἄνrsquo εἶπον lsquoὁ ξένος εἴη περιττῷ γὰρ ἀφrsquo ὧν λέγεις τινὶ καὶ οὐκἰδιώτῃ προσέοικενrsquo

7 lsquoΟὐ γὰρ οὖνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Φειδόλαος lsquoἀλλὰ τοῦτον microέν ὅταν ἥκῃ πρὸςἡmicroᾶς δεξόmicroεθα νυνὶ δrsquo ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀρτίως ἠποροῦmicroεν ὦ Σιmicromicroία γραmicro-

578F microάτων εἴ τι γιγνώσκεις πλεῖον ἐξάγγειλον ἡmicroῖν λέγονται γὰρ οἱ κατrsquo

Translation 27

Theocritus paused a moment and then said lsquoIt looks as though the di-vine powers are angry with the Lacedaemonians too to judge by the signsabout which Lysanoridas has just now been consulting me Hersquos now goneoff to Haliartus to fill in the grave again and offer libations [578B] toAlcmena and Aleos in accordance with some oracle though he does notknow who Aleos was56 On his return he is just the sort of man to investi-gate the tomb of Dirce it is unknown to the Thebans except to those whohave been hipparchs57 The outgoing hipparch takes his successor alone atnight and shows him the tomb they then perform certain rituals withoutfire the traces of which they destroy and obliterate before going their sep-arate ways under cover of darkness I however Phidolaus hellip58 ltdonrsquotgtthink that he will easily find them since most of the lawfully appointedhipparchs are in exile ndash [578C] all of them indeed except Gorgidas andPlato59 and they would be too afraid of these men to seek to interrogatethem The present office-holders on the Cadmea receive the spear and theseal but without knowing anything or hellip 60

6 While Theocritus was speaking Leontiadas came out with his friendsand we went in and greeted Simmias He was si ing on his bed61 verythoughtful and distressed having (I suppose) failed to obtain his requestHe looked at us all lsquoHeraclesrsquo he cried [578D] lsquowhat savage barbarousways Wasnrsquot it clever of old Thales62 when he came home from abroada er a long absence and his friends asked him what was the most novelthing he had discovered to answer lsquoAn old tyrantrsquo63 Even if one has suf-fered no personal wrong one comes to hate unlawful and irresponsiblepower out of disgust for the oppressiveness and difficulty of living withit But maybe God will take care of all this But do you people know thestranger who has come to visit your family Caphisiasrsquo

lsquoI donrsquot know who you meanrsquo I saidlsquoNeverthelessrsquo he said lsquoLeontiadas ltallegesgt that a man has been seen

by Lysisrsquo64 tomb ge ing up before daylight an impressive figure [578E]with a large and well-equipped group of a endants having slept out thereon straw A bed of agnus castus65 and tamarisk could be seen and the re-mains of burnt offerings and libations of milk And in the morning (Leon-tiadas tells me) the man asked passers-by whether he would find the sonsof Polymnis66 in townrsquo

lsquoWho can the stranger bersquo I said lsquofrom what you say he seems to besomeone special and not just an ordinary personrsquo

7 lsquoIndeed notrsquo said Phidolaus lsquobut wersquoll make him welcome when hecomes to us But for the moment Simmias tell us if you know anythingmore about the writing that we were puzzling over just now [578F] The

28 Text (7578Fndash 8579D)

Αἴγυπτον ἱερεῖς τὰ γράmicromicroατα συmicroβαλεῖν τοῦ πίνακος ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶνἔλαβεν Ἀγησίλαος τὸν Ἀλκmicroήνης τάφον ἀνασκευασάmicroενοςrsquo

καὶ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας εὐθὺς ἀναmicroνησθείς lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸν πίνακα τοῦτονὦ Φειδόλαε γράmicromicroατα δὲ πολλὰ παρrsquo Ἀγησιλάου κοmicroίζων Ἀγητορίδαςὁ Σπαρτιάτης ἧκεν εἰς Μέmicroφιν ὡς Χόνουφιν τὸν προφήτην τότὲ συmicro-φιλοσοφοῦντες διετρίβοmicroεν ἐγὼ καὶ Πλάτων καὶ Ἐλλοπίων ὁ Πεπαρή-θιος ἧκε δὲ πέmicroψαντος βασιλέως καὶ κελεύσαντος τὸν Χόνουφιν εἴ τισυmicroβάλλοι τῶν γεγραmicromicroένων ἑρmicroηνεύσαντα ταχέως ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸςἑαυτὸν ⟨ὁ⟩ δὲ τρεῖς ἡmicroέρας ἀναλεξάmicroενος βιβλίων τῶν παλαιῶν παν-

579A τοδαποὺς χαρακτῆρας | ἀντέγραψε τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ἔφρασενὡς Μούσαις ἀγῶνα συντελεῖσθαι κελεύει τὰ γράmicromicroατα τοὺς δὲ τύπουςεἶναι τῆς ἐπὶ Πρωτεῖ βασιλεύοντι γραmicromicroατικῆς ⟨ἣν⟩ Ἡρακλέα τὸν Ἀmicro-φιτρύωνος ἐκmicroαθεῖν ὑφηγεῖσθαι microέντοι καὶ παραινεῖν τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰτῶν γραmicromicroάτων τὸν θεὸν ἄγειν σχολὴν καὶ εἰρήνην διὰ Φιλοσοφίαςἀγωνιζοmicroένους ἀεί Μούσαις καὶ λόγῳ διακρινοmicroένους περὶ τῶν δικαί-

579B ων τὰ ὅπλα καταθέντας ἡmicroεῖς δὲ καὶ τότε λέγειν καλῶς ἡγούmicroεθα τὸνΧόνουφιν καὶ microᾶλλον ὁπηνίκα κοmicroιζοmicroένοις ἡmicroῖν ἀπrsquo Αἰγύπτου περὶΚαρίαν Δηλίων τινὲς ἀπήντησαν δεόmicroενοι Πλάτωνος ὡς γεωmicroετρικοῦλῦσαι χρησmicroὸν αὐτοῖς ἄτοπον ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ προβεβληmicroένον ἦν δrsquo ὁχρησmicroὸς Δηλίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι παῦλαν τῶν παρόντων κα-κῶν ἔσεσθαι διπλασιάσασι τὸν ἐν Δήλῳ βωmicroόν οὔτε δὲ τὴν διάνοιανἐκεῖνοι συmicroβάλλειν δυνάmicroενοι καὶ περὶ τὴν τοῦ βωmicroοῦ κατασκευὴν γε-λοῖα πάσχοντες (ἑκάστης γὰρ τῶν τεσσάρων πλευρῶν διπλασιαζοmicroέ-νης ἔλαθον τῇ αὐξήσει τόπον στερεὸν ὀκταπλάσιον ἀπεργασάmicroενοι

579C διrsquo ἀπειρίαν ἀναλογίας ᾗ τὸ microήκει διπλάσιον παρέχεται) Πλάτωνα τῆςἀπορίας ἐπεκαλοῦντο βοηθόν

ὁ δὲ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου microνησθεὶς προσπαίζειν ἔφη τὸν θεὸν Ἕλλησινὀλιγωροῦσι παιδείας οἷον ἐφυβρίζοντα τὴν ἀmicroαθίαν ἡmicroῶν καὶ κελεύ-οντα γεωmicroετρίας ἅπτεσθαι microὴ παρέργως οὐ γάρ τοι φαύλης οὐδrsquo ἀmicro-βλὺ διανοίας ὁρώσης ἄκρως δὲ τὰς γραmicromicroὰς ἠσκηmicroένης ἔργον εἶναιτὴν δυεῖν microέσων ἀνάλογον λῆψιν ᾗ microόνῃ διπλασιάζεται σχῆmicroα κυβι-κοῦ σώmicroατος ἐκ πάσης ὁmicroοίως αὐξόmicroενον διαστάσεως τοῦτο microὲν οὖνΕὔδοξον αὐτοῖς τὸν Κνίδιον ἢ τὸν Κυζικηνὸν Ἑλίκωνα συντελέσειν microὴτοῦτο δrsquo οἴεσθαι χρῆναι ποθεῖν τὸν θεὸν ἀλλὰ προστάσσειν Ἕλλησι

579D πᾶσι πολέmicroου καὶ κακῶν microεθεmicroένους Μούσαις ὁmicroιλεῖν καὶ διὰ λόγωνκαὶ microαθηmicroάτων τὰ πάθη καταπραΰνοντας ἀβλαβῶς καὶ ὠφελίmicroως ἀλ-λήλοις συmicroφέρεσθαιrsquo8 Μεταξὺ δὲ τοῦ Σιmicromicroίου λέγοντος ὁ πατὴρ ἡmicroῶν Πολύmicroνις ἐπεισ-ῆλθε καὶ καθίσας παρὰ τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν lsquoἘπαmicroεινώνδαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ σὲ καὶτούτους παρακαλεῖ πάντας εἰ microή τις ἀσχολία microείζων ἐνταῦθα περι-

Translation 29

priests in Egypt you see are said to have understood the writing on thetablet which67 Agesilaus obtained from us when he had Alcmenarsquos tombdismantledrsquo

Simmias recollected at once lsquoI donrsquot know this tablet Phidolausrsquo hesaid lsquobut the Spartan Agetoridas68 brought many writings from Agesilausto Memphis to the prophet Chonouphis69 ltwith whomgt70 I and Platoand Ellopion71 of Peparethus were then studying philosophy He came ona mission from the king with orders to Chonouphis to translate the writ-ings if he could understand them and then send them straight back to himChonouphis spent three days on his own studying all kinds of scripts inancient books and then replied to the king [579A] and explained to usthat the text ordered the holding of a competition in honour of the MusesThe alphabet he told us was that in use in the reign of Proteus72 whichHeracles the son of Amphitryon73 had learned but the godrsquos intention inthe writing was to urge and exhort the Greeks to live in leisure and peacecompeting always in philosophy laying weapons aside and deciding ques-tions of right with the aid of the Muses and of reason We thought at thetime that this was well said by Chonouphis and even more so when onour return voyage from Egypt [579B] we were met in Caria74 by someDelians who asked Plato as a mathematician to solve an extraordinaryoracle which the god had given them The oracle said that the Deliansand the rest of the Greeks would find a respite from their present trou-bles by doubling the altar at Delus75 They were unable to understand themeaning and made a ridiculous mistake in the construction of the altar bydoubling each of the four sides they inadvertently produced a solid eighttimes as large because they were ignorant of the proportion by which76 alinear duplication is produced [579C] So they wanted to call in Plato tosolve their problem

lsquoRemembering the Egyptian prophet Plato declared that the god wasalluding humorously to the Greeksrsquo neglect of education scorning ourignorance as it were and bidding us make mathematics our prime con-cern Finding the mean proportionals which is the only way of doublinga cube by an equal extension of each dimension is not a job for a weak ordim intellect but for one thoroughly trained in the use of geometrical dia-grams Eudoxus of Cnidus (he told them) or Helicon of Cyzicus77 woulddo it However they should not think this was what the god really de-sired rather he was bidding all Greeks [579D] to give up war and evildoing consort with the Muses calm their emotions by rational discussionand study and live innocently and profitably with one anotherrsquo78

8 Simmias was still speaking when my father Polymnis came in and satdown beside him lsquoEpaminondasrsquo he said lsquobegs you and all these othersif you have no more important business to wait here because he wants

30 Text (8579Dndash 9580C)

microεῖναι βουλόmicroενος ὑmicroῖν γνωρίσαι τὸν ξένον ἄνδρα γενναῖον microὲν αὐ-τὸν ⟨ὄντα⟩ microετὰ ⟨δὲ⟩ γενναίας καὶ καλῆς ἀφιγmicroένον τῆς προαιρέσεως

579E ⟨ἀποστειλάντων⟩ ἐξ Ἰταλίας τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ἀφῖκται δὲ Λύσιδι τῷγέροντι χοὰς χέασθαι περὶ τὸν τάφον ἔκ τινων ἐνυπνίων ὥς φησι καὶφασmicroάτων ἐναργῶν συχνὸν δὲ κοmicroίζων χρυσίον οἴεται δεῖν Ἐπαmicroει-νώνδᾳ τὰς Λύσιδος γηροτροφίας ἀποτίνειν καὶ προθυmicroότατός ἐστιν οὐδεοmicroένων οὐδὲ βουλοmicroένων ἡmicroῶν τῇ πενίᾳ βοηθεῖνrsquo

καὶ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ἡσθείς lsquoπάνυ θαυmicroαστόν γε λέγειςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoἄνδρα καὶφιλοσοφίας ἄξιον ἀλλὰ τίς ἡ αἰτία διrsquo ἣν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἥκει πρὸς ἡmicroᾶςrsquo

579F lsquoἐκεῖνονrsquo ἔφη lsquoνυκτερεύσαντα περὶ τὸν τάφον ἐmicroοὶ δοκεῖ τὸν Λύσιδοςἦγεν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας πρὸς τὸν Ἰσmicroηνὸν ἀπολουσόmicroενον εἶτrsquo ἀφίξονταιδεῦρο πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς πρὶν δrsquo ἐντυχεῖν ἐνηυλίσατο τῷ τάφῳ διανοούmicroενοςἀνελέσθαι τὰ λείψανα τοῦ σώmicroατος καὶ κοmicroίζειν εἰς Ἰταλίαν εἰ microή τινύκτωρ ὑπεναντιωθείη δαιmicroόνιονrsquo ὁ microὲν οὖν πατὴρ ταῦτrsquo εἰπὼν ἐσιώ-πησεν9 ὁ δὲ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoὦ Ἡράκλειςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὡς ἔργον ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν ἄνδρακαθαρεύοντα τύφου καὶ δεισιδαιmicroονίας οἱ microὲν γὰρ ἄκοντες ὑπὸ τῶνπαθῶν τούτων ἁλίσκονται διrsquo ἀπειρίαν ἢ διrsquo ἀσθένειαν οἱ δέ ὡς θεοφι-λεῖς καὶ περιττοί τινες εἶναι δοκοῖεν ἐκθειάζουσι τὰς πράξεις ὀνείρατα

580A καὶ φάσmicroατα καὶ τοιοῦτον ἄλλον ὄγκον προϊστάmicroενοι τῶν ἐπὶ νοῦν ἰόν-των | ὃ πολιτικοῖς microὲν ἀνδράσι καὶ πρὸς αὐθάδη καὶ ἀκόλαστον ὄχλονἠναγκασmicroένοις ζῆν οὐκ ἄχρηστον ἴσως ἐστὶν ὥσπερ ἐκ χαλινοῦ τῆςδεισιδαιmicroονίας πρὸς τὸ συmicroφέρον ἀντεπισπάσαι καὶ microεταστῆσαι τοὺςπολλούς φιλοσοφίᾳ δrsquo οὐ microόνον ἔοικεν ἀσχήmicroων ὁ τοιοῦτος εἶναι σχη-microατισmicroός ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν ἐναντίος εἰ πᾶν ἐπαγγειλα-microένη λόγῳ τἀγαθὸν καὶ τὸ συmicroφέρον διδάσκειν εἰς θεοὺς ἐπαναφέρειτὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχὴν ὡς τοῦ λόγου καταφρονοῦσα καὶ τὴν ἀπόδει-ξιν ᾗ δοκεῖ διαφέρειν ἀτιmicroάσασα πρὸς microαντεύmicroατα τρέπεται καὶ ὀνει-

580B ράτων ὄψεις ἐν οἷς ὁ φαυλότατος οὐχ ἧττον τῷ κατατυγχάνειν πολ-λάκις φέρεται τοῦ κρατίστου διὸ καὶ Σωκράτης ὁ ὑmicroέτερος ὦ Σιmicromicroίαδοκεῖ microοι φιλοσοφώτερον χαρακτῆρα παιδείας καὶ λόγου περιβάλλε-σθαι τὸ ἀφελὲς τοῦτο καὶ ἄπλαστον ὡς ἐλευθέριον καὶ microάλιστα φίλονἀληθείας ἑλόmicroενος τὸν δὲ τῦφον ὥσπερ τινὰ καπνὸν φιλοσοφίας εἰςτοὺς σοφιστὰς ἀποσκεδάσαςrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoτί γάρrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Γαλαξίδωρε καὶ σὲ Μέ-580C λητος πέπεικεν ὅτι Σωκράτης ὑπερεώρα τὰ θεῖα τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοῦ καὶ

πρὸς Ἀθηναίους κατηγόρησενrsquolsquoοὐδαmicroῶςrsquo ἔφη lsquoτά γε θεῖα φασmicroάτων δὲ καὶ microύθων καὶ δεισιδαιmicroονί-

ας ἀνάπλεω φιλοσοφίαν ἀπὸ Πυθαγόρου Ἐmicroπεδοκλέους δεξάmicroενοςεὖ microάλα βεβακχευmicroένην εἴθισεν ὥσπερ πρὸς τὰ πράγmicroατα πεπνῦσθαικαὶ λόγῳ νήφοντι microετιέναι τὴν ἀλήθειανrsquo

Translation 31

to introduce our visitor to you He is a noble person who has come witha noble and honourable purpose from Italy ltsent bygt the PythagoreansThe purpose of his visit is to offer libations to old Lysis at his tomb [579E]in consequence (he says) of certain dreams and vivid visions79 He is alsobringing a large sum in gold and thinks he ought to repay Epaminondasfor his care of the old man He is very keen on this though we neither neednor desire any help for our povertyrsquo

Simmias was delighted lsquoHe sounds a wonderful manrsquo he said lsquoandworthy of philosophy But why has he not come straight to usrsquo[579F] lsquoI thinkrsquo replied Polymnis lsquothat a er he has spent the night byLysisrsquo tomb Epaminondas took him to wash to the Ismenus80 They willcome to us next He had encamped by the tomb before meeting us withthe intention of collecting the remains of the body and taking them to Italyunless some divine opposition to this occurred during the nightrsquo Havingsaid this my father remained silent9 Galaxidorus81 then spoke up lsquoHeraclesrsquo he cried lsquohow hard it is to finda man free of humbug and superstition Some are involuntary victims ofthese feelings through inexperience or weakness but there are others whoin order to be thought special favourites of the gods ascribe their actions todivine intervention and make dreams visions and such pretentious non-sense [580A] a cover for their own thoughts It may be quite useful forpoliticians who82 are forced to deal with a wilful and disorderly popula-tion to use superstition as a kind of curb to rein back and divert the massesin the right direction83 But for philosophy this sort of decoration is notonly indecorous84 but contrary to her professed aims if a er promisingto teach the good and the expedient rationally she refers85 the origin of ac-tions to the gods as though she disdained reason and then dishonouringher own speciality demonstration turns instead to prophecies and dream-visions in which [580B] the poorest mind is o en no less successful thanthe best And that Simmias is why your Socrates seems to me to haveadopted a more philosophical style of education and argument by choos-ing this simple and unaffected approach as a mark of liberality and loveof truth and blowing the humbug which is a sort of philosophical smokeoff onto the sophistsrsquo

lsquoWhy do you say that Galaxidorusrsquo replied Theocritus lsquohas Meletus86

persuaded you too that Socrates despised the divine87 That was the accu-sation [580C] he brought against him in the Athenian courtrsquo

lsquoNorsquo he answered lsquonot the divine but it was a philosophy laden withvisions and fables that he took over from Pythagoras hellip88 ltandgt Empedo-cles she was in a state of complete intoxication but he accustomed her tocome to her senses as it were in the face of the facts89 and pursue the truthwith sober reasonrsquo

32 Text (10580Cndash 11581B)

10 lsquoΕἶενrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoτὸ δὲ δαιmicroόνιον ὦ βέλτιστε τὸ Σωκράτουςψεῦδος ἢ τί φαmicroεν ἐmicroοὶ γὰρ οὐδὲν οὕτω microέγα τῶν περὶ Πυθαγόρουλεγοmicroένων εἰς microαντικὴν ἔδοξε καὶ θεῖον ἀτεχνῶς γὰρ οἵαν ὍmicroηροςὈδυσσεῖ πεποίηκε τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν lsquoἐν πάντεσσι πόνοισι παρισταmicroένηνrsquo

580D τοιαύτην ἔοικε Σωκράτει τοῦ βίου προποδηγὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τινα συνάψαιτὸ δαιmicroόνιον ὄψιν lsquoἥrsquo microόνη lsquoοἱ πρόσθεν ἰοῦσα τίθει φάοςrsquo ἐν πράγmicroα-σιν ἀδήλοις καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρωπίνην ἀσυλλογίστοις φρόνησιν ⟨ἐν⟩ οἷς αὐ-τῷ συνεφθέγγετο πολλάκις τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἐπιθειάζον ταῖς αὐτοῦ προ-αιρέσεσι τὰ microὲν οὖν πλείονα καὶ microείζονα Σιmicromicroίου χρὴ καὶ τῶν ἄλλωνἐκπυνθάνεσθαι Σωκράτους ἑταίρων ἐmicroοῦ δὲ παρόντος ὅτε πρὸς Εὐ-θύφρονα τὸν microάντιν ἥκοmicroεν ἔτυχε microέν ὦ Σιmicromicroία microέmicroνησαι γάρ ἄνωπρὸς τὸ Σύmicroβολον Σωκράτης καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν Ἀνδοκίδου βαδίζωνἅmicroα τι διερωτῶν καὶ διασείων τὸν Εὐθύφρονα microετὰ παιδιᾶς ἄφνω δrsquoἐπιστὰς καὶ σιωπήσας προσέσχεν αὑτῷ συχνὸν χρόνον εἶτrsquo ἀναστρέ-

580E ψας ἐπορεύετο τὴν διὰ τῶν κιβωτοποιῶν καὶ τοὺς προκεχωρηκότας ἤδητῶν ἑταίρων ⟨ἀνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ⟩ γεγονέναι τὸ δαιmicroόνιον οἱ microὲνοὖν πολλοὶ συνανέστρεφον ἐν οἷς κἀγὼ τοῦ Εὐθύφρονος ἐχόmicroενος νε-ανίσκοι δέ τινες τὴν εὐθεῖαν βαδίζοντες ὡς δὴ τὸ Σωκράτους ἐλέγξον-τες δαιmicroόνιον ἐπεσπάσαντο Χάριλλον τὸν αὐλητὴν ἥκοντα καὶ αὐτὸνmicroετrsquo ἐmicroοῦ εἰς Ἀθήνας πρὸς Κέβητα πορευοmicroένοις δrsquo αὐτοῖς διὰ τῶν ἑρ-

580F microογλύφων παρὰ τὰ δικαστήρια σύες ἀπαντῶσιν ἀθρόαι βορβόρου πε-ρίπλεαι καὶ κατrsquo ἀλλήλων ὠθούmicroεναι διὰ πλῆθος ἐκτροπῆς δὲ microὴ πα-ρούσης τοὺς microὲν ἀνέτρεψαν ἐmicroβαλοῦσαι τοὺς δrsquo ἀνεmicroόλυναν ἧκεν οὖνκαὶ ὁ Χάριλλος οἴκαδε τά τε σκέλη καὶ τὰ ἱmicroάτια βορβόρου microεστός ὥστrsquoἀεὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου microεmicroνῆσθαι microετὰ γέλωτος ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩θαυmicroάζοντας εἰ microηδαmicroοῦ προλείπει τὸν ἄνδρα microηδrsquo ἀmicroελεῖ τὸ θεῖοναὐτοῦrsquo

11 Καὶ ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoοἴει γάρrsquo ἔφη lsquoΘεόκριτε τὸ Σωκράτους δαι-microόνιον ἰδίαν καὶ περιττὴν ἐσχηκέναι δύναmicroιν οὐχὶ τῆς κοινῆς microόριόντι microαντικῆς τὸν ἄνδρα πείρᾳ βεβαιωσάmicroενον ἐν τοῖς ἀδήλοις καὶ ἀτε-κmicroάρτοις τῷ λογις microῷ ῥοπὴν ἐπάγειν ὡς γὰρ ὁλκὴ microία καθrsquo αὑτὴν οὐκ

581A ἄγει τὸν ζυγόν | ἰσορροποῦντι δὲ βάρει προστιθεmicroένη κλίνει τὸ σύmicro-παν ἐφrsquo ἑαυτήν οὕτω πταρmicroὸς ἢ κληδὼν ἤ τι τοιοῦτον σύmicroβολον ⟨οὐχοἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν⟩ καὶ κοῦφον ἐmicroβριθῆ διάνοιαν ἐπισπάσασθαι πρὸςπρᾶξιν δυεῖν δrsquo ἐναντίων λογισmicroῶν θατέρῳ προσελθὸν ἔλυσε τὴν ἀπο-ρίαν τῆς ἰσότητος ἀναιρεθείσης ὥστε κίνησιν γίγνεσθαι καὶ ὁρmicroήνrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ πατήρ lsquoἀλλὰ microήνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ αὐτός ὦ Γαλαξίδωρε Με-γαρικοῦ τινος ἤκουσα Τερψίωνος δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὅτι τὸ Σωκράτους δαιmicroόνι-ον πταρmicroὸς ἦν ὅ τε παρrsquo αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ παρrsquo ἄλλων ἑτέρου microὲν γὰρ πτα-

581B ρόντος ἐκ δεξιᾶς εἴτrsquo ὄπισθεν εἴτrsquo ἔmicroπροσθεν ὁρmicroᾶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶ-

Translation 33

10 lsquoWell thenrsquo said Theocritus lsquowhat do we say about Socratesrsquo daimo-nion my good friend Is it a fiction or what Nothing related of Pythago-rasrsquo power of prophecy has seemed to me as impressive and divine as thisJust as Homer makes Athena lsquostand besidersquo Odysseus lsquoin all his troublesrsquo90

so it would seem the divine power gave Socrates from the beginning avision which alone [580D] lsquowent before him and gave lightrsquo91 in dark af-fairs inscrutable to human thinking wherein the power (daimonion) o enagreed with him lending divine sanction to his own choices You must askSimmias and Socratesrsquo other friends about most of these happenings andthe more important ones but here is one at which I was present myselfWhen we paid a visit to Euthyphron92 the diviner Socrates ndash you remem-ber this Simmias ndash was walking towards the Symbolon and Andocidesrsquohouse93 all the time questioning and puzzling Euthyphron in his playfulway Then he suddenly stopped and concentrated on his own thoughts insilence for some time [580E] before turning round and going down Box-makersrsquo Street94 and lttried to call backgt those of his friends who had goneahead ltsayinggt95 that lsquothe daimonion had happenedrsquo96 Most of us turnedback with him (including me who was sticking close to Euthyphron) butsome young people went straight on hoping to prove Socratesrsquo daimonionwrong and they took Charillus97 the piper with them he too had cometo Athens with me to visit Cebes98 As they were going down StatuariesrsquoStreet by the lawcourts99 they were confronted by a herd of pigs [580F]covered in mud and jostling one another because there were so many ofthem There was no escape the pigs knocked some of the young peopleover and bespa ered others Charillus arrived with his legs and his cloakall muddied So ltwegt always laugh when we remember Socratesrsquo daimo-nion ltat the same timegt100 marvelling at the way the divine power neverabandoned or neglected the man in any circumstancesrsquo11 lsquoDo you say this Theocritusrsquo said Galaxidorus lsquobecause you thinkthat Socratesrsquo daimonion possessed some special and peculiar power ratherthan that the man had assured himself by experience of some departmentof common divination101 and used this to tip the balance of his thinkingin obscure or inscrutable ma ers A single weight by itself does not turnthe scale [581A] but if it is added to an evenly-balanced load it pullsthe whole thing down Likewise a sneeze102 or a casual word103 or somesuch sign ltbeing smallgt and light ltcannotgt104 determine a weighty mindto action but added to one of two opposing calculations it resolves thedoubt by destroying the equipoise Movement and impulse followrsquo

lsquoIndeed Galaxidorusrsquo put in my father lsquoI myself heard from a Megar-ian who heard it from Terpsion105 that Socratesrsquo daimonion was a sneezehis own or anotherrsquos If someone sneezed on the right either behind [581B]or in front it impelled him to act if on the le it deterred him As to his

34 Text (11581Bndash 12581F)

ξιν εἰ δrsquo ἐξ ἀριστερᾶς ἀποτρέπεσθαι τῶν δrsquo αὐτοῦ πταρmicroῶν τὸν microὲνἔτι microέλλοντος βεβαιοῦν τὸν δrsquo ἤδη πράσσοντος ἐπέχειν καὶ κωλύειν τὴνὁρmicroήν ἀλλrsquo ἐκεῖνό microοι δοκεῖ θαυmicroαστόν εἰ πταρmicroῷ χρώmicroενος οὐ τοῦτοτοῖς ἑταίροις ἀλλὰ δαιmicroόνιον εἶναι τὸ κωλῦον ἢ κελεῦον ἔλεγε τύφουγὰρ ἂν ἦν τινος ὦ φίλε κενοῦ καὶ κόmicroπου τὸ τοιοῦτον οὐκ ἀληθείαςκαὶ ἁπλότητος οἷς τὸν ἄνδρα microέγαν ὡς ἀληθῶς καὶ διαφέροντα τῶνπολλῶν γεγονέναι δοκοῦmicroεν ὑπὸ φωνῆς ἔξωθεν ἢ πταρmicroοῦ τινοςὁπηνίκα τύχοι θορυβούmicroενον ἐκτῶν πράξεων ἀνατρέπεσθαι καὶ προ-

581C ΐεσθαι τὸ δεδογmicroένον αἱ δὲ Σωκράτους ὁρmicroαὶ τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ ἔχου-σαι καὶ σφοδρότητα φαίνονται πρὸς ἅπαν ὡς ἂν ἐξ ὀρθῆς καὶ ἰσχυρᾶςἀφειmicroέναι κρίσεως καὶ ἀρχῆς πενίᾳ γὰρ ἐmicromicroεῖναι παρὰ πάντα τὸν βί-ον ἑκουσίως σὺν ἡδονῇ καὶ χάριτι τῶν διδόντων ἔχειν δυνάmicroενον καὶφιλοσοφίας microὴ ἐκστῆναι πρὸς τοσαῦτα κωλύmicroατα καὶ τέλος εἰς σω-τηρίαν καὶ φυγὴν αὐτῷ σπουδῆς ἑταίρων καὶ παρασκευῆς εὐmicroηχάνου

581D γενοmicroένης microήτε καmicroφθῆναι λιπαροῦσι microήθrsquo ὑποχωρῆσαι τῷ θανάτῳπελάζοντι χρῆσθαι δrsquo ἀτρέπτῳ τῷ λογισmicroῷ πρὸς τὸ δεινόν οὐκ ἔστινἀνδρὸς ἐκ κληδόνων ἢ πταρmicroῶν microεταβαλλοmicroένην ὅτε τύχοι γνώmicroηνἔχοντος ἀλλrsquo ὑπὸ microείζονος ἐπιστασίας καὶ ἀρχῆς ἀγοmicroένου πρὸς τὸκαλόν ἀκούω δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τῆς Ἀθηναίων δυνάmicroεως φθορὰνπροειπεῖν αὐτὸν ἐνίοις τῶν φίλων καὶ πρότερον ἔτι τούτων Πυριλάmicro-πης ὁ Ἀντιφῶντος ἁλοὺς ἐν τῇ διώξει περὶ Δήλιον ὑφrsquo ἡmicroῶν δορατίῳτετρωmicroένος ὡς ἤκουσε τῶν ἐπὶ τὰς σπονδὰς ἀφικοmicroένων Ἀθήνηθεν

581E ὅτι Σωκράτης microετrsquo Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ Λάχητος daggerἐπὶ Ῥηγίστηςdagger καταβὰςἀπονενοστήκοι πολλὰ microὲν τοῦτον ἀνεκαλέσατο πολλὰ δὲ φίλους τι-νὰς καὶ λοχίτας οἷς συνέβη microετrsquo αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὴν Πάρνηθα φεύγουσινὑπὸ τῶν ἡmicroετέρων ἱππέων ἀποθανεῖν ὡς τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίουπαρακούσαντας ἑτέραν ὁδὸν οὐχ ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἦγε τρεποmicroένους ἀπὸ τῆςmicroάχης ταῦτα δrsquo οἶmicroαι καὶ Σιmicromicroίαν ἀκηκοέναιrsquo

lsquoπολλάκιςrsquo ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ἔφη lsquoκαὶ πολλῶν διεβοήθη γὰρ οὐκ ἠρέmicroα τὸΣωκράτους Ἀθήνησιν ἐκ τούτων δαιmicroόνιονrsquo12 lsquoΤί οὖνrsquo ὁ Φειδόλαος εἶπεν lsquoὦ Σιmicromicroία Γαλαξίδωρον ἐάσωmicroεν παί-

581F ζοντα καταβάλλειν τοσοῦτο microαντείας ἔργον εἰς πταρmicroοὺς καὶ κληδό-νας οἷς καὶ οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ἰδιῶται περὶ microικρὰ προσχρῶνται καὶ παίζον-τες ὅταν δὲ κίνδυνοι βαρύτεροι καὶ microείζονες καταλάβωσι πράξεις ἐκεῖ-νο γίγνεται τὸ Εὐριπίδειον bdquoοὐδεὶς σιδήρου ταῦτα microωραίνει πέλαςldquorsquo

καὶ ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoΣιmicromicroίου microένrsquo ἔφη lsquoΦειδόλαε περὶ τούτων εἴ τιΣωκράτους αὐτὸς λέγοντος ἤκουσεν ἕτοιmicroος ἀκροᾶσθαι καὶ πείθεσθαιmicroεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν τὰ δrsquo ὑπὸ σοῦ λελεγmicroένα καὶ Πολύmicroνιος οὐ χαλεπὸν ἀνε-

Translation 35

own sneezes one that happened while he was still hesitating confirmedhis resolution but if he had already begun to act it checked and stoppedhis impulse What surprises me is that if he was depending on a sneezehe did not tell his friends that it was this that stopped or encouraged himbut that it was the daimonion Such behaviour my friend would have beena sign of empty affectation and pretentiousness not of the truthfulnessand simplicity in which we believe Socratesrsquo greatness and superiority tothe mass of mankind to have consistedhellip106 to be thrown into a panic andmade to retreat from actions and abandon a decision because of a voicefrom outside or a fortuitous sneeze [581C] Socratesrsquo impulses on thecontrary clearly possessedhellip107 lttension and vigourgt in all circumstancesspringing as they did from a correct and powerful judgement and princi-ple To remain voluntarily in poverty all his life when he could have hadrelief which others would have been pleased and charmed to give not toabandon philosophy despite all the obstacles in his way and finally whenfriendsrsquo zeal and means were available to assure his safety in exile not toyield to their insistence nor shrink before the approach of death but toface [581D] the terrible moment with unflinching reason ndash these are notthe actions of a man whose mind can be changed fortuitously by casualwords or sneezes but of one who is guided towards the honourable bysome superior control and rule I have heard too that he foretold to someof his friends the destruction of the Athenian force in Sicily 108 There is aneven earlier instance Pyrilampes109 the son of Antiphon was woundedby a spear and captured by our men in the pursuit at Delium110 and whenhe was told by the people who came from Athens to negotiate the trucethat Socrates with Alcibiades and Laches had gone down to (Rhegiste)111

[581E] and got home safely therea er o en called to mind both Socratesand some friends and comrades who had fled with him by Parnes112 andbeen killed by our cavalry He said they had not heeded Socratesrsquo daimo-nion and had le the ba lefield by a different route from that by which hewas leading them I imagine Simmias has heard all this toorsquo

lsquoO enrsquo said Simmias lsquoand from many people There was a lot of talkat Athens about Socratesrsquo daimonion because of thisrsquo12 lsquoWell then Simmiasrsquo said Phidolaus lsquoare we to let Galaxidorus amusehimself by reducing this great achievement of prophecy to sneezes and ca-sual words [581F] Most ordinary people appeal to these on trivial mat-ters and not in earnest when graver dangers and greater actions overtakethem Euripidesrsquo words are to the point ldquoNone plays the fool like thatwhen swords are outrdquo113

lsquoI am as ready to listen and be convinced by Simmias as you others arePhidolausrsquo said Galaxidorus lsquoif he has heard anything from Socrates him-self on the subject But itrsquos easy enough to refute what you and Polymnis

36 Text (12581Fndash 13582D)

λεῖν ὡς γὰρ ἐν ἰατρικῇ σφυγmicroὸς ἢ φλύκταινα microικρὸν οὐ microικροῦ δὲ ση-microεῖόν ἐστι καὶ κυβερνήτῃ πελαγίου φθόγγος ὄρνιθος ἢ διαδροmicroὴ κνη-

582A κίδος ἀραιᾶς | πνεῦmicroα σηmicroαίνει καὶ κίνησιν τραχυτέραν θαλάσσης οὕ-τω microαντικῇ ψυχῇ πταρmicroὸς ἢ κληδὼν οὐ microέγα καθrsquo αὑτὸ ⟨microεγάλου δὲσηmicroεῖον⟩ συmicroπτώmicroατος ⟨ἐπrsquo⟩ οὐδεmicroιᾶς γὰρ τέχνης καταφρονεῖται τὸmicroικροῖς microεγάλα καὶ διrsquo ὀλίγων πολλὰ προmicroηνύειν ἀλλrsquo ὥσπερ εἴ τιςἄπειρος γραmicromicroάτων δυνάmicroεως ὁρῶν ὀλίγα πλήθει καὶ φαῦλα τὴν microορ-φὴν ἀπιστοίη ἄνδρα γραmicromicroατικὸν ἐκ τούτων ἀναλέγεσθαι πολέmicroους

582B microεγάλους οἳ τοῖς πάλαι συνέτυχον καὶ κτίσεις πόλεων πράξεις τε καὶπαθήmicroατα βασιλέων εἶτα φαίη δαιmicroόνιόν τι microηνύειν καὶ καταλέγεινἐκείνῳ τῷ ἱστορικῷ τούτων ἕκαστον ἡδὺς ἄν ὦ φίλε γέλως σοι τοῦἀνθρώπου τῆς ἀπειρίας ἐπέλθοι οὕτω σκόπει microὴ καὶ ἡmicroεῖς τῶν microαν-τικῶν ἑκάστου τὴν δύναmicroιν ἀγνοοῦντες ᾗ συmicroβάλλει πρὸς τὸ microέλλονεὐήθως ἀγανακτῶmicroεν εἰ νοῦν ἔχων ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τούτων ἂν ἀποφαί-νεταί τι περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων καὶ ταῦτα φάσκων αὐτὸς οὐ πταρmicroὸν οὐ-δὲ φωνὴν ἀλλὰ δαιmicroόνιον αὐτῷ τῶν πράξεων ὑφηγεῖσθαι microέτειmicroι γὰρἤδη πρὸς σέ ὦ Πολύmicroνι θαυmicroάζοντα Σωκράτους ἀνδρὸς ἀτυφίᾳ καὶ

582C ἀφελείᾳ microάλιστα δὴ φιλοσοφίαν ἐξανθρωπίσαντος εἰ microὴ πταρmicroὸν microη-δὲ κληδόνα τὸ σηmicroεῖον ἀλλὰ τραγικῶς πάνυ bdquoτὸ δαιmicroόνιονldquo ὠνόmicroαζενἐγὼ γὰρ ἂν τοὐναντίον ἐθαύmicroαζον ἀνδρὸς ἄκρου διαλέγεσθαι καὶ κρα-τεῖν ὀνοmicroάτων ὥσπερ Σωκράτης εἰ microὴ τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀλλὰ τὸν πταρmicroὸναὑτῷ σηmicroαίνειν ἔλεγεν ὥσπερ εἴ τις ὑπὸ τοῦ βέλους φαίη τετρῶσθαιmicroὴ τῷ βέλει ὑπὸ τοῦ βαλόντος microεmicroετρῆσθαι δrsquo αὖτὸ βάρος ὑπὸ τοῦ ζυ-γοῦ microὴ τῷ ζυγῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱστάντος οὐ γὰρ τοῦ ὀργάνου τὸ ἔργον ἀλλrsquoοὗ καὶ τὸ ὄργανον ᾧ χρῆται πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ὄργανον δέ τι καὶ τὸ ση-microεῖον ᾧ χρῆται τὸ σηmicroαῖνον ἀλλrsquo ὅπερ εἶπον εἴ τι Σιmicromicroίας ἔχει λέγεινἀκουστέον ὡς εἰδότος ἀκριβέστερονrsquo

582D 13 Καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoπρότερόν γrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτοὺς εἰσιόντας οἵτινές εἰσιν ἀπο-σκεψαmicroένοις microᾶλλον δὲ τὸν ξένον ἔοικεν ἡmicroῖν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας ὁδὶ κο-microίζεινrsquo

ἀποβλέψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὰς θύρας ἑωρῶmicroεν ἡγούmicroενον microὲν τὸνἘπαmicroεινώνδαν καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων Ἰσmicroηνόδωρον καὶ Βακχυλίδανκαὶ Μέλισσον τὸν αὐλητήν ἑπόmicroενον δὲτὸν ξένον οὐκ ἀγεννῆ τὸ εἶδοςἀλλὰ πραότητα καὶ φιλοφροσύνην τοῦ ἤθους ὑποφαίνοντα καὶ σεmicroνῶςἀmicroπεχόmicroενον τὸ σῶmicroα καθίσαντος οὖν ἐκείνου microὲν αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸνΣιmicromicroίαν τοῦ δrsquo ἀδελφοῦ παρrsquo ἐmicroὲ τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων ὡς ἕκαστος ἔτυχε καὶγενοmicroένης σιωπῆς ὁ Σιmicromicroίας τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡmicroῶν καλέσας lsquoεἶενrsquo εἶπεν

Translation 37

have said In medicine a throbbing pulse or a blister is a small thing initself but the symptom of something serious For the pilot of a ship thecry of a sea-bird or the passing over of a thin wisp of cloud [582A] is asign of wind and the sea turning rough Similarly for the prophetic minda sneeze or a casual word is a small thing in itself but lta sign of some im-portantgt114 occurrence In no art is the prediction of great things by smallor many things by few regarded with contempt If a man ignorant of thepower of le ers seeing a few unimpressive marks could not believe thata scholar could read from them great wars that befell men of old founda-tions of cities and the deeds and sufferings [582B] of kings and thereforedeclared that it was lsquosomething daemonicrsquo that disclosed and related thesethings to the scholar115 you would have a good laugh my friend at thefellowrsquos ignorance In the same way ask yourself whether ignorant as weare of how any particular form of prophecy relates to the future we areperhaps foolish to feel indignation if a man of sense uses these means toreveal something of the unknown even if he does say himself that it isnot a sneeze or a voice but lsquosomething daemonicrsquo that directs his actionsAnd now I turn to you Polymnis and your surprise that Socrates whodid most to humanize philosophy by his unpretentiousness and simplic-ity called his sign not a sneeze [582C] or a casual word but in high tragicstyle lsquothe116 daimonionrsquo For my part on the contrary I should have beensurprised if a supreme dialectician and master of words like Socrates hadnot said that it was lsquothe daimonionrsquo but a sneeze117 that gave him his signsIt would be as though one said that one had been wounded by the dart asan agent and not by the thrower as agent with the dart as instrument oragain that the scales were the agent that weighed something and not theweigher the agent and the scales the instrument The work you see doesnot belong to the instrument but to the owner of the instrument whichhe uses for the work and the sign which the signalling agent uses is in asense his instrument But as I said we must listen to anything Simmiashas to say for he has be er informationrsquo13 lsquoButrsquo said Theocritus lsquonot until we have seen who are these peoplecoming in [582D] Or rather itrsquos Epaminondas I think bringing in thestrangerrsquo118

We looked towards the door and saw Epaminondas leading the wayand some of our friends with him119 ndash Ismenodorus Bacchylidas and thepiper Melissus120 the stranger followed a noble looking personage butwith an air of gentleness and kindness and splendidly dressed He satdown himself next to Simmias my brother next to me and the rest tooktheir chance Silence fell lsquoWell now Epaminondasrsquo said Simmias ad-dressing himself to my brother lsquowho is your guest how should we ad-

38 Text (13582Endash 13583C)

582E lsquoὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα τίνα χρὴ τὸν ξένον καὶ πῶς καὶ πόθεν προσαγορεύ-ειν ἀρχὴ γάρ τις ἐντυχίας καὶ γνώσεως αὕτη συνήθηςrsquo

καὶ ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoΘεάνωρrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Σιmicromicroία ὄνοmicroα microὲν τῷ ἀνδρίγένος δὲ Κροτωνιάτης τῶν ἐκεῖ φιλοσόφων οὐ καταισχύνων τὸ microέγαΠυθαγόρου κλέος ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν ἥκει δεῦρο microακρὰν ὁδὸν ἐξ Ἰταλίαςἔργοις καλοῖς καλὰ δόγmicroατα βεβαιῶνrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ ξένος lsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo ἔφη lsquoσὺ κωλύεις ὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα τῶν582F ἔργων τὸ κάλλιστον εἰ γὰρ εὖ ποιεῖν φίλους καλόν οὐκ αἰσχρὸν εὖ

πάσχειν ὑπὸ φίλων ἡ γὰρ χάρις οὐχ ἧττον δεοmicroένη τοῦ λαmicroβάνοντοςἢ τοῦ διδόντος ἐξ ἀmicroφοῖν τελειοῦται πρὸς τὸ καλόν ὁ δὲ microὴ δεξάmicroε-νος ὥσπερ σφαῖραν εὖ φεροmicroένην κατῄσχυνεν ἀτελῆ πεσοῦσαν ποίουγὰρ οὕτω σκοποῦ βάλλοντα καὶ τυχεῖν ἡδὺ καὶ διαmicroαρτάνειν ἀνιαρὸνὡς ἀνδρὸς εὖ παθεῖν ἀξίου διὰ χάριτος ἐφιέmicroενον ἀλλrsquo ἐκεῖ microὲν ὁ τοῦσκοποῦ microένοντος ἀτυχήσας σφάλλεται διrsquo αὑτόν ἐνταυθοῖ δrsquo ὁ παραι-τούmicroενος καὶ ὑποφεύγων ἀδικεῖ τὴν χάριν εἰς ὃ ἔσπευκε microὴ περαίνου-σαν

583A σοὶ microὲν οὖν τὰς αἰτίας ἤδη διῆλθον ὑφrsquo ὧν ἔπλευσα δεῦρο | βού-λοmicroαι δὲ καὶ τούτοις διελθὼν χρήσασθαι πρός σε δικασταῖς ἐπεὶ γὰρἐξέπεσοναἱ κατὰ πόλεις ἑταιρεῖαι τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν στάσει κρατηθέν-των τοῖς δrsquo ἔτι συνεστῶσιν ἐν Μεταποντίῳ συνεδρεύουσιν ἐν οἰκίᾳ πῦροἱ Κυλώνειοι περιένησαν καὶ διέφθειραν ἐν ταὐτῷ πάντας πλὴν Φιλο-λάου καὶ Λύσιδος νέων ὄντων ἔτι ῥώmicroῃ καὶ κουφότητι διωσαmicroένων τὸπῦρ Φιλόλαος microὲν εἰς Λευκανοὺς φυγὼν ἐκεῖθεν ἀνεσώθη πρὸς τοὺςἄλλους φίλους ἤδη πάλιν ἀθροιζοmicroένους καὶ κρατοῦντας τῶν Κυλω-

583B νείων Λῦσις δrsquo ὅπου γέγονεν ἠγνοεῖτο πολὺν χρόνον πρίν γε δὴ Γοργί-ας ὁ Λεοντῖνος ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναπλέων εἰς Σικελίαν ἀπήγγελλε τοῖςπερὶ Ἄρκεσον βεβαίως Λύσιδι συγγεγονέναι διατρίβοντι περὶ Θήβαςὥρmicroησε microὲν ὁ Ἄρκεσος πόθῳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτὸς ὡς εἶχε πλεῦσαι κοmicroι-δῇ δὲ διὰ γῆρας καὶ ἀσθένειαν ἐλλείπων ἐπέσκηψε microάλιστα microὲν ζῶντακοmicroίσαι τὸν Λῦσιν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἢ τὰ λείψανα τεθνηκότος οἱ δrsquo ἐν microέσῳπόλεmicroοι καὶ στάσεις καὶ τυραννίδες ἐκώλυσαν αὐτῷ ζῶντι συντελέσαιτοὺς φίλους τὸν ἆθλον ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἡmicroῖν τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος ἤδη τεθνηκό-τος ἐναργῶς προὐπεφήνει τὴν τελευτήν καὶ τὰς παρrsquo ὑmicroῖν ὦ Πολύmicroνι

583C θεραπείας καὶ διαίτας τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οἱ σαφῶς εἰδότες ἀπήγγελλον ὅτιπλουσίας ἐν οἴκῳ πένητι γηροκοmicroίας τυχὼν καὶ πατὴρ τῶν σῶν υἱέωνἐπιγραφεὶς οἴχοιτο microακαριστός ἀπεστάλην ἐγὼ νέος καὶ εἷς ὑπὸ πολ-λῶν καὶ πρεσβυτέρων ἐχόντων οὐκ ἔχουσι χρήmicroατα διδόντων πολλὴν⟨δὲ⟩ χάριν καὶ φιλίαν ἀντιλαmicroβανόντων Λῦσις δὲ καὶ κεῖται καλῶς ὑφrsquoὑmicroῶν καὶ τάφου καλοῦ κρείττων αὐτῷ χάρις ἐκτινοmicroένη φίλοις ὑπὸφίλων καὶ οἰκείωνrsquo

Translation 39

dress him [582E] and where does he come from Thatrsquos the usual way tostart meeting and knowing somebodyrsquo121

lsquoHis namersquo said Epaminondas lsquois Theanor By origin he is from Cro-ton122 one of the philosophers there and he does not disgrace Pythagorasrsquogreat reputation He has made the long journey here from Italy to crowngood beliefs with good deedsrsquo

lsquoNeverthelessrsquo interrupted the stranger lsquoit is you Epaminondas whoare hindering the best of my deeds If it is honourable to benefit friends[582F] it is no shame to receive benefits from friends A favour needs arecipient as well as a giver and both are needed for its honourable com-pletion The man who refuses it one might say spoils a well-thrown ballwhich falls and fails in its purpose123 For what target can be more pleas-ing to hit and more distressing to miss than a deserving person whom oneaims to reach with a favour In the game however it is your own failure ifyou miss a stationary target but in this business to decline and step asideis to be unfair to the favour so that it fails to reach its goal

lsquoIrsquove already told you the reasons for my voyage here [583A] but Ishould like to explain them also to these people and make them judgesbetween you and me A er the Pythagoreans were defeated in the distur-bances and the societies in the cities were expelled124 the group at Meta-pontum125 were meeting in a house when Cylonrsquos126 party set fire to itand killed everyone there except Philolaus127 and Lysis who were youngvigorous and agile enough to escape the flames Philolaus fled to Luca-nia128 and from there safely reached the other friends who were by nowgathering again and ge ing the be er of Cylonrsquos party Where Lysis was[583B] long remained unknown until Gorgias of Leontini129 on his returnfrom Greece to Sicily130 gave Arcesus131 and his group reliable informa-tion that he had met Lysis who was living at Thebes Arcesus planned tomake the voyage himself out of love for Lysis but he was failing throughold age and illness and he ordered us to bring Lysis to Italy alive if possi-ble but if dead his remains However the intervening wars revolutionsand tyrannies prevented his friends from fulfilling this task while he livedBut when a er Lysisrsquo death god132 revealed133 to us his end and well-informed people told us [583C] of the care and support that your familygave him Polymnis ndash how he had enjoyed lavish care in his old age in apoor household had been registered as your sonsrsquo father and had dieda blessed death ndash then I on my own and young became the emissary ofmany senior men who offered money (which they possess) to you (whopossess none) and were ready to accept in return great favour and friend-ship Lysis has had from you a fair burial but be er for him than his fairtomb is the repayment of friendsrsquo kindness by friends and kindredrsquo

40 Text (14583Cndash 14584B)

14 Ταῦτα τοῦ ξένου λέγοντος ὁ microὲν πατὴρ ἐπεδάκρυσε τῇ microνήmicroῃ τοῦ583D Λύσιδος πολὺν χρόνον ὁ δrsquo ἀδελφὸς ὑποmicroειδιῶν ὥσπερ εἰώθει πρὸς

ἐmicroέ lsquoπῶςrsquo ἔφη lsquoποιοῦmicroεν ὦ Καφισία προϊέmicroεθα τὴν πενίαν τοῖς χρή-microασι καὶ σιωπῶmicroενrsquo

lsquoἥκιστrsquorsquo ἔφην ἐγώ lsquoτὴν φίλην καὶ bdquoἀγαθὴν κουροτρόφονldquo ἀλλrsquo ἄmicroυ-νε σὸς γὰρ ὁ λόγοςrsquo

lsquoκαὶ microὴν ἐγώrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ πάτερ ταύτῃ microόνῃ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐδεδίειν ἁλώ-σιmicroον ὑπὸ χρηmicroάτων εἶναι κατὰ τὸ Καφισίου σῶmicroα καλῆς microὲν ἐσθῆτοςδεόmicroενον ἵνα τοῖς ἐρασταῖς ἐγκαλλωπίσηται τοσούτοις οὖσιν ἀφθόνουδὲ καὶ πολλῆς τροφῆς ἵνrsquo ἀντέχῃ πρὸς τὰ γυmicroνάσια καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐνταῖς παλαίστραις ἀγῶνας ὁπηνίκα δrsquo οὗτος οὐ προδίδωσι τὴν πενίαν

583E οὐδrsquo ὡς βαφὴν ἀνίησι τὴν πάτριον πενίαν ἀλλὰ καίπερ ὢν microειράκι-ον εὐτελείᾳ καλλωπίζεται καὶ στέργει τὰ παρόντα τίς ἂν ἡmicroῖν γένοιτοτῶν χρηmicroάτων διάθεσις καὶ χρῆσις ἦπου καταχρυσώσοmicroεν τὰ ὅπλακαὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα πορφύρᾳ συmicromicroεmicroιγmicroένῃ πρὸς χρυσίον ὥσπερ Νικίαςὁ Ἀθηναῖος διαποικιλοῦmicroεν σοὶ δrsquo ὦ πάτερ Μιλησίαν χλανίδα τῇ δὲmicroητρὶ παραλουργὸν ὠνησόmicroεθα χιτώνιον οὐ γὰρ εἰς γαστέρα δήπουκαταχρησόmicroεθα τὴν δωρεὰν εὐωχοῦντες αὑτοὺς πολυτελέστερον ὥσ-περ ξένον ὑποδεδεγmicroένοι βαρύτερον τὸν πλοῦτονrsquo

583F lsquoἄπαγrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ πατήρ lsquoὦ παῖ microηδέποτε τοιαύτην ἐπίδοιmicroι microετακό-σmicroησιν τοῦ βίου ἡmicroῶνrsquo

lsquoκαὶ microὴν οὐδrsquo ἀργόνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαθισόmicroεθα φρουροῦντες οἴκοι τὸν πλοῦ-τον ἄχαρις γὰρ ἂν οὕτως ἡ χάρις καὶ ἄτιmicroος ἡ κτῆσις εἴηrsquo

lsquoτί microήνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ πατήρlsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo ἔφη ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἸάσωνι microὲν τῷ Θετταλῶν ταγῷ πέmicro-

ψαντι δεῦρο πολὺ χρυσίον ἔναγχος πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς καὶ δεοmicroένῳ λαβεῖνἀγροικότερος ἐφάνην ἀποκρινόmicroενος ἀδίκων χειρῶν αὐτὸν κατάρχειν

584A ὅτι microοναρχίας ὢν ἐραστὴς ἄνδρα δηmicroότην ἐλευθέρας καὶ αὐτονόmicroουπόλεως ἐπείρα διὰ χρη|microάτων σοῦ δrsquo ὦ ξένε τὴν microὲν προθυmicroίαν (κα-λὴ γὰρ καὶ φιλόσοφος) δέχοmicroαι καὶ ἀγαπῶ διαφερόντως ἥκεις δὲ φάρ-microακα φίλοις microὴ νοσοῦσι κοmicroίζων ὥσπερ οὖν εἰ πολεmicroεῖσθαι πυθόmicroε-νος ἡmicroᾶς ἔπλευσας ἡmicroᾶς ὅπλοις καὶ βέλεσιν ὠφελήσων εἶτα φιλίανκαὶ εἰρήνην εὗρες οὐκ ἂν ᾤου δεῖν ἐκεῖνα διδόναι καὶ ἀπολείπειν microὴδεοmicroένοις οὕτω σύmicromicroαχος microὲν ἀφῖξαι πρὸς πενίαν ὡς ἐνοχλουmicroένοιςὑπrsquo αὐτῆς ἡ δrsquo ἐστὶ ῥᾴστη φέρειν ἡmicroῖν καὶ φίλη σύνοικος οὔκουν δεῖχρηmicroάτων οὐδrsquo ὅπλων ἐπrsquo αὐτὴν microηδὲν ἀνιῶσαν ἀλλrsquo ἀπάγγελλε τοῖς

584B ἐκεῖ γνωρίmicroοις ὅτι κάλλιστα microὲν αὐτοὶ πλούτῳ χρῶνται καλῶς δὲ πε-νίᾳ χρωmicroένους αὐτόθι φίλους ἔχουσι τὰς δὲ Λύσιδος ἡmicroῖν τροφὰς καὶταφὰς αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ Λῦσις ἀπέδωκετά τrsquo ἄλλα καὶ πενίαν διδάξαςmicroὴ δυσχεραίνεινrsquo

Translation 41

14 As our visitor was speaking my father wept for a while in remem-brance of Lysis My brother smiled slightly [583D] as he commonly didand said to me lsquoWhat do we do Caphisias Do we sacrifice poverty tomoney and say nothingrsquo

lsquoCertainly notrsquo I said lsquoshe is our dear and ldquokindly nurserdquo134 defendher itrsquos for you to speakrsquo

lsquoWell fatherrsquo he said lsquothe only135 fear I had of our familyrsquos being con-quered by money concerned Caphisiasrsquo person which needs fine clothingfor him to show off proudly to all his lovers and generous rations to makehim strong enough for the gymnasia and the wrestling-bouts But as hedoes not betray poverty or as it were lose the sharp edge he has inher-ited136 but [583E] mere boy though he is prides himself on economy andis content with what he has what way of using or disposing of the moneycould we have Are we to gild our weapons or decorate our shield withpurple and gold like the Athenian Nicias137 Or buy you a Milesian138

cloak father or my mother a dress with a purple border We surely shanrsquotspend the gi on our stomachs giving ourselves more expensive dinnersas though wealth was a burdensome guest to be entertainedrsquo

lsquoFor goodnessrsquo sake childrsquo said my father lsquolet me not live to see [583F]that kind of change in our lifersquo

lsquoNeither shall we sit back and keep our riches idle at homersquo went onEpaminondas lsquofor in that case the grace would be graceless and the pos-session bring no honourrsquo

lsquoOf coursersquo said my fatherlsquoWellrsquo said Epaminondas lsquowhen Jason the Thessalian ruler139 sent us

a large sum of money here recently and asked us to accept it I was seenas rather rude when I replied that he was actually an aggressor becausein his passion for monarchical rule he was trying to bribe an ordinary cit-izen of a free and independent city [584A] But I accept and very muchappreciate your concern sir for it is noble and worthy of a philosopherbut you have come bringing medicine for friends who are not ill If youhad heard that we were at war and had come over to help us with armsand missiles and then found all peace and friendship you wouldnrsquot havethought it right to give us these things and leave them with us when wewere in no need of them In the same way you have come to be our allyagainst poverty assuming that she was a trouble to us but in fact she isvery easy for us to bear and is a dear member of our family So we needno money as a weapon against her since she does us no harm [584B] Tellyour acquaintances140 over there that while they use wealth most noblythey have friends here who use poverty nobly tell them that Lysis has him-

42 Text (15584Bndash 15584F)

15 Ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεάνωρ lsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸ πενίαν δυσχεραίνειν ἀγεν-νές ἐστι τὸ δὲ πλοῦτον δεδιέναι καὶ φεύγειν οὐκ ἄτοπονrsquo

⟨rsquoἄτοπονrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας⟩ lsquoεἰ microὴ λόγῳ τις αὐτὸν ἀλλὰ σχη-microατιζόmicroενος ἢ διrsquo ἀπειροκαλίαν ἢ τῦφόν τινα διωθεῖταιrsquo

lsquoκαὶ τίς ἄνrsquo ἔφη lsquoλόγος ἀπείργοι τὴν ἐκ καλῶν καὶ δικαίων κτῆσιν ὦ584C Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα microᾶλλον δὲ (πραότερον γὰρ ἡmicroῖν ἢ τῷ Θετταλῷ πρὸς τὰς

ἀποκρίσεις ἐνδίδου σαυτὸν ὑπὲρ τούτων) εἰπέ microοι πότερον ἡγῇ δόσινmicroὲν εἶναί τινα χρηmicroάτων ὀρθὴν λῆψιν δὲ microηδεmicroίαν ἢ καὶ τοὺς διδόνταςἁmicroαρτάνειν πάντως καὶ τοὺς λαmicroβάνονταςrsquo

lsquoοὐδαmicroῶςrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἀλλrsquo ὥσπερ ἄλλου τινὸς ἐγὼ καὶπλούτου χάριν τε καὶ κτῆσιν εἶναι νοmicroίζω τὴν microὲν αἰσχρὰν τὴν δrsquo ἀστεί-ανrsquo

lsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη ὁ Θεάνωρ lsquoὁ ἃ ὀφείλων διδοὺς ἑκουσίως καὶ προθύmicroωςοὐ καλῶς δίδωσινrsquo

ὡmicroολόγησενlsquoὁ δrsquo ἅ τις καλῶς δίδωσι δεξάmicroενος οὐ καλῶς εἴληφεν ἢ γένοιτrsquo ἂν

δικαιοτέρα χρηmicroάτων λῆψις τῆς παρὰ τοῦ δικαίως διδόντοςrsquo584D lsquoοὐκ ἄνrsquo ἔφη lsquoγένοιτοrsquo lsquoδυεῖν ἄρα φίλωνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα εἰ

θατέρῳ δοτέον θατέρῳ δήπου ληπτέον ἐν microὲν γὰρ ταῖς microάχαις τὸν εὖβάλλοντα τῶν πολεmicroίων ἐκκλιτέον ἐν δὲ ταῖς χάρισι τὸν καλῶς διδόν-τα τῶν φίλων οὔτε φεύγειν οὔτrsquo ἀπωθεῖσθαι δίκαιον εἰ γὰρ ἡ πενία microὴδυσχερές οὐδrsquo αὖ πάλιν ὁ πλοῦτος οὕτως ἄτιmicroος καὶ ἀπόβλητοςrsquo

lsquoοὐ γὰρ οὖνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἀλλrsquo ἔστιν ὅτῳ microὴ λαβόντι τὸκαλῶς διδόmicroενον τιmicroιώτερον ὑπάρχει καὶ κάλλιον οὑτωσὶ δrsquo ἐπίσκεψαιmicroεθrsquo ἡmicroῶν εἰσὶ δήπουθεν ἐπιθυmicroίαι πολλαὶ καὶ πολλῶν ἔνιαι microὲν ἔmicro-

584E φυτοι λεγόmicroεναι καὶ περὶ τὸ σῶmicroα βλαστάνουσαι πρὸς τὰς ἀναγκαίαςἡδονάς αἱ δrsquo ἐπήλυδες αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν δοξῶν ἰσχὺν δὲ καὶβίαν ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ συνηθείας ἐν τροφῇ microοχθηρᾷ λαβοῦσαι πολλάκιςἕλκουσι καὶ ταπεινοῦσι τὴν ψυχὴν ἐρρωmicroενέστερον τῶν ἀναγκαίωνἔθει δὲ καὶ microελέτῃ πολὺ microέν τις ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἐmicroφύτων ἀπαρύσαι παθῶντῷ λόγῳ παρέσχε τὸ δὲ πᾶν τῆς ἀσκήσεως κράτος ὦ φίλε ταῖς ἐπεισ-οδίοις καὶ περιτταῖς προσάγοντας ἐπιθυmicroίαις ἐκπονεῖν χρὴ καὶ ἀπο-κόπτειν αὐτὰς ἀνείρξεσι καὶ κατοχαῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου κολαζοmicroένας εἰ

584F γὰρ δίψαν ἐκβιάζεται καὶ πεῖναν ἡ πρὸς τροφὴν καὶ ποτὸν ἀντίβασιςτοῦ λογισmicroοῦ microακρῷ δήπου ῥᾷόν ἐστι φιλοπλουτίαν κολοῦσαι καὶ φι-

Translation 43

self paid us for his keep and his burial most of all by teaching us not tocomplain of povertyrsquo15 lsquoAnd sorsquo replied Theanor lsquoitrsquos mean (is it) to complain of povertybut not absurd to fear and shun wealthrsquo

lsquoltNo that is absurdrsquo said Epaminondasgt141 unless one rejects it on rea-sonable grounds and not just as an affectation or through some sort of badtaste or cantrsquo

lsquoAnd what reason Epaminondasrsquo said Theanor lsquomight prevent the ac-quisition of wealth by honourable and just means Or rather ndash and pleaseallow yourself to answer us about this more gently than you answered theThessalian ndash [584C] tell me do you think it is sometimes right to offermoney but never right to accept it Or that offer and acceptance are al-ways equally wrongrsquo

lsquoNot at allrsquo said Epaminondas lsquoI think that both the bestowal and theacquisition of wealth (as of anything else) may be either disgraceful or vir-tuousrsquo

lsquoWell thenrsquo said Theanor lsquodoes not a debtor who pays up willingly acthonourably in so doingrsquo

He agreedlsquoAnd is not acceptance of an honourable offer itself honourable Can

there be a juster way of accepting money than from an offer justly madersquo[584D] lsquoNo there canrsquotrsquo he said lsquoAnd therefore Epaminondasrsquo said theother lsquoif one of two friends has an obligation to give the other has an obli-gation to receive In ba les one has to avoid the enemyrsquos good shots butin doing favours it is wrong to avoid or reject a friend who makes an hon-ourable offer If poverty is nothing disagreeable neither is wealth to beundervalued or rejectedrsquo

lsquoNorsquo said Epaminondas lsquobut there are people for whom an honourableoffer is more valuable and more honourable if they do not accept it Lookat it like this as we do There are many desires and many objects of desireSome desires are said to be innate and develop in the body with referenceto necessary pleasures [584E] Others are adventitious these arising outof142 empty fancies but acquiring strength and force in time and by habitthrough bad upbringing frequently drag down and depress the soul moreeffectively than the necessary desires By habit and practice men havebeen able to let reason draw off a good deal even of the innate passionbut it is on the intrusive unnecessary desires my friend that we need todeploy the full force of exercise and work to eradicate them by restraintsand inhibitions as they are brought under control by reason If [584F] theresistance of reason to food and drink can force out thirst and hunger it is

44 Text (15584Fndash 15585D)

λοδοξίαν ἀποχαῖς ὧν ἐφίενται καὶ ἀνείρξεσιν εἰς τέλος καταλυθείσαςἢ οὐ δοκεῖ σοιrsquo

ὡmicroολόγησεν ὁ ξένοςlsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoδιαφορὰν ὁρᾷς ἀσκήσεως καὶ τοῦ πρὸς ὃ ἡ ἄσκησις

ἔργου καὶ καθάπερ ἀθλητικῆς ἔργον microὲν ἂν εἴποις τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ στε-φάνου πρὸς τὸν ἀντίπαλον ἅmicroιλλαν ἄσκησιν δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦτο διὰ τῶνγυmicroνασίων παρασκευὴν τοῦ σώmicroατος οὕτω καὶ ἀρετῆς ὁmicroολογεῖς τὸmicroὲν ἔργον εἶναι τὸ δrsquo ἄσκησινrsquo

ὁmicroολογήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ξένου lsquoφέρε τοίνυν πρῶτονrsquo εἶπε lsquoτῆς ἐγκρα-585A τείας τὸ τῶν αἰσχρῶν καὶ παρανόmicroων ἡδονῶν ἀπέχεσθαι πότερον ἄ-

σκησιν | ἢ microᾶλλον ἔργον καὶ ἀπόδειξιν ἀσκήσεως εἶναι νοmicroίζειςrsquolsquoἔργονrsquo εἶπεν lsquoἐγὼ καὶ ἀπόδειξινrsquolsquoἄσκησιν δὲ καὶ microελέτην microετὰ ἐγκρατείας οὐχ ἥνπερ ἔτι νῦν ἐπιδεί-

κνυσθε πάντες ὑmicroεῖς ὅταν γυmicroναζόmicroενοι καὶ κινήσαντες ὥσπερ ζῷατὰς ὀρέξεις ἐπιστῆτε λαmicroπραῖς τραπέζαις καὶ ποικίλοις ἐδέσmicroασι πο-λὺν χρόνον εἶτα ταῦτα τοῖς οἰκέταις ὑmicroῶν εὐωχεῖσθαι παραδόντες αὐ-τοὶ τὰ λιτὰ καὶ ἁπλᾶ προσφέρησθε κεκολασmicroέναις ἤδη ταῖς ἐπιθυmicroίαιςἡ γὰρ ἐν οἷς ἔξεστιν ἀποχὴ τῶν ἡδονῶν ἄσκησίς ἐστι τῇ ψυχῇ πρὸς ἃκεκώλυταιrsquo

lsquoπάνυ microὲν οὖνrsquo εἶπεν585B lsquoἔστιν οὖν τις ὦ φίλε καὶ δικαιοσύνης πρὸς φιλοπλουτίαν καὶ φι-

λαργυρίαν ἄσκησις οὐ τὸ microὴ κλέπτειν ἐπιόντα νύκτωρ τὰ τῶν πέλαςmicroηδὲ λωποδυτεῖν οὐδrsquo εἰ microὴ προδίδωσί τις πατρίδα καὶ φίλους διrsquo ἀρ-γύριον οὗτος ἀσκεῖ πρὸς φιλαργυρίαν (καὶ γὰρ ὁ νόmicroος ἴσως ἐνταῦθακαὶ ὁ φόβος ἀπείργει τὴν πλεονεξίαν τοῦ ἀδικεῖν) ἀλλrsquo ὁ τῶν δικαίωνκαὶ συγκεχωρηmicroένων ὑπὸ τοῦ νόmicroου κερδῶν πολλάκις ἀφιστὰς ἑαυ-τὸν ἑκουσίως ἀσκεῖ καὶ προσεθίζεται microακρὰν εἶναι παντὸς ἀδίκου καὶπαρανόmicroου λήmicromicroατος οὔτε γὰρ ἐν ἡδοναῖς microεγάλαις microὲν ἀτόποις δὲ

585C καὶ βλαβεραῖς οἷόν τε τὴν διάνοιαν ἠρεmicroεῖν microὴ πολλάκις ἐν ἐξουσίᾳτοῦ ἀπολαύειν καταφρονήσασαν οὔτε λήmicromicroατα microοχθηρὰ καὶ πλεονε-ξίας microεγάλας εἰς ἐφικτὸν ἡκούσας ὑπερβῆναι ῥᾴδιον ᾧτινι microὴ πόρρω-θεν ἐνδέδωκε καὶ κεκόλασται τὸ φιλοκερδές ἀλλrsquo ⟨ἐν⟩ οἷς ἔξεστιν ἀνέ-δην εἰς τὸ κερδαίνειν ἀνατεθραmicromicroένον ὁ γὰρ σπαργᾷ περὶ τῆς ἀδικί-ας microάλα microόλις καὶ χαλεπῶς τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπεχόmicroενον ἀνδρὶ δὲ microὴφίλων προϊεmicroένῳ χάρισι microὴ βασιλέων δωρεαῖς αὑτόν ἀλλὰ καὶ τύχηςκλῆρον ἀπειπαmicroένῳ καὶ θησαυροῦ φανέντος ἐπιπηδῶσαν ἀποστήσαν-τι τὴν φιλοπλουτίαν οὐκ ἐπανίσταται πρὸς τὰς ἀδικίας οὐδὲ θορυβεῖ

585D τὴν διάνοιαν ἀλλrsquo εὐκόλως χρῆται πρὸς τὸ καλὸν αὑτῷ microέγα φρονῶνκαὶ τὰ κάλλιστα τῇ ψυχῇ συνειδώς τούτων ἐγὼ καὶ Καφισίας ἐρασταὶτῶν ἀγώνων ὄντες ὦ φίλε Σιmicromicroία παραιτούmicroεθα τὸν ξένον ἐᾶν ἡmicroᾶςἱκανῶς ἐγγυmicroνάσασθαι τῇ πενίᾳ πρὸς τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐκείνηνrsquo

Translation 45

surely far easier to curtail and ultimately to eliminate love of wealth andlove of reputation by denying them their objects and keeping them underrestraint Donrsquot you think sorsquo

The stranger agreedlsquoThen do you see the difference between exercise and the activity to-

wards which the exercise is directed You might say that in athletics thecontest against the opponent for the crown is the work and the prepara-tion of the body for this in the gymnasia is the exercise Do you now agreethat in virtue too there is both work and exercisersquo

The stranger agreed again lsquoWell thenrsquo said Epaminondas143 lsquofirst ofall do you think that abstinence from base and unlawful pleasures is anexercise of continence [585A] or rather a work and demonstration of itrsquo144

lsquoA work and demonstrationrsquo he saidlsquoAnd is it not exercise and practice of continence that you Pythagoreans

still display145 when by way of exercise you excite your desire146 likeanimals and stand a long time in front of splendidly set tables and a greatvariety of food only to pass it all over to your servants to feast on offeringyour own now chastened appetites only plain and simple fare Abstinencefrom permi ed pleasures is training for the soul to resist the forbiddenrsquo

lsquoYes indeedrsquo he saidlsquoThen my friendrsquo he said [585B] lsquothere is training also for justice147 to

prevent greed and avarice and itrsquos not just abstaining from going out in thenight to rob or mug your neighbours Nor if a man just abstains from be-traying friends or country for money is he training to avoid avarice in hiscase itrsquos probably the law and fear which restrain his greed from commit-ting a crime It is the man who voluntarily and habitually distances himselffrom perfectly proper and legally permi ed profits who is training and ac-customing himself to keep a long way away from any unjust or illegal gainIt is impossible to keep the mind at rest in the presence of intense but ab-normal and harmful pleasures unless it has repeatedly [585C] scornedenjoyments which were open to it Nor is it easy to rise above dishonestprofits and great material advantages that come within reach if onersquos loveof gain has not yielded148 and been chastened long before but has ratherbeen bred to take any permissible profit without restraint swells to burst-ing and is only with great difficulty kept back from seizing any chance ofgain If a man has not surrendered to friendsrsquo favours or kingsrsquo gi s buthas even declined a lucky windfall and checked his love of riches when itpounced on a treasure just come to light his greedy impulse does not riseup to commit crimes or throw his mind into confusion [585D] Proud andwith his conscience clear he deploys himself contentedly for honourableends Caphisias and I my dear Simmias are enamoured of these ba les149

46 Text (16585Dndash 17586B)

16 Ταῦτα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον δὶς ἢ τρὶς ἐπινεύ-σας τῇ κεφαλῇ lsquomicroέγαςrsquo ἔφη lsquomicroέγας ἀνήρ ἐστιν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας τούτουδrsquo αἴτιος οὑτοσὶ Πολύmicroνις ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν ἀρίστην τροφὴν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳτοῖς παισὶ παρασκευασάmicroενος ἀλλὰ περὶ microὲν τούτων αὐτοὶ διαλύεσθε

585E πρὸς αὑτούς ὦ ξένε τὸν δὲ Λῦσιν ἡmicroῖν εἰ θέmicroις ἀκοῦσαι πότερον ἄρακινεῖς ἐκ τοῦ τάφου καὶ microετοικίζεις εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἢ καταmicroένειν ἐνταῦθαπαρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἐάσεις εὐmicroενέσι καὶ φίλοις ὅταν ἐκεῖ γενώmicroεθα συνοίκοιςχρησόmicroενονrsquo

καὶ ὁ Θεάνωρ ἐπιmicroειδιάσας lsquoἔοικενrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛῦσις ὦ Σιmicromicroία φιλοχω-ρεῖν οὐδενὸς τῶν καλῶν ἐνδεὴς γεγονὼς διrsquo Ἐπαmicroεινώνδαν ἔστι γάρτι γιγνόmicroενον ἰδίᾳ περὶ τὰς ταφὰς τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ὅσιον οὗ microὴ τυ-χόντες οὐ δοκοῦmicroεν ἀπέχειν τὸ microακαριστὸν καὶ οἰκεῖον τέλος ὡς οὖνἔγνωmicroεν ἐκ τῶν ὀνείρων τὴν Λύσιδος τελευτήν (διαγιγνώσκοmicroεν δὲ ση-

585F microείῳ τινὶ φαινοmicroένῳ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἴτε τεθνηκότος εἴτε ζῶντος εἴ-δωλόν ἐστιν) ἔννοια πολλοῖς ἐπεισῆλθεν ὡς ἐπὶ ξένης ὁ Λῦσις ἄλλωςκεκήδευται καὶ κινητέος ἐστὶν ἡmicroῖν ὅπως ἐκεῖ microεταλάχῃ τῶν νοmicroιζοmicroέ-νων τοιαύτῃ δὲ διανοίᾳ παραγενόmicroενος καὶ πρὸς τὸν τάφον εὐθὺς ὑπὸτῶν ἐγχωρίων ὁδηγηθεὶς ἑσπέρας ἤδη χοὰς ἐχεόmicroην ἀνακαλούmicroενοςτὴν Λύσιδος ψυχὴν κατελθεῖν ἀποθεσπίσουσαν ὡς χρὴ ταῦτα πράσ-σειν προϊούσης δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς εἶδον microὲν οὐδέν ἀκοῦσαι δὲ φωνῆς ἔδοξατὰ ἀκίνητα microὴ κινεῖν ὁσίως γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων κεκηδεῦσθαι τὸ Λύσι-δος σῶmicroα τὴν δὲ ψυχὴν ἤδη κεκριmicroένην ἀφεῖσθαι πρὸς ἄλλην γένεσιν

586A ἄλλῳ δαίmicroονι συλλαχοῦσαν καὶ microέντοι καὶ συmicroβαλὼν ἕωθεν Ἐπαmicroει-νώνδᾳ | καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἀκούσας ᾧ θάψειε Λῦσιν ἐπέγνων ὅτι καλῶςἄχρι τῶν ἀπορρήτων πεπαιδευmicroένος ὑπrsquo ἐκείνου τἀνδρὸς εἴη καὶ χρῷ-το ταὐτῷ δαίmicroονι πρὸς τὸν βίον εἰ microὴ κακὸς ἐγὼ τεκmicroήρασθαι τῷ πλῷτὸν κυβερνήτην Μυρίαι microὲν γὰρ ἀτραποὶ βίων ὀλίγαι δrsquo ἃς δαίmicroονεςἀνθρώπους ἄγουσινrsquo ὁ microὲν οὖν Θεάνωρ ταῦτrsquo εἰπὼν τῷ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδᾳπροσέβλεψεν οἷον ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἀναθεώmicroενος αὐτοῦ τὴν φύσιν τὸ εἶδος17 Ἐν τούτῳ δrsquo ὁ microὲν ἰατρὸς προσελθὼν περιέλυσε τοῦ Σιmicromicroίου τὸν

586B ἐπίδεσmicroον ὡς θεραπεύσων τὸ σῶmicroα Φυλλίδας δrsquo ἐπεισελθὼν microεθrsquo Ἱπ-ποσθενείδου καὶ κελεύσας ἐmicroὲ καὶ Χάρωνα καὶ Θεόκριτον ἐξαναστῆ-ναι προσῆγεν εἴς τινα γωνίαν τοῦ περιστύλου σφόδρα τεταραγmicroένοςὡς διεφαίνετο τῷ προσώπῳ κἀmicroοῦ lsquomicroή τι καινότερον ὦ Φυλλίδα προσ-πέπτωκενrsquo εἰπόντος lsquoἐmicroοὶ microὲν οὐδένrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαινόν ὦ Καφισία καὶ γὰρπροῄδειν καὶ προύλεγον ὑmicroῖν τὴν Ἱπποσθενείδου microαλακίαν δεόmicroενοςmicroὴ ἀνακοινοῦσθαι microηδὲ παραλαmicroβάνειν εἰς τὴν πρᾶξινrsquo

ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τὸν λόγον ἡmicroῶν ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquomicroὴ λέγε πρὸςθεῶνrsquo ἔφη lsquoΦυλλίδα ταῦτα microηδὲ τὴν προπέτειαν εὐτολmicroίαν οἰόmicroενοςἀνατρέψῃς καὶ ἡmicroᾶς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀλλrsquo ἔασον ἀσφαλῶς εἴπερ εἵmicroαρ-

Translation 47

and we are asking our guest to let us train ourselves properly by povertyto acquire this virtuersquo16 When my brother had finished Simmias nodded some two or threetimes150 lsquoA great manrsquo he said lsquoa great man is Epaminondas and Polym-nis here is responsible because he has given his children the best upbring-ing in philosophy right from the start But you must se le this issue be-tween yourselves sir151 [585E] As to Lysis if we are allowed to hear areyou moving him from his grave and se ling him in Italy or will you lethim stay here with us so that he can have our company as friends andwellwishers when we pass to the other sidersquo152

lsquoSimmiasrsquo said Theanor smiling at him lsquoLysis I fancy is at home wherehe is and thanks to Epaminondas he lacks no honour There is a privateobservance at Pythagoreansrsquo burials and if we do not receive it we thinkwe do not have our proper blessed end When we learned from dreams ofLysisrsquo end (we can tell from a certain sign in dreams [585F] whether thevision is of a dead or a living person)153 many formed the notion that Lysishad been buried in a foreign land without our rites and ought to be movedso as to have his due portion in the other world154 It was with this in mindthat I came here and was at once guided to the tomb by the local people Itwas evening I poured a libation and summoned Lysisrsquo soul to return andreveal how I should go about this In the course of the night I saw nothingbut I seemed to hear a voice bidding me lsquonot move the unmoveablersquo155 Ly-sisrsquo body (the voice declared) had been buried with due rites by his friendsand his soul had already been judged and released to another birth allot-ted now to another daimon156 In the morning when I met Epaminondas[586A] and heard how he had buried Lysis I realized that he had beenwell instructed by the man himself even in the secrets and had the samedaimon to guide him in life if I am any good at guessing the pilot by thecourse he sets Paths of lives are innumerable but there are only a few bywhich daimones guide humansrsquo Having said this Theanor looked hard atEpaminondas as though studying his characteristics157 afresh17 Meanwhile the doctor had come and loosened Simmiasrsquo bandageprior to making him comfortable Phyllidas [586B] had also come in withHipposthenidas158 He asked me Charon and Theocritus to get up andled us into a corner of the colonnade His face showed that he was deeplydisturbed and when I asked lsquoHas anything new happened Phyllidasrsquohe replied lsquoNothing that was new to me Caphisias I foresaw Hippo-sthenidasrsquo weakness and I told you and begged you not to share our planswith him or involve him in themrsquo

We were aghast at this lsquoFor heavenrsquos sake Phyllidasrsquo said Hippos-thenidas lsquodonrsquot talk like that Donrsquot mistake rashness for courage and ruinus and the city Let the men come home safely if they are fated to do sorsquo

48 Text (17586Cndash 17587A)

586C ται κατελθεῖν τοὺς ἄνδραςrsquo καὶ ὁ Φυλλίδας παροξυνόmicroενος lsquoεἰπέ microοιrsquoφησίν lsquoὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα πόσους οἴει microετέχειν τῶν ἀπορρήτων εἰς τὴνπρᾶξιν ἡmicroῖνrsquo

lsquoἐγὼ microένrsquo εἶπεν lsquoοὐκ ἐλάσσους ἢ τριάκοντα γιγνώσκωrsquolsquoτί οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος ὄντων τὰ πᾶσι δόξαντα microόνος ἀνῄ-

ρηκας καὶ διακεκώλυκας ἐκπέmicroψας ἱππέα πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤδη καθrsquoὁδὸν ὄντας ἀναστρέφειν κελεύσας καὶ microὴ κατατεῖναι σήmicroερον ὅτε τῶν

πρὸς τὴν κάθοδον αὐτοῖς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὸ αὐτόmicroατον συmicroπαρεσκεύ-ασενrsquo

586D εἰπόντος δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ Φυλλίδου πάντες microὲν διεταράχθηmicroεν ὁ δὲ Χά-ρων τῷ Ἱπποσθενείδᾳ πάνυ σκληρῶς τὴν ὄψιν ἐνερείσας lsquoὦ microοχθηρέrsquoεἶπεν lsquoἄνθρωπε τί δέδρακας ἡmicroᾶςrsquo lsquoοὐδένrsquo ἔφη lsquoδεινόνrsquo ὁ Ἱπποσθενεί-δας lsquoἐὰν ἀνεὶς τὴν τραχύτητα τῆς φωνῆς ἀνδρὸς ἡλικιώτου καὶ πολιὰςπαραπλησίως ἔχοντος λογισmicroῶν microετάσχῃς εἰ microὲν γὰρ εὐψυχίαν φιλο-κίνδυνον ἀποδείξασθαι τοῖς πολίταις καὶ θυmicroὸν ὀλιγωροῦντα τοῦ βίουπροῃρήmicroεθα Φυλλίδα πολὺ τὸ τῆς ἡmicroέρας microῆκος ἔτι καὶ τὴν ἑσπέ-ραν microὴ περιmicroένωmicroεν ἀλλrsquo ἤδη βαδίζωmicroεν ἐπὶ τοὺς τυράννους τὰ ξίφηλαβόντες ἀποκτιννύωmicroεν ἀποθνήσκωmicroεν ἀφειδῶmicroεν ἑαυτῶν εἰ δὲ

586E ταῦτα microὲν οὔτε δρᾶσαι χαλεπὸν οὔτε παθεῖν ἐξελέσθαι δὲ τὰς Θήβαςὅπλων τοσούτων πολεmicroίων περιεχόντων καὶ τὴν Σπαρτιατῶν φρου-ρὰν ἀπώσασθαι δυσὶ νεκροῖς ἢ τρισὶν οὐ ῥᾴδιον (οὐδὲ γὰρ τοσοῦτον εἰςτὰ συmicroπόσια καὶ τὰς ὑποδοχὰς παρεσκεύακε Φυλλίδας ἄκρατον ὥστετοὺς χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους Ἀρχία microεθυσθῆναι δορυφόρους ἀλλὰκἂν ἐκεῖνον ἀνέλωmicroεν ἐφεδρεύει τῇ νυκτὶ νήφων Ἡριππίδας καὶ Ἄρκε-σος) τί σπεύδοmicroεν κατάγειν φίλους καὶ οἰκείους ἄνδρας ἐπὶ προῦπτονὄλεθρον καὶ τοῦτο microηδrsquo ἀγνοούντων τῶν ἐχθρῶν παντάπασι τὴν κά-θοδον διὰ τί γὰρ Θεσπιεῦσι microὲν παρήγγελται τρίτην ἡmicroέραν ταύτην ἐν

586F τοῖς ὅπλοις εἶναι καὶ προσέχειν ὅταν οἱ Σπαρτιατῶν ἡγεmicroόνες καλῶ-σιν Ἀmicroφίθεον δὲ σήmicroερον ὡς πυνθάνοmicroαι microέλλουσιν ἀνακρίναντεςὅταν Ἀρχίας ἐπανέλθῃ διαφθερεῖν οὐ microεγάλα ταῦτα σηmicroεῖα τοῦ microὴλανθάνειν τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐ κράτιστον ἐπισχεῖν χρόνον οὐχὶ πολὺν ἀλλrsquoὅσον ἐξοσιώσασθαι τὰ θεῖα καὶ γὰρ οἱ microάντεις τῇ Δήmicroητρι τὸν βοῦνθύοντες πολὺν θόρυβον καὶ κίνδυνον λέγουσι δηmicroόσιον ἀποσηmicroαίνειντὰ ἔmicroπυρα καὶ τὸ σοὶ πλείστης δεόmicroενον ὦ Χάρων εὐλαβείας ἐχθὲςἐξἀγροῦ microοι συνοδεύων Ὑπατόδωρος ὁ Ἐριάνθους χρηστὸς microὲν ἄλλως

587A καὶ οἰκεῖος ἀνὴρ οὐδὲν δὲ τῶν πρασσοmicroένων συνειδώς | bdquoἔστι σοιldquo φη-σίν bdquoὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα Χάρων ἑταῖρος ἐmicroοὶ δrsquo οὐ πάνυ συνήθης ἐὰν οὖνδοκῇ σοι φράσον αὐτῷ φυλάττεσθαί τινα κίνδυνον ἐξ ἐνυπνίου microάλαδυσχεροῦς καὶ ἀτόπου τῆς γὰρ ἄλλης νυκτὸς ᾤmicroην αὐτοῦ τὴν οἰκίανὠδίνειν ὥσπερ κύουσαν αὐτὸν δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους συναγωνιῶντας εὔ-χεσθαι καὶ κύκλῳ παρεῖναι τὴν δὲ microυκᾶσθαι καὶ ἀφιέναι φωνάς τινας

Translation 49

[586C] Phyllidas was annoyed lsquoTell me Hipposthenidasrsquo he said lsquohowmany people do you suppose share the secrets of our planrsquo

lsquoI know at least thirtyrsquo he saidlsquoThen why when there are so many of us have you alone upset and

frustrated what was unanimously agreed by sending a rider to the menwhen they were already on their way telling them to turn back and not

press on today ndash when chance too has provided most of the condition fortheir returnrsquo

Phyllidasrsquo speech threw us all into confusion [586D] Charon staredhard and fiercely at Hipposthenidas lsquoWretchrsquo he said lsquowhat have youdone to usrsquo lsquoNothing very dreadfulrsquo said Hipposthenidas lsquoif only youwill so en your tone of voice and share the thinking of a man of your ownage who has just as many grey hairs as you If we are determined Phyl-lidas to demonstrate to our fellow-citizens our courage our readiness totake risks and a spirit that recks li le of life therersquos much of the day le letrsquos not wait till evening but pick up our swords and go for the tyrantsletrsquos kill and die and not spare ourselves But while therersquos no difficulty inkilling and dying itrsquos not easy [586E] to rescue Thebes with the hostilearmy all around or to drive out the Spartan garrison at the cost of two orthree dead I donrsquot suppose Phyllidas has provided enough wine for theparty and the entertainment to make Archiasrsquo fi een hundred guards alldrunk Anyway if we kill him Herippidas and Arcesus159 are on nightguard and sober So why are we in a hurry to bring our friends and kins-men home to certain death when even the enemy knows something abouttheir return Why were the Thespians160 ordered [586F] to be in arms twodays ago and hold themselves ready for orders from the Spartan comman-ders161 And I hear they intend to question Amphitheus162 today and puthim to death when Archias comes back Are not these strong signs thatour plan is discovered Would it not be best to wait a while ndash not long butenough to propitiate heaven The seers sacrificing the ox to Demeter163

say that the burnt offerings indicate great trouble and public danger Andtherersquos something that needs particular care on your part Charon on myway back from the country yesterday I had the company of Hypatodorusthe son of Erianthes164 a good man and a connection of mine but know-ing nothing of what is being planned [587A] He said to me ldquoCharon isa friend of yours Hipposthenidas but I am not at all familiar with himplease tell him (if you think it right) to beware of a danger threatened by avery unpleasant and strange dream Last night I dreamed that his housewas groaning as if in labour and he and his friends were standing roundand praying in great anxiety for it the house groaned and u ered inartic-

50 Text (17587Andash 18587F)

ἀνάρθρους τέλος δὲ πῦρ λάmicroψαι πολὺ καὶ δεινὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔνδοθεν ὡς587B τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς πόλεως φλέγεσθαι τὴν δὲ Καδmicroείαν καπνῷ microόνῳ περι-

έχεσθαι τὸ δὲ πῦρ ἄνω microὴ ἐπιπολάζεινldquo ἡ microὲν οὖν ὄψις ὦ Χάρων ἣν ὁἄνθρωπος διεξῆλθε τοιαύτη τις ἦν ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ παραχρῆmicroα κατέδεισακαὶ πολὺ microᾶλλον ἀκούσας σήmicroερον ὡς εἰς τὴν σὴν οἰκίαν οἱ φυγάδεςκαταίρειν microέλλουσιν ἀγωνιῶ microὴ microεγάλων κακῶν ἐmicroπλήσωmicroεν ἡmicroᾶςαὐτοὺς οὐδὲν ἀξιόλογον τοὺς πολεmicroίους δράσαντες ἀλλrsquo ὅσον διατα-ράξαντες τὴν γὰρ πόλιν πρὸς ἡmicroῶν τίθεmicroαι τὴν δὲ Καδmicroείαν ὥσπερἐστὶ πρὸς ἐκείνωνrsquo18 ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεόκριτος καὶ κατασχὼν τὸν Χάρωνα βουλόmicroενονεἰπεῖν τι πρὸς τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν lsquoἀλλrsquo ἔmicroοιγrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoἀπrsquo οὐδενὸς οὕ-

587C τως οὐδέποτε θαρρῆσαι πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα παρέστηκαίπερ ἱεροῖς ἀεὶ χρησαmicroένῳ καλοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν φυγάδων ὡς ἀπὸ τῆςὄψεως ταύτης εἴ γε φῶς microὲν πολὺ καὶ λαmicroπρὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει λέγεις ἐξοἰκίας φίλης ἀνασχεῖν καπνῷ δὲ συmicromicroελανθῆναι τὸ τῶν πολεmicroίων οἰ-κητήριον οὐδὲν οὐδέποτε δακρύων καὶ ταραχῆς φέροντι κρεῖττον ἀσή-microους δὲ φωνὰς ἐκφέρεσθαι παρrsquo ἡmicroῶν ὥστε κἄν εἰ τις ἐπιχειρῇ κατη-γορεῖν περιφώνησιν ἀσαφῆ καὶ τυφλὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἡ πρᾶξις λαβοῦσαmicroόνον ἅmicroα καὶ φανήσεται καὶ κρατήσει δυσιερεῖν δέ γε θύοντας εἰκόςἡ γὰρ ἀρχὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερεῖον οὐ δηmicroόσιον ἀλλὰ τῶν κρατούντων ἐστίνrsquo

587D ἔτι δὲ τοῦ Θεοκρίτου λέγοντος λέγω πρὸς τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν lsquoτίναπρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐξαπέστειλας εἰ γὰρ οὐ πολὺ προείληφε διωξόmicroε-θαrsquo

καὶ ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία (δεῖ γὰρ ὑmicroῖν τἀλη-θῆ λέγειν) εἰ καταλάβοις ἂν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἵππῳ χρώmicroενον τῶν ἐν Θή-βαις κρατίστῳ γνώριmicroος δrsquo ὑmicroῖν ὁ ἄνθρωπός ἐστι τῶν Μέλωνος ἁρmicroα-τηλατῶν ἐπιστάτης καὶ διὰ Μέλωνα τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀπrsquo ἀρχῆς συνειδώςrsquo

κἀγὼ κατιδὼν τὸν ἄνθρωπον lsquoἆρrsquo οὐ Χλίδωνα λέγειςrsquo εἶπον lsquoὦ Ἱπ-ποσθενείδα τὸν κέλητι τὰ Ἡρά⟨κλε⟩ια νικῶντα πέρυσινrsquo

lsquoἐκεῖνον microὲν οὖν αὐτόνrsquo ἔφησεlsquoκαὶ τίς οὗτοςrsquo ἔφην lsquoἐστὶν ὁ πρὸς ταῖς αὐλείοις θύραις ἐφεστὼς πά-

λαι καὶ προσβλέπων ἡmicroῖνrsquo587E ἐπιστρέψας οὖν ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquoΧλίδωνrsquo ἔφη lsquoνὴ τὸν Ἡρακλέα

φεῦ microή τι χαλεπώτερον συmicroβέβηκεrsquoκἀκεῖνος ὡς εἶδεν ἡmicroᾶς προσέχοντας αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῆς θύρας ἡσυ-

χῆ προσῆγε τοῦ δrsquo Ἱπποσθενείδου νεύσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ λέγειν κελεύ-σαντος εἰς ἅπαντας lsquoοἶδrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτοὺς ἄνδρας ἀκριβῶς Ἱπποσθενείδακαί σε microήτε κατrsquo οἶκον εὑρὼν microήτrsquo ἐπrsquo ἀγορᾶς δεῦρο πρὸς τούτους ἐτε-

587F κmicroαιρόmicroην ἥκειν καὶ συνέτεινον εὐθύς ἵνα microηδὲν ἀγνοῆτε τῶν γεγο-νότων ὡς γὰρ ἐκέλευσας τάχει παντὶ χρησάmicroενον ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἀπαν-τῆσαι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἰσῆλθον οἴκαδε ληψόmicroενος τὸν ἵππον αἰτοῦντι

Translation 51

ulate cries and ultimately a terrible great fire blazed up from within it sothat most of the city caught fire though the Cadmea was only envelopedin smoke [587B] the fire not rising so highrdquo That was the vision Charonthat my companion told me I was alarmed at the time but hearing todaythat the exiles are due to lodge in your house I am all the more anxiousthat we may bring disaster on ourselves without doing our enemies anyworthwhile harm beyond causing them some confusion For I interpretthe city as our side and the Cadmea as theirs as indeed it isrsquo

18 Charon was about to say something in reply to Hipposthenidas butTheocritus interrupted and stopped him lsquoFor my partrsquo he said lsquothough Ihave always had [587C] favourable omens from sacrifices on behalf of theexiles Hipposthenidas I have never encountered anything so hearteningfor our plans as this vision You tell me that a great bright light went upfrom a friendly house in the city while the enemiesrsquo base was darkenedby smoke which never produces anything be er than tears and confusionThen the sounds from our side were inarticulate and so even if there is ana empt to denounce us our affair will only produce a vague reverberationand a dim suspicion and will be revealed only in the moment of victoryAs for the bad omens at the sacrifice they are only to be expected for theoffice and the victim belong to those in power not to the peoplersquo

While Theocritus was still speaking I said to Hipposthenidas lsquoWhomdid you [587D] send to the men If he hasnrsquot a big start165 we will try tocatch him uprsquo

lsquoTo tell you the truth Caphisiasrsquo said Hipposthenidas lsquoas I must I donrsquotknow if you could catch him up for he is riding the best horse in ThebesYou all know the man ndash hersquos the head man of Melonrsquos166 charioteers andbecause of Melon he has been conscious of the plan from the beginningrsquo

Then I caught sight of the man lsquoDonrsquot you mean Chlidon167 Hippo-sthenidasrsquo I said lsquolast yearrsquos horse-race winner at the Heraclea168

lsquoThatrsquos the manrsquo he saidlsquoAnd whorsquos thisrsquo I said lsquowho has been standing at the street door look-

ing at us for quite a timersquo[587E] lsquoBy Heraclesrsquo he said turning round lsquoitrsquos Chlidon Oh I wonder ifsomething worse has happenedrsquo

As soon as Chlidon saw that we noticed him he stepped quietly for-ward from the door Hipposthenidas signed to him and told him to speakbefore us allhellip 169 lsquoI know these men perfectly well Hipposthenidasrsquo hesaid lsquoand when I couldnrsquot find you at home or in the agora I guessed thatyou had joined them here [587F] I lost no time in hurrying here so thatyou should all know everything that has happened When you orderedme to make all speed and rendezvous with the men on the mountain I

52 Text (18587Fndash 20588D)

δέ microοι τὸν χαλινὸν οὐκ εἶχεν ἡ γυνὴ δοῦναι ἀλλὰ διέτριβεν ἐν τῷ ταmicroι-είῳ πολὺν χρόνον ὡς δὲ ζητοῦσα καὶ σκευωρουmicroένη τὰ ἔνδον ἱκανῶςἀπολαύσασά microου τέλος ὡmicroολόγησε κεχρηκέναι τῷ γείτονι τὸν χαλινὸνἑσπέρας αἰτησαmicroένης αὐτοῦ τῆς γυναικός ἀγανακτοῦντος δrsquo ἐmicroοῦ καὶκακῶς αὐτὴν λέγοντος τρέπεται πρὸς δυσφηmicroίας ἀποτροπαίους ἐπα-

588A ρωmicroένη κακὰς ⟨microὲν⟩ ὁδοὺς κακὰς δrsquo ἐπανόδους | ἃ νὴ Δία πάντα τρέ-ψειαν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐκείνην οἱ θεοί τέλος δὲ microέχρι πληγῶν προαχθεὶς ὑπrsquoὀργῆς εἶτrsquo ὄχλου γειτόνων καὶ γυναικῶν συνδραmicroόντος αἴσχιστα ποιή-σας καὶ παθὼν microόλις ἀφῖγmicroαι πρὸς ὑmicroᾶς ὅπως ἄλλον ἐκπέmicroπητε πρὸςτοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς ἐmicroοῦ παντάπασιν ἐκστατικῶς ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ κα-κῶς ἔχοντοςrsquo

19 ἡmicroᾶς δέ τις ἔσχεν ἄτοπος microεταβολὴ τοῦ πάθους microικρὸν γὰρ ἔmicro-προσθεν τῷ κεκωλῦσθαι δυσχεραίνοντες πάλιν διὰ τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦκαιροῦ καὶ τὸ τάχος ὡς οὐκ οὔσης ἀναβολῆς εἰς ἀγωνίαν ὑπηγόmicroεθα

588B καὶ φόβον οὐ microὴν ἀλλrsquo ἐγὼ προσαγορεύσας τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν καὶδεξιωσάmicroενος ἐθάρρυνον ὡς καὶ τῶν θεῶν παρακαλούντων ἐπὶ τὴνπρᾶξιν Ἐκ δὲ τούτου Φυλλίδας microὲν ᾤχετο τῆς ὑποδοχῆς ἐπιmicroελησόmicroε-νος καὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν εὐθὺς ἐνσείσων εἰς τὸν πότον Χάρων δὲ τῆς οἰκίας ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ Θεόκριτος πάλιν πρὸς τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν ἐπανήλθοmicroεν ὅπωςτῷ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδᾳ καιρὸν λαβόντες ἐντύχοιmicroεν20 οἱ δrsquo ἦσαν ἤδη πρόσω ζητήσεως οὐκ ἀγεννοῦς ἀλλrsquo ἧς ὀλίγον ἔmicroπρο-

588C σθεν οἱ περὶ Γαλαξίδωρον καὶ Φειδόλαον ἥψαντο διαποροῦντες τίνοςοὐσίας καὶ δυνάmicroεως εἴη τὸ Σωκράτους λεγόmicroενον δαιmicroόνιον ἃ microὲνοὖν πρὸς τὸν Γαλαξιδώρου λόγον ἀντεῖπεν ὁ Σιmicromicroίας οὐκ ἠκούσαmicroεναὐτὸς δὲ Σωκράτη microὲν ἔφη περὶ τούτων ἐρόmicroενός ποτε microὴ τυχεῖν ἀπο-κρίσεως διὸ microηδrsquo αὖθις ἐρέσθαι πολλάκις δrsquo αὐτῷ παραγενέσθαι τοὺςmicroὲν διrsquo ὄψεως ἐντυχεῖν θείῳ τινὶ λέγοντας ἀλαζόνας ἡγουmicroένῳ τοῖς δrsquoἀκοῦσαί τινος φωνῆς φάσκουσι προσέχοντι τὸν νοῦν καὶ διαπυνθανο-microένῳ microετὰ σπουδῆς lsquoὅθεν ἡmicroῖν παρίστατο σκοπουmicroένοις ἰδίᾳ πρὸς ἀλ-

588D λήλους ὑπονοεῖν microήποτε τὸ Σωκράτους δαιmicroόνιον οὐκ ὄψις ἀλλὰ φω-νῆς τινος αἴσθησις ἢ λόγου νόησις εἴη συνάπτοντος ἀτόπῳ τινὶ τρόπῳπρὸς αὐτόν ὥσπερ καὶ καθrsquo ὕπνον οὐκ ἔστι φωνή λόγων δέ τινων δό-ξας καὶ νοήσεις λαmicroβάνοντες οἴονται φθεγγοmicroένων ἀκούειν ἀλλὰ τοῖςmicroὲν ὡς ἀληθῶς ὄναρ ἡ τοιαύτη σύνεσις γίγνεται διrsquo ἡσυχίαν καὶ γαλή-νην τοῦ σώmicroατος ὅταν καθεύδωσι ⟨microᾶλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩ microόλιςἐπήκοον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχὴν τῶν κρειττόνων καὶ πεπνιγmicroένοι γε θορύβῳτῶν παθῶν καὶ περιαγωγῇ τῶν χρειῶν εἰσακοῦσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν τὴνδιάνοιαν οὐ δύνανται τοῖς δηλουmicroένοις

Translation 53

went home to fetch the horse But when I asked for the bridle my wifecouldnrsquot give it me She stayed a long time in the storehouse and when170

she had fooled me long enough pretending to search for it and check thecontents of the store she finally confessed that she had lend the bridle toour neighbour the evening before at his wifersquos request I was angry andsaid some bad things about her she resorted to cursing me quite abom-inably wishing me a bad journey and a bad return [588A] May the godsvisit as much on her In the end I was provoked to strike her in angerand a crowd of neighbours and their wives gathered around us What Idid then and what I suffered was an absolute disgrace and Irsquove only justmanaged to get to you so that you can send someone else out to the menbecause Irsquom quite beside myself for the moment and in a very bad wayrsquo19 We now experienced an extraordinary change of feeling A li le be-fore we had felt frustrated by the obstacles now the urgency of the situ-ation and the speed of events brought us once again to an agony of fearThere was no pu ing things off [588B] I spoke to Hipposthenidas andclasped him by the hand to give him heart the gods too (I said) were urg-ing us to act Phyllidas then departed to see to the reception of his guestsand to contrive to get Archias drinking at once Charon ltwent to see togthis househellip171 Theocritus and I returned to Simmias to find some oppor-tunity to talk to Epaminondas20 They were now deep into a grand subject the one on which Galaxi-dorus and Phidolaus had lately touched they were discussing the essenceand power [588C] of what was called Socratesrsquo daimonion We did not hearSimmiasrsquo reply to Galaxidorus He said however that he had himself onceasked Socrates about the ma er but not had an answer and therefore hadnot asked again But he had o en (he said) been present when Socratesdismissed as impostors people who said they had encountered some di-vine being in a vision but paid careful a ention and made eager inquiryof any who claimed to have heard a voice lsquoSo when we discussed it pri-vately among ourselves we came to suspect that Socratesrsquo daimonion wasnot a vision but the perception of a voice [588D] or the apprehension ofa thought which made contact with him in some extraordinary way justas in sleep there is no voice but people get impressions or apprehensionsof words and think they hear people speaking For some however suchunderstanding actually occurs in dreams ltsince they have be er percep-tiongt172 when they are asleep because of the quiet and calm of the bodyltwhereas when awakegt they have difficulty in subjecting their mind to thehigher power and stifled as they are by the tumult of emotions and thedistraction of wants are incapable of listening or addressing their mindsto the things shown to them

54 Text (20588Dndash 20589C)

Σωκράτει δrsquo ὁ νοῦς καθαρὸς ὢν καὶ ἀπαθής τῷ σώmicroατι microη⟨δαmicroῶς588E εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων χάριν καταmicroιγνὺς αὑτόν εὐαφὴς ἦν καὶ

λεπτὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ προσπεσόντος ὀξέως microεταβαλεῖν τὸ δὲ προσπῖπτον οὐφθόγγον ἀλλὰ λόγον ἄν τις εἰκάσειε δαίmicroονος ἄνευ φωνῆς ἐφαπτόmicroε-νον αὐτῷ τῷ δηλουmicroένῳ τοῦ νοοῦντος πληγῇ γὰρ ἡ φωνὴ προσέοικετῆς ψυχῆς διrsquo ὤτων βίᾳ τὸν λόγον εἰσδεχοmicroένης ὅταν ἀλλήλοις ἐντυγ-χάνωmicroεν ὁ δὲ τοῦ κρείττονος νοῦς ἄγει τὴν εὐφυᾶ ψυχὴν ἐπιθιγγά-νων τῷ νοηθέντι πληγῆς microὴ δεοmicroένην ἡ δrsquo ἐνδίδωσιν αὐτῷ χαλῶντι

588F καὶ συντείνοντι τὰς ὁρmicroὰς οὐ βιαίως ⟨ὡς⟩ ὑπὸ παθῶν ἀντιτεινόντωνἀλλrsquo εὐστρόφους καὶ microαλακὰς ὥσπερ ἡνίας ἐνδοῦσα

οὐ δεῖ δὲ θαυmicroάζειν ὁρῶντας τοῦτο microὲν ὑπὸ microικροῖς οἴαξι microεγάλωνπεριαγωγὰς ὁλκάδων τοῦτο δὲ τροχῶν κεραmicroεικῶν δίνησιν ἄκρας πα-ραψαύσει χειρὸς ὁmicroαλῶς περιφεροmicroένων ἄψυχα microὲν γὰρ ἀλλrsquo ὅmicroωςτροχαλὰ ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ὑπὸ λειότητος ἐνδίδωσι πρὸς τὸ κινοῦν ῥο-πῆς γενοmicroένης ψυχὴ δrsquo ἀνθρώπου microυρίαις ὁρmicroαῖς οἷον ὕσπληξιν ἐν-τεταmicroένη microακρῷ πάντων ὀργάνων εὐστροφώτατόν ἐστιν ἄν τις κατὰ

589A λόγον ἅπτηται ῥοπὴν λαβοῦσα πρὸς τὸ νοηθὲν κινεῖσθαι | ἐνταῦθαγὰρ εἰς τὸ νοοῦν αἱ τῶν παθῶν καὶ ὁρmicroῶν κατατείνουσιν ἀρχαί τού-του δὲ σεισθέντος ἑλκόmicroεναι σπῶσι καὶ συντείνουσι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ᾗκαὶ microάλιστα τὸ νοηθὲν ἡλίκην ἔχει ῥώmicroην καταmicroαθεῖν δίδωσιν ὀστᾶγὰρ ἀναίσθητα καὶ νεῦρα καὶ σάρκες ὑγρῶν περίπλεαι καὶ βαρὺς ὁἐκ τούτων ὄγκος ἡσυχάζων καὶ κείmicroενος ἅmicroα τῷ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν νῷ τιβαλέσθαι καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ κινῆσαι τὴν ὁρmicroὴν ὅλος ἀναστὰς καὶ συντα-θεὶς πᾶσι τοῖς microέρεσιν οἷον ἐπτερωmicroένος φέρεται πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ

589B δὲ τῆς κινήσεως καὶ συνεντάσεως καὶ παραστάσεως τρόπος χαλεπὸςἢ παντελῶς ἄπορος συνοφθῆναι καθrsquo ὃν ἡ ψυχὴ νοήσασα ἐφέλκεταιταῖς ὁρmicroαῖς τὸν ὄγκον ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς ἐννοηθεὶς κινεῖλόγος ἀπραγmicroόνως οὕτως οὐκ ἂν οἶmicroαι δυσπείστως ἔχοιmicroεν ὑπὸ νοῦκρείσσονος νοῦν καὶ ⟨ψυχὴν⟩ ψυχῆς θειοτέρας ἄγεσθαι θύραθεν ἐφα-πτοmicroένης ἣν πέφυκεν ἐπαφὴν λόγος ἴσχειν πρὸς λόγον daggerὥσπερ φῶςἀνταύγειανdagger

τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὰς microὲν ἀλλήλων νοήσεις οἷον ὑπὸ σκότῳ διὰ φωνῆςψηλαφῶντες γνωρίζοmicroεν αἱ δὲ τῶν δαιmicroόνων φέγγος ἔχουσαι τοῖς δε-

589C χοmicroένοις ἐλλάmicroπουσιν οὐ δεόmicroεναι ῥηmicroάτων οὐδrsquo ὀνοmicroάτων οἷς χρώ-microενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ ἄνθρωποι συmicroβόλοις εἴδωλα τῶν νοουmicroένωνκαὶ εἰκόνας ὁρῶσιν αὐτὰ δrsquo οὐ γιγνώσκουσι πλὴν οἷς ἔπεστιν ἴδιόν τικαὶ δαιmicroόνιον ὥσπερ εἴρηται φέγγος καίτοι τὸ περὶ τὴν φωνὴν γιγνό-

Translation 55

lsquoSocratesrsquo intellect on the other hand was pure and untrammelled notinvolving itself in the body except173 to a small extent [588E] for neces-sary purposes it was therefore sensitive and delicate enough to respondquickly to whatever impinged upon it And that it may be supposed wasnot a sound but the thought of a daimon making contact voicelessly withthe thinking mind by its bare meaning174 Voice is like a blow to the soulwhich receives the thought by force through the ears whenever we con-verse with one another The intellect of the higher being on the otherhand guides the gi ed soul which needs no blow touching it with itsthought and that soul surrenders its impulses to this intellect which re-laxes or tightens them not violently ltasgt175 [588F] against the resistanceof passions but yielding176 as it were its so and pliable reins

lsquoThere is no need to wonder at this when we see on the one hand hugemerchantmen turned round by small tillers and on the other the revolu-tion of the po errsquos wheel that turns so smoothly at the touch of a fingertipThese things though lifeless are so contrived as to run easily and theirsmoothness enables them to yield to the motive force once the inclinationis given The human mind likewise is strung as it were with the stringsof countless impulses and is much the most easily guided of machinestouch it by reason and it accepts the pressure to move as the idea directs[589A] In us you see the origins of emotions and impulses lead back tothe intelligence once this is disturbed there is a tug upon them and theyin turn exert a pull and a tension upon the man This above all is how theidea lets us understand what great power it has For bones and sinewsand moisture-laden flesh have no sensation and the mass made of themso heavy when at rest and inert rises up all of it becomes tense in all itsparts and takes off for action as though on wings the moment177 the soulforms a conception in the intellect and rouses its impulse to respond to itNow178 how the mode of movement tension and excitation [589B] bywhich the soul having formed its thought draws the mass a er it by itsimpulses is difficult or indeed impossible to understand But as the con-ception of a thought even without a voice179 does in fact easily move thebody so we should be ready to believe that an intellect may be guided bysuperior intellect and a mind by a more divine mind which makes con-tact with it from outside with the form of contact which is natural betweenthought and thought a sort of effulgence [light] as it were180

lsquoFor in truth while we understand the thoughts of others by groping forthem in the dark as it were by the spoken word the thoughts of daimonesby contrast have brilliance and shine on those who can receive181 themwith no need of the verbs and nouns182 [589C] which humans use as sym-bols among themselves to discern images and pictures of their thoughtsthe thoughts themselves remaining unrecognized except by these onwhom

56 Text (20589Cndash 21590B)

microενον ἔστιν ᾗ παραmicroυθεῖται τοὺς ἀπιστοῦντας ὁ γὰρ ἀὴρ φθόγγοιςἐνάρθροις τυπωθεὶς καὶ γενόmicroενος διrsquo ὅλου λόγος καὶ φωνὴ πρὸς τὴνψυχὴν τοῦ ἀκροωmicroένου περαίνει τὴν νόησιν ὥστε ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξι-ον εἰ καὶ κατrsquo αὐτὸ τὸ νοηθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩ ὁ ἀὴρ τρεπόmicroενοςδιrsquo εὐπάθειαν ἐνσηmicroαίνεται τοῖς θείοις καὶ περιττοῖς ἀνδράσι τὸν τοῦνοήσαντος λόγον ὥσπερ γὰρ αἱ πληγαὶ τῶν ⟨ὑπορυττ⟩όντων ἀσπίσι

589D χαλκαῖς ἁλίσκονται διὰ τὴν ἀντήχησιν ὅταν ἐκ βάθους ἀναφερόmicroεναιπροσπέσωσι τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων ἀδήλως διεκθέουσαι λανθάνουσιν οὕτως οἱτῶν δαιmicroόνων λόγοι διὰ πάντων φερόmicroενοι microόνοις ἐνηχοῦσι τοῖς ἀθό-ρυβον ἦθος καὶ νήνεmicroον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχήν οὓς δὴ καὶ ἱεροὺς καὶ δαι-microονίους ἀνθρώπους καλοῦmicroεν

οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ καταδαρθοῦσιν οἴονται τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀνθρώποις ἐπιθει-άζειν εἰ δrsquo ἐγρηγορότας καὶ καθεστῶτας ἐν τῷ φρονεῖν ὁmicroοίως κινεῖθαυmicroαστὸν ἡγοῦνται καὶ ἄπιστον ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις οἴοιτο τὸν microουσικὸνἀνειmicroένῃ τῇ λύρᾳ χρώmicroενον ὅταν συστῇ τοῖς τόνοις ἢ καθαρmicroοσθῇ

589E microὴ ἅπτεσθαι microηδὲ χρῆσθαι τὸ γὰρ αἴτιον οὐ συνορῶσι τὴν ἐν αὑτοῖςἀναρmicroοστίαν καὶ ταραχήν ἧς ἀπήλλακτο Σωκράτης ὁ ἑταῖρος ἡmicroῶνὥσπερ ὁ δοθεὶς ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος αὐτοῦ τῷ πατρὶ χρησmicroὸς ἀπεθέσπι-σεν ἐᾶν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ὅ τι ἂν ἐπὶ νοῦν ἴῃ πράττειν καὶ microὴ βιά-ζεσθαι microηδὲ παράγειν ἀλλrsquo ἐφιέναι τὴν ὁρmicroὴν τοῦ παιδός εὐχόmicroενονὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ Διὶ Ἀγοραίῳ καὶ Μούσαις τὰ δrsquo ἄλλα microὴ πολυπραγmicroονεῖν

589F περὶ Σωκράτους ὡς κρείττονα δήπουθεν ἔχοντος ἐν αὑτῷ microυρίων δι-δασκάλων καὶ παιδαγωγῶν ἡγεmicroόνα πρὸς τὸν βίονrsquo

21 lsquoἩmicroῖν microέν ὦ Φειδόλαε καὶ ζῶντος Σωκράτους καὶ τεθνηκότος οὕ-τως ἐννοεῖν περὶ τοῦ δαιmicroονίου παρίσταται τῶν κληδόνας ἢ πταρmicroοὺςἤ τι τοιοῦτον ⟨εἰσαγόντων⟩ καταφρονοῦσιν ἃ δὲ Τιmicroάρχου τοῦ Χαιρω-νέως ἠκούσαmicroεν ὑπὲρ τούτου διεξιόντος οὐκ οἶδα microὴ microύθοις ⟨ὁmicroοιότερrsquoἢ⟩ λόγοις ὄντα σιωπᾶν ἄmicroεινονrsquo

lsquomicroηδαmicroῶςrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoἀλλὰ δίελθrsquo αὐτά καὶ γὰρ εἰ microὴ λίανἀκριβῶς ἀλλrsquo ἔστιν ὅπη ψαύει τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ τὸ microυθῶδες πρότερον

590A δὲ τίς ἦν οὗτος ὁ Τίmicroαρχος φράσον | οὐ γὰρ ἔγνων τὸν ἄνθρωπονrsquolsquoεἰκότως γrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ Σιmicromicroίας lsquoὦ Θεόκριτε νέος γὰρ ὢν κοmicroιδῇ ⟨κατέ-

στρεψε τὸν βίον⟩ καὶ Σωκράτους δεηθεὶς ταφῆναι παρὰ Λαmicroπροκλέατὸν Σωκράτους υἱόν ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς πρότερον ἡmicroέραις αὐτοῦ τεθνηκόταφίλον καὶ ἡλικιώτην γενόmicroενον οὗτος οὖν ποθῶν γνῶναι τὸ Σωκρά-τους δαιmicroόνιον ἣν ἔχει δύναmicroιν ἅτε δὴ νέος οὐκ ἀγεννὴς ἄρτι γεγευ-

590B microένος φιλοσοφίας ἐmicroοὶ καὶ Κέβητι κοινωσάmicroενος microόνοις εἰς Τροφωνί-

Translation 57

as I said there shines some special daemonic brilliance The phenomenonof speech in some ways offers the unbeliever some reassurance Air moul-ded by articulate sound and wholly converted into word and speech con-veys the thought to the hearerrsquos mind So why183 should we be surprisedif the air because of its plasticity is changed in accordance with whatthoughts184 the higher beings185 have and so impresses the meaning of thethinker on the minds of divine and exceptional men Think how the noisemade by sappers in a tunnel is detected by bronze shields186 because ofthe resonance produced [589D] when the sounds are carried up from thedepths and strike the shields though they pass through everything else187

undetected In the same way the thoughts of daimones pass everywherebut echo only in the ears of those who have an untroubled personality188

and whose soul is tranquil lsquoholyrsquo and lsquodaemonicrsquo individuals as we callthem

lsquoMost people however believe that it is only in sleep that the lsquodaemonicrsquopower inspires humans That it should move189 them in the same waywhen awake and of sound mind they find surprising and incredible Butthat is like thinking that a musician uses his lyre only when it is unstrungand does not touch or use it when it has been adjusted and tuned Theydo not see that the cause is [589E] the tunelessness and confusion withinthemselves190 Our friend Socrates was completely free of this as the oraclegiven to his father when he was a child foretold191 It told the father tolet Socrates do whatever came into his mind and not to force or divertthe boyrsquos impulses but give them their head he should pray for Socratesto Zeus Agoraios and the Muses and otherwise not bother about him ndash[589F] because (I suppose) he had within himself a guide for life be erthan any number of teachers and tutors21 lsquoSuch were the thoughts which occurred to us Phidolaus about thedaimonion both during Socratesrsquo lifetime and a er his death We despisedthose who ltadducedgt192 chance words or sneezes or anything like that Asfor the account of this which we heard from Timarchus of Chaeronea193 itis ltmore likegt myth than rational argument194 and perhaps it is best leunsaidrsquo

lsquoNot at allrsquo said Theocritus lsquotell us about it Myth too does in somedegree touch on truth even if not very precisely But first tell us who thisTimarchus was [590A] for I donrsquot know himrsquo

lsquoNaturally youdonrsquot Theocritusrsquo said Simmias lsquosince he ltdiedgt195 quiteyoung and asked Socrates to let him be buried next to Socratesrsquo son Lam-procles196 his friend and contemporary who died ltnot manygt197 days be-fore him Timarchus had a strong desire to know the power of Socratesrsquodaimonion ndash he was a spirited youth who had just got his teeth into phi-losophy ndash and (not consulting anyone except Cebes and me) he descended

58 Text (21590Bndash 22590F)

ου κατῆλθε δράσας τὰ νοmicroιζόmicroενα περὶ τὸ microαντεῖον ἐmicromicroείνας δὲ δύονύκτας κάτω καὶ microίαν ἡmicroέραν τῶν πολλῶν ἀπεγνωκότων αὐτὸν ἤδηκαὶ τῶν οἰκείων ὀδυροmicroένων πρωὶ microάλα φαιδρὸς ἀνῆλθε προσκυνή-σας δὲ τὸν θεόν ὡς πρῶτον διέφυγε τὸν ὄχλον διηγεῖτο ἡmicroῖν θαυmicroάσιαπολλὰ καὶ ἰδεῖν καὶ ἀκοῦσαι

22 ἔφη δὲ καταβὰς εἰς τὸ microαντεῖον περιτυχεῖν σκότῳ πολλῷ τὸ πρῶ-τον εἶτrsquo ἐπευξάmicroενος κεῖσθαι πολὺν χρόνον οὐ microάλα συmicroφρονῶν ἐν-αργῶς εἴτrsquo ἐγρήγορεν εἴτrsquo ὀνειροπολεῖ πλὴν δόξαι γε τῆς κεφαλῆς ἅmicroαψόφῳ προσπεσόντι πληγείσης τὰς ῥαφὰς διαστάσας microεθιέναι τὴν ψυ-χήν ὡς δrsquo ἀναχωροῦσα κατεmicroίγνυτο πρὸς ἀέρα διαυγῆ καὶ καθαρὸν

590C ἀσmicroένη πρῶτον microὲν ἀναπνεῦσαι τότε δοκεῖν διὰ χρόνου συχνοῦ συ-στελλοmicroένην τέως καὶ microείζονα γίγνεσθαι τῆς πρότερον ὥσπερ ἱστίονἐκπεταννύmicroενον ἔπειτα κατακούειν ἀmicroαυρῶς ῥοίζου τινὸς ὑπὲρ κε-φαλῆς περιελαυνοmicroένου φωνὴν ἡδεῖαν ἱέντος ἀναβλέψας δὲ τὴν microὲνγῆν οὐδαmicroοῦ καθορᾶν νήσους δὲ λαmicroποmicroένας microαλακῷ πυρὶ κατrsquo ἀλ-λήλων ἐξαmicroειβούσας ⟨δrsquo⟩ ἄλλην ἄλλοτε χρόαν ὥσπερ βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειντῷ φωτὶ ποικιλλοmicroένῳ κατὰ τὰς microεταβολάς φαίνεσθαι δὲ πλήθει microὲνἀναρίθmicroους microεγέθει δrsquo ὑπερφυεῖς οὐκ ἴσας δὲ πάσας ἀλλrsquo ὁmicroοίως κυ-κλοτερεῖς οἴεσθαι δὲ ταύταις τὸν αἰθέρα κύκλῳ φεροmicroέναις ὑπορροι-ζεῖν ⟨ἐmicromicroελῶς⟩ εἶναι γὰρ ὁmicroολογουmicroένην τῇ τῆς κινήσεως λειότητι

590D τὴν πραότητα τῆς φωνῆς ἐκείνης ἐκ πασῶν συνηρmicroοσmicroένης διὰ microέσουδrsquo αὐτῶν θάλασσαν ἢ λίmicroνην ὑποκεχύσθαι τοῖς χρώmicroασι διαλάmicroπου-σαν διὰ τῆς γλαυκότητος ἐπιmicroιγνυmicroένοις καὶ τῶν νήσων ὀλίγας microὲν⟨δι⟩εκπλεῖν κατὰ πόρον καὶ διακοmicroίζεσθαι πέραν τοῦ ῥεύmicroατος ἄλλαςδὲ πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩ἐφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θαλάττης ῥοῇ καὶ αὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroένης εἶναι δὲ τῆς θαλάσσης πῆ microὲν πολὺ βάθος κατὰνότον microάλιστα ⟨πῆ⟩ δrsquo ἀραιὰ τενάγη καὶ βραχέα πολλαχῆ δὲ καὶ ὑπερ-χεῖσθαι καὶ ἀπολείπειν αὖθις οὐ microεγάλας ἐκβολὰς λαmicroβάνουσαν καὶ

590E τῆς χρόας τὸ microὲν ἄκρατον καὶ πελάγιον τὸ δrsquo οὐ καθαρὸν ἀλλὰ συγκε-χυmicroένον καὶ λιmicroνῶδες τῶν δὲ ῥοθίων τὰς νήσους ἅmicroα περιγινοmicroέναςἐπανάγειν οὐ microὴν εἰς ταὐτὸ τῇ ἀρχῇ συνάπτειν τὸ πέρας οὐδὲ ποιεῖνκύκλον ἀλλrsquo ἡσυχῆ παραλλάσσειν τὰς ἐπιβολὰς ἕλικα ποιούσας microίανἐν τῷ περιστρέφεσθαι ταύτην δὲ πρὸς τὸ microέσον microάλιστα τοῦ περιέχον-

590F τος καὶ microέγιστον ἐγκεκλίσθαι τὴν θάλασσαν ὀλίγῳ τῶν ὀκτὼ microερῶντοῦ παντὸς ἔλαττον ὡς αὐτῷ κατεφαίνετο δύο δrsquo αὐτὴν ἔχειν ἀναστο-microώσεις πυρὸς ἐmicroβάλλοντας ἐναντίους ποταmicroοὺς δεχοmicroένας ὥστrsquo ἐπὶπλεῖστον ἀνακοπτοmicroένην κοχλάζειν καὶ ἀπολευκαίνεσθαι τὴν γλαυ-κότητα

ταῦτα microὲν οὖν ὁρᾶν τερπόmicroενος τῇ θέᾳ κάτω δrsquo ἀπιδόντι φαίνε-σθαι χάσmicroα microέγα στρογγύλον οἷον ἐκτετmicroηmicroένης σφαίρας φοβερὸν δὲδεινῶς καὶ βαθύ πολλοῦ σκότους πλῆρες οὐχ ἡσυχάζοντος ἀλλrsquo ἐκτα-

Translation 59

into the cave of Trophonius198 first performing the regular rituals of theoracle [590B] He stayed down there two nights and a day most peopledespaired of him and his relations were already mourning when he reap-peared early in the morning very cheerful prostrated himself before thegod and (as soon as he could escape the crowd) told us of many marvelshe had seen and heard199

22 lsquoHe said that a er descending into the cave of the oracle he firstfound himself in deep darkness Then he prayed and lay there for a longtime with no clear consciousness of whether he was awake or dreamingIt seemed to him however that there was a sudden noise and at the sametime a blow on his head the sutures of his skull opened200 and let his soulout It le joyfully to blend into the pure bright air and seemed then firstto relax [590C] at long last a er its former confinement201 and become big-ger202 than before like a sail being unfurled Then he dimly heard a kindof whirring going round and round above his head making a pleasantsound When he looked up he could not see the earth anywhere Islandsshining upon one another with a so glow and203 constantly changinghue dyed204 the light as it were so that it varied as they changed Theyseemed innumerable and huge in size not all equal but all alike roundHe fancied that the heaven made a ltmelodiousgt205 sound in response totheir revolutions for the so ness of the sound produced by the harmony[590D] of them all corresponded to the smoothness of their motion In be-tween them lay a sea or lake gleaming with colours that blended with itsgreyness A few of the islands sailed out along a channel and were carriedto the other side of the stream but many others were borne along ltwiththe flow of the seagt which itself moved more or less ltin a circular trackgt206

In some parts of the sea principally towards the south there were greatdepths elsewhere there were small patches of shallows207 in many ar-eas it flooded and again ebbed but not making any great outflow208 Incolour part was the pure hue of the open sea [590E] part was pollutedturbid and swampy As the islands surmounted the surges they turnedback not however making the end of their movement coincide with itsstarting-point nor completing a circle but changing position a li le so asto produce a single spiral in their revolution209 This210 sea was inclined(as it seemed to Timarchus) at a li le less than eight parts of the whole tothe central and widest part of the surrounding space211 [590F] It had twoopenings receiving rivers of fire which emptied into it from opposite di-rections so that a large extent of it was lashed and broken into foam andits greyness turned to white water212

lsquoTimarchus watched all this with delight But when he looked downthere came into view a huge round gulf as though a sphere had been exca-vated from it213 very terrible and deep full of a darkness that was not still

60 Text (22590Fndash 22591E)

ραττοmicroένου καὶ ἀνακλύζοντος πολλάκις ὅθεν ἀκούεσθαι microυρίας microὲνὠρυγὰς καὶ στεναγmicroοὺς ζῴων microυρίων δὲ κλαυθmicroὸν βρεφῶν καὶ microεmicroι-γmicroένους ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν ὀδυρmicroούς ψόφους δὲ παντοδαποὺς καὶ

591A θορύβους ἐκ βάθους πόρρωθεν ἀmicroυδροὺς ἀναπεmicroποmicroένους | οἷς οὐ microε-τρίως αὐτὸς ἐκπεπλῆχθαι χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος εἰπεῖν τινα πρὸς αὐτὸνοὐχ ὁρώmicroενον bdquoὦ Τίmicroαρχε τί ποθεῖς πυθέσθαιldquo

φράσαι δrsquo αὐτὸν ὅτι bdquoπάντα τί γὰρ οὐ θαυmicroάσιονldquo bdquoἀλλrsquo ἡmicroῖνldquo φά-ναι bdquoτῶν ἄνω microέτεστι microικρόν ἄλλων γὰρ θεῶν ἐκεῖνα τὴν δὲ Φερσε-φόνης microοῖραν ἣν ἡmicroεῖς διέποmicroεν τῶν τεττάρων microίαν οὖσαν ὡς ἡ Στὺξὁρίζει βουλοmicroένῳ σοι σκοπεῖν πάρεστινldquo

ἐροmicroένου δrsquo αὐτοῦ τίς ἡ Στύξ ἐστιν bdquoὁδὸς εἰς Ἅιδουldquo φάναι bdquoκαὶ πρό-εισιν ⟨ἐξ⟩ ἐναντίας αὐτῇ σχίζουσα τῇ κορυφῇ τὸ φῶς ἀνατείνουσα δrsquoὡς ὁρᾷς ἐκ τοῦ Ἅιδου κάτωθεν ᾗ ψαύει περιφεροmicroένη καὶ τοῦ φωτός

591B ἀφορίζει τὴν ἐσχάτην microερίδα τῶν ὅλων τέσσαρες δrsquo εἰσὶν ἀρχαὶ πάν-των ζωῆς microὲν ἡ πρώτη κινήσεως δrsquo ἡ δευτέρα γενέσεως δrsquo ἡ τρίτη φθο-ρᾶς δrsquo ἡ τελευταία συνδεῖ δὲ τῇ microὲν δευτέρᾳ τὴν πρώτην Μονὰς κατὰτὸ ἀόρατον τὴν δὲ δευτέραν τῇ τρίτῃ Νοῦς καθrsquo ἥλιον τὴν δὲ τρίτηνπρὸς τετάρτην Φύσις κατὰ σελήνην τῶν δὲ συνδέσmicroων ἑκάστου Μοῖρακλειδοῦχος Ἀνάγκης θυγάτηρ κάθηταιτοῦ microὲν πρώτου Ἄτροπος τοῦ δὲ

591C δευτέρου Κλωθώ τοῦ δὲ πρὸς σελήνην Λάχεσις περὶ ἣν ἡ καmicroπὴ τῆςγενέσεως αἱ microὲν γὰρ ἄλλαι νῆσοι θεοὺς ἔχουσι σελήνη δὲ δαιmicroόνωνἐπιχθονίων οὖσα φεύγει τὴν Στύγα microικρὸν ὑπερφέρουσα λαmicroβάνεταιδrsquo ἅπαξ ἐν microέτροις δευτέροις ἑκατὸν ἑβδοmicroήκοντα ἑπτά καὶ τῆς Στυ-γὸς ἐπιφεροmicroένης αἱ ψυχαὶ βοῶσι δειmicroαίνουσαι πολλὰς γὰρ ὁ Ἅιδηςἀφαρπάζει περιολισθανούσας ἄλλας δrsquo ἀνακοmicroίζεται κάτωθεν ἡ σε-λήνη προσνηχοmicroένας αἷς εἰς καιρὸν ἡ τῆς γενέσεως τελευτὴ συνέπεσεπλὴν ὅσαι microιαραὶ καὶ ἀκάθαρτοι ταύτας δrsquo ἀστράπτουσα καὶ microυκω-microένη φοβερὸν οὐκ ἐᾷ πελάζειν ἀλλὰ θρηνοῦσαι τὸν ἑαυτῶν πότmicroονἀποσφαλλόmicroεναι φέρονται κάτω πάλιν ἐπrsquo ἄλλην γένεσιν ὡς ὁρᾷςldquo

591D bdquoἀλλrsquo οὐδὲν ὁρῶldquo τὸν Τίmicroαρχον εἰπεῖν bdquoἢ πολλοὺς ἀστέρας περὶ τὸχάσmicroα παλλοmicroένους ἑτέρους δὲ καταδυοmicroένους εἰς αὐτό τοὺς δrsquo ᾄτ-τοντας αὖ κάτωθενldquo

bdquoαὐτοὺς ἄραldquo φάναι bdquoτοὺς δαίmicroονας ὁρῶν ἀγνοεῖς ἔχει γὰρ ὧδε ψυ-χὴ πᾶσα νοῦ microετέσχεν ἄλογος δὲ καὶ ἄνους οὐκ ἔστιν ἀλλrsquo ὅσον ἂναὐτῆς σαρκὶ microιχθῇ καὶ πάθεσιν ἀλλοιούmicroενον τρέπεται καθrsquo ἡδονὰςκαὶ ἀλγηδόνας εἰς τὸ ἄλογον microίγνυται δrsquo οὐ πᾶσα τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπονἀλλrsquo αἱ ⟨microὲν⟩ ὅλαι κατέδυσαν εἰς σῶmicroα καὶ διrsquo ὅλων ἀνακραθεῖσαι τὸ

591E σύmicroπαν ὑπὸ παθῶν διαφέρονται κατὰ τὸν βίον αἱ δὲ πῆ microὲν ἀνεκρά-θησαν πῆ δrsquo ἔλιπον ἔξω τὸ καθαρώτατον οὐκ ἐπισπώmicroενον ἀλλrsquo οἷονἀκρόπλουν ἐπιψαῦον ἐκ κεφαλῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καθάπερ ἐν βυθῷ ⟨δι-

Translation 61

but turbulent214 and continually welling up From this were to be heardinnumerable howls and groans of animals the weeping of innumerableinfants the mingled mourning of men and women and all kinds of noisesand dim tumult rising out of the distant depths [591A] by which he wasgreatly disturbed A er a time someone (whom he could not see) spoketo him and said ldquoTimarchus what do you wish to knowrdquo

ldquoEverythingrdquo he replied ldquofor what is not worthy of wonderrdquo ldquoWellrdquosaid the voice ldquowe215 have li le to do with what is above that belongs toother gods But if you wish you can view the Portion of Persephone216

which we administer which is one of the four portions and is as Styx de-limits itrdquo217

ldquoWhat is Styxrdquo asked Timarchus ldquoThe road to Hadesrdquo the voice re-plied ldquoit starts on the opposite side218 and the extreme tip of it divides thelight It stretches up as you see from Hades below and the point where inits revolution it touches the light marks the boundary of the last divisionof the universe [591B] There are four Principles of all things the first isthat of Life the second that of Motion the third that of Becoming and thefourth that of Decay The first is bonded to the second by the Monad in theInvisible the second to the third by Intellect in the sun and the third to thefourth by Nature in the moon219 A Fate daughter of Necessity sits holdingthe keys of each of these bonds Atropos has the first Clotho the secondand Lachesis the bond in the moon where the turning-point of Becomingis found220 [591C] The other islands have gods but the moon belongs toterrestrial daimones221 and she avoids Styx by rising a li le above it thoughshe is caught once in every 177 second measures222 As Styx approachesthe souls cry out in terror Many slip and Hades snatches them whileothers are hauled up from below by the moon as they swim towards herThese are they for whom the end of Becoming has come opportunely Thefoul and unclean are the exception the moon does not let them come nearbut flashes and roars at them horribly They lament their fate tumble awayand are carried down to another birth as you seerdquo

ldquoBut I donrsquot see anythingrdquo [591D] said Timarchus ldquoexcept a lot of starsmoving up and down around the gulf others plunging into it and othersdarting up again from belowrdquo

ldquoThenrdquo he said ldquoyou see the daimones themselves but you do not rec-ognize them This is how it is every soul has its share of Intellect thereis none which is without reason or Intellect But whatever part of the soulcombines with flesh and passions is changed by pleasures and pains andbecomes irrational Not every soul is combined in the same way Someare wholly sunk in the body wholly mixed223 with it and entirely at themercy of their passion throughout life Others are mixed to some extent[591E] but to some extent leave their purest element outside This is not

62 Text (22591Endash 22592C)

κτύου⟩ δεδυκότος ἄρτηmicroα κορυφαῖον ὀρθουmicroένης περὶ αὐτὸ τῆς ψυχῆςἀνέχον ὅσον ὑπακούει καὶ οὐ κρατεῖται τοῖς πάθεσιν τὸ microὲν οὖν ὑπο-βρύχιον ἐν τῷ σώmicroατι φερόmicroενον ψυχὴ λέγεται τὸ δὲ φθορᾶς λειφθὲνοἱ πολλοὶ νοῦν καλοῦντες ἐντὸς εἶναι νοmicroίζουσιν αὑτῶν ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖςἐσόπτροις τὰ φαινόmicroενα κατrsquo ἀνταύγειαν οἱ δrsquo ὀρθῶς ὑπονοοῦντεςὡς ἐκτὸς ὄντα δαίmicroονα προσαγορεύουσι τοὺς microὲν οὖν ἀποσβέννυσθαι

591F δοκοῦντας ἀστέρας ὦ Τίmicroαρχεldquo φάναι bdquoτὰς εἰς σῶmicroα καταδυοmicroέναςὅλας ψυχὰς ὁρᾶν νόmicroιζε τοὺς δrsquo οἷον ἀναλάmicroποντας πάλιν καὶ ἀνα-φαινοmicroένους κάτωθεν ἀχλύν τινα καὶ ζόφον ὥσπερ πηλὸν ἀποσειο-microένους τὰς ἐκ τῶν σωmicroάτων ἐπαναπλεούσας microετὰ τὸν θάνατον οἱ δrsquoἄνω διαφερόmicroενοι δαίmicroονές εἰσι τῶν νοῦν ἔχειν λεγοmicroένων ἀνθρώπωνπειράθητι δὲ κατιδεῖν ἑκάστου τὸν σύνδεσmicroον ᾗ τῇ ψυχῇ συmicroπέφυκεldquo

ταῦτrsquo ἀκούσας αὐτὸς ἀκριβέστερονπροσέχειν καὶ θεᾶσθαι τῶν ἀστέ-592A ρων ἀποσαλεύοντας τοὺς microὲν ἧττον τοὺς δὲ microᾶλλον | ὥσπερ τοὺς τὰ

δίκτυα διασηmicroαίνοντας ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ φελλοὺς ὁρῶmicroεν ἐπιφεροmicroέ-νους ἐνίους δὲ τοῖς κλωθοmicroένοις ἀτράκτοις ὁmicroοίως ἕλικα τεταραγmicroέ-νην καὶ ἀνώmicroαλον ἕλκοντας οὐ δυναmicroένους καταστῆσαι τὴν κίνησινἐπrsquo εὐθείας λέγειν δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοὺς microὲν εὐθεῖαν καὶ τεταγmicroένηνκίνησιν ἔχοντας εὐηνίοις ψυχαῖς χρῆσθαι διὰ τροφὴν καὶ παίδευσινἀστείαν οὐκ ἄγαν σκληρὸν καὶ ἄγριον παρεχοmicroέναις τὸ ἄλογον τοὺςδrsquo ἄνω καὶ κάτω πολλάκις ἀνωmicroάλως καὶ τεταραγmicroένως ἐγκλίνοντας

592B οἷον ἐκ δεσmicroοῦ σπαραττοmicroένους δυσπειθέσι καὶ ἀναγώγοις διrsquo ἀπαι-δευσίαν ζυγοmicroαχεῖν ἤθεσι πῆ microὲν κρατοῦντας καὶ περιάγοντας ἐπὶ δε-ξιάν πῆ δὲ καmicroπτοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν παθῶν καὶ συνεφελκοmicroένους τοῖςἁmicroαρτήmicroασιν εἶτα πάλιν ἀντιτείνοντας καὶ βιαζοmicroένους τὸν microὲν γὰρσύνδεσmicroον οἷα χαλινὸν τῷ ἀλόγῳ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐmicroβεβληmicroένον ὅταν ἀν-τισπάσῃ τὴν λεγοmicroένην microεταmicroέλειαν ἐπάγειν ταῖς ἁmicroαρτίαις καὶ τὴνἐπὶ ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ὅσαι παράνοmicroοι καὶ ἀκρατεῖς αἰσχύνην ἀλγηδόνα

592C καὶ πληγὴν οὖσαν ἐνθένδε τῆς ψυχῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ κρατοῦντος καὶ ἄρχον-τος ἐπιστοmicroιζοmicroένης microέχρι ἂν οὕτω κολαζοmicroένη πειθήνιος γένηται καὶσυνήθης ὥσπερ θρέmicromicroα πρᾶον ἄνευ πληγῆς καὶ ἀλγηδόνος ὑπὸ συmicro-βόλων ὀξέως καὶ σηmicroείων αἰσθανοmicroένη τοῦ δαίmicroονος

bdquoαὗται microὲν οὖν ὀψέ ποτε καὶ βραδέως ἄγονται καὶ καθίστανται πρὸςτὸ δέον ἐκ δὲ τῶν εὐηνίων ἐκείνων ⟨καὶ⟩ κατηκόων εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆςκαὶ γενέσεως τοῦ οἰκείου δαίmicroονος καὶ τὸ microαντικόν ἐστι καὶ θεοκλυ-τούmicroενον γένος ὧν τὴν Ἑρmicroοδώρου τοῦ Κλαζοmicroενίου ψυχὴν ἀκήκοαςδήπουθεν ὡς ἀπολείπουσα παντάπασι τὸ σῶmicroα νύκτωρ καὶ microεθrsquo ἡmicroέ-

Translation 63

dragged down by it but floats as it were keeping contact with the manby his head like an a achment on top of lta netgt224 sunk in deep waterThe soul straightens itself around it and it holds up as much of the soul asis obedient and not under the domination of the passions The part sub-merged in the body225 is called the soul the part that survives destructionis commonly called Intellect and people believe it to be within themselvesjust as they believe reflections to be in mirrors Those who have the rightidea of it however call it daimon regarding it as outside themselves Thestars which seem to be being extinguished Timarchusrdquo he went on ldquoyoushould understand [591F] as souls being wholly submerged in the bodythose that light up again as it were and appear from below shaking offthe mire of darkness and mist as those making the voyage up from theirbodies a er death Those that are moving around226 above are the daimonesof men who are said to possess Intellect227 Try to catch a sight of the bondin each of them to see how it is joined to the soulrdquo

lsquoWhen he heard this Timarchus (as he told us) paid closer a ention andsaw the stars tossing up and down some more and some less violently[592A] like the movement we see of corks marking nets in the sea Somehowever described a confused and irregular spiral228 like a spindle as thethread is spun being unable to steady their motion and keep to a straightpath The Voice explained that those who displayed a straight controlledmotion had souls made responsive to guidance thanks to good nurture andeducation souls which therefore delivered their irrational element in nottoo stubborn or savage a condition Those that swerved up and down inan irregular and confused way as though jerked about [592B] at the endof a tether were struggling against a personality rendered disobedient anduncontrollable by lack of education sometimes they prevailed and guidedtheir course to the right229 sometimes they were deflected by passions anddragged along by misdeeds only to try once again to resist and enforcetheir control The bond you see was like a curb put on the irrational el-ement in the soul when the daimon pulls on it it induces what is calledrepentance for misdeeds and shame for illicit and uncontrolled pleasuresThis shame is a painful wound felt because the soul is from this point230 be-ing checked by its controlling and ruling power and it continues to be felt[592C] until this chastisement makes the soul accustomed and responsiveto the rein like a well-broken animal needing no blow or pain but quicklybecoming aware of the daimon through symbols and signs

ldquoThese soulsrdquo the Voice went on ldquoare guided and se led in the waythey should be though slowly and late in the day But it is from those whichare responsive and obedient to their own daimon from the start from birthin fact that the race of prophets and divine men comes Among theseyou have doubtless heard of the soul of Hermodorus of Clazomenae231

64 Text (22592Dndash 24593B)

592D ραν ἐπλανᾶτο πολὺν τόπον εἶτrsquo αὖθις ἐπανῄει πολλοῖς τῶν microακρὰνλεγοmicroένων καὶ πραττοmicroένων ἐντυχοῦσα καὶ παραγενοmicroένη microέχρι οὗτὸ σῶmicroα τῆς γυναικὸς προδούσης λαβόντες οἱ ἐχθροὶ ψυχῆς ἔρηmicroον οἴ-κοι κατέπρησαν τοῦτο microὲν οὖν οὐκ ἀληθές ἐστιν οὐ γὰρ ἐξέβαινεν ἡψυχὴ τοῦ σώmicroατος ὑπείκουσα δrsquo ἀεὶ καὶ χαλῶσα τῷ δαίmicroονι τὸν σύνδε-σmicroον ἐδίδου περιδροmicroὴν καὶ περιφοίτησιν ὥστε πολλὰ συνορῶντα καὶκατακούοντα τῶν ἐκτὸς εἰσαγγέλλειν οἱ δrsquo ἀφανίσαντες τὸ σῶmicroα κοι-microωmicroένου microέχρι νῦν δίκην ἐν τῷ ταρτάρῳ τίνουσι ταῦτα δrsquo εἴσῃldquo φάναι

592E bdquoσαφέστερον ὦ νεανία τρίτῳ microηνί νῦν δrsquo ἄπιθιldquo

παυσαmicroένης δὲ τῆς φωνῆς βούλεσθαι microὲν αὑτὸν ὁ Τίmicroαρχος ἔφη θε-άσασθαι περιστρέφοντα τίς ὁ φθεγγόmicroενος εἴη σφόδρα δὲ τὴν κεφα-λὴν αὖθις ἀλγήσας καθάπερ βίᾳ συmicroπιεσθεῖσαν οὐδὲν ἔτι γιγνώσκεινοὐδrsquo αἰσθάνεσθαι τῶν καθrsquo ἑαυτόν εἶτα microέντοι microετὰ microικρὸν ἀνενεγκὼνὁρᾶν αὑτὸν ἐν Τροφωνίου παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον οὗπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατεκλί-θη κείmicroενον

592F 23 ὁ microὲν οὖν Τιmicroάρχου microῦθος οὗτος ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἐλθὼν Ἀθήναζε τρίτῳ microη-νὶ κατὰ τὴν γενοmicroένην φωνὴν ἐτελεύτησεν ἡmicroεῖς δὲ Σωκράτει θαυ-microάζοντες ἀπηγγέλλοmicroεν ἐmicroέmicroψατο Σωκράτης ἡmicroᾶς ὅτι microὴ ζῶντος ἔτιτοῦ Τιmicroάρχου διήλθοmicroεν αὐτοῦ γὰρ ἂν ἡδέως ἐκείνου πυθέσθαι καὶπροσανακρῖναι σαφέστερονrsquo

lsquoἈπέχεις ὦ Θεόκριτε microετὰ τοῦ λόγου τὸν microῦθον ἀλλrsquo ὅρα microὴ καὶ τὸνξένον ἡmicroῖν παρακλητέον ἐπὶ τὴν ζήτησιν οἰκεία γὰρ πάνυ καὶ προσή-κουσα θείοις ἀνδράσιrsquo

lsquoτί δrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoἘπαmicroεινώνδας οὐ συmicroβάλλεται γνώmicroην ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶνἀναγόmicroενος ἡmicroῖνrsquo

καὶ ὁ πατὴρ microειδιάσας lsquoτοιοῦτονrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸ ἦθος ὦ ξένε τὸ τούτουσιωπηλὸν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς λόγους εὐλαβές ἄπληστον δὲ τοῦ microανθάνεινκαὶ ἀκροᾶσθαι διὸ καὶ Σπίνθαρος ὁ Ταραντῖνος οὐκ ὀλίγον αὐτῷ συν-διατρίψας ἐνταῦθα χρόνον ἀεὶ δήπου λέγει microηδενί πω τῶν καθrsquo ἑαυτὸν

593A ἀνθρώπων ἐντετυχηκέναι | microήτε πλείονα γιγνώσκοντι microήτrsquo ἐλάσσοναφθεγγοmicroένῳ σὺ οὖν ἃ φρονεῖς αὐτὸς δίελθε περὶ τῶν εἰρηmicroένωνrsquo24 lsquoἘγὼ τοίνυνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸν microὲν Τιmicroάρχου λόγον ὥσπερ ἱερὸν καὶ ἄσυλονἀνακεῖσθαί φηmicroι τῷ θεῷ χρῆναι θαυmicroάζω δrsquo εἰ τοῖς ὑπὸ Σιmicromicroίου λε-γοmicroένοις αὐτοῦ δυσπιστήσουσί τινες κύκνους microὲν γὰρ ἱεροὺς καὶ δρά-κοντας καὶ κύνας καὶ ἵππους ὀνοmicroάζοντες ἀνθρώπους δὲ θείους εἶναικαὶ θεοφιλεῖς ἀπιστοῦντες καὶ ταῦτα τὸν θεὸν οὐ φίλορνιν ἀλλὰ φι-

593B λάνθρωπον ἡγούmicroενοι καθάπερ οὖν ἀνὴρ φίλιππος οὐ πάντων ὁmicroοί-ως ἐπιmicroελεῖται τῶν ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους ἀλλrsquo ἀεί τινrsquo ἄριστον ἐξαιρῶνκαὶ ἀποκρίνων καθrsquo αὑτὸν ἀσκεῖ καὶ τρέφει καὶ ἀγαπᾷ διαφερόντως⟨οὕτω⟩ καὶ ἡmicroῶν οἱ ὑπὲρ ἡmicroᾶς τοὺς βελτίστους οἷον ἐξ ἀγέλης χαρά-

Translation 65

It used to leave his body completely at night and by day and wander farand wide returning again [592D] a er encountering and witnessing manythings done and said in distant places until his wife betrayed him and hisenemies found the body abandoned by the soul in his house and burntit This account however is not quite true the soul did not depart from thebody it merely eased and loosened its bond to the daimon and let the dai-mon travel and wander around so that it could report back the many thingsit saw and heard in the world outside Those who destroyed the body asHermodorus slept are even now paying the penalty in Tartarus You willknow these things [592E] be er young manrdquo the Voice continued ldquotwomonths from now For the present you may gordquo

lsquoWhen the Voice had ceased Timarchus said he wanted to turn roundand see who the speaker was But he again felt a violent pain in his headas though it was forcibly crushed and he had no further understanding orsense of his situation But a er a li le while he recovered consciousnessand saw that he was lying in the cave of Trophonius just by the entrancewhere he had originally lain down23 lsquoWell that is Timarchusrsquo story He died as the Voice had said twomonths a er his return to Athens [592F] We marvelled and told Socratesand he blamed us for not having told him about it while Timarchus wasstill alive because he would have liked to hear it from him and questionhim in more detail

lsquoSo Theocritus there is your myth and there is your argument Butmaybe we should ask our guest to join our investigation for it is one thatis very proper and fi ing for godly menrsquo

lsquoButrsquo said the stranger lsquowhy doesnrsquot Epaminondas contribute his viewseeing that he has had the same training as we haversquo

My father smiled lsquoThat is his personality sirrsquo he said lsquotaciturn andcautious in speech but insatiable in learning and listening Spintharus ofTarentum232 who spent quite a long time with him here says that he neveryet met any man of his time [593A] who knew more or said less So tellus what you yourself think about what has been saidrsquo

24 lsquoMy opinionrsquo said Theanor lsquois that Timarchusrsquo account should bededicated to the god as sacred and inviolable But as to what Simmias hassaid on his own behalf I should be surprised if any should disbelieve it orbe prepared to call swans snakes dogs and horses lsquosacredrsquo233 without be-lieving that there are men who are godly and loved by the gods ndash and thatthough they think god to be lsquolover of mankindrsquo not lsquolover of birdsrsquo Andjust as a horse-lover [593B] does not take equal care of all the specimensof the same breed234 but always singles out and selects one that is besttrains it by itself fosters it and specially cherishes it so those above us put

66 Text (24593Bndash 24593F)

ξαντες ἰδίας τινὸς καὶ περιττῆς παιδαγωγίας ἀξιοῦσι οὐχ ὑφrsquo ἡνίαςοὐδὲ ῥυτήρων ἀλλὰ λόγῳ διὰ συmicroβόλων εὐθύνοντες ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶἀγελαῖοι παντάπασιν ἀπείρως ἔχουσιν οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ κύνες τῶνθηρατικῶν σηmicroείων οὐδrsquoοἱ πολλοὶ ἵπποι τῶν ἱππικῶν συνιᾶσιν ἀλλrsquoοἱ microεmicroαθηκότες εὐθὺς ἀπὸ σιγmicroοῦ τοῦ τυχόντος ἢ ποππυσmicroοῦ τὸ προ-

593C σταττόmicroενον αἰσθανόmicroενοι ῥᾳδίως εἰς ὃ δεῖ καθίστανται φαίνεται δὲγιγνώσκων καὶ Ὅmicroηρος ἣν λέγοmicroεν διαφορὰν ἡmicroεῖς τῶν γὰρ microάντεωνοἰωνοπόλους τινὰς καλεῖ καὶ ἱερεῖς ἑτέρους δὲ τῶν θεῶν αὐτῶν διαλε-γοmicroένων συνιέντας καὶ συmicroφρονοῦντας ἀποσηmicroαίνειν οἴεται τὸ microέλ-λον ἐν οἷς λέγει

bdquoτῶν δrsquo Ἕλενος Πριάmicroοιο φίλος παῖς ξύνθετο θυmicroῷβουλήν ἥ ῥα θεοῖσιν ἐφήνδανε microητιόωσιldquo

καίbdquoὣς γὰρ ἐγὼν ὄπrsquo ἄκουσα θεῶν ⟨αἰει⟩ γενετάωνldquo ὥσπερ γὰρ τῶν βα-

σιλέων καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν τὴν διάνοιαν οἱ microὲν ἐκτὸς αἰσθάνονται καὶγιγνώσκουσι πυρσοῖς τισι καὶ κηρύγmicroασι καὶ ὑπὸ σαλπίγγων τοῖς δὲπιστοῖς καὶ συνήθεσιν αὐτοὶ φράζουσιν οὕτω τὸ θεῖον ὀλίγοις ἐντυγ-

593D χάνει διrsquo αὑτοῦ καὶ σπανίως τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς σηmicroεῖα δίδωσιν ἐξ ὧν ἡλεγοmicroένη microαντικὴ συνέστηκε θεοὶ microὲν γὰρ οὖν ὀλίγων ἀνθρώπων κο-σmicroοῦσι βίον οὓς ἂν ἄκρως microακαρίους τε καὶ θείους ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀπερ-γάσασθαι βουληθῶσιν αἱ δrsquo ἀπηλλαγmicroέναι γενέσεως ψυχαὶ καὶ σχο-λάζουσαι τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπὸ σώmicroατος οἷον ἐλεύθεραι πάmicroπαν ἀφειmicroέναιδαίmicroονές εἰσιν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιmicroελεῖς καθrsquo Ἡσίοδον ὡς γὰρ ἀθλητὰςκαταλύσαντας ἄσκησιν ὑπὸ γήρως οὐ τελέως ἀπολείπει τὸ φιλότιmicroονκαὶ φιλοσώmicroατον ἀλλrsquo ἑτέρους ἀσκοῦντας ὁρῶντες ἥδονται καὶ παρα-

593E καλοῦσι καὶ συmicroπαραθέουσιν οὕτως οἱ πεπαυmicroένοι τῶν περὶ τὸν βίονἀγώνων διrsquo ἀρετὴν ψυχῆς γενόmicroενοι δαίmicroονες οὐ παντελῶς ἀτιmicroάζου-σι τὰ ἐνταῦθα πράγmicroατα καὶ λόγους καὶ σπουδάς ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐπὶ ταὐτὸγυmicroναζοmicroένοις τέλος εὐmicroενεῖς ὄντες καὶ συmicroφιλοτιmicroούmicroενοι πρὸς τὴνἀρετὴν ἐγκελεύονται καὶ συνεξορmicroῶσιν ὅταν ἐγγὺς ἤδη τῆς ἐλπίδοςἁmicroιλλωmicroένους καὶ ψαύοντας ὁρῶσιν

593F οὐ γὰρ οἷς ἔτυχε συmicroφέρεται τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀλλrsquo οἷον ἐπὶ τῶν νηχο-microένων ἐν θαλάττῃ τοὺς microὲν πελαγίους ἔτι καὶ πρόσω τῆς γῆς φεροmicroέ-νους οἱ ἐπὶ γῆς ἑστῶτες σιωπῇ θεῶνται microόνον τοὺς δrsquo ἐγγὺς ἤδη παρα-θέοντες καὶ παρεmicroβαίνοντες ἅmicroα καὶ χειρὶ καὶ φωνῇ βοηθοῦντες ἀνα-σῴζουσιν οὗτος ὦ τοῦ δαιmicroονίου ὁ τρόπος ⟨microεθίησιν⟩ ἡmicroᾶς βαπτι-ζοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν πραγmicroάτων καὶ σώmicroατα πολλὰ καθάπερ ὀχήmicroαταmicroεταλαmicroβάνοντας αὐτοὺς ἐξαmicroιλλᾶσθαι καὶ microακροθυmicroεῖν διrsquo οἰκείαςπειρωmicroένους ἀρετῆς σῴζεσθαι καὶ τυγχάνειν λιmicroένος ἥτις δrsquo ἂν ἤδηδιὰ microυρίων γενέσεων ἠγωνισmicroένη microακροὺς ἀγῶνας εὖ καὶ προθύmicroως

Translation 67

their brand as it were on the best of the herd and think that these deservesome particular and special guidance controlling them not by reins or hal-ters but by reason through the medium of secret signs which are entirelyunknown to the many and the common herd A er all most dogs donrsquot un-derstand the hunterrsquos signals most horses donrsquot understand the trainerrsquosonly those who have learned immediately perceive the command that isbeing given by a casual whistle or a clacking of the tongue235 [593C] andeasily come to order Homer clearly understands the distinction we aremaking He calls some prophets augurs and priests while believing thatothers understand and are conscious of the talk of the gods themselves andso give warning of the future He says

ldquoThen Priamrsquos dear son Helenus understoodThe plans the gods in counsel had approvedrdquo

and againldquoFor so I heard the voice of the immortal godsrdquo236 The outside world

perceives and knows the intention of kings and generals by beacons andproclamations and trumpet-calls while to their loyal associates they de-clare it themselves Similarly237 the divine power [593D] converses di-rectly with few men and rarely while to the many it gives signs out ofwhich is constituted what is called lsquodivinationrsquo The gods honour the livesof a few men whom they wish to make supremely blessed and truly godlybut souls which have done with Becoming238 are free from concern withthe body and are le as it were to range free ndash these are as Hesiod tellsus239 the daimones that take care of humans Athletes who have given uptraining because of age are not altogether abandoned by the spirit of com-petitiveness and concern for the body they enjoy seeing others trainingthey encourage them and run beside them [593E] So those who haveretired from the contests of life and because of the excellence of their soulhave become daimones do not altogether spurn the affairs arguments andenthusiasms of this world but feel well-disposed to those in training forthe same goal and encourage and urge them on in their quest for virtuewhen they see that their striving has brought them within touching dis-tance of their hopes

lsquoThe daemonic power indeed does not aid all and sundry [593F]Think how spectators on shore watch in silence swimmers who are stillout at sea and far from land but once they come close run down andwade into the water helping by hand and voice to bring them to safetyThishellip240 is the way of the daemonic power it ltleavesgt241 us when weare swamped by circumstances passing from body to body ndash from boat toboat as it were ndash to struggle and suffer in our efforts to save ourselves byour own virtue and come safely into port But if a soul has fought its longfight well and enthusiastically through countless births and now its cycle

68 Text (24594Andash 26594E)

594A ψυχὴ τῆς περιόδου συmicroπεραινοmicroένης κινδυνεύουσα | καὶ φιλοτιmicroου-microένη περὶ τὴν ἔκβασιν ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ ⟨τοῖς⟩ ἄνω προσφέρηται ταύτῃτὸν οἰκεῖον οὐ νεmicroεσᾷ δαίmicroονα βοηθεῖν ὁ θεὸς ἀλλrsquo ἀφίησι τῷ προθυ-microουmicroένῳ προθυmicroεῖται δrsquo ἄλλος ἄλλην ἀνασῴζειν ἐγκελευόmicroενος ἡ δὲσυνακούει διὰ τὸ πλησιάζειν καὶ σῴζεται microὴ πειθοmicroένη δέ ἀπολιπόν-τος τοῦ δαίmicroονος οὐκ εὐτυχῶς ἀπαλλάσσειrsquo25 Τούτων εἰρηmicroένων ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας ἀποβλέψας εἰς ἐmicroέ lsquoσοὶ microένrsquoεἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία σχεδὸν ὥρα βαδίζειν εἰς τὸ γυmicroνάσιον ἤδη καὶ microὴ

594B ἀπολείπειν τοὺς συνήθεις ἡmicroεῖς δὲ Θεάνορος ἐπιmicroελησόmicroεθα διαλύ-σαντες ὅταν δοκῇ τὴν συνουσίανrsquo

κἀγώ lsquoταῦτrsquorsquo ἔφην lsquoπράττωmicroεν ἀλλὰ microικρὸν οἶmicroαί τι microετrsquo ἐmicroοῦ καὶΓαλαξιδώρου βούλεταί σοι διαλεχθῆναι ὁ Θεόκριτος οὑτοσίrsquo

lsquoἀγαθῇ τύχῃrsquo εἶπε lsquoδιαλεγέσθωrsquo καὶ προῆγεν ἀναστὰς εἰς τὸ ἐπι-κάmicroπειον τῆς στοᾶς καὶ ἡmicroεῖς περισχόντες αὐτὸν ἐπεχειροῦmicroεν πα-ρακαλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἡmicroέραν ἔφη πάνυ σαφῶς εἰδέναιτῆς καθόδου τῶν φυγάδων καὶ συντετάχθαι microετὰ Γοργίδου τοῖς φίλοιςπρὸς τὸν καιρόν ἀποκτενεῖν δὲ τῶν πολιτῶν ἄκριτον οὐδένα microὴ microε-

594C γάλης ἀνάγκης γενοmicroένης ἄλλως δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἁρmicroόζειν τὸΘηβαίων εἶναί τινας ἀναιτίους καὶ καθαροὺς τῶν πεπραγmicroένων ⟨οἳ⟩microᾶλλον ἕξουσιν ἀνυπόπτως ⟨πρὸς⟩ τὸν δῆmicroον ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ βελτίστουπαραινοῦντες ἐδόκει ταῦθrsquo ἡmicroῖν κἀκεῖνος microὲν ἀνεχώρησεν αὖθις ὡςτοὺς περὶ Σιmicromicroίαν ἡmicroεῖς δὲ καταβάντες εἰς τὸ γυmicroνάσιον ἐνετυγχάνο-microεν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ διαλαmicroβάνων ἄλλος ἄλλον ἐν τῷ συmicroπαλαίειν τὰmicroὲν ἐπυνθάνετο τὰ δrsquo ἔφραζε καὶ συνετάττετο πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἑω-ρῶmicroεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον ἀληλιmicromicroένους ἀπιόντας

594D ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ὁ γὰρ Φυλλίδας δεδιὼς microὴ τὸν Ἀmicroφίθεον προανέλωσινεὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Λυσανορίδου προποmicroπῆς τὸν Ἀρχίαν δεξάmicroενος καὶ πε-ρὶ τῆς ⟨⟩ γυναικός ἧς ἐπιθυmicroῶν ἐτύγχανεν εἰς ἐλπίδας ἐmicroβαλὼν ὡςἀφιξοmicroένης εἰς τὸν πότον ἔπεισε πρὸς ῥᾳθυmicroίαν καὶ ἄνεσιν τραπέσθαιmicroετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων αὐτῷ συνακολασταίνειν

26 Ὀψὲ δrsquo ⟨ἦν⟩ ἤδη τό τε ψῦχος ἐπέτεινε πνεύmicroατος γενοmicroένου καὶδιὰ τοῦτο τῶν πολλῶν τάχιον εἰς τὰς οἰκίας ἀνακεχωρηκότων ἡmicroεῖςmicroὲν τοὺς περὶ Δαmicroοκλείδαν καὶ Πελοπίδαν καὶ Θεόποmicroπον ἐντυχόντες

594E ἀνελαmicroβάνοmicroεν ἄλλοι δrsquo ἄλλους ἐσχίσθησαν γὰρ εὐθὺς ὑπερβαλόν-τες τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα καὶ παρέσχεν αὐτοῖς ὁ χειmicroὼν τὰ πρόσωπα συγ-κεκαλυmicromicroένοις ἀδεῶς διελθεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἐνίοις δrsquo ἐπήστραψε δεξιὸνἄνευ βροντῆς εἰσιοῦσι διὰ τῶν πυλῶν καὶ τὸ σηmicroεῖον ἐδόκει καλὸνπρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ δόξαν ὡς λαmicroπρῶν ἀκινδύνων δὲ τῶν πράξεωνἐσοmicroένων

Translation 69

complete draws near the upper region ever in danger [594A] and strivingwith much sweat to secure its landing242 ndash then god does not grudge itsdaimon the chance to help it but lets it do so if it so wishes and one wishesto save one soul and another another by cries of encouragement and thesoul can hear (for it is close by now) and is saved or if it does not heedand the daimon deserts it it comes to no happy endrsquo25 At the end of this speech Epaminondas looked at me lsquoItrsquos nearly timefor you to go to the gymnasium Caphisiasrsquo he said lsquoand not desert yourcomrades [594B] We will choose the time to break off this conversationand then we will look a er Theanorrsquo

lsquoLetrsquos do thatrsquo I said lsquobut here is Theocritus wanting I think to havesome talk with you with Galaxidorus and myself presentrsquo

lsquoGood luck to himrsquo he said lsquolet him have itrsquo He got up and led us outto the angle of the colonnade We gathered round him and tried to urgehim to take part in the plan He said that he was well aware of the day ofthe exilesrsquo return and he and Gorgidas had made arrangements with theirfriends to meet the situation but he would not kill any citizen withouttrial except in case of great necessity [594C] moreover it was right for thegeneral population of Thebes that there should be some persons withoutresponsibility or involvement in the affair who could be less suspect tothe people243 and be known to have the highest moral grounds for theiradvice We approved this Epaminondas then returned to Simmias andthe rest while we244 went down to the gymnasium and met our friendsWrestling with different partners we were all able to ask questions giveexplanations and organize ourselves for the action We saw Archias andPhilippus245 also anoint themselves and go off to the dinner Phyllidas infact [594D] being afraid they might kill Amphitheus246 before we couldact had intercepted Archias as soon as he had returned from escortingLysanoridas247 and instilled into him some hope that thehellip248 woman withwhom he was in love would be coming to the drinking party He had thuspersuaded him to relax and be comfortable with his usual companions indebauchery26 It was late now and ge ing colder and a wind had arisen Most peo-ple therefore had gone home quickly We249 fell in with Damoclidas250

Pelopidas and Theopompus251 and took them along with us Others didthe same for others of the exiles they had separated immediately [594E]a er crossing Cithaeron252 and the stormy weather enabled them to wrapup and hide their faces so as to pass through the city without fear Someas they entered the gate had seen a flash of lightning on the right unac-companied by thunder253 This was a good sign of safety and of glory ouractions would be famous but free of danger

70 Text (27594Endash 27595D)

27 ὡς οὖν ἅπαντες ἔνδον ἦmicroεν πεντήκοντα δυεῖν δέοντες ἤδη τοῦ Θεο-κρίτου καθrsquo ἑαυτὸν ἐν οἰκίσκῳ τινὶ σφαγιαζοmicroένου πολὺς ἦν τῆς θύραςἀραγmicroός καὶ microετὰ microικρὸν ἧκέ τις ἀγγέλλων ὑπηρέτας τοῦ Ἀρχίου δύοκόπτειν τὴν αὔλειον ἀπεσταλmicroένους σπουδῇ πρὸς Χάρωνα καὶ κελεύ-

594F ειν ἀνοίγειν καὶ ἀγανακτεῖν βράδιον ὑπακουόντων θορυβηθεὶς οὖν ὁΧάρων ἐκείνοις microὲν εὐθὺς ἀνοιγνύναι προσέταξεν αὐτὸς δrsquo ἀπαντή-σας ἔχων στέφανον ὡς τεθυκὼς καὶ πίνων ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν ὑπηρετῶνὅ τι βούλοιντο λέγει δrsquo ἅτερος lsquoἈρχίας καὶ Φίλιππος ἔπεmicroψαν ἡmicroᾶς κε-λεύοντες ὡς τάχιστά σrsquo ἥκειν πρὸς αὐτούςrsquo ἐροmicroένου δὲ τοῦ Χάρωνοςτίς ἡ σπουδὴ τῆς τηνικαῦτα microεταπέmicroψεως αὐτοῦ καὶ microή τι καινότερονlsquoοὐδὲν ἴσmicroενrsquo ὁ ὑπηρέτης ἔφη rsquoπλέον ἀλλὰ τί λέγωmicroεν αὐτοῖςrsquo lsquoὅτι νὴΔίrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ Χάρων lsquoθεὶς τὸν στέφανον ἤδη καὶ λαβὼν τὸ ἱmicroάτιον ἕπο-microαι microεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν γὰρ τηνικαῦτα βαδίζων διαταράξω τινὰς ὡς ἀγόmicroενοςrsquo

595A lsquoοὕτωςrsquo ἔφη lsquoποίει | καὶ γὰρ ἡmicroᾶς δεῖ τοῖς ὑπὸ πόλιν φρουροῖς κοmicroί-σαι τι πρόσταγmicroα παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντωνrsquo

ἐκεῖνοι microὲν οὖν ᾤχοντο τοῦ δὲ Χάρωνος εἰσελθόντος πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς καὶταῦτα φράσαντος ἔκπληξις ἅπαντας ἔσχεν οἰοmicroένους microεmicroηνῦσθαι καὶτὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν ὑπενόουν οἱ πλεῖστοι κωλῦσαι microὲν ἐπιχειρήσαντατὴν κάθοδον διὰ τοῦ Χλίδωνος ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἀπέτυχε καὶ συνῆπτε τῷ και-ρῷ τὸ δεινόν ἐξενηνοχέναι πιθανὸν εἶναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπὸ δέους οὐγὰρ ἀφίκετο microετὰ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀλλrsquo ὅλως ἐδόκει πονη-ρὸς γεγονέναι καὶ παλίmicroβολος οὐ microὴν ἀλλὰ τόν γε Χάρωνα πάντες

595B ᾠόmicroεθα χρῆναι βαδίζειν καὶ ὑπακούειν τοῖς ἄρχουσι καλούmicroενον ὁ δὲκελεύσας τὸν υἱὸν ἐλθεῖν κάλλιστον ὄντα Θηβαίων ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε παῖ-δα καὶ φιλοπονώτατον περὶ τὰ γυmicroνάσια πεντεκαιδεκέτη microὲν σχεδὸνπολὺ δὲ ῥώmicroῃ καὶ microεγέθει διαφέροντα τῶν ὁmicroηλίκων lsquoοὗτοςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦἄνδρες ἐmicroοὶ microόνος ἐστὶ καὶ ἀγαπητός ὥσπερ ἴστε τοῦτον ὑmicroῖν παρα-δίδωmicroι πρὸς θεῶν ἅπασι πρὸς δαιmicroόνων ἐπισκήπτων εἰ φανείην ἐγὼπονηρὸς περὶ ὑmicroᾶς ἀποκτείνατε microὴ φείσησθrsquo ἡmicroῶν τὸ δὲ λοιπόν ὦ

595C ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον ἀντιτάξασθε microὴ πρόησθε τὰσώmicroατα διαφθεῖραι τοῖς ἐχθίστοις ἀνάνδρως καὶ ἀκλεῶς ἀλλrsquo ἀmicroύνα-σθε τὰς ψυχὰς ἀηττήτους τῇ πατρίδι φυλάττοντεςrsquo ταῦτα τοῦ Χάρωνοςλέγοντος τὸ microὲν φρόνηmicroα καὶ τὴν καλοκἀγαθίαν ἐθαυmicroάζοmicroεν πρὸςδὲ τὴν ὑποψίαν ἠγανακτοῦmicroεν καὶ ἀπάγειν ἐκελεύοmicroεν τὸν παῖδα

lsquoτὸ δrsquo ὅλονrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Πελοπίδας lsquoοὐδrsquo εὖ βεβουλεῦσθαι δοκεῖς ἡmicroῖνὦ Χάρων microὴ microεταστησάmicroενος εἰς οἰκίαν ἑτέραν τὸν υἱόν τί γὰρ αὐτὸνδεῖ κινδυνεύειν microεθrsquo ἡmicroῶν ἐγκαταλαmicroβανόmicroενον καὶ νῦν ἐκπεmicroπτέ-ος ἵνrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἐάν τι πάσχωmicroεν εὐγενὴς ὑποτρέφηται τιmicroωρὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς

595D τυράννουςrsquo lsquoοὐκ ἔστινrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Χάρων lsquoἀλλrsquo αὐτοῦ παραmicroενεῖ καὶ κιν-δυνεύσει microεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτῳ καλὸν ὑποχείριον γενέσθαι τοῖς

Translation 71

27 When we were all in the house254 forty-eight of us and while The-ocritus was sacrificing privately in a separate room there was a great ham-mering on the door Very soon someone came to tell us that two officers ofArchias were knocking at the street-door on an urgent errand to Charon[594F] they were telling the servants to open up and were angry at theirslowness in obeying Charon was greatly alarmed He gave orders to openup at once and himself went to meet the visitors wearing a wreath asthough he had sacrificed and was now drinking He asked the officerswhat they wanted lsquoArchias and Philippus sent usrsquo said one of them lsquowithorders for you to go to them as soon as possiblersquo Charon asked what wasthe urgency in sending for him at such an hour and whether there wasany fresh news lsquoWe know no morersquo replied the officer lsquobut what are weto tell themrsquo Tell themrsquo said Charon lsquothat Irsquom following you as soon as Ihave taken off my garland and got my cloak255 if I go with you at this timeof night I shall cause a disturbance people will think I am being arrestedrsquo

lsquoDo as you sayrsquo said the officer [595A] lsquowe have also to deliver someorder from the authorities to the guard in the lower townrsquo

So they went their way and Charon came back to us and told us whathad happened We were all appalled We thought we had been betrayedand most suspected Hipposthenidas he had tried to prevent the returnby sending Chlidon256 and when he had failed and the moment of dan-ger had come it was only too plausible257 that he should have revealedthe plan out of fear In fact he had not come to the house with the restand was generally thought to have been a disloyal and unreliable charac-ter None the less we all agreed that Charon should go [595B] and obeythe authoritiesrsquo orders He then sent for his son He was the most beauti-ful boy in Thebes Archedamus and the keenest athlete in the gymnasiaabout fi een years old but much stronger and taller than his contempo-raries lsquoThis gentlemanrsquo said Charon lsquois my beloved only child I entrusthim to your hands and I enjoin you all by all the powers of heaven if Ishould prove traitor to you to kill him and not spare us And now mybrave friends prepare to face whatever happens258 Do not hand your livesto your bi erest enemies like craven cowards [595C] Defend yourselveskeep your hearts unconquered for your countryrsquos sakersquo We marvelled atCharonrsquos spirit and nobility as he said this but we were grieved at his sus-picions of us and told him to take the boy away

lsquoAltogether Charonrsquo said Pelopidas lsquowe think you made a wrong deci-sion in not moving your son to another house Why need he run risks bybeing caught with us Even now he should be sent away so that he cangrow up to avenge us nobly on the tyrantsrsquo lsquoImpossiblersquo said Charon lsquoheshall stay here [595D] and run the risk with you It is not right for him tooto be under our enemiesrsquo sway My boy be brave beyond your age this is

72 Text (27595Dndash 29596B)

ἐχθροῖς ἀλλὰ τόλmicroα παρrsquo ἡλικίαν ὦ παῖ γευόmicroενος ἄθλων ἀναγκαί-ων καὶ κινδύνευε microετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν πολιτῶν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίαςκαὶ ἀρετῆς πολλὴ δrsquo ἐλπὶς ἔτι λείπεται καί πού τις ἐφορᾷ θεῶν ἡmicroᾶςἀγωνιζοmicroένους περὶ τῶν δικαίωνrsquo28 Δάκρυα πολλοῖς ἐπῆλθεν ἡmicroῶν ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε πρὸς τοὺς λόγουςτἀνδρός αὐτὸς δrsquo ἄδακρυς καὶ ἄτεγκτος ἐγχειρίσας Πελοπίδᾳ τὸν υἱὸνἐχώρει διὰ θυρῶν δεξιούmicroενος ἕκαστον ἡmicroῶν καὶ παραθαρρύνων ἔτιδὲ microᾶλλον ἂν ἠγάσω τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν φαιδρότητα καὶ τὸ ἀδεὲς

595E πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον ὥσπερ τοῦ Νεοπτολέmicroου microήτrsquo ὠχριάσαντος microήτrsquoἐκπλαγέντος ἀλλrsquo ἕλκοντος τὸ ξίφος τοῦ Πελοπίδου καὶ καταmicroανθά-νοντος ἐν τούτῳ Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος εἷς τῶν φίλων παρῆνπρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ξίφος ἔχων καὶ θώρακα σιδηροῦν ὑπενδεδυmicroένος καὶ πυθό-microενος τὴν Χάρωνος ὑπrsquo Ἀρχίου microετάπεmicroψιν ᾐτιᾶτο τὴν microέλλησιν ἡmicroῶνκαὶ παρώξυνεν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας βαδίζειν φθήσεσθαι γὰρ ἐmicroπεσόν-τας αὐτοῖς εἰ δὲ microή βέλτιον εἶναι προελθόντας ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ συmicroπλέκε-σθαι πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀσυντάκτους καὶ σποράδας ἢ microένειν ἐν οἰκίσκῳ

595F καθείρξαντας αὑτοὺς ὥσπερ σmicroῆνος ἐξαιρεθησοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν πο-λεmicroίων ἐνῆγε δὲ καὶ ὁ microάντις Θεόκριτος ὡς τῶν ἱερῶν σωτηρίων καὶκαλῶν καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐχεγγύων αὐτῷ γεγονότων

29 ὁπλιζοmicroένων δrsquo ἡmicroῶν καὶ συνταττοmicroένων αὖθις ἀφικνεῖται Χάρωνἱλαρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ microειδιῶν καὶ προσβλέπων εἰς ἡmicroᾶς θαρρεῖν ἐκέ-λευεν ὡς δεινοῦ microηδενὸς ὄντος ἀλλὰ τῆς πράξεως ὁδῷ βαδιζούσης

596A lsquoὁ γὰρ Ἀρχίαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ ὁ Φίλιππος ὡς ἤκουσαν ἥκειν ἐmicroὲ κεκληmicroέ-νον | ἤδη βαρεῖς ὑπὸ τῆς microέθης ὄντες καὶ συνεκλελυmicroένοι τοῖς σώmicroασιτὰς ψυχάς microόλις διαναστάντες ἔξω προῆλθον ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας εἰπόντοςδὲ τοῦ Ἀρχίου bdquoφυγάδας ὦ Χάρων ἀκούοmicroεν ἐν τῇ πόλει κρύπτεσθαιπαρεισελθόνταςldquo οὐ microετρίως ἐγὼ διαταραχθείς bdquoποῦ δrsquoldquo εἶπον bdquoεἶναιλέγονται καὶ τίνεςldquo bdquoἀγνοοῦmicroενldquo ὁ Ἀρχίας εἶπε bdquoκαί σε τούτου χάρινἐλθεῖν ἐκελεύσαmicroεν εἰ δή τι τυγχάνοις σαφέστερον ἀκηκοώςldquo κἀγὼmicroικρὸν ὥσπερ ἐκ πληγῆς ἀναφέρων τὴν διάνοιαν ἐλογιζόmicroην λόγονεἶναι τὴν microήνυσιν οὐ βέβαιον οὐδrsquo ὑπὸ τῶν συνειδότων ἐξενηνέχθαι

596B τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐδενός οὐ γὰρ ⟨ἂν⟩ ἀγνοεῖν τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτούς εἴ τις εἰ-δὼς ἀκριβῶς ἐmicroήνυεν ἄλλως δrsquo ὑποψίαν ἢ λόγον ἄσηmicroον ἐν τῇ πόλειπεριφερόmicroενον ἥκειν εἰς ἐκείνους εἶπον οὖν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτι bdquoζῶντοςmicroὲν Ἀνδροκλείδου πολλάκις ἐπίσταmicroαι φήmicroας τοιαύτας ῥυείσας διακε-νῆς καὶ λόγους ψευδεῖς ἐνοχλήσαντας ἡmicroῖν νυνὶ δrsquoldquo ἔφην bdquoοὐδὲν ἀκή-κοα τοιοῦτον ὦ Ἀρχία σκέψοmicroαι δὲ τὸν λόγον εἰ κελεύεις κἂν πύθω-microαί τι φροντίδος ἄξιον ὑmicroᾶς οὐ λήσεταιldquo

bdquoπάνυ microὲν οὖνldquo ὁ Φυλλίδας εἶπε bdquomicroηδέν ὦ Χάρων ἀδιερεύνητονmicroηδrsquo ἄπυστον ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀπολίπῃς τί γὰρ κωλύει microηδενὸς καταφρο-

Translation 73

your first taste of fights that have to be fought Face danger at the side ofmany brave citizens for freedom and for honour There is still good hopeand surely some god watches over us when we fight in a just causersquo

28 Many of us burst into tears Archedamus at Charonrsquos words buthe himself remained dry-eyed and unmoved He handed his son overto Pelopidas and walked out through the door taking each of us by thehand and giving us encouragement You would have admired even morethe boyrsquos radiance and fearlessness in the face of danger [595E] LikeNeoptolemus259 he neither paled nor showed fear He drew Pelopidasrsquosword and examined it closely Meanwhile Cephisodorus260 the son ofDiogeiton one of our friends arrived to join us wearing a sword andan iron corselet under his clothes When he heard of Charonrsquos summonsto Archias he reproached us for delay and urged us to make our moveagainst the houses at once we should thus anticipate their a ack or ifnot it was be er to go forward and engage a disorganized and sca eredfoe261 in the open than to stay shut up in a building [595F] to be smokedout by the enemy like a swarm of bees262 Theocritus the diviner urged thiscourse too his sacrifices had been auspicious and favourable and guaran-teed our safety29 While we were arming and ge ing ready Charon returned cheerfuland smiling He looked at us and bade us be of good heart There wasnothing to fear things were going according to plan

lsquoArchias and Philippusrsquo he said263 [596A] lsquowere already far gone indrink when they heard that I had come in accordance with their summonsTheir minds were as paralysed as their bodies They could hardly standup but they came to the door ldquoWe hear Charonrdquo said Archias ldquothatsome exiles have slipped into the city and are in hidingrdquo I was much dis-turbed ldquoWhere are they said to be and who are theyrdquo I asked ldquoWe donrsquotknowrdquo said Archias ldquoand that is why we asked you to come in case youhave heard something more definiterdquo I was a li le while recovering mythoughts from the blow as it were but I reckoned that their informationwas only unreliable talk [596B] and that none of the conspirators hadrevealed the plot they would have known the houses I thought if the in-formation had come from anyone with exact knowledge Some suspicionor vague rumour circulating in the city must have reached their ears So Ireplied ldquoWhile Androclidas264 was alive I know there was o en a streamof such idle rumours and false stories which were a nuisance to us but Irsquoveheard nothing like that now Archias If you wish I will inquire into thestory and if I learn anything that warrants concern you shall hear of itrdquo

ldquoJust sordquo said Phyllidas ldquodonrsquot let anything pass without question orinquiry in this connection Charon Whatrsquos wrong with treating nothing as

74 Text (29596Cndash 31597A)

596C νεῖν ἀλλὰ πάντα φυλάττεσθαι καὶ προσέχειν καλὸν γὰρ ἡ πρόνοια καὶτὸ ἀσφαλέςldquo ἅmicroα δὲ τὸν Ἀρχίαν ὑπολαβὼν ἀπῆγεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἐν ᾧπίνοντες τυγχάνουσιν ἀλλὰ microὴ microέλλωmicroεν ἄνδρεςrsquo ἔφη lsquoπροσευξάmicroε-νοι δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξίωmicroενrsquo

ταῦτα τοῦ Χάρωνος εἰπόντος εὐχόmicroεθα τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ παρεκαλοῦ-microεν ἀλλήλους30 Ὥρα microὲν οὖν ἦν καθrsquo ἣν ἅνθρωποι microάλιστα περὶ δεῖπνόν εἰσι τὸδὲ πνεῦmicroα microᾶλλον ἐπιτεῖνον ἤδη νιφετὸν ὑπεκίνει ψεκάδι λεπτῇ microεmicroι-γmicroένον ὥστε πολλὴν ἐρηmicroίαν εἶναι διὰ τῶν στενωπῶν διεξιοῦσιν οἱmicroὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν Λεοντιάδαν καὶ τὸν Ὑπάταν ταχθέντες ἐγγὺς ἀλλή-

596D λων οἰκοῦντας ἐν ἱmicroατίοις ἐξῄεσαν ἔχοντες οὐδὲν ἕτερον τῶν ὅπλωνἢ microάχαιραν ἕκαστος (ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἦν καὶ Πελοπίδας καὶ Δαmicroοκλείδαςκαὶ Κηφισόδωρος) Χάρων δὲ καὶ Μέλων καὶ οἱ microετrsquo αὐτῶν ἐπιτίθεσθαιτοῖς περὶ Ἀρχίαν microέλλοντες ἡmicroιθωράκια ἐνδεδυmicroένοι καὶ στεφάνουςδασεῖς ἔχοντες οἱ microὲν ἐλάτης οἱ δὲ πεύκης ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ χιτώνια τῶν γυ-ναικ⟨εί⟩ων ἀmicroπεχόmicroενοι microεθύοντας ἀποmicroιmicroούmicroενοι κώmicroῳ χρωmicroένουςmicroετὰ γυναικῶν

ἡ δὲ χείρων ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε τύχη καὶ τὰς τῶν πολεmicroίων microαλακίας καὶἀγνοίας ταῖς ἡmicroετέραις ἐπανισοῦσα τόλmicroαις καὶ παρασκευαῖς καὶ κα-

596E θάπερ δρᾶmicroα τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡmicroῶν ἀπrsquo ἀρχῆς διαποικίλλουσα κινδυνώ-δεσιν ἐπεισοδίοις εἰς αὐτὸ συνέδραmicroε τὸ ἔργον ὀξὺν ἐπιφέρουσα καὶδεινὸν ἀνελπίστου περιπετείας ἀγῶνα τοῦ γὰρ Χάρωνος ὡς ἀνέπεισετοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον ἀναχωρήσαντος οἴκαδε καὶ διασκευά-ζοντος ἡmicroᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἧκεν ἐνθένδε παρrsquo ὑmicroῶν ἐπιστολὴ παρrsquo Ἀρ-χίου τοῦ ἱεροφάντου πρὸς Ἀρχίαν ἐκεῖνον ὄντα φίλον αὐτῷ καὶ ξένονὡς ἔοικεν ἐξαγγέλλουσα τὴν κάθοδον καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν φυγά-

596F δων καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν εἰς ἣν παρεληλύθεισαν καὶ τοὺς συmicroπράττονταςαὐτοῖς ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῇ microέθῃ κατακεκλασmicroένος ὁ Ἀρχίας καὶ τῇ προσ-δοκίᾳ τῶν γυναικῶν ἀνεπτοηmicroένος ἐδέξατο microὲν τὴν ἐπιστολήν τοῦ δὲγραmicromicroατοφόρου φήσαντος ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων αὐτῷ γεγράφθαι lsquoτὰσπουδαῖα τοίνυν εἰς αὔριονrsquo ἔφη καὶ τὴν microὲν ἐπιστολὴν ὑπέθηκεν ὑπὸτὸ προσκεφάλαιον αἰτήσας δὲ ποτήριον ἐκέλευσεν ἐγχεῖν καὶ τὸν Φυλ-λίδαν ἐξέπεmicroπε συνεχῶς ἐπὶ θύρας σκεψόmicroενον εἰ τὰ γύναια πρόσεισι31 τοιαύτης δὲ τὸν πότον ἐλπίδος διαπαιδαγωγησάσης προσmicroίξαντεςἡmicroεῖς καὶ διὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν εὐθὺς ὠσάmicroενοι πρὸς τὸν ἀνδρῶνα microικρὸν

597A ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις ἔστηmicroεν ἐφορῶντες τῶν κατακειmicroένων ἕκαστον | ἡmicroὲν οὖν τῶν στεφάνων καὶ τῆς ἐσθῆτος ὄψις παραλογιζοmicroένη τὴν ἐπι-δηmicroίαν ἡmicroῶν σιγὴν ἐποίησεν ἐπεὶ δὲ πρῶτος ὁ Μέλων ὥρmicroησε διὰ microέ-σου τὴν χεῖρα τῇ λαβῇ τοῦ ξίφους ἐπιβεβληκώς Καβίριχος ὁ κυαmicroευτὸςἄρχων τοῦ βραχίονος αὐτὸν παραπορευόmicroενον ἀντισπάσας ἀνεβόη-σεν lsquoοὐ Μέλων οὗτος ὦ Φυλλίδαrsquo τούτου microὲν οὖν ἐξέκρουσε τὴν ἐπι-βουλὴν ἅmicroα τὸ ξίφος ἀνέλκων διανιστάmicroενον δὲ χαλεπῶς τὸν Ἀρχίαν

Translation 75

beneath notice [596C] but keeping a watchful eye on all things Foresightand security are an excellent thingrdquo With this he supported Archias backinto the house where they are now drinking Let us not delay friendsrsquoCharon concluded lsquobut pray to the gods and set forthrsquo

When he had spoken we said our prayers to the gods and tried to giveone another courage30 It was now time when people are mostly at dinner The wind was ris-ing and bringing a mixture of snow and light rain So the streets weredeserted as we passed through them The party detailed to deal withLeontiadas and Hypatas265 who lived near each other went in cloaksarmed only with a dagger each [596D] Pelopidas Damoclidas andCephisodorus were in this group Charon Melon and their companionswho were due to a ack Archiasrsquo party wore breastplates and had thickgarlands of fir or pine and some of them had put on womenrsquos dressespretending that it was a party of drunken revellers with their women266

But bad fortune Archedamus which both evened the odds betweenthe enemyrsquos indolence and ignorance and our daring and preparednessand had from the start varied the drama of our plot [596E] with scenesof danger now accompanied us to the very moment of action produc-ing the sudden dangerous crisis of a quite unexpected turn of events267

Charon having convinced Archias and Philippus had returned home andwas preparing us for action when there came a le er from Athens ad-dressed by Archias the hierophant to the other Archias who was his friendand guest268 reporting (presumably)269 the return and [596F] conspiracyof the exiles the house to which they had gone and their collaboratorsArchias was now completely sha ered by drink270 and excited by the ex-pectation of the women He took the le er but when the courier said itwas about a serious piece of business271 he merely said lsquoSerious businesstomorrowrsquo put the le er under his pillow called for a cup and ordered itto be filled and sent Phyllidas repeatedly to the door to see if the womenwere coming31 These hopes kept them happily drinking until we joined the party Wepushed straight past the servants into the dining-room but paused for amoment at the door observing each of the diners [597A] The sight ofour garlands and our clothes misled them as to the nature of our visit andproduced a silence Melon was the first to plunge in hand on sword-hiltCabirichus the archon-by-lot272 caught him by the arm as he passed himand cried out lsquoPhyllidas isnrsquot this Melonrsquo Melon shook him off and at thesame time drew his sword Archias made an effort to rise but Melon ran athim and struck and struck again till he had killed him As to Philippus he

76 Text (31597Andash 32597F)

ἐπιδραmicroὼν οὐκ ἀνῆκε παίων ἕως ἀπέκτεινε τὸν δὲ Φίλιππον ἔτρωσε597B microὲν Χάρων παρὰ τὸν τράχηλον ἀmicroυνόmicroενον δὲ τοῖς παρακειmicroένοις ἐκ-

πώmicroασιν ὁ Λυσίθεος ἀπὸ τῆς κλίνης χαmicroαὶ καταβαλὼν ἀνεῖλε τὸν δὲΚαβίριχον ἡmicroεῖς κατεπραΰνοmicroεν ἀξιοῦντες microὴ τοῖς τυράννοις βοηθεῖνἀλλὰ τὴν πατρίδα συνελευθεροῦν ἱερὸν ὄντα καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς καθωσιω-microένον ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ὡς δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸν οἶνον οὐκ ἦν εὐπαρακόmicroιστος τῷλογισmicroῷ πρὸς τὸ συmicroφέρον ἀλλὰ microετέωρος καὶ τεταραγmicroένος ἀνίστα-το καὶ τὸ δόρυ προεβάλλετο κατrsquo αἰχmicroήν ὅπερ ἐξ ἔθους ἀεὶ φοροῦσιν οἱπαρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἄρχοντες ἐγὼ microὲν ἐκ microέσου διαλαβὼν τὸ δόρυ καὶ microετεωρί-

597C σας ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἐβόων ἀφεῖναι καὶ σῴζειν ἑαυτόν εἰ δὲ microή πεπλήξε-σθαι Θεόποmicroπος δὲ παραστὰς ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ τῷ ξίφει πατάξας αὐτόνlsquoἐνταῦθrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoκεῖσο microετὰ τούτων οὓς ἐκολάκευες microὴ γὰρ ἐν ἐλευθέ-ραις στεφανώσαιο ταῖς Θήβαις microηδὲ θύσειας ἔτι τοῖς θεοῖς ἐφrsquo ὧν κα-τηράσω πολλὰ τῇ πατρίδι πολλάκις ὑπὲρ τῶν πολεmicroίων εὐχόmicroενοςrsquoπεσόντος δὲ τοῦ Καβιρίχου τὸ microὲν ἱερὸν δόρυ Θεόκριτος παρὼν ἀνήρ-πασεν ἐκ τοῦ φόνου τῶν δὲ θεραπόντων ὀλίγους τολmicroήσαντας ἀmicroύ-νασθαι διεφθείραmicroεν ἡmicroεῖς τοὺς δrsquo ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντας εἰς τὸν ἀνδρῶνακατεκλείσαmicroεν οὐ βουλόmicroενοι διαπεσόντας ἐξαγγεῖλαι τὰ πεπραγmicroέ-να πρὶν εἰδέναι καὶ τὰ τῶν ἑταίρων εἰ καλῶς κεχώρηκεν

597D 32 Ἐπράχθη δὲ κἀκεῖνα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἔκοψαν οἱ περὶ Πελοπίδαντοῦ Λεοντιάδου τὴν αὔλειον ἡσυχῆ προσελθόντες καὶ πρὸς τὸν ὑπα-κούσαντα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἔφασαν ἥκειν Ἀθήνηθεν γράmicromicroατα τῷ Λεοντι-άδᾳ παρὰ Καλλιστράτου κοmicroίζοντες ὡς δrsquo ἀπαγγείλας καὶ κελευσθεὶςἀνοῖξαι τὸν microοχλὸν ἀφεῖλε καὶ microικρὸν ἐνέδωκε τὴν θύραν ἐmicroπεσόν-τες ἀθρόοι καὶ ἀνατρέψαντες τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἵεντο δρόmicroῳ διὰ τῆς αὐ-λῆς ἐπὶ τὸν θάλαmicroον ὁ δrsquo εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐξενεχθεὶς τῇ ὑπο-

597E νοίᾳ καὶ σπασάmicroενος τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ὥρmicroησε πρὸς ἄmicroυναν ἄδικος microὲνἀνὴρ καὶ τυραννικὸς εὔρωστος δὲ τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα ῥωmicroαλέοςοὐ microὴν ἔγνω γε τὸν λύχνον καταβαλεῖν καὶ διὰ σκότους συmicromicroῖξαι τοῖςἐπιφεροmicroένοις ἀλλrsquo ἐν φωτὶ καθορώmicroενος ὑπὸ τούτων ἅmicroα τῆς θύραςἀνοιγοmicroένης παίει τὸν Κηφισόδωρον εἰς τὸν λαγόνα καὶ δευτέρῳ τῷΠελοπίδᾳ συmicroπεσὼν microέγα βοῶν ἀνεκαλεῖτο τοὺς θεράποντας ἀλλrsquoἐκείνους microὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν Σαmicroίδαν ἀνεῖργον οὐ παρακινδυνεύοντας εἰςχεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἀνδράσιν ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ κατrsquo ἀλκὴν

597F διαφέρουσιν ἀγὼν δrsquo ἦν τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ πρὸς τὸν Λεοντιάδαν καὶ διαξι-φισmicroὸς ἐν ταῖς θύραις τοῦ θαλάmicroου στεναῖς οὔσαις καὶ τοῦ Κηφισοδώ-ρου πεπτωκότος ἐν microέσαις αὐταῖς καὶ θνήσκοντος ὥστε microὴ δύνασθαιτοὺς ἄλλους προσβοηθεῖν τέλος δrsquo ὁ ἡmicroέτερος λαβὼν microὲν εἰς τὴν κε-φαλὴν οὐ microέγα τραῦmicroα δοὺς δὲ πολλὰ καὶ καταβαλὼν τὸν Λεοντιάδανἐπέσφαξε θερmicroῷ τῷ Κηφισοδώρῳ καὶ γὰρ εἶδε πίπτοντα τὸν ἐχθρὸνὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ τὴν δεξιὰν ἐνέβαλε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀσπα-

Translation 77

was wounded in the neck by Charon and then when he tried to defendhimself with the drinking-cups that were at hand [597B] Lysitheus273

threw him off the couch on to the floor and finished him off Cabirichus wetried to calm down pointing out that he ought not to help the tyrants butought to help to liberate his country seeing that he was a sacred personconsecrated to the gods on her behalf But thanks to the wine he wasincapable of being induced by argument to understand his interests hegot to his feet in high excitement and confusion and brandished the pointof the spear which our archons always carried by custom I seized the spearby the sha raised it above his head274 and shouted to him to let go andsave himself or else be struck down [597C] Theopompus275 came up onthe right struck him with his sword and cried out lsquoLie there with the menwhose toady you were God forbid that you should wear your garlandin a free Thebes or sacrifice any more to the gods in whose presence youso o en cursed your country by praying for its enemiesrsquo A er Cabirichushad fallen Theocritus who was near by snatched the sacred spear out ofthe blood A few of the servants ventured to a empt resistance we killedthem Those who stayed quiet we locked in the dining-room not wantingthem to slip through and spread the news before we knew [597D] whetherour friends had been successful32 That business too had been done in the following way Pelopidasrsquoparty had quietly approached Leontiadasrsquo street door and told the ser-vant who answered that they had come from Athens with a le er for himfrom Callistratus276 The man gave the message and was ordered to openup As soon as he had removed the bar and opened the door a li le theyall rushed in together threw the man to the floor and ran through thecourtyard to the bedroom Leontiadas guessed the truth at once drewhis sword [597E] and set about defending himself He was an unjust andtyrannical person but he had a stout heart and a powerful arm But he didnot think of knocking over the lamp and confronting his a ackers in thedark Instead in full view of them all the instant the door was openedhe wounded Cephisodorus in the thigh Next he fell on the second manPelopidas and shouted to summon the servants They however were heldback by Samidasrsquo277 party and did not risk coming to blows with distin-guished citizens who were also outstanding fighters The struggle wasbetween Pelopidas and Leontiadas They crossed swords [597F] in thenarrow doorway of the bedroom where Cephisodorus had fallen and laydying in the middle of the entrance so that the others could not join in Inthe end our man received a slight wound in the head but he gave manyand finally felled Leontiadas and killed him over Cephisodorusrsquo still liv-ing body Indeed Cephisodorus saw the enemy fall gave his right handto Pelopidas said a word of greeting to the others and breathed his last a

78 Text (32597Fndash 34598E)

σάmicroενος ἅmicrorsquo ἵλεως ἐξέπνευσε γενόmicroενοι δrsquo ἀπὸ τούτων ἐπὶ τὸν Ὑπά-ταν τρέπονται καὶ τῶν θυρῶν ὁmicroοίως αὐτοῖς ἀνοιχθεισῶν φεύγοντατὸν Ὑπάταν ὑπὲρ τέγους τινὸς εἰς τοὺς γείτονας ἀποσφάττουσιν

598A 33 | Ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ἠπείγοντο καὶ συmicroβάλλουσιν ἡmicroῖν ἔξωθενπαρὰ τὴν πολύστυλον ἀσπασάmicroενοι δrsquo ἀλλήλους καὶ συλλαλήσαντεςἐχωροῦmicroεν ἐπὶ τὸ δεσmicroωτήριον ἐκκαλέσας ⟨δὲ τὸν⟩ ἐπὶ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ὁΦυλλίδας lsquoἈρχίαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ Φίλιππος κελεύουσί σε ταχέως ἄγειν ἐπrsquoαὐτοὺς Ἀmicroφίθεονrsquo ὁ δrsquo ὁρῶν καὶ τῆς ὥρας τὴν ἀτοπίαν καὶ τὸ microὴ κα-θεστηκότα λαλεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Φυλλίδαν ἀλλὰ θερmicroὸν ὄντα τῷ ἀγῶνικαὶ microετέωρον ὑπειδόmicroενος τὸ πλάσmicroα lsquoπότrsquorsquo ἔλεγεν lsquoὦ Φυλλίδα τηνι-

598B καῦτα microετεπέmicroψαντο δεσmicroώτην οἱ πολέmicroαρχοι πότε δὲ διὰ σοῦ τί δὲκοmicroίζεις παράσηmicroονrsquo ἅmicroα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ ξυστὸν ἱππικὸν ἔχων διῆ-κε τῶν πλευρῶν καὶ κατέβαλε πονηρὸν ἄνθρωπον ᾧ καὶ microεθrsquo ἡmicroέρανἐπενέβησαν καὶ προσέπτυσαν οὐκ ὀλίγαι γυναῖκες ἡmicroεῖς δὲ τὰς θύραςτῆς εἱρκτῆς κατασχίσαντες ἐκαλοῦmicroεν ὀνοmicroαστὶ πρῶτον microὲν τὸν Ἀmicro-φίθεον εἶτα τῶν ἄλλων πρὸς ὃν ἕκαστος ἐπιτηδείως εἶχεν οἱ δὲ τὴνφωνὴν γνωρίζοντες ἀνεπήδων ἐκ τῶν χαmicroευνῶν ἄσmicroενοι τὰς ἁλύσειςἐφέλκοντες οἱ δὲ τοὺς πόδας ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ δεδεmicroένοι τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγον-

598C τες ἐβόων δεόmicroενοι microὴ ἀπολειφθῆναι λυοmicroένων δὲ τούτων ἤδη πολλοὶπροσεφέροντο τῶν ἐγγὺς οἰκούντων αἰσθανόmicroενοι τὰ πραττόmicroενα καὶχαίροντες αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ὡς ἑκάστη περὶ τοῦ προσήκοντος ἤκουσενοὐκ ἐmicromicroένουσαι τοῖς Βοιωτῶν ἔθεσιν ἐξέτρεχον πρὸς ἀλλήλας καὶ δι-επυνθάνοντο παρὰ τῶν ἀπαντώντων αἱ δrsquo ἀνευροῦσαι πατέρας ἢ ἄν-δρας αὑτῶν ἠκολούθουν οὐδεὶς δrsquo ἐκώλυε ῥοπὴ γὰρ ἦν microεγάλη πρὸςτοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ὁ παρrsquo αὐτῶν ἔλεος καὶ δάκρυα καὶ δεήσεις σω-φρόνων γυναικῶν

34 Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν πραγmicroάτων ὄντων πυθόmicroενος τὸν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδαν598D ἐγὼ καὶ τὸν Γοργίδαν ἤδη microετὰ τῶν φίλων συναθροίζεσθαι

περὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἐπορευόmicroην πρὸς αὐτούς ἧκον δὲ πολλοὶκαὶ ἀγαθοὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ὁmicroοῦ καὶ συνέρρεον ἀεὶ πλείονες ὡς δrsquo ἀπήγ-γειλα καθrsquo ἕκαστον αὐτοῖς τὰ πεπραγmicroένα καὶ παρεκάλουν βοηθεῖνἐλθόντας εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν ἅmicroα πάντες εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐκή-ρυττον τοὺς πολίτας τοῖς δὲ τότrsquo ὄχλοις τῶν συνισταmicroένων ὅπλα πα-ρεῖχον αἵ τε στοαὶ πλήρεις οὖσαι παντοδαπῶν λαφύρων καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐγ-γὺς οἰκούντων ἐργαστήρια microαχαιροποιῶν ἧκε δὲ καὶ Ἱπποσθενείδαςmicroετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκετῶν τοὺς ἐπιδεδηmicroηκότας κατὰ τύχην πρὸς

598E τὰ Ἡράκλεια σαλπικτὰς παραλαmicroβάνων εὐθέως δrsquoοἱ microὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγο-ρᾶς ἐσήmicroαινον οἱ δὲ κατrsquo ἄλλους τόπους πανταχόθεν ἐκταράττοντεςτοὺς ὑπεναντίους ὡς πάντων ἀφεστώτων οἱ microὲν οὖν λακωνίζοντες τὴν Καδmicroείαν ἔφευγον ἐπισπασάmicroενοι καὶ τοὺς ἐκκρίτους λεγοmicroένουςεἰωθότας δὲ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν κάτω νυκτερεύειν οἱ δrsquo ἄνω τούτων microὲν

Translation 79

happy man Next they turned to Hypatas here too the door was openedto them and they cut Hypatas down as he tried to escape over the roof tohis neighbours33 [598A] From there they made haste to join us and met us outsidethe Long Colonnade278 A er greeting one another and talking togetherwe proceeded to the prison Phyllidas called the prison governor out andsaid lsquoArchias and Philippus order you to deliver Amphitheus to them im-mediatelyrsquo In view of the unusual hour and the fact that Phyllidas wasnot speaking in a very collected manner but was heated and excited byhis fight the governor saw through the trick lsquoAnd when have [598B] thepolemarchs ever sent for a prisoner at this hour Phyllidasrsquo he said lsquoandwhen did they ever use you as the messenger What token of your author-ity have you gotrsquo lsquoltThisrsquo said Phyllidasgt279 and as he spoke he drovethe cavalry lance which he had with him through his opponentrsquos side andlaid the vile creature low many women trampled and spat on him nextmorning We forced open the door of the prison and called the prisonersby name ndash Amphitheus first then any others with whom any of us wasconnected When they recognized our voices some leapt joyfully out oftheir beds dragging their chains with them while others whose feet wereheld in the stocks stretched out their arms and shouted begging not tobe le behind While they were being freed [598C] many of the peopleliving nearby came to join us hearing what was happening and delightedby it The women too when they heard about their relatives abandonedtheir usual Boeotian ways280 ran out to visit one another and questionedanyone they met Those who found fathers or husbands went with themand no one stopped them All who met them were greatly moved both bypity and by the tears and prayers of these honest women34 This was the state of affairs when I learned that Epaminondas andGorgidas were assembling with their friends [598D] at the sanctuary ofAthena281 I made my way there to join them as did many good citizensthe numbers constantly growing When I had reported in detail whathad been done and urged them to go to the agora to support us theyall instantly set about summoning the citizens to liberate themselves Thecrowds of supporters that then gathered were supplied with weapons fromthe colonnades which were full of spoils of war of every kind and fromthe workshops of the sword-makers who lived nearby Hipposthenidasnow came on the scene with his friends and servants bringing with them[598E] the trumpeters who happened to be in town for the Festival of Her-acles282 Some of these sounded a call in the agora others in other placescausing alarm to the enemy on every side and making him think the wholepopulation was in revolt The supporters of the Spartans fledhellip lttogt283 theCadmea taking with them also the so-called special guard284 who regu-

80 Text (34598Endash 34598F)

ἀτάκτως καὶ τεθορυβηmicroένως ἐπιχεοmicroένων ἡmicroᾶς δὲ περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰνἀφορῶντες οὐδενὸς microέρους ἡσυχάζοντος ἀλλὰ πανταχόθεν ψόφωνκαὶ θορύβων ἀναφεροmicroένων καταβαίνειν microὲν οὐ διενοοῦντο καίπερ

598F περὶ πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες ἐκπεπληγmicroένοι δὲ τὸνκίνδυνον ἄλλως προυφασίζοντο Λυσανορίδαν περιmicroένειν dagger γὰρ ἡτῆς ἡmicroέρας ἐκείνης διὸ καὶ τοῦτον microὲν ὕστερον ὡς πυνθανόmicroεθα χρή-microασιν οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐζηmicroίωσαν τῶν Λακεδαιmicroονίων οἱ γέροντες Ἡριπ-πίδαν δὲ καὶ Ἄρκεσον ἀπέκτειναν εὐθὺς ἐν Κορίνθῳ λαβόντες τὴν δὲΚαδmicroείαν ὑπόσπονδον παραδόντες ἡmicroῖν ἀπήλλαττον microετὰ τῶν στρα-τιωτῶν

Translation 81

larly spent the night at the foot of the citadel Those on the citadel itselfconfronted by this disorderly and confused influx and seeing us in theagora ndash no peace anywhere sounds of tumult reaching them from everyside ndash had no thought of coming down [598F] though they were aboutfi een hundred strong285 Appalled by the danger they could only makethe excuse that they were waiting for Lysanoridas286 hellip that day287 Forthat reason as we learned later the Spartan gerousia ltfinedgt Lysanoridasltheavilygt288 and put Herippidas and Arcesus289 to death when they cap-tured them at Corinth They surrendered the Cadmea to us under a truceand began to withdraw with all their forces

Notes on the Translation1 The Athenian who starts the introductory dialogue by questioning Caphisias about

the liberation of Thebes is probably identical with Archedemus of Pelekes men-tioned in Aeschin or 3139 as having made himself unpopular by his pro-Thebansentiments On chronological grounds he is probably to be distinguished from theArchedemus who was leader of the popular party in Athens in 406 (Xen Hell 172)[RP]

2 The narrator Epaminondasrsquo younger brother [RN]3 For the use of the picture-simile see now H -L 2002 1ndash2 [N]4 Reading uncertain P has τοὺς δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ⟩

microέρους ἀγῶνας W 1992 has τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις ⟨καταδήλους γιγνοmicroέ-νους ἐπὶ⟩ microέρους ἀγῶνας παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθηκόντως [with καθηκόντως replac-ing the transmi ed καθορῶντα] καιρῷ καὶ πάθει microεmicroιγmicroένου λογισmicroοῦ (ldquoyet byvirtue of their causes the particular contests of virtue against chance occurrences andthe acts of intelligent bravery in the face of fearful conditions ⟨become clear cases of⟩rationality suitably blended with opportunity and emotionrdquo) [R] H reads τοῦ δ᾿ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἐπὶ⟩ microέρους ⟨ἴδιον ἕκαστον microυρίους⟩ ἀγῶνας followingK [N]

5 Pindar Isthmians 12 Already quoted (also in a prefatory section of a dialogue) byPlato Phaedrus 227b [R]

6 There were numerous Theban embassies to Athens a er the pro-Spartan oligarchicregime had been overthrown (see eg Xen Hell 5462 Diod 15254 ) but we donot know anything about Caphisias in one of these embassies [N]

7 Cf Pindar Ol 6152 ἀρχαῖον ὄνειδος hellip Βοιωτίαν ὗν already quoted by Plat Symp182b Phaedo 64b Alluded to by Plut at De E 6387D De Herod mal 31864D ndash TextP rsquos conjecture δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν (instead of the corrupt δοκεῖν ἀνεγείρειν ofthe manuscripts) is nearer to the paradosis than H rsquos δόξειεν ἂν ἐγείρειν [R]

8 No lacuna is indicated in E but Simmias and Cebes must be mentioned in this context(H reads microαραινόmicroενον ⟨Σιmicromicroίας microὲν γὰρ καὶ Κέβης⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη hellip) [R]On Simmias see below n 23 [N]

9 On the relationship between Caphisiasrsquo family and Lysis (the Pythagorean exile whotaught Epaminondas and whose tomb his disciple Theanor visits) see below n 64[RN]

10 The Athenians mentioned in these lines are historical characters whose Theban sym-pathies were well-a ested Much friendly feeling between Athens and Thebes wentback to 4043 when many Athenian refugees from the Spartan-backed regime of thelsquoThirty Tyrantsrsquo in Athens lived in Thebes the liberation movement started fromthere Thrasybulus of Collytus and Archinus were leading figures in that movement(for Archinusrsquo role see Dem or 24135 where a son Myronides is mentioned) Thrasy-bulus was lsquotrusted in Thebes like no otherrsquo (Aeschin or 3138) and his nephew Thra-son brother of the Lysitheides of De Genio was Theban proxenos (ibid) The greatadmiral Conon destroyed the Spartan fleet at Cnidus in 394 and his son Timotheus(frequently elected general from 378 onwards) continued the anti-Spartan effort Onpolitical groups (hetaireiai) of the kind here mentioned see S H ACommen-tary on Thucydides vol III (Oxford 2008) 917ndash20 [RP]

11 Ersquos οἰκείαν ἔχον is clearly corrupt S adopts M rsquos conjecture οἰκεῖονἔχειν but οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν might be er explain the paradosis [R]

Notes on the Translation 83

12 Archias is one of the Theban polemarchs (ie military commanders) at the time ofthe story in which he plays a large part as collaborator with the Spartans Leontiadashad long been prominent as a leader of the pro-Spartan faction in Theban politics (HellOxy XVII1 referring to the year 395) in 382 he was one of the polemarchs lockedin conflict with his bi er political enemy Ismenias (see n 19 below) who was also apolemarch (XenHell 5225) and used his position to support and perhaps provoke(see following note) the Spartan seizure of the Cadmea [RP]Text Λεοντιάδας seems the best form of his name (also adopted by H ) in XenHell 5225 (and in Hell Oxy XVII1) it is Λεοντιάδης E here gives Λεοντίδης mssof Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas (5 6 11) have Λεοντίδας in Plutarchrsquos Agesilaus (23) mss varybetween Λεοντιάδης and Λεοντίδας [R]

13 Phoebidas was the Spartan commander who was supposed to lead Spartan troops toOlynthus but seized the Cadmea instead whether through persuasion by Leontiadas(Xen Hell 5225ndash36 Plut Pel 5) or in fulfilment of a secret Spartan policy (Diod15202 cf Plut Ages 241) [RP]

14 The Cadmea is the Theban acropolis its name being derived from themythical founderof Thebes Cadmus [N]

15 Melon is a prominent Theban exile who returns in the course of the story (see PlutPelopidas 8 11 12 Agesilaus 24) In Xenophonrsquos account (Xen Hell 542ndash7) he is theleading spirit Xenophon whose hatred of the great Theban leaders Pelopidas andEpaminondas is well known never even mentions Pelopidas in this context [RP]

16 Next to Epaminondas (on whom see below n 30) Pelopidas is the most prominentTheban political and military leader of these times A fuller account of the eventssummarized here is in Plut Pelopidas 5 It differs considerably from Xenophonrsquos (seeabove n 15) and stresses Pelopidasrsquo role at the expense of Melonrsquos See P below pp 113 121ndash22 [R]

17 Olynthus was an important city on the Northern Greek Chalcidice peninsula whichhad established a powerful confederacy Two nearby cities Acanthus and Apolloniapersuaded Sparta to send a force to check the dangerous growth of Olynthian power(Xen Hell 5211ndash24) [P]

18 Lysanoridas is one of the Spartan governors installed on the Cadmea (the other twowere Herippidas and Arkesos see below n 159) He was fined and exiled a er theliberation of Thebes see Plut Pelopidas 13 [RN] Z (on Pelopidas 13) reads hisname as Λυσανδρίδας (cf Theopompus FGrHist 115 fr 240) [RN]

19 At the time of the seizure of the Cadmea Ismenias (or Hismenias see E DL on Plut De exilio 16606F) the leader of the anti-Spartan faction in Thebes waspolemarch along with the pro-Spartan Leontiadas (see n 12 above) with whom hehad been in bi er conflict for many years (Hell Oxy XVII1 referring to the year 395cf ibid XVIII) Xenophon (Hell 5235) has him tried and executed at Thebes beforea court drawn from members of the Peloponnesian League Plutarch (Pel 53) merelyspeaks of his being carried off to Sparta and there killed [RP]

20 Gorgidas was a former Theban hipparch (ie cavalry commander 578C) a moderatewho did not go into exile but kept in touch with those who did He was also one of theBoeotarchs (ie leading officials of the Boeotian confederacy) in 37978 (according toPlut Pel 142 but for the modern controversy on this issue see R J B Boiotia andthe Boiotian League Alberta 1994 150 n 78) organizer of the so-called lsquosacred bandrsquoand a close friend of Epaminondas See Plut Pelopidas 12 14 18ndash19 [RP]

21 Accepting Sievekingrsquos κατάλυσιν for Ersquos ἅλωσιν cf Plut Praec reip ger 10804Fand Pelopidas 62 [R]

22 lsquoTyrantsrsquo is the collective label given here (following 4th c usage Xen Hell 541ndash2)to the pro-Spartan oligarchs Archias (first mentioned in 30596C see below n 265)Leontiadas and Philippus (see below n 245) [NP]

84 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

23 Simmias is a former disciple of Socrates (and together with Cebes Socratesrsquo mostimportant dialogue partner in Platorsquos Phaedo) now returned to Thebes he will be theprincipal speaker in the discussion on the daimonion [RN]

24 In Plato Phaedo 78a Socrates recommends Cebes Simmiasrsquo companion to seek menof wisdom throughout the world This hint seems to have given rise to the inclusionof Simmias in stories of Plato and others travelling to Egypt and elsewhere to consortwith wise men see below 578F Simmiasrsquo illness recalls both Socrates in prison (bothneed medical a ention) and also Theages (Plato Rep 6496b) who is held to philos-ophy by the lsquocurbrsquo of illness which Socrates compares to his own compulsion theδαιmicroόνιον σηmicroεῖον [R]

25 Pherenicus was one of the Thebans in exile at Athens (Plut Pel 53) At the time of therecovery of Thebes he led the larger group of exiles who waited on the borders readyto be summoned if the smaller group succeeded in killing the pro-Spartan leaders(Plut Pel 81 cf 121 and 577A below where his involvement is anticipated) [RP]

26 Charon is a leading conspirator who makes his house available to the exiles hisson also plays a part His role is also described in Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas (73 wherethe offer of his house has been made earlier than in the De Genio passage 83ndash4 9396ndash105 112 131 255ndash14) and briefly mentioned by Xenophon (Hell 543 lsquoa cer-tain Charonrsquo) [RP]

27 The number twelve is also given in Plutarch Pelopidas 83 while Xenophon (Hell 541and 3) mentions only seven (against Thebes) [R]

28 Cithaeron is the mountain range separating Boeotia in the south from A ica [N]29 The mantis Theocritus is a key figure in the dialogue who interprets signs and has

his own links with Socrates (see De gen Socr 10580E) through his fellow mantis Eu-thyphro Later (Pelopidas 223) he saves the Thebans from making a human sacrificebefore the ba le of Leuctra [R]

30 As the victor of the ba le of Leuctra and chief architect of Theban supremacy (short-lived though it was) in Greece Epaminondas is the most important Theban politicianand general of that epoch Plutarch devoted a biography to him which is unfortu-nately lost He is also a key figure in this dialogue holding back from active partic-ipation in the conspiracy but sympathetic to it He is presented as a devotee of thePythagorean Lysis and as a real philosopher It is remarkable to see how Epaminon-dasmdasha er being introduced as the pious disciple of one Pythagorean (Lysis 8579DE16585E)mdashis then shown in spirited debate with another (Theanor 13582Endash15585D)and unequivocally carrying victory in this debate With this Epaminondas seems infact to be making a critique of the life-style of a wealthy Pythagorean who thinks thatmoney is an appropriate reward for looking a er his fellow Pythagorean Lysis It maybe that Plutarch has some pretentious people of his own time in his sight here [RN]

31 H wrongly inserted ⟨οὐχ⟩ before ὑπὸ τῶν νόmicroων ἀγόmicroενος There is nocontradiction in being naturally law-abiding [R]

32 The long lacuna in this passage (67 le ers in E) has not yet been convincingly filledWe take τίνα as interrogative But if the length of the lacuna is correctly indicated inE there must be more missing [R]

33 The lacuna contains Theocritusrsquo reply [R]34 The lacuna (22 le ers in E 56 in B) can only be filled by guesswork (25594B shows

what the general sense should be) We translate microηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ⟨ἀποκτενεῖνὑπισχνεῖται microὴ microεγάλης γε γενοmicroένης ἀνάγκης⟩ ἄκριτον [R]

35 The text here proposed (ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος ἀλλὰ καὶ αἵmicroατος E) is inspired byE (ἀλλὰ καὶ αἵmicroατος ⟨ἄτερ⟩) [R]

36 On Pherenicus see above n 25 [R]37 Eumolpidas and Samidas are two otherwise unknown participants in the conspiracy

[R]

Notes on the Translation 85

38 Galaxidorus plays an important part in the discussion (on his role and character seenow W 2003 64ndash67 and 93ndash106) He is a historical character one of those The-bans who were said to have accepted Persian money from Timocrates in 395ndash4 (aswere Androclidas see below n 263 and Ismenias) to foment war with Sparta (XenHell 351) Despite his anti-Spartan record the dialogue supposes that he has beenliving quietly in Spartan-dominated Thebes [RP]

39 Reading διακρούων (E ) and supplementing εἶπεν Ἀρχίαν ὁρῶ in the lacunakeeps closer to the paradosis (διακούων ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος ἐγγὺς γάρ καὶ Λυσανο-ρίδαν E) H reads διέκρουσεν [proposed by B and accepted by S -

] ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος ἐγγὺς γὰρ ⟨Ἀρχίαν ἤγγειλε [proposed by E ]⟩ καὶ Λυ-σανορίδαν [R]

40 On Lysanoridas see above n 18 [R]41 The lsquoAmphionrsquo in Thebes is also mentioned by Xenophon Hell 548 where it serves

as a place of muster for released prisoners during the events of 379 and Arrian Anab186 where troops going from the Cadmea to the rest of the city pass by it The wallsof Thebes had supposedly been built by Amphion and Zethus twin sons of Zeus andAntiope and Theban equivalents to the Dioscuri their importance in the city is shownby the Theban oath lsquoby the two godsrsquo (Arist Ach 905 with commentators) The lsquoAm-phionrsquo is therefore generally (but see R S in RE Va 1934 sv Thebai 1446)associated (though the formation is linguistically surprising) with the lsquotomb of Am-phionrsquo which tragic poets treat as a conspicuous Theban landmark Aeschylus locatesit outside the Northern gates (Sept 528) and Euripides implies that it was of someheight or sited on an elevation (Eur Suppl 663 ἔνερθε σεmicroνῶν microνηmicroάτων Ἀmicroφί-ονος) The lsquotomb of Zethusrsquo of Eur Phoen 145 was the same monument if as isplausible the later a ested tradition (Σ Eur Phoen145 Paus 9174) that the twinbrothers shared a tomb goes back to the fi h century Pausanias speaks without pre-cise location of a lsquomound of earth of no great sizersquo as their common tomb (9174) hesurely supposed this to be the same monument as that known to the poets whetherit was or not A flat-topped hillock (once λόφος τοῦ Ταλάρου apparently now re-named Amphion) of c 65 by 45 metres about 50 metres north of the Cadmea has longbeen identified as the Amphion (so eg S 1985 25 and 273ndash4 with refer-ences and pl 4 and map A cf the plan in R B Blue Guide Greece 6th rev edLondon 2001) The identification gained greatly in plausibility with the discovery ontop of the hillock of an early or middle Helladic mud-brick tumulus (T S Arkhaiologikon Deltion 27b 1972 307ndash8 ib 28b 1973 248ndash52 CM A AnArchaeology of Ancestors Lanham 1995) such a tumulus when partly buried could wellhave been Pausaniasrsquo lsquomound of no great sizersquo and have given the name Amphion tothe whole hillock See also P below p 130 [P]

42 Phyllidas is a very important figure in the story being both secretary to Archias (andthe polemarchs) and a conspirator According Plut Pel 74 (but not Xen Hell 542)he secured the role of secretary in order to further the conspiracy [RP]

43 If W rsquo γραmicromicroατεύοντα were right the sense would be lsquowhom you know tohave been clerk to the polemarchs at the timersquo [R]

44 We translate ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ ἥξειν on the lines ofW rsquo supplement [R]

45 We translate P rsquo ⟨ἔχω λέγειν⟩ [R]46 The long lacuna (107 le ers in E) covers the return of Theocritus to the group who

now move on and approach Simmiasrsquo house but without going in [R]47 Phidolaus of Haliartus (a Boeotian town about 20 km west of Thebes) is not otherwise

known [RN]48 Amphitheus is an imprisoned Theban patriot to be released when the coup succeeds

He was probably named inHell Oxy XVII1 with Ismenias and Androclidas as one ofthe leaders of the anti-Spartan faction in Thebes in 395 (the papyrus gives Antitheos

86 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

a name not otherwise a ested in Boeotia) he supposedly took Persian money at thattime (cf n 38 above and n 264 below) to foment war against Sparta (Plut Lys 273Paus 398 where he is called lsquoAmphithemisrsquo) [RP]

49 As the mother of the great hero Heracles Alcmena would also be the ancestress ofboth the royal houses of Sparta who were descended from Heracles hence Agesilausrsquointerest in her tomb [N]

50 Agesilaus was Spartan king from 400 to 36059 He tried to maintain the supremacywhich Sparta had won in the wake of the Peloponnesian War but ultimately failed[N]

51 If this has a basis in fact (but see F B Relighting the Souls Stu gart 1998 75 n2) Agesilaus will have removed Alcmenarsquos remains in 394 It was believed that shehad lived there with Rhadamanthys (identified with Aleos) a er the death of Am-phitryon (Plut Lysander 289 Apollodorus 2411 = 270) There was a quite differentaccount (Antoninus Liberalis 33 citing Pherecydes) according to which she was senta er death to Rhadamanthys in the Isles of the Blessed and a stone was put in hercoffin instead (cf Plut Romulus 287) (See in general P 1909 120 124ndash6 and RP below pp 130ndash1) [RP]

52 On the basis of the lsquoPherecydesrsquo account (see above n 52) W supplied⟨λίθος ἀντὶ τοῦ⟩ σώmicroατος and H adopts C rsquos ⟨ἐν τῷ microνήmicroατι λίθος microὲν ἀντὶτοῦ⟩ σώmicroατος This seems an unacceptable conflation of two quite different versionsW suggested οὐ ⟨δέν τι λείψανον⟩ but it might be eg ⟨λείψανα microέν τινα⟩(ldquoltsome remainsgt of a bodyrdquo) [R]

53 The lacuna a er συmicroπεπηγυῖαν has been variously filled ⟨ἐπάνω δὲ⟩ (lsquoaboversquo) B - ⟨ἔmicroπροσθεν δὲ⟩ (lsquoin front ofrsquo) E D L but it may be vaguer

eg ⟨ἐγγὺς δὲ⟩ or ⟨οὐ πόρρω δὲ⟩ lsquonearrsquo or lsquonot far fromrsquo This discovery is discussedin the context of other similar stories by W S Buumlcherfunde in der Glaubenswerbungder Antike Hypomnemata 24 (Gouml ingen 1970) 69ndash70 [R]

54 Agesilaus had good relations with Pharaoh Nectanebis I who ruled from 380 (or 378)but the event here mentioned must be earlier perhaps in the context of the help an-other Egyptian king Nephereus Nepherites I gave to the Spartans as early as 396(Diod 14794) [R]

55 The lake mentioned here is Lake Copais in central Boeotia Haliartus stood its southshore This flood is not mentioned elsewhere [RP]

56 Aleos was another name for Rhadamanthys (Plut Lysander 289 see above n 51) [R]57 The story of how Dirce maltreated Antiope mother of the Theban founder heroes Am-

phion and Zethus and was in the end savagely killed by them was told by Euripidesin Antiope In the common tradition the twins threw her body or ashes into a famousTheban spring (mentioned five times in Pindar) which therea er bore her name (EurAntiope F 223109ndash114 141ndash144 K Apollod 344 [55] Hyginus Fab 7) A se-cret tomb of Dirce and rituals associated with it are mentioned only in this passage ofDe Genio (see P 1909 463) the positive force apparently ascribed to the heroinedespite her very negative characterisation in myth is not unexampled but we do notknow what explanation if any was offered Similar secrecy is supposed in Oedipusrsquoinstructions to Theseus in Soph OC 1518ndash1539 never to reveal his tomb except on hisdeathbed to his heir it is possible that traditions about secret tombs were preservedby the Athenian lsquoking archonsrsquo the notional successors to king Theseus The Thebanritual was performed by the new and old hipparchs at the moment of transfer of of-fice for such Theban transition rites cf P below p 130 n 5 A Theban hipparchis mentioned leading cavalry by Hdt 9692 nothing else is known about the officebefore the Hellenistic period [P]

58 The long lacuna here (157 le ers in E) must at least contain the statement that thesecret will not be easily discovered [R]

59 This Plato is not known from other sources On Gorgidas see above n 20 [R]

Notes on the Translation 87

60 The lacuna (28 le ers in E) will have contained something like lsquonor performing any ofthe traditional ritesrsquo [R]

61 H who very clearly set out the debt ofDe genio to Platorsquos Phaedo (1895 2149ndash151)saw that this scene is modelled on Phaedo 60bndash61c where Socrates sits on his bed totalk The situation is parodied in Lucian Philopseudes 6 where Eucrates is in bed withthe gout see now W 2003 33ndash5 [R]

62 Thales of Miletus is one of the famous Seven Wise Men of Old [N]63 Cf Plut Banquet of the Seven Wise Men 2147B [R]64 The Pythagorean Lysis (VS 46) became the teacher of Epaminondas a er he had to

leave Italy (see below n 124) On Lysis see Diog Laert 87 [N]65 Vitex agnus castus is a shrub (related to willow) sacred to Hera and associated with

chastity it was used as material for beds by women at the Thesmophoria (L D A ische Feste Berlin 1956 56) [R]

66 Polymnis the father of Caphisias and Epaminondas makes his own appearance inthe story in 8579D [N]

67 R replaced the transmi ed ἅ (referring to γράmicromicroατα) by ὅν (referring to the justmentioned πίναξ) surely Agesilaus took the tablet and not just the writing on it [R]

68 This envoy of King Agesilaus is not otherwise known [RN]69 Chonouphis of Memphis is said (Plut De Iside 20354D) to have been the teacher of

the Greek mathematician and astronomer Eudoxus of Cnidus His name is genuinelyEgyptian (see J G G Plutarch De Iside et Osiride Cardiff 1970 ad loc) Thestory of Platorsquos journey to Egypt is a common feature in ancient lives of the philoso-pher Strabo (17806) reports that guides still pointed out the house where he andEudoxus stayed at Heliopolis For the tradition in general see R 1976 64ndash5who takes a somewhat sceptical view J B Eos ou Platon et lrsquoOrient (Brussels 1945)15 who is more enthusiastic and the sober summary in G 1975 21ndash2 Plutarch(Solon 28) has the information that Plato financed his journey by dealing in olive oil[R]

70 S proposed to fill this lacuna (of 10 le ers in E) by reading ⟨ᾧ πολλὰ⟩ τότεwhich H adopts τότε (instead of the transmi ed ποτέ) may be right but ᾧ πολλὰis shorter than the space (10 le ers) indicated in E and thus hardly the right solution[R]

71 This alleged fellow student of Plato and Eudoxus in Egypt is otherwise unknown[RN]

72 This Proteus is first mentioned as the king of Egypt who reigned during the times ofthe Trojan War by Herodotus (2112ndash120) [N]

73 Behind ldquoHeracles the son of Amphitryonrdquo lies another Herodotean reminiscence in243ndash45 Herodotus distinguishes very carefully between the Egyptian god Heraclesand the (human) Greek hero Heracles whom Herodotus always calls ldquoson of Am-phitryonrdquo (thus in 2432 444 1461 and 6532 in 21454 he calls him the son ofAlcmena without naming the father) and never ldquoson of Zeusrdquo [N]

74 Caria is the south-western coastal region of Asia Minor [N]75 Apollorsquos ldquohorned altarrdquo on the island of Delos was a famous place of worship and a

kind of landmark [N] The story outlined here comes from Eratosthenesrsquo Platonicusas reported by Theo of Smyrna (p 2 H ) Plutarch refers to it again (De E 6386E)with the interpretation (Eratosthenesrsquo) that the oracle intended to exhort the Greeksto the study of mathematics J F The Delphic Oracle (Berkeley 1978) 333argues that though the oracle could have originated as a straightforward response toa cultic enquiry it was more probably invented for the sake of the story about PlatoElsewhere (Plut Quaest conv 82718E Marcellus 149) the point is that mechanicalconstructions are not legitimate in geometry In our passage there is a further twistthe godrsquos true intention was to encourage peaceful pursuits The basic texts on the

88 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

problem are given in I T Greek Mathematical Works I (CambridgeMass 1951)256ndash309 [RP]

76 Reading ᾗ (W ) τὸ (H ) for the mss reading ἣ τῷ and taking τὸ microήκειδιπλάσιον as lsquosimply doublingrsquo (v E ad loc) But the sense is difficult W -

cuts the knot by proposing ᾗ τὸ τριχῆ διαστατὸν διπλασιάζεται lsquoby whicha three-dimensional object is doubledrsquo In any case the solution referred to is that saidto be due to Hippocrates of Chios if two proportionals x and y are found between aand 2a such that a x x y y 2a then x 3= 2a3 See Euclid 1133 and corollary[R]

77 Helicon of Cyzicus was a friend of Plato and a pupil of Eudoxus (⟨Plat⟩ epist 13360c)and of Isocrates He is also mentioned Plut Dion 196 De cohibenda ira 16463C [R]

78 This moral is presumably Plutarchrsquos addition In most versions the Deliansrsquo troublewas a plague here it seems more general and the words παῦλαν τῶν παρόντωνκακῶν (579B) allude to Plat Rep 5473d [R]

79 The dreams and the visions may be distinct at 13583B (with S rsquos correctionsee ad loc) Theanor tells us that the divine power lsquohad clearly revealedrsquo Lysisrsquo death[R]

80 The Ismenus is a river running through Thebes from North to South its name is con-nected with a son of Apollo and the Nereid Melie [N]

81 On Galaxidorus see above n 38 [N]82 If καὶ after πολιτικοῖς ἀνδράσι is not deleted it might suggest that all πολιτικοὶ ἄν-

δρες (and not only those who have ldquoto deal with a wilful and disorderly populationrdquo)would find it useful to employ religious superstition as a restraining instrument butperhaps Galaxidorus does indeed think this in which case καὶ must be kept [R]

83 This view of religion has been common since the early sophists see eg the famousfragment from the Sisyphus of Critias (TrGF I no 43 F 19) and G 1969 243ndash4Cf also Polybius 6566ndash12 with W rsquos note [RP]

84 The word play ἀσχήmicroων σχηmicroατισmicroός is difficult to translate but very conspicu-ous [R]

85 Reading with B (a er A ) ἐπαναφέρει τὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχήν in-stead of the transmi ed ἐπαναφέρει τῆς τῶν πράξεων ἀρχῆς which S (andH ) tried to emend by adopting P rsquo ⟨περὶ⟩ τῆς τῶν πράξεων ἀρχῆς [R]

86 Meletus is one of the notorious accusers of Socrates (besides Anytus and Lycon) whois the foremost addressee in Platorsquos Apology [RN]

87 A reference to the charge of lsquonot recognizing the gods the city recognizes but intro-ducing new daimoniarsquo (Plat Apol 24b 8 Xen Mem 111) a charge which no doubtmade use of the daimonion phenomenon See eg T C B N D S Socrates on Trial (Oxford 1989) 30ndash37 [R]

88 Besides the famous Pythagoras of Samus (about 570 ndash 480 BC) and Empedocles ofAcragas (about 490 ndash 430 BC) the names of other early philosophers may be missinghere (see eg the supplement ⟨καὶ τῶν microετrsquo αὐτοῦ γενοmicroένην καὶ δὴ καὶ παρrsquo⟩ ofthe 39ndash29 le er lacuna proposed by E and D L which H puts into thetext) Pherecydes is a possibility [R]

89 We translate the transmi ed ὥσπερ πρός but note W rsquos αὖ περί (lsquoaccus-tomed it again to show sense in respect of factsrsquo) [R]

90 See Iliad 10279 and Odyssey 13301 [R]91 The quotation makes use of Iliad 2095 but considerably changes its context [R]92 Euthyphron is the main disputant in Platorsquos Euthyphro perhaps also mentioned in

Cratylus 396d [R]93 The Σύmicroβολον is apparently a crossroads north-east of the Athenian Agora see

J 1931 178 Andocidesrsquo house (situated near the Agora as well vis-agrave-vis theStoa Basileios see J 1931 353) is mentioned in Andocidesrsquo own narrative of theHermae affair (or 162 see also Plut Alcib 212) [RN]

Notes on the Translation 89

94 Socratesrsquo self-concentration (cf Plat Symp 174dndash175c 220c) is here (as never in Platoor Xenophon) associated with the daimonion The location of lsquoBox-makersrsquo Streetrsquo isnot known [R]

95 Supplementing ἆνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ (following A ) [R]96 This is one of the regular ways of describing the phenomenon cf Plat Theaet 151a

Apol 31d Euthyphro 3b [R]97 This aulos-player is otherwise unknown [R]98 This is one of only two mentions (the second is in 21590A but see above n 8) of

Simmiasrsquo Theban companion Cebes (on him see above n 24 and 25) [N]99 For lsquoStatuariesrsquo Streetrsquo see Plat Symp 215a (see also J 1931 171 and J T

Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen Tuumlbingen 1971 395) The source of the fol-lowing story is unknown H D B Plutarchrsquos theological writings and early Christianliterature Studia ad Corpus Hellenisticum NT III (Leiden 1975) 257 discusses fea-tures which it shares with various miracle-stories (eye-witness account precise dateand place the pigs ⟨cf eg Mark 511ndash13⟩ and the discomfiture of the unbelievers)[R]

100 Adopting W rsquos supplement ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩ (as also H does) Schose W rsquo ⟨ἡmicroᾶς σφόδρα⟩ [R]

101 H rsquos microαντικῆς (instead of the transmi ed ἀνάγκης) is surely necessary [R]102 For sneezes as omens see J 2008 130ndash1 and P on Cic Div 284 The

earliest mention of such a sneeze in Greek literature is Hom Od 17541 See alsoXen Anab 329 ⟨Aristot⟩ Probl 337 and Catullus 45 (with commentators) [RP]

103 On κληδόνες see again J 2008 130ndash1 [P]104 Adopting V A rsquos supplement οὐχ οἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν (as also H does) [R]105 Terpsion of Megara a friend of the Megarian philosopher Euclides is known from

Plat Theaetetus 142a and Phaedo 59c [R]106 No lacuna is indicated a er δοκοῦmicroεν in MSS but W is probably right to

mark one here The sense required is something like lsquoit would be the mark of an in-ferior or superstitious mindrsquo eg ⟨φαυλοτέρου γὰρ ἂν ἦν τινος καὶ δεισιδαίmicroονος⟩[R]

107 Supplementing τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ (cf De prof in virt 1283B τό⟨νον⟩ was alreadyproposed by R ) S supplemented τό⟨νον ἀmicroετάστρεπτον⟩ adopted byH [R]

108 Socratesrsquo prediction of disaster in Sicily is mentioned in [Plat] Theages 129c and inPlut Nicias 139 Alcibiades 175 [R]

109 Pyrilampes is Platorsquos stepfather friend of Pericles and father of the famously beautifulDemos (Plat Gorgias 481d with D rsquo note) see J K D Athenian PropertiedFamilies (Oxford 1971) 329ndash30 (no 8792 VIII) [R]

110 Allusions to Socratesrsquo bravery in the Delian campaign (424 BC) can be found alreadyin Plato (Apol 28e Laches 181b Symp 220e) but there is more detail in the latertradition (Cic Div 1123 Epist Socrat 19) the place where the warning is givenis said by Cicero to be at a trivium (lsquocrossroadsrsquo) and in the Epistle to be a διάβασις(lsquocrossingrsquo perhaps of a river) [R]

111 Unintelligible In Thuc 4967 we are told of three escape routes the beaten Atheniansfollowed to Delium and the sea over Parnes (see the next note) and lsquoother ways takenby individualsrsquo W (following E D L ) reads ἐπὶ Ὠρωπίας ieto the sea at Oropus H proposed ἐπὶ Ῥείτους meaning the salt springs markingthe boundary of Eleusis but this seems too remote ER D once suggested ἐπὶ τῆςσχιστῆς lsquoto the crossroadsrsquo translating Cicerorsquos (see above n 110) trivium It is best toconfess ignorance Socratesrsquo valour was questioned eg by Herodicus of Babylon (inAthen 5215cndash216c) who speaks of τὴν ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ πεπλασmicroένην ἀνδραγαθίανBut see also A P ldquoSokrates als Soldatrdquo Antike und Abendland 45 (1999) 1ndash35 [R]

112 Parnes is a mountain range separating A ica from Boeotia in the east as Cithaeron(see above n 28) does in the west [N]

90 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

113 From Euripidesrsquoplay Autolycus (fr 28222 K ) [R]114 Accepting the supplements in the Teubner text [R]115 For the analogy with reading see Porph De abst 241 Synesius De insomniis 133A

Text The transmi ed τῷ ἱστορικῷ (retained by H ) is most likely a later insertedexplanatory gloss and should be removed W rsquos τῶν ἱστορικῶν (adopted byS ) is not convincing [R]

116 Retaining the transmi ed τὸ before δαιmicroόνιον S rsquos deletion of the article(adopted by S and H ) seems unjustified [R]

117 Ie Socrates being a trained philosopher would have grasped the difference betweenthe real agent (lsquothe daimonionrsquo) and the mere instrument (lsquoa sneezersquo) [R]

118 B rsquo insertion of ὅν a er ξένον (adopted by S and H ) is unnec-essary [R]

119 Adopting R rsquos καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων as emendation of the corrupt καὶ daggerσυν-εστώτωνdagger φίλων as also H does [R]

120 Ismenodorus and Melissus both possibly further participants of the conspiracy arenot mentioned elsewhere while Bacchylidas is possibly one of the seven Boeotarchsat the time of the ba le of Leuctra (see Paus 9137) [RN]

121 Simmiasrsquo words are a reflection of the Homeric greeting (eg Od 1170) τίς πόθενεἰς ἀνδρῶν πόθι τοι πόλις ἠδὲ τοκῆες

122 Croton a Greek colony founded at the end of the 8th century BC on the Southern coastof Southern Italy was between 570 and 460 a stronghold of the Pythagorean sect [N]

123 This comparison also occurs in a Stoic discussion of benefits SenecaDe beneficiis 21732321ndash4 In 2173 the comparison is acribed to Chrysippus in 2182 the discussionthe ldquorulesrdquo of giving and receiving are connected with the name of Hecato (see also2214) [R]

124 Plutarchrsquos account of the Pythagoreans diverges a good deal from those depend-ing on Aristoxenus and Dicaearchus and known to us mainly from Iamblichusrsquo VitaPythagorea For the background see esp B 1962 176ndash187 212ndash13 In particu-lar (1) Plutarch sets the final catastrophe at Metapontum (see n 125) not Croton (2)he says nothing about Philolaus (on whom see below n 127) though in one (perhapsmuddled) version it is Philolaus who goes to Thebes to pay honour to Lysis (Olym-piodorus In Phaedonem 8 N ) The failure to mention Philolaus at all is the moresurprising because (according to Platorsquos Phaedo 61e) Simmias and Cebes were pupilsof his at Thebes However Plutarch has his chronology to consider Philolaus hadceased to teach in Thebes before 399 so how could he have come to Lysisrsquo tomb ifLysis was still alive to teach Epaminondas [R]

125 Metapontum is a Greek colony (with alleged mythical origins going back to the Iliadichero Nestor) on the coast of the Gulf of Tarentum [N]

126 Cylon was the leader of the anti-Pythagorean party at Croton see Diod 10111Iamblichus Vita Pyth 248ndash249 [N]

127 Philolaus is a prominent Pythagorean from Croton (about 470 ndash a er 399 BC VS 44)later at Tarentum and according to Plat Phaedo 61de as teacher of Simmias and Cebesat Boeotian Thebes [N]

128 Lucania is the region of Southern Italy adjacent to the Gulf of Tarentum [R]129 The famous teacher of rhetoric in the last decades of the 5th century BC hailing from

Leontini (in Eastern Sicily between CataneCatania and Syracuse) [N]130 Gorgiasrsquo visit to Greece was in 427 nearly fi y years before the events here related if

however Lysis arrived in Thebes when he was still young and lived there till old thechronology might be just about possible [RP]

131 Arcesus is unknown the transmi ed form of the name is perhaps a mistake (or cor-ruption) for Archytas (so ER D suggested) Aresas (a Lucanian for whom seeIambl Vita Pyth 265 T 1965 48) or Archippus Lysisrsquo fellow-survivor in someaccounts (B 1962 212) [R]

Notes on the Translation 91

132 S rsquos (CQ 6 1956 87) correction (τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος instead of τὸ Λύσιδοςδαιmicroόνιον) is important δαιmicroόνιον does not mean lsquo(someonersquos) ghostrsquo nor do wehear something about ldquole deacutemon de Lysisrdquo (as H retaining the transmi ed word-ing translates) elsewhere in this work [R]

133 Reading προὐπεφήνει (pluperfect of προφαίνω) instead of the transmi ed προϋπέ-φαινε see R 1954 61 S (CQ 6 1956 87) defended προϋπέφαινε butπροϋποφαίνω is apart from this Plutarch passage not earlier a ested than the 4th

century AD [R]134 A quotation from Hom Od 927 [R]135 Retaining Ersquos microόνῃ a er ταύτῃ (as H does too S rsquos microόνον was conjectured

by H ) [R]136 Retaining τὴν πενίαν (which S deletes followed by H ) a er προδίδωσι

and deleting πενίαν a er πάτριον The metaphor is from the tempering of iron incold water rather than from a dye [R]

137 See Plut Nicias 286 a shield displayed at Syracuse and supposed to have belongedto Nicias (the Athenian general who was captured and executed by the Syracusansa er the disastrous end of the Sicilian Expedition) was richly ornamented with goldand purple [R]

138 Miletus an important Greek city on the west coast of Asia Minor was famous for itswoollen garments [N]

139 Jason was tyrant of the Thessalian city Pherae between 380 and 370 BC he succeededin establishing a kind of supremacy over all of Thessaly and was recognized as ταγός(ldquorulerrdquo) of the whole region about 371 [N] On the episode related here cf AelianVH 119 and Plutarch himself in Regum et Imperatorum Apophthegmata Epaminondas13193B The story is chronologically out of place here since it belongs to the (later)period of Epaminondasrsquo power in Thebes [R]

140 But γνώριmicroοι may mean lsquonotablesrsquo rather than lsquoacquaintancesrsquo [R]141 The supplement ⟨ἄτοπον εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας⟩ (made by B a er W -

had already inserted ἄτοπον) is necessary [R] The argumentative clash be-tween Epaminondas and Theanor in these chapters is most interestingly describedIn its first part (13582Endash14584B) is dominated by long statements given by Theanorand Epaminondas in the shorter second part (14584Bndash584D) Theanor seems to get theupper hand but in the third part (14584Dndash15585D) the turn tides and now Theanorhas to listen (and agree) to a detailed argument by Epaminondas All in all thePythagoreanrsquos picture in this dialogue is rather ambivalent (and perhaps even con-tains a touch of satire given that he is introduced in 578E as ἀκολουθίας πλήθει καὶκατασκευῇ σοβαρόν ldquoan impressive figure with a large and well-equipped group ofa endantsrdquo where σοβαρός could also mean something like ldquopompousrdquo or ldquoswag-geringrdquo) He is presented as a respect-inspiring elder philosopher who then howevercannot prevail in an argument against the much younger Epaminondas His speechon divine inspiration and daimones in a later part of the dialogue (24593Andash594A) issomething like the last word of this dialogue on the ma er but curiously evokes noresponse at all from the other participants and thus the degree of authority Plutarchwanted to give it remains very questionable (see S below p 166) it takesno account of the philosophical or theological issues raised by Simmias or in theTimarchus myth the demonology it gives is not specifically Pythagorean (as Dshows below p 144) and it seems to be presented in a pretentiously rhetorical style[RN]

142 Reading αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν δοξῶν (αἳ microὲν ἐκ was already conjectured byP ) instead of Ersquos αἱ ἕνεκεν (αἳ ἕνεκα B ) κενῶν δοξῶν which does notgo well together with the following ἰσχὺν δὲ λαβοῦσαι κτλ [R]

143 Following W and reading πρῶτον εἶπε τῆς ἐγκρατείας κτλ (E has πρῶρονεἰπὲ τῆς) see R 1954 61 S and H adopt K rsquos πρῶτον ἐπὶτῆς ἐγκρατείας [R]

92 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

144 Deleting ἀσκήσεως which a er ἄσκησιν ἢ microᾶλλον ἔργον καὶ ἀπόδειξιν does notmake very much sense (see again R 1954 61) all three accusatives have theircomplement in the preceding genitive τῆς ἐγκρατείας (as the translation tries to makeclear) Thus ἀσκήσεως was inserted by someone who did not understand this [R]

145 Adopting W rsquos ἥνπερ ἐπιδείκνυσθε instead of Ersquos ᾗπερ ἐφείλκυσθε[R]

146 Keeping Ersquos γυmicroναζόmicroενοι and deleting the following καὶ (H reads γυmicroναζόmicroενοιwithout deleting καὶ) Alternatively read γυmicroνασάmicroενοι (proposed by R ) andtake it as meaning lsquohaving taken physical exercisersquo [R]

147 Reading δικαιοσύνης (instead of Ersquos δικαιοσύνῃ) as ἄσκησις is construed with suchgenitives in the preceding sentences as well [R]

148 Keeping Ersquos ἐνδέδωκε (as also H does) B has ἐνδέδοται which S changedinto δέδεται(adopted by S ) [R]

149 Adopting R rsquos τῶν ἀγώνων (instead of Ersquos τῶν ἀνθρώπων which S andH retain) [R]

150 Reading (with W ) διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον (instead of Ersquos διελθόντοςὅσον ὁ Σιmicromicroίας) This makes the deletion of ὅσον (proposed by R and adoptedby S and H ) unnecessary [R]

151 Ie you and Epaminondas must come to terms [R]152 Ie when we die and are buried near him [R]153 The dead do not blink or cast a shadow (Quaest Gr 39300C see alsoDe sera 24564C)

[R]154 We take ἐκεῖ to mean ldquoin the other worldrdquo here but it is possible that it means ldquoin Italy

among the Pythagoreans thererdquo Varro ordered that he should be buried Pythagoriomore in leaves of myrtle olive and black poplar (Plin NH 3546) Diog Laert 810forbids cypress coffins Iambl Vita Pyth 85 knows of lengthy ἀκούσmicroατα relatingto burials O R La religion de la Citeacute Platonicienne (Ecole franccedilaise drsquoAthegravenesTravaux et Meacutemoires VI) (Paris 1945) 125 suggested that Platorsquos burial rules in Laws947bndashe are based on Pythagorean practice [R]

155 Proverbial Zenobius 155 adds ὅτι microὴ δεῖ κινεῖν microήτε βωmicroοὺς microήτε τάφους ἢ ἡρῷαcf HesiodWD 750 with W rsquos note [R]

156 Lysisrsquo soul is now ready for a new birth (it is evidently not perfect enough to haveescaped the cycle of becoming) and it has a new guiding daimon its old daimon isnow assigned to Epaminondas (see the next sentence) [R]

157 τὸ εἶδος is clearly a gloss on τὴν φύσιν (for this sense of φύσις see LSJ sv II 2) andmust therefore be deleted [R]

158 On Phyllidas see above n 42 Hipposthenidasrsquo timidity (and his initiative on accountof it) is briefly described in Plut Pelopidas 85ndash6 as well [N]

159 Herippidas and Arcesus are the two remaining Spartan commanders (while the thirdLysanoridas had gone to Haliartus see above n 18) Plut Pel 133 calls them alllsquoharmostsrsquo wheras Xen Hell 5410 and 13 speaks of one harmost only (and impliessee n 285 below) a smaller garrison [RP]Herippidasrsquo name is not totally certain in this passage E gives κριππίδας and in34598F Ἑρmicroιππίδαν which form is also found in the manuscripts of Pelopidas 133Xenophon however in his Hellenica has always the form Herippidas (it is also foundin Diod 14384 and Plut Ages 113ndash4) [R]

160 Thespiae is a Boeotian town about 15 km east of Thebes [N]161 This detail is not in Pelopidas and Xenophon (Hell 5410) says that the Spartan sent

to Thespiae for help a er the coup [R]162 On Amphitheus see above n 48 [R]163 There was a temple for Demeter Thesmophoros up on the Cadmea on the sacrifice

mentioned here see R P below p 130 (with n 5) [R]164 Hypatodorus is not otherwise known His dream is perhaps modelled on Xenophonrsquos

dream (Anab 3111) of a thunderbolt falling on his fatherrsquos house [R]

Notes on the Translation 93

165 Adopting R rsquos προείληφε (as also H does) instead of Ersquos προείληφας [R]166 On Melon see above n 15 [N]167 Chlidonrsquos part in the affair is described also in Plut Pelopidas 87ndash8 [R]168 The MSS give Ἡραῖα but there is no evidence for a great festival of Hera at Thebes

whereas the Heraclea were a famous and very great occasion [R]169 The MSS mark a long lacuna here (45 le ers in E) but the sense appears complete

and we can hardly guess what if anything is missing P rsquo ⟨ὡς τοῦ πράγmicroατοςmicroετέχοντας⟩ means lsquobecause they were privy to the affairrsquo [R]

170 W rsquo transposition of δὲ from before ζητοῦσα to behind ἱκανῶς (adopted byS and H ) is not necessary as the translation shows [R]

171 The long lacuna indicated here (52 le ers in E) cannot be filled with any certaintyThe supplement assumed by A would mean lsquoto make the necessary preparationsto receive the exilesrsquo (lsquoet Charon pour tener sa maison preste agrave recevoir les bannisrsquo)The genitive τῆς οἰκίας suggests that the Greek ought be eg ⟨ἐπιmicroελησόmicroενος ὡςδεξόmicroενος τοὺς φυγάδας⟩ [R]

172 We translate on the lines of P rsquo supplement ⟨microᾶλλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩This takes microόλις as in effect a negation An alternative (R 1954 62ndash3) is to placethe lacuna a er τῶν κρειττόνων and supply there (eg) ⟨οἳ τῶν microεθrsquo ἡmicroέραν ἐmicro-πλησθέντες ταραχῶν⟩ (lsquowho being filled with the turmoils of the dayrsquo) microόλις nowmeans lsquowith difficultyrsquo The sense is altered the contrast is now between Socrateswho can receive these messages in waking hours and the rest of us who can with dif-ficulty do so even in sleep because though our body is at peace our minds are stilldisturbed cf Pl Rep 9571c [R]

173 Supplementing microη⟨δαmicroῶς εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ instead of deleting (with the Basle edition of1542) Ersquos microὴ before microικρά see R 1954 63 [R]

174 On the possible sources for this concept see the Introduction above p 9 [R]175 Reading βιαίως (E) ⟨ὡς⟩ which makes R rsquos βιαίους (adopted by S and

H ) unnecessary [R]176 Reading ἐνδοῦσα instead of ἐνδούσας (E) [R]177 Retaining Ersquos ἅmicroα τῷ W rsquo insertion of δὲ (adopted by S and H )

seems unnecessary [R]178 EB have οὐδrsquo ὁ W εἰ δrsquo ὁ (adopted by H ) but E who conjectured

ὁ δὲ is right The argument must be that the mechanism by which the soul moves thebody is unknown but the fact that it does so is certain and the process does not entailspeech we cannot therefore doubt the possibility of soul moving soul [R]

179 Following E D L (who conjecture ἀλλrsquo εἰ σῶmicroα microὲν δίχα φωνῆς) andreading ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς (ἀλλrsquo [then erasure of one or two le ers] σωmicroάλα δίχα φωνῆς E ἀλλrsquo ἐν ὅσῳ microάλα δίχα φωνῆς B) W already con-jectured ἀλλrsquo οἷον σῶmicroα H adopts K rsquos ἀλλrsquo εἴσω microάλα δίχα φωνῆς[R]

180 The words ὥσπερ φῶς ἀνταύγειαν are obscure They are usually taken as if ὥσπερφῶς πρὸς ἀνταύγειαν stood there lsquoas light relates to reflectionrsquo ie one is to an-other as a light is to its reflection But ἀνταύγεια may also mean lsquoeffulgencersquo and Ihave chosen to treat φῶς as a (correct) gloss on ἀνταύγειαν in this sense The lightmetaphor continues in the following explanatory sentence [R]

181 Reading (with W ) τοῖς δεχοmicroένοις (δυναmicroένοις E) ἐλλάmicroπουσιν whichmakes W rsquo δυναmicroένοις ⟨ἰδεῖν⟩ unnecessary H adopts H rsquos τοῖςδαιmicroονίοις for τοῖς δυναmicroένοις [R]

182 Or perhaps lsquoexpressions or names of thingsrsquo [R]183 Reading ὥστε ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξιον while S and H adopt A rsquos ὤστε

θαυmicroάζειν ⟨οὐκ⟩ ἄξιον [R]184 Reading (with V A ) κατrsquo αὐτὸ τὸ νοηθὲν (as also H does κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ

νοηθὲν E in which W deleted τοῦτο followed by S ) [R]

94 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

185 Reading τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩ which agrees be er with the le ers ἀmicroει (followed bya lacuna of four or five le ers) in E than δαι⟨microόνων⟩ conjectured by W(and adopted by S ) H follows T who supplements ἀmicroει⟨νόνων⟩But ἀmicroείνονες is not found with the meaning lsquosupernatural beings daimonesrsquo whileκρείττονες is [R]

186 For this see Herodotus 42002ndash3 and Aeneas Tacticus 37 [R]187 Retaining Ersquos τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων (as H also does) W rsquo τὰ δrsquo ἄλλrsquo is unneces-

sary [R]188 Reading (with E) ἀθόρυβον ἦθος H rsquos insertion of τὸ before ἦθος does not seem

necessary [R]189 Reading κινεῖ with B (κινοῦσι E) [R]190 Reading ἐν αὑτοῖς with B (as H also does ἐν αὐτοῖς E) [R]191 This story is not known from other sources [R]192 Supplementing εἰσαγόντων S adopts W rsquoπαραγόντων H B -

rsquo εἰρηκότων [R]193 Timarchus is undoubtedly (see Introd) an invented character His name may have

been suggested by [Plat] Theages 124a where an Athenian Timarchus goes out onan adventure which ends in his death despite a warning from Socrates or possiblyby Callimachus epigr 10 P where a philosopher Timarchus is now among theblessed dead His career is fictitious in the common tradition all Socratesrsquo sons sur-vive their father (see Phaedo 116a13) whereas Plutarch makes the eldest Lamproclespredecease Timarchus and Timarchus predecease Socrates [R]

194 But Theanor (593A) calls it λόγος For the distinction cf De sera 18561B and PlatGorgias 523a (with D rsquo note) [R]

195 D rsquos supplement (⟨κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον⟩) is adequate the sense is clear [R]196 On Socratesrsquo eldest son Lamprocles (mentioned Xen Mem 221 Aristoxenus fr 54ab

W Ael VH 1215 Diog Laert 226 29) see above n 193 [N]197 Supplementing ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς (αἷς E ⟨ὀλίγ⟩αις editio Basileensis S H )

[R]198 Plutarch wrote a special work (unfortunately not preserved) on the Oracle of Tropho-

nius at Lebadeia (no 181 in the so-called lsquoLamprias Cataloguersquo On the descent intothe cave of Trophonios) and his brother Lamprias was a priest at the oracle (cf De de-fectu 38431C) Pausaniasrsquo uniquely elaborate account of the process of consultation(939 see eg W K C G The Greeks and their Gods London 1950 223ndash232and in detail P B Trophonios de Leacutebadeacutee Leiden 2003) shows it to have beenmore elaborate more flexible and open to auto-suggestion (ldquothere is no single wayin which they are taught about the future but one person may see another hear helliprdquo)and above all more terrifying than any other whence its suitability for Timarchusrsquostartling vision [RP]

199 Cf Pausan 93914 (lsquothey are obliged to dedicate a wri en account on a tablet ofall they have individually heard or seenrsquo) and Clearchus fr 9 W (the vision ofCleonymus who discloses when he woke lsquoall he has seen and heardrsquo) [R]

200 The sutures of the skull (cf Plat Timaeus 76a) close in infancy they are here regardedas the passage of exit of the soul I do not know an ancient parallel but for Tennyson(In memoriam xliv) they are the lsquodoorwaysrsquo of the head and lsquothe living babe forgetsthe time before the sutures of the skull are closedrsquo [R]J H ldquoLe mythe de Timarque chez Plutarque et la structure de lrsquoextaserdquo REG 881975 [105-120] 110ndash115 draws a ention to some parallels he found in Shaman andHindu lore [N]

201 All the conjectures (συστελλοmicroένην E στεινοmicroένην E στενουmicroένηνD πνιγοmicroένην P E has τεινοmicroένην) make the same point the soul hasbeen confined and hemmed in and now expands [R]

Notes on the Translation 95

202 Reading microείζονα (instead of πλείονα which ndash as S remarks in his apparatusndash ldquoparum intellegiturrdquo) [R]

203 Supplementing δrsquo a er ἐξαmicroειβούσας (V A proposed καταλλήλως ⟨δrsquo⟩ ἐξα-microειβούσας) [R]

204 Reading with V A ὥσπερ βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειν (ὥσπερ βαφὴν ἄγειν E) [R]205 Supplementing ἐmicromicroελῶς (λιγυρῶς W adopted by S and H ) E

has a lacuna of seven le ers here [R]206 The translation implies a conjectural supplement of the two lacunae found here (of 10

and 43 le ers respectively in E) by the words (tentatively put into the text) πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩εφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θαλάσσης ῥοῇ καὶ αυτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφερο-microένης V A proposed πολλὰς ⟨τούτῳ συν⟩εφέλκεσθαι τῆ⟨ς θαλάσσης καὶαὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroένης V A rsquos second supplement is furtheraugmented by E D L who add ὁmicroαλῶς καὶ λείως a er αὐτῆς and this(as well as V A rsquos first supplement) is adopted by H [R]

207 This part of the description is rather obscure On the view adopted here (see Introd)the sea is the whole celestial sphere and not (as V A held) simply the MilkyWay It is therefore not easy to explain these variations of depth E D Ladduce the Stoic view ([Plut] Placita 215) that the stars do not move in one plane butlsquoone in front of another in height and depthrsquo [R]

208 Plutarch may here have in mind Plat Phaedo 113a though ἐκβολή there has a differentmeaning [R]

209 This way of describing planetary movements is standard eg Plat Timaeus 36b 38b39b [R]

210 Reading ταύτην instead of τούτων (cf V ) [R]211 This again is rather obscure The angle presumably represents the inclination of the

ecliptic to the equator If Timarchus is looking upwards at a hemisphere (and Plutarchstresses that all this is how it seemed to Timarchus) we may take τοῦ παντός as de-scribing a span of 180deg and the angle intended as a li le less than 860 of this ie 24degwhich is what we expect The microέρη are lsquosixtiethsrsquo Plutarch avoids the technical termἑξηκοντάδες (for it see eg Strab 257 p 113ndash4 C) [R]

212 This does seem to describe the Milky Way [R]213 Timarchus now looks down where it seems as if a huge chasm has been scooped

out This chasm is (or includes) the earth itself whence arise the howls and groans ofhuman suffering as we know it in this life [R]

214 ἐκταραττοmicroένου gives an etymology of Τάρταρος also known from Crates (StephByz sv Τάρταρος cf Serv Aen 6577) but not the only etymology current (PlutarchDe primo frigido 9948F ⟨cf Lyd De mensibus 4159⟩ derives it from ταρταρίζειν lsquotrem-blingrsquo from cold) [R]

215 The voice is that of a daimon on the moon (cf 591C) [R]216 For the identification of Persephone (daughter of Demeter wife of Hades and queen of

the underworld in Greek myth) with the moon seeDe facie 27942Dndash943C andHymnOrph 2911 Q [R]

217 Already R wanted to replace ὡς by ὧν another possibility is ἣν (lsquowhich is oneof the four portions and which Styx delimitsrsquo) Styx (ie the earthrsquos shadow) is a sortof frontier between Hades (the earth) and Persephonersquos realm of the moon [R]

218 This is obscure ⟨to me⟩ lsquodiametrically opposite from herersquo (W ) [R]219 See Introd (p 10) and esp D 1996 212ndash6 [R]220 The symbolic use of the three Moirai derives from Platorsquos Myth of Er (Rep 10617c)

Plutarch uses it also in De facie 30945C (see C rsquo notes) Cf D below pp194ndash7 The lsquoturning-pointrsquo (καmicroπή) may have been suggested by Plato Phaedo 72b[Plutarch uses the word in a different sense (lsquospringrsquo) in Cons ad uxorem 10611F andDe anima fr 17722 S ] [R]

96 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

221 The expression δαίmicroονες ἐπιχθόνιοι is taken from HesiodWD 122 [R]222 The lsquosecond measuresrsquo must be periods of 24 hours In Plat Tim 42b lsquodaysrsquo and

lsquonightsrsquo are said to be τὰ πρῶτα microέρη τῶν χρόνων The νυχθήmicroερον may thereforebe lsquosecondrsquo Alternatively (L 1933 57 n 5) the solar year or the lunar monthis regarded as lsquofirstrsquo [R]

223 Reading ἀνακραθεῖσαι with W (ἀναταραχθεῖσαι E) [R]224 C proposed adding δικτύου (lsquonetrsquo) if so this must come before δεδυκότος (to

avoid hiatus) It may well be right D P wanted to put δικτύου into the textinstead of ἄρτηmicroα [R]

225 Cf Plat Phaedrus 248a [R]226 Retaining Ersquos διαφερόmicroενοι (as H also does while S adopts P rsquo dele-

tion of δια-) [R]227 A revaluation of the common expression νοῦν ἔχειν (lsquoto have good sensersquo) [R]228 V A rsquos ἕλικα τεταραγmicroένην (as in S rsquos Teubner text) for ἐγκαταταρα-

γmicroένην must be right [R]229 Cf Plat Rep 10614c Phaedrus 247b [R]230 Retaining Ersquos ἐνθένδε (as H also does while S adopts H rsquos ἔνδο-

θεν) [R]231 The hero of the story now told is called Hermotimus in Aristotle (Met A 3984b 19

Protrepticus fr 61 R = B 110 D ) and in later authors (see E R Psyche[engl transl] London 1925 ix n 111ndash2 E R D The Greeks and the IrrationalBerkeley 1951 141 W on Tertullian De anima 44) but he is Hermodorus also inProclus in Rempublicam 211324 K [R]

232 Spintharus of Tarentum (his praise of Epaminondas is mentioned also in Plut De aud339B) is perhaps the father of Aristoxenus (but see F W Die Schule des AristotelesHe 2 Aristoxenos Basel 1967 (2 Aufl) 47) He knew Socrates (Aristoxenus fr 54aW ) but there is no other evidence for his visit to Thebes [R]

233 On swans as holy birds see O K Die antike Tierwelt (Leipzig 1909) vol 2214ndash9on snakes vol 2286 288ndash90 on dogs vol 1136ndash43 on horses vol 1246ndash53 [R]

234 Reading τῶν ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους (τῶν ὑπrsquo αὐτὸ γένος E τῶν ὑπὸ τὸ γένος W - τῶν ὑπὸ ταὐτὸ γένος B ) [R]

235 One might consider reading τι προσταττόmicroενον (τὸ προσταττόmicroενον E) [R]236 The quotations are Hom Il 744ndash5 and 753 In [Plut] De vita et poesi Homeri 212

Il 753 is used to show that Helenus was αὐτήκοος θείας φωνῆς and to makeit plausible that Socrates ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦ δαιmicroονίου φωνῆς ἐmicroαντεύετο Unless thisauthor is dependent on Plutarch there must be a common source See H adloc [R]

237 A rather similar analogy between earthly monarchs and god is developed in [Aristotle]De mundo 6 [R]

238 Ie those who have finally escaped from the cycle of reincarnation which Theanor(as a Pythagorean) takes for granted [R]

239 SeeWD 122ndash126 [R]240 The supplement of this lacuna (10 le ers in E) is unsure H adopts W rsquo

ὦ ⟨φίλοι καί⟩ but we cannot tell whether Theanor addresses Simmias or lsquomy friendsrsquoor lsquoTheocritusrsquo (because Theocritus encouraged Simmias to relate the myth) [R]

241 Reading microεθίησιν as supplement of this short lacuna (6 le ers in E) H adoptsB rsquo ἐᾷ γάρ (already A proposed ἐᾷ microὲν γάρ) [R]

242 The picture of the soul fighting to ldquosecure its landingrdquo (φιλοτιmicroουmicroένη περὶ τὴν ἔκβα-σιν) contains a Homeric reminiscence in Hom Od 5410 Odysseus almost despairsabout finding a place to land on the Phaeacian shore (ἔκβασις οὔ πῃ φαίνεθrsquo ἁλὸςπολιοῖο θύραζε) For the text (⟨τοῖς⟩ ἄνω προσφέρηται) see E D L adloc [R]

Notes on the Translation 97

243 The translation accepts R rsquos ⟨πρὸς⟩ (which S and H adopt as well) Butἀνύποπτος could mean lsquounsuspectingrsquo and we might also read ἕξουσιν ἀνύποπτοντὸν δῆmicroον [R]

244 Ie Caphisias and those with him [R]245 Already Xenophon (Hell 542) names Philippus as one of the leading pro-Spartan

oligarchs in Thebes according to Plut Pelopidas 52 it was Philippus who togetherwith Archias and Leontiadas persuaded the Spartan Phoibidas to occupy the Cadmea(in Pelopidas 74 Philippus is called polemarchos together with Archias) In De genioPhilippus (who is mentioned here for the first time) becomes prominent only in thelast part of the tale [N]

246 On Amphitheus see above n 48 [N]247 In 4577A Archias and Lysanoridas (on whom see above n 18) had come down from

the Cadmea while Caphisias Theocritus and Galaxidorus were on their way to Sim-miasrsquo house In 5578A Theocritus reported that Lysanoridas had set out for Haliartusto close Alcmenarsquos tomb again [R]

248 The supplement for this lacuna (7 le ers in E) is uncertain B proposed⟨ὑπάνδρου⟩ which H adopts cf Plut Pel 94 (Φυλλίδας κατηγγελκὼς τοῖςπερὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν πότον καὶ γύναια τῶν ὑπάνδρων) P rsquos supplement γαmicroετῆςalso means lsquomarriedrsquo For Xenophon the women promised to Archiasrsquo party werehigh-grade courtesans (Xen Hell 544ndash6) [RP]

249 Ie Caphisiasrsquo party [R]250 Damoclidas is a conspirator mentioned also in Plut Pel 82 and 111 he was a

Boeotarch in 371 (Paus 9136) [RN]251 Theopompus is a conspirator mentioned also in Plut Pel 82 [R]252 Adopting H rsquos ὑπερβαλόντες (ὑπερβάλλοντες E) [R]253 This is a detail not found in Pelopidas for the portent cf eg Il 2353 [R]254 This is the house of Charon who had volunteered (see 2576D) to take the conspirators

returning from Athens into his house [N] The following incident including Charonrsquosoffering of his son as hostage is also recounted in Plut Pelopidas 9 [P]

255 The translation includes θεὶς ἱmicroὰτιον in Charonrsquos speech (as also in S E D L and H ) while P makes them part of Charonrsquos actions [R]

256 On Hipposthenidas and Chlidon see above 17586Andash18588A [N]257 Reading πιθανὸν εἶναι ( πιθανὸν ὄντα E) as ὑπενόουν should be construed with an

infinitive and not with a participle [R]258 Reading πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον (συmicroπόσιον E συmicroπεσόν R which S -

and H adopt) Or perhaps read συmicroπῖπτον (cf Xen Cyr 8516 ἐν ταῖςπορείαις πρὸς τὸ συmicroπῖπτον ἀεὶ διατάττων ἐπορεύετο) [R]

259 This harks back to Hom Od 11526ndash530 where Odysseus relates how fearlessly (incontrast to many other Greek leaders) Neoptolemos entered the Wooden Horse [R]

260 Adopting W rsquo Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος (Κηφισοδώρῳ Διότονος E)The conspirator Cephisodorus is also mentioned in Pelopidas 117ndash8 [R]

261 Reading πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀσυντάκτους (R 1954 63) which H adoptsE has πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀσυντάκτους from which M (followed by S )deleted ἀλλήλους [R]

262 For this image cf Plut De audiendo 942C [R]263 The account in Plut Pelopidas 105 is slightly different Charon told the truth to οἱ περὶ

Πελοπίδαν and invented a reassuring fiction for the other conspirators [P]264 Androclidas had long been a leader of the anti-Spartan faction at Thebes (Hell Oxy

XVII1 XVIII Xen Hell 351 4 all referring to 395ndash4 5231 36 Plut Lysander 83271 Pel 51) A er the Spartans occupied the Cadmea he fled to Athens but wasslain there by assassins sent by Leontiadas (Plut Pel 53 63) [RNP]

265 Hypatas is (besides Archias Philippus and Leontiadas) another leader of the pro-Spartan faction at Thebes (see Xen Hell 737 Plut Pel 1119) [R]

98 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

266 Xenophon says that different stories circulated in his day some saying that the con-spirators who a acked Archiasrsquo party entered disguised as women others as komastsPlutarchrsquos version (similarly Pelopidas 111) combines the two On the popular storymotif of lsquowarriors disguised as womenrsquo see R J B Boiotia and the Boiotian League(Alberta 1994) 73 B 1976 suggested that a late 4th c amphora-rhyton foundin 1949 at Panagjurischte illustrated the assault for dissent see J G FestinatSenex (Oxford 1988) 44ndash49 [P]

267 Cf Pelopidas 106 [R]268 Cf Pelopidas 107ndash9 the story is also related inQuaest conv 13619D Nepos Pelopidas

32ndash3 (but with Archinus for Archias) For the proverb quoted here see AppendixProverbiorum 258 (= CPG 1404) in the (Doric) form ἐν ἀοῖ τὰ σπουδαῖα [R]

269 Caphisias of course can only guess the contents of the le er There is some inconsis-tency here since in the De genio version (contrast Pelopidas 73) Charon has only just(ie earlier on this same day) offered his house to the conspirators and this could nothave been known to the correspondent in Athens [R]

270 C rsquos κατακεκλυσmicroένος (lsquodrowned in drinkrsquo lsquohalf seas overrsquo) is a ractive but Ersquosκατακεκλασmicroένος may do [R]

271 Reading (with H inspired by Pel 108) ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων (ὑπὲρ τῶνσπουδαίων E from which C deleted τῶν followed by S and H ) [R]

272 Nothing is known about this magistracy beyond the religious functions (sacrificeand prayer) and appurtenances (crown sacred spear) mentioned in what followsCabirichus is otherwise unknown [RP]

273 Lysitheus is named here for the first time he is probably one of the returning exiles[R]

274 Or lsquoabove my headrsquo [R]275 On Theopompus see above n 251 [R]276 Callistratus of Aphidna was a prominent Athenian politician unfriendly to Thebes

(see [Dem] or 5927 Plut Praec ger reip 14810F) and a considerable orator (seeXen Hell 6239 33 10) We cannot say if the episode of the le er has any historicalauthority [R]

277 On Samidas see above n 37 [R]278 The lsquoLong Colonnadersquo is perhaps the στοὰ microεγάλη in the agora erected in commem-

oration of the victory over the Athenians at Delium (Diod 12705 cf perhaps XenHell 5229) [RP]

279 There is no lacuna indicated in MSS but something like this must be missing [R]280 Boeotian ladies are usually modest and restrained See Plut Cons ad uxorem 7610BC

and cf [Dicaearchus] GGM 1103 M = Herakleides ὁ Κριτικός 117ndash20 p 80ndash83P (they even covered their whole face except the eyes) [R]

281 This is either the temple of Athena Onkaia south or south-west of the Cadmea orthat of Athena Ismenias (or Pronaia) south-east of the Cadmea See P belowp 131 with n 8 [R]

282 For this see above n 168 (on 18587D) [R]283 Presumably they fled from the lower city to the Cadmea (lacuna of 21 le ers in E) [R]284 Adopting W rsquo ἐκκρίτους (κρείττους E which H retains) [R]285 This figure is given also in Pelopidas 124 and Diodorus Siculus 15253 but Xen Hell

5411 says that the defenders felt themselves to be too few to resist [P]286 On Lysanoridas see above n 18 and 159 [R]287 The lacuna (17 le ers in E) in this place makes the sense unsure either lsquohe was away

(at Haliartus see 574A) that dayrsquo or lsquohe was expected to return that dayrsquo [R]288 Accepting Brsquos ⟨οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐζηmicroίωσαν⟩ as a good conjecture (E has a lacuna of 19

le ers here) [R]289 On Herippidas and Arcesus see above n 159 On the fate of the three Spartan com-

manders see also Plut Pel 133 [R]

C Essays

Between Athens Sparta and Persia the HistoricalSignificance of the Liberation of Thebes in 379

George Cawkwell

The Liberation of Thebes from Spartan control was one of the crucial mo-ments of the fourth century With the defeat of Athens in the Pelopon-nesian War Sparta had become the unchallenged master of Greece butthe events of the night in midwinter 3798 which provide the se ing ofPlutarchrsquos dialogue De genio Socratis changed all that The Spartan garri-son was expelled from the Cadmea and the rise of Theban power began In371 on the ba lefield of Leuctra the Thebans at a stroke set Sparta on the de-fensive for the rest of her history while Thebes became the leading militarypower of Greece It was only the intervention of Macedon that deposedher Much was at stake as those philosophically minded discussed the dai-mon of Socrates and the conspirators set about their murderous plans

The rise of Thebes in the 370s and the 360s1 was due primarily in theview of Ephorus (Diod 15392) to three men who feature in the De genioPelopidas Gorgidas and Epaminondas The part of Epaminondas in theliberation as Plutarch describes it was minor he had declined actively totake a hand in an action that might damage innocent citizens (594B) thoughhe said that he and Gorgidas had known the expected date of the exilesrsquoreturn and when the uprising was under way both men had assembledwith their friends ready to assist the cause (598C D)2 Elsewhere Plutarchmade plain his high esteem for Epaminondas (Timoleon 36 Philopoemen 3)and if one can accept that Pausaniasrsquo account of the career of Epaminon-das (913ndash156) is an epitome of Plutarchrsquos (lost) Life3 he rounded off his ac-count by citing the elegiac verses on the statue of Epaminondas in Thebeswhere it was proclaimed that it was due to him that lsquoall Hellas is indepen-dent and in freedomrsquo So Plutarchrsquos silence in the De genio is challengingPelopidasrsquo part is fully recounted (596C 597DndashF) but Plutarch drops nohint of their future partnership nor of Pelopidasrsquo large share in the north-ern extension of Theban power Gorgidas who had been a Hipparch be-fore 382 (578BC) was the founder of the Sacred Band (Pelopidas 18) and

1 B 2003 is a valuable handbook to the period Similarly the Cambridge AncientHistory VI2 (Cambridge 1994)

2 Cf C 19723 Cf L P De Plutarchi Epaminonda (diss Jena 1912) and Z 1951 896

102 George Cawkwell

his minor part in the liberation is adequately described (594B 598C)4 Thefailure to point the contrast between the Epaminondas of 3798 and theEpaminondas of 371 and later is surprising

Of course it may be simply that Plutarch chanced to tell it all that waybut one inevitably wonders whether he was reflecting whatever source hehad concerning the liberation His model for the whole dialogue is Pla-tonic and just as it is vain to look to PlatorsquosDialogues for reliable factual in-formation so one might hesitate to give great credit to Plutarchrsquos accountof that historic night if it were not that the De genio chimes with barelya dissonant note with the account of the liberation in the Life of PelopidasThere are furthermore very few Thebans named of whom we do not hearin other sources and there is only one historical fact which is anachronisticviz Jason of Pheraersquos tenure of the office of ταγός of Thessaly (583F)5 Sothe account of the liberation is not fiction but history The philosophicaldialogue may or may not have taken place on that night but the historicalaccount is to be taken seriously

Whence then did Plutarch derive it The likely enough guess is thathe drew on the Hellenica of Callisthenes of Olynthus (FGrHist 124) a workcovering in ten books the thirty years between the Peace of Antalcidas andthe outbreak of the Sacred War This must have been a full work and it ishighly likely that his account of the liberation of Thebes was full Thereare other candidates of course like the shadowy Daimachus of Plataea(FGrHist 65) and Aristophanes lsquothe Boeotianrsquo whom Plutarch used in theDe Herodoti Malignitate (FGrHist 379) but no ma er What is clear is thatPlutarch did not use Xenophonrsquos Hellenica The two accounts differ in de-tail and there is one very striking difference Xenophon spoke of sevenconspirators (541) Plutarch of twelve (576C cf Pelopidas 8) andXenophonmakes no mention at all of Pelopidasrsquo part in the action This is consistentwith Xenophonrsquos treatment of both Pelopidas and Epaminondas The for-mer does not appear in the Hellenica apart from the embassy to the GreatKing in 367 which Xenophon treated as shabby and disgraceful (7133ndash38)The la er is not named in connection with Leuctra and makes his first ap-pearance during the second Theban campaign in the Peloponnese (7141)Xenophonrsquos silences about Pelopidas and Epaminondas were deliberateand scandalous Plutarch was not deceived Wherever it was he founda full account of that dramatic night what he says and does not say is

4 H S ldquoGorgidasrdquo RE 72 (1912) 1619ndash20 for what is known of Gorgidas5 Eumolpidas and Samidas (577A) Phidolaus of Haliartus (577D) Ismenodorus and

Melissus (582D) are otherwise una ested There is no other evidence to support the claimsthat Timotheus the son of Conon was sympathetic to Boeotia (575F) nor that Callistratuswas connected with Leontiadas (597D) though there is nothing inherently improbable ineither case Jason however did not become ταγός of Thessaly until the later 370s (cf XenHell 6118) and 583F is in error

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 103

seriously to be considered a ma er not of historiography but it wouldseem of fact

The career of Epaminondas is indeed poorly a ested before he appearscentre-stage in the Peace Conference at Sparta in 371 where he met Agesi-lausrsquo demand for the dissolution of the Boeotian Federation with a demandthat the Spartans let the Perioecic peoples go and then he had the Thebansrefuse to join in a treaty that returned them to submission Twenty dayslater he fought and won the ba le of Leuctra a cataclysmic victory hisfirst appearance in a military role as Boeotarch The De genio shows hewas not an active participant in 3798 he knew about the plo ed libera-tion but tried to dissuade the plo ers (576E F 594B) he and Gorgidas hadtheir friends ready to give support when the dirty work had been done (594B) but he would not initiate the violence This all fits with his abstainingfrom action in the years down to 371 and the reason Epaminondas gavefor his abstinence viz that lsquounless there was great necessity he would notkill any of his fellow-citizens without trialrsquo (594 B) is consistent with his at-titude at the height of his power and glory According to Diodorus (1557)when the Thebans a er Leuctra campaigned against Orchomenus oncethe chief obstacle to Theban domination of Boeotia and still at least dissi-dent and they intended to enslave the city Epaminondas dissuaded themsaying that lsquothose aiming to have the leadership of the Greeksrsquo should notso behave The Orchomenians Diodorus declares were then made lsquoal-liesrsquo and in the same mood the Phocians were made lsquofriendsrsquo of Thebesbut on terms hardly suitable to lsquothose aiming to have the leadership of theGreeksrsquo for they were able to refuse to join the army of Epaminondas on itsway to se le the affairs of the Peloponnese in the ba le of Mantineia theydeclared that their treaty with Thebes obliged them to lend military aid inthe case of an a ack on Thebes but said nothing about campaigns againstothers (Xen Hell 754) In comparable spirit Epaminondas was later totreat with moderation lsquothe best menrsquo of Achaea (ibid 7142) The criticismmade of him by Theocritus the diviner in 3798 (576DE) foreshadows theenmity he aroused at the height of his career6 Epaminondas was in shorta credit to philosophy if not to Realpolitik The De genio makes a usefulcontribution to our understanding of this great man

The main historical question however that naturally poses itself toreaders of the De genio concerns the division in Theban politics betweenLeontiadas and Archias on the one hand and on the other the liberatorsand previously Ismenias and Androclidas in other words between theLaconisers and their opponents

First one must ask whether it was a struggle between democrats andoligarchs the sort of stasis with which we are familiar from all over the

6 Cf C 1972 266ndash8

104 George Cawkwell

pages of Thucydides and especially his analysis of stasis (382) Effortsto unite Boeotia were already underway in the late sixth century as theunsuccessful Theban effort to coerce Plataea in 519 shows (Hdt 61085Thuc 3685) and Herodotus (9151) speaks of Boeotarchs in 479 How-ever the full Boeotian constitution may not have been in place by that dateto judge by what the Thebans are made by Thucydides (362) to claim inanswer to the charge of Medism during Xerxesrsquo invasion Perhaps theyspoke tongue in cheek but they went on to say that things were differenta er the Persians withdrew and the city τοὺς νόmicroους ἔλαβε there hav-ing been been previously neither ὀλιγαρχία ἰσόνοmicroος nor δηmicroοκρατίαbut a δυναστεία ὀλίγων By the middle of the century we are on firmerground A er victory in the ba le of Oenophyta in 457 the Athenians es-tablished some sort of control over all of Boeotia save Thebes (Diod 1183cf [Xen] Ath Pol311) and there would seem to have been some kind ofdemocracy in Thebes in this period (Ar Pol 1302 b 29) Ten years lateran Athenian force was defeated at Coronea (Thuc 1113) The Athenianscompletely withdrew from Boeotia and the Boeotian Confederacy as wesee it described in Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (XIX Chambers) was securely es-tablished (Thuc 3625) It was a decisive point in the rise of Boeotia whichthe Theban commander at the ba le of Delium in 424 used to inspire theBoeotian army (Thuc 4926) and the firm establishment of the federalconstitution hardly le room for much in the way of democracy Each ofthe lsquodivisionsrsquo (microέρη) sent one hundred and sixty councillors to the Fed-eral Council si ing in Thebes which decided affairs It is not surely tobe excluded that individual cities had a popular assembly but if they didit must have been largely unemployed Yet the political division whichhad come on the Boeotians according to the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (XIX1Chambers) lsquonot many yearsrsquo before the outbreak of hostilities in 395 andwhich set Ismenias in conflict with Leontiadas had no constitutional effectas far as we can see The charges made against Ismenias a er his arrest in382 (Xen Hell 5235) appear to have nothing to do with a clash of oli-garchy and democracy and everything to do with Spartan policy towardsPersia It was according toHellenica Oxyrhynchia (XX1) a division amongstthe βέλτιστοι καὶ γνωριmicroώτατοι τῶν πολιτῶν The federal constitutioncontinued until the Kingrsquos Peace of 386 when Agesilaus required its disso-lution and Thebes was made into what we see in the De genio a separatecity with three Polemarchs as its senior magistrates

It is true that there was some sort of assembly in Thebes which is al-luded to by Plutarch in his Life of Pelopidas (12) It had been assembledthe morning a er the liberation and indeed elected on Plutarchrsquos account

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 105

(Pel 1317) three Boeotarchs Whenever exactly the Boeotarchy was rein-stated the seizure of Plataea by the Thebans in 373 was led by a Boeotarchwho led the Thebans directly from the assembly with their weapons inhand (Paus 916 and 7) The whole trick depending on Plataean pre-sumption that the assembly would be longdrawn ndash ἠπίσταντο γὰρ τοὺςΘηβαίους ⟨ὡς⟩ πανδηmicroεὶ καὶ ἅmicroα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εἰώθεσαν βουλεύεσθαι(Paus 915) There is a decree of the Boeotians honouring a Carthaginian(Rhodes and Osborne no 43) which is headed ἔδοξε τotildeι δάmicroοι Its dateis unsure but under 364 Diodorus 1578 has Epaminondas speaking in anassembly8 and the δῆmicroος then passing a decree just as was to happen at thetime of the Revolt of Thebes in 335 (Arr Anab 172 Diod 1791) So thereis no doubt that Thebes was some sort of democracy a er 379 HoweverPausaniasrsquo account of the assembly of 373 suggests that this democracywas as restricted a er the Kingrsquos Peace as it had been in 395 as describedby the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia only those with a certain property qualifi-cation were eligible for the lsquofour councilsrsquo (XIX2 Chambers) there was aproclamation that lsquoeach Theban should take his weapons with him to theassemblyrsquo (Paus 916) It would seem then that there was no change inthis regard between 395 and 373 and there is no reason to suppose thatthe liberation brought an outburst of democratic fervour The factional ri-valry of that period was not the struggle of δῆmicroος and ὀλίγοι so commonin Greek states

In 379 Thebes was in the grip of what Thucydides termed a δυναστείαὀλίγων Three years before the Boeotians had like the Athenians sent anembassy to Olynthus and it was believed that the Olynthians had passed adecree to send embassies accompanying the Athenians and Boeotians ontheir return home to make alliances (Xen Hell 5215) For the Spartansthis was a serious situation They had used the Kingrsquos Peace to requirethe dissolution of the Chalcidic League just as they had done to affect thebreak-up of the Boeotian confederacy Such insubordination was not tobe tolerated They sent out an army northwards and as it passed Thebesthe Theban Laconisers persuaded the Spartans to occupy the Cadmea andstop the rot So Leontiadas and Archias took control and a reign of terrorbegan In fear three hundred Thebans fled to Athens the situation brieflydelineated in De genio (575F ndash 576A) One of the leaders of those opposedto Leontiadas Ismenias was arrested and judicially murdered (Xen Hell5231 35ndash36) The other Androclidas thought in Thebes to be the leaderof the exiles and a likely source of plo ing (595B) was assassinated byan agent of Leontiadas (Plut Pel 63) Amphitheus named by Plutarchelsewhere (Lysander 27) as political partner of Androclidas was on the

7 Buckler is prominent among those who accept Plutarchrsquos account Cf B 2003215

8 Aeschin or 2105 quoted a remark of Epaminondas in an assembly

106 George Cawkwell

very night of the liberation expected to be taken from prison questionedand put to death (577D 586E) Clearly there were a good many othersincarcerated (598E)

If this was not a version of the usual struggle of democrats against oli-garchs why were Leontiadas and his gang so submissive to Spartan domi-nation Plainly the Liberators sought to secure liberty (cf 595D) Why didthe δυναστεία ὀλίγων desire otherwise It might have been a mixture offear and prudence but it is to be noted that on Xenophonrsquos account (Hell5226) the whole idea of the Spartans occupying the Cadmea originatedwith Leontiadas Why was he so minded Of course he may simply havewanted to be in power himself but the accusations made against Ismenias(Xen Hell 5236) suggest that there may have been a serious issue of pol-icy These accusations were lsquothat Ismenias took the side of the Barbarianthat he had become ξένος to the Persian for no good purpose for Greecethat he had had a share of the money sent by the King and that he andAndroclidas were principally responsible for all the turmoil in Greecersquo

There runs through the history ofGreece in the fourth century a melan-choly river of folly viz the Panhellenist dream of the union of Greece ina war against Persia which would stop the Greeks quarrelling amongstthemselves and allow them to exploit the wealth of Asia The chief advo-cate of this idea was Isocrates and the man who chiefly sought to realiseit King Agesilaus of Sparta9 When he went to Asia in 396 his campaignwas to be lsquoagainst Asiarsquo (Xen Hell 342) just as in 394 when about toobey the summons to return to Greece and defend Sparta he promisedthe Greeks of Asia that when he could he would return to carry on withthe grand campaign from which he had been prevented by the turmoil inGreece (Xen Hell 423 and 4 cf 4141) The Kingrsquos Peace of 386 formallyended such ambitions but it did not end his hatred of Persia according tohis friend and admirer Xenophon (cf Ages 77) By the time Agesilausdied in 359 Panhellenism for Spartans was an extinct idea In Thebes asfar as we know it had never been alive When Agesilaus was se ing outon his great campaign lsquoagainst Asiarsquo in 396 he sought lsquoto make sacrificesin Aulis where Agamemnon made sacrifice when he was sailing againstTroyrsquo The Boeotarchs intervened and violently prevented it (Xen Hell344) Admi edly Panhellenism was largely a ma er not of action butof talk and we do not have any samples of Theban oratory as we have ofAthenian but there is no hint anywhere of Theban policy being affectedby the desire to punish Persia Indeed in 344 when the Great King ap-pealed to the Greek states for help in the reconquest of Egypt the Thebanssent a force of a thousand hoplites to assist (Diod 1644) and in 335 whenduring the Theban Revolt Alexander called for individuals to submit the

9 Cf G L C The Greek Wars (Oxford 2005) 6

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 107

Thebans countered calling for volunteers from Alexanderrsquos army lsquoto joinwith the Great King and the Thebans to free the Greeks and overthrow thetyrant of Hellashelliprsquo (Diod 1795) thus displaying the clear good sense thatDemosthenes (1034) had sought for in vain in Athenian policy

What suggests that the division between Leontiadas and Ismenias mayhave been at least sharpened by serious difference over the question of re-lations with Persia is the part played by an earlier Leontiadas presumablya direct ancestor probably grandfather to the leading villain of the De ge-nio in the defence of Thermopylae in 480 For all Herodotusrsquo malignitas itseems that although the δυναστεία ὀλίγων had given earth and water toXerxes four hundred Thebans under the command of Leontiadas foughtand as a punishment were branded by the Persians lsquobeginning with theirGeneralrsquo (Hdt 72332) It is not inconceivable that hostility to the Barbar-ian was cherished in that family Ismenias Leontiadasrsquo chief opponenthad accepted from the King an invitation to become ξένος an offer Agesi-laus had no doubt ostentatiously rebuffed (Xen Ages 83) It would notbe surprising if Ismeniasrsquo policy had caused serious division in the state

In the fi h century the centripetal forces of Boeotia seeking to establishthe Boeotian Federation were strongly pro-Spartan the centrifugal forcesanti-Spartan and therefore sympathetic to Athens A er the end of thePeloponnesian War this was abruptly reversed In the preliminary discus-sions of Sparta and her allies about the terms of a se lement with Athensthe Boeotian representative like the Corinthian spoke against any se le-ment and demanded the destruction of Athens (Xen Hell 2219 cf 358)and the enslavement of the populace (Isoc 1431) yet within a very shorttime the city of Thebes was offering refuge to the Athenian exiles (XenHell 241 etc) then supporting their return (Justin 59 etc) and refusingto heed Spartarsquos call for help in dealing with the liberation of Athens Thiswas a dramatic change from Thebesrsquo earnest support of Sparta in the Dece-lean War and their strenuous participation in the war in Ionia and schol-ars have largely concurred with the view10 that Thebes was moved to suchdissidence by Spartarsquos domination both in the Peloponnese and in centralGreece (cf Diodorus 14177 and 822)

The dramatic change in Theban policy in 404 can be readily understoodBut it is equally to be considered why Spartan policy towards Athens wasso unexpectedly lenient Sparta regarded walls round cities as a sourceof trouble They had tried to prevent the building of the Themistocleanring a er the Persians withdrew (Thuc 1902) just as they prevented thewalling of cities in the Peloponnese (Xen Hell 527) In 411 it was feared inAthens that Athensrsquo walls would be demolished (Thuc 8913) and Critiasthe hard-line oligarch of 404 was believed to want A ica lsquoto be reduced to

10 Cf P C ldquoLa Politique Theacutebaine de 404 agrave 396 av JCrdquo REG 31 (1918) 315ndash43

108 George Cawkwell

sheep-grazing emptied of the herd of menrsquo (Philost V Soph 116 = VS88 A1) Why then a er all the bi erness of the Peloponnesian War didSparta let Athens off so lightly Theramenes returned to Athens from whathe represented as his successful negotiations at Sparta a greatly popularman (Diod 1441) But the Spartans were not so Why did they let theAthenians keep the city wallsThe answer is probably that Sparta was afraid of Thebes and Theban ambi-tions11 Indeed one of the Thirty at Athens went to Sparta a er the returnof Theramenes to the Piraeus and bade them campaign in support of theThirty lsquosaying slanderouslyrsquo according to Lysias (1258) lsquothat the city willbelong to the Boeotians rsquo Now Thebes had certainly irritated the Spar-tans by claiming a tithe of the spoils of war (Xen Hell 4321 Plut Lys274) but that and other minor incidents were not enough to make Spartafear the Boeotians One of these incidents is suggestive In 42019 the Boeo-tians took over the Spartan foundation Heraclea and the Spartans were an-gry with them for doing so (Thuc 5521) What business had Boeotia withthis place The answer is to be found in Xenophonrsquos explanation of Jasonof Pherae destroying the fortification in 371 (Hell 6427) Heraclea con-trolled the route from Central Greece northwards Perhaps as early as 420Boeotian ambitions envisaged the expansion northwards of the 360s andSparta in the person of Lysander sought to prevent them The measureof Lysanderrsquos efforts is to be found in the mixed army of Central Greekswhich he took to fight Thebes in the ba le of Haliartus in 395 (Hell 356)Agesilaus in the 380s sought in the Kingrsquos Peace to keep Boeotia disunited

TheTheban decision to seek an alliancewith Olynthus (Xen Hell 5215)was an open challenge to Spartan domination This was followed by aproclamation that no Theban was to join the campaign against the Olyn-thians (ibid 5227) This was the policy of Ismenias and Androclidasclearly a challenge to the Kingrsquos Peace and Leontiadas to maintain thePeace struck The tyranny depicted in the De genio was established Ofcourse given the nature of the evidence it is not to be denied that Leon-tiadas may have been solely concerned to secure for himself a position ofpower It is equally not to be denied that he thought that the maintenanceof the Kingrsquos Peace was the best or rather the only way to secure peacefor Thebes Judgement of Leontiadas however depends on unanswerablequestions concerning the Kingrsquos Peace12 Was the proclamation forbiddingany Theban to join in the campaign against Olynthus (Xen Hell 5227) acontravention of the Kingrsquos Peace Had Ismenias thereby gone too far

11 Cf G E M S C The Origins of the Peloponnesian War (London 1972) 34312 Xenophon has done his best to obscure the nature of the Kingrsquos Peace Cf C

ldquoThe Kingrsquos Peacerdquo CQ 31 (1981) [69ndash83] 78 where the possibility is raised that in forbid-ding lsquovolunteersrsquo joining the Spartan campaign against Olynthus Thebes was in breach ofthe Peace

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 109

The Thebans were not popular For a start they were too well fed (cfAristophanes Ach 860ndash84 Pax 1003ndash5 The Athenians pinned on them thelabel lsquoBoeotian swinersquo (according to Plutarch De esu carnium 16) whichPindar the Boeotian passed on (Ol VI90) perhaps tongue in cheek13 but asPlutarch shows it concerned Theban eating not Theban thinking Epho-rus would claim (FGrHist 70 F 119) that the leaders of Thebes neglectededucation (cf Diod 15792) save in the period of Epaminondas14 buthe neglected to explain how and why the Pythagorean Lysis of Tarentum(VS 44) became the teacher of Epaminondas he had died some time beforeEpaminondas rose to prominence and power (cf 578D 583B etc) Thetwo Thebans Simmias and Cebes familiar to us from Platorsquos Phaedo arepart of the philosophical circle pictured in the De genio and all in all it isclear that Thebes in the early Fourth Century was no philosophical back-water15 Perhaps Plutarch meant to proclaim through his dialogues thatThebes was a place of intellectual importance Elsewhere in the De malig-nitate Herodoti (864D ndash 867B) Plutarch berated Herodotus for his treatmentof the Thebans at Thermopylae and his a ack seems just though it is not tobe discussed here Overall what is undeniable is Theban military virtueThe history of the fourth century makes that abundantly clear as does thevalour displayed on the night of the liberation Plutarch had reason to beproud

13 For lsquoBoeotian swinersquo see SC B in H B J B (edd) Boiotika(Munich 1989) 67ndash8

14 Cf P S A Historical Commentary on Diodorus Siculus Book 15 (Oxford 1998)10

15 Cf N H D Thebes in the Fi h Century (London 1982) Chapter 5 lsquoPhilosophy inThebesrsquo

The liberation of Thebesin Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidaslowast

Christopher Pelling

1 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext

The liberation of Thebes in 379 offers a particularly rich opportunityto investigate Plutarchrsquos narrative technique for this is the most elaborateinstance where we find the same episode recounted in a moral essay theDe genio and in a biography the Pelopidas

As the present volume makes clear the De genio a racts a good deal ofscholarly interest does for instance Plutarch side with Epaminondas inthis essay That view is taken by Daniel Babut1 Aristoula Georgiadou2

and Frederick Brenk3 and already a generation ago in the standard com-mentary by Corlu4 If so it would be a paradox as Epaminondas theperson who decides to stay out of the Liberation is something of an ab-sent presence in this narrative but that would not be the only paradox inPlutarch Is there a moral for Plutarchrsquos own generation and if so what is itndash political quietism on the model of Epaminondas or the search for a newequivalent of liberation or simply an invitation to any readers to consulttheir own conscience What are we to make of the problems of reading anysigns whether it be the obscure writings found at the tomb of Alcmene(577EndashF) or the various omens that a end the conspiracy itself Is there

lowast This is a lightly adapted version of a paper that was given at a conference in Rethymnoin May 2005 the original version is included in the volume of that conference The Unity ofPlutarchrsquos Work lsquoMoraliarsquo Themes in the lsquoLivesrsquo Features of the lsquoLivesrsquo in the lsquoMoraliarsquo editedby Anastasios N (de Gruyter 2008) I am most grateful to Professor Nand to de Gruyter for their permission to republish the material here

1 B 1969 344ndash6 B 1984 72ndash3 = B 1994 426ndash72 A G ldquoVita activa and vita contemplativa Plutarchrsquos De Genio Socratis and

Euripidesrsquo Antioperdquo in I G B S (edd) Teoria e Prassi Politica nelle opere diPlutarco (Naples 1995) 187ndash200 ead Πράξεις and λόγοι the Liberation of the Cadmeiain Plutarchrsquos de Genio (abstract) in ΕΡΕΤΗΡΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΤΑΙΡΕΙΑΣ ΒΟΙΩΤΙΚΩΝ ΜΕΛΕΤΩΝSecond International Congress Levadeia 1992 (Athens 1995) 1129ndash30 G 1996

3 B 1996 B 20024 Thus for C 1970 20 ldquoEacutepaminondas incarne lrsquoideacuteal plutarcheacuteen de lrsquounion de la

philosophie et la politiquerdquo Cf also B 1988 and D 1984 576ndash7 thoughD also brings out Plutarchrsquos appreciation of the virtue and nerve of the active plo ers(583) H 1988 374ndash8 gives a balanced view

112 Christopher Pelling

a metatextual significance of such problematic semiotics for the readingof Plutarchrsquos own text and the drawing of any lessons perhaps includingpolitical lessons That is the subject of a subtle article by Philip Hardie(1996)5 What does the pervasive Platonic intertextuality add to it all Is itjust a clever and playful bonding with an accomplished reader or mightPlutarch be providing his own counterpart of Plato in a way that interlockswith the a empts of the characters in the text to explore a counterpart tothe Platonic Socrates Not all these issues will be explored in this chapterbut some light may fall on them if we concentrate on narrative itself andthe contrast of Life and essay

The Platonic intertextuality will provide the essential background forthis discussion There is a vast amount of this in the essay and other as-pects of this are explored elsewhere in this volume questions of souls dip-ping up and down in the manner of Timaeus questions of how a myth ofrebirth works in the manner of Republic 10 and so on6 But it is the Phaedothat is particularly relevant There are several particular echoes right atthe beginning the discussion of whether there is time to talk and whetherthose present are willing to listen (575DndashE sim Phaedo 58cndashd) and the intro-duction of lsquoSimmiasrsquo the man of Thebes who was so important in Phaedoand is now the host here There is some wryness too in the way he is intro-duced He has lsquobeen away for a long time in foreign parts and had travelledamong strange peoplesrsquo (576C 578A) exactly as the Socrates of Phaedo hadencouraged his interlocutors to do (78a where Socrates was in fact talkingto Cebes ndash but Cebes is not forgo en here either 580E 590E) Now Simmiashas arrived home lsquofull of all sorts of myths and barbarian storiesrsquo Peoplekeep visiting him at his home not unlike the way they visited Socratesin prison but Simmias has a rather different reason for not being able toroam around for he has suffered a nasty ailment of the leg and can onlylie on his couch That is most convenient as it means Simmias cannot in-volve himself in the action himself and Plutarch therefore sidesteps theissue whether he would be an active participant like Pelopidas or a philo-sophical bystander like Epaminondas the question cannot arise for himBut this participant who was closest to the Platonic Socrates shows a fur-ther wry Socratic touch for does not the Phaedo itself end with a Socrateson his couch as the hemlock gradually strikes at his ndash legs There is evena lsquofasteningrsquo here as well the ἐπίδεσmicroος that has just been removed from

5 On this theme cf also B 1984 63ndash5 = B 1994 417ndash9 also D 1988 580ndash1B 1996 45

6 For a treatment of some of these issues see V 1977 93ndash5 105ndash14 K D ldquoPlutarch und das Daimonion des Sokrates (Plut de genio SocratisKap 20ndash24)rdquoMnemosyne37 (1984) 376ndash92 and B 1996 See also Deuse below p 193 with n 67

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 113

Simmiasrsquo leg (589A) ndash a blander equivalent of the fe er removed fromSocratesrsquo leg at Phaedo 59e7

The mild divergences between Plutarchrsquos two accounts have been wellstudied by others most recently and thoroughly byGeorgiadou 1997 HereI shall give a broader comparison of Life and essay under three headingsthat have become familiar from narratological theory duration focalisa-tion and voice One recurrent question will be what we might call the in-tertwining of lsquothemersquo and lsquoeventrsquo how far the various issues of conscienceand political activism are affected by and affect the events of this stirringstory Ziegler thought the intertwining of theme and event inDe geniowassuperficial and contrived a shallow imitation of their thorough integrationin the Phaedo8 Perhaps we can be a li le more generous

2 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas

First duration The version in the Life is quite expansive by Life standardsbut is still only seven chapters long The essay is developing the narrativeall through the work a er the dialogue introduction it starts with the ar-rival of the news that the plo ers are on the way from Athens and at theend it goes through to the moment when the Spartan garrison withdrawsThe Life version might take twenty minutes to read aloud the essay versionwould require more like two hours and is ge ing close to an equivalentin duration to the length in real time that the events would take (so in theterms made familiar by Bal9 the lsquostoryrsquo becomes equivalent in extent to thelsquofabularsquo) That is especially so as the back-narrative is given in very com-pressed form at the beginning in 575Fndash6B lsquowe all know already howhelliprsquoand then there is a quickening of pace at the end once the action itself fi-nally starts at 596DndashE the time in between that taken by the discussion asthe conspiracy develops is pre y well exactly the time that the discussionif real would have taken That lsquoisochronicrsquo equivalence of duration is notunusual in Plutarch (compare for instance De Pythiae Oraculis where theconversation occupies the time it would take to climb the hill at Delphi)and it is very much on the pa ern of a Platonic dialogue including thePlatonic dialogue that has the most important indeed cataclysmic actioninterwoven with it the Phaedo

This point of duration has several effects The first of course is that

7 For these and other Platonic echoes cf esp H 1895 148ndash51 C 1970 93ndash58 Z 1964 204 = 1951 841 (lsquoThemarsquo and lsquoHandlungrsquo) cf the similar verdict of

H 1895 151 V 1977 93 states uncompromisingly that ldquole sujet veacuteritable cenrsquoest pas le deacutemon de Socrate crsquoest la libeacuteration de Thegravebesrdquo though she has a more nuancedview on p 95 For a more sympathetic treatment of the interweaving of the philosophywith the narrative see esp D 1984

9 B 1985

114 Christopher Pelling

this is extremely mimetic almost the extreme case of narrative mimesisThe longueur the agonising waiting that a ends even such exciting andswi -moving events as these is caught by the way the participants talkalmost literally to pass the time rather as the Spartan partisan Archiasliked philosophical conversation to distract others from his disgraceful ac-tions (576C) so the conspirators too seem to be talking as much to distractthemselves as to buoy up their spirits or to provide the suspicious with anexcuse for their gathering When we come to the interaction of theme andaction this is not just a ploy of Plutarch himself to inject a factitious liter-ary lsquounityrsquo it characterises too for instance when the conversation turnsto how a momentary inspiration allowed Socrates to escape mortal dangerat the hands of not coincidentally the Thebans (581DndashE of Delium with ahint of Platorsquos Symposium) At times like this a mind dri s easily into preoc-cupation with mortal danger and dwelling here on divine inspiration maybe wishful thinking but is psychologically just right It is something of acontrary counterpart of the Phaedo itself where it is so natural for Socratesand his friends to talk of immortality

Not that the main point of the discussion is to illuminate the momenttense though it is The forward movement of the essay is carried not bythe action but by the discussion of Socratesrsquo daimonion and the moments ofaction or of news punctuate it even serve as panel-dividers to separate thediscussion We might compare the Amatorius another dialogue peculiarlyrich in Platonic reminiscence where the debate is interwoven with andaffected by the news coming from Thespiae of Ismenodorarsquos doings (754E756A 771D) It is a mirror-image of the phenomenon familiar from manyLives though not Pelopidas itself where the narrative action is divided intopanels by lsquodigressionsrsquo (what used to be called lsquoeidologyrsquo) digressions thatthemselves have something of the manner of theMoralia take for instancethe discussion of divine inspiration at Coriolanus 32 or of the way manticsigns work at Pericles 6 both Moralia-like topics which happen to overlapclosely with the themes of De genio Socratis

There is more to it still though and this brings us on to the interlockingof theme and event Some interaction is exactly what we should expectin that Coriolanus case for instance the lsquoHomericrsquo texture of the digres-sion has an interesting interplay with the lsquoAchilleanrsquo figure we have so farseen in that Life and the lsquoOdysseanrsquo crisis of powerful womenfolk that heis about to face In De genio the most obvious interaction is the way thatreflections and actions affect one another just as the charactersrsquo thoughtschange under the pressure of events so also their thought-processes drivetheir actions Thus the texture of the discussion becomes different oncethe tingling-nerved Hipposthenidas has told how among other things hefound the dream of Hypatodorus so frightening that he decided to abortthe whole affair (587AndashB) Not merely does Hipposthenidas himself illus-

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 115

trate the point made earlier that one has to have the right mindset if oneis to receive divine guidance and interpret it aright this is also the pointwhere dreams and visions are dropped as appropriate vehicles for inspi-ration and Simmias moves the discussion on to a new level by talking of asort of (perhaps wordless) lsquovoicersquo that Socrates always found much morereliable (588DndashE) So the alarming lsquoeventsrsquo of that night do affect the waythe lsquothemersquo of inspiration is viewed

What is difficult is to find this interaction going the other way The par-ticipantsrsquo determination to act may certainly be driven by their moral andphilosophical convictions but if they are looking for divine inspiration toguide their actions now they do not seem to find it once the narrative ofevents begins and it is good planning and good luck that carries the day10

Or so at least it seems yet this is a question to which we shall return (be-low p 125)

It is easy to represent this sort of narrative or dialogue dynamic as apurely artistic ma er just as we did a paragraph ago in asserting the the-matic unity ofCoriolanus But the comparison with Plato suggests a furtherpoint A Platonic dialogue is not merely an airing of philosophical issuesbut an indication of the right way to do philosophy through discussiondialectic and testing rather than by simple exposition The Phaedo illus-trates how to act and (more important) how to think in a moment of crisisin the presence of imminent and unjust death Cannot we make the samemove with Plutarch too and see him as exploring the way that events arenot merely conditioned by but also affect the way the participants thinkabout the biggest issues (Though in the Phaedo it is true the more ba-sic point is that Socratesrsquo stable insight is not unse led or revised by theimminence of death) A cultured and insightful response to the presentinvolves applying onersquos knowledge of and reflection on the paradigmaticpast and it also affects how we read and interpret the past and we cansee that in the thought-processes of the participants themselves The im-pact of the present crisis means that some approaches are dropped andothers become more a ractive And if that is true of an Artemidorus anda Galaxidorus and a Simmias might there not be a moral for Plutarchrsquosown readers too and the ways they should think about the biggest moraldilemmas

10 Thus B 1984 53 and 1988 esp 384ndash93 = 1994 407 and esp 432ndash41 cf H1996 132 ldquo[t]he success of the action depends entirely on the intelligent plans of the con-spirators and on the corresponding failure of the enemy to satisfactorily analyse eventsrdquo ndasha sort of sign-reading to be sure but not on the daemonic level M R ldquoThe purposeand unity of Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratisrdquo GRBS 18 (1977) 257ndash73 by contrast claimed thatldquothe narrative sections hellip show how daimonic guidance manifests itself in the real worldrdquo(258)

116 Christopher Pelling

3 Internal and external links

Underlying this question of duration is one extremely obvious differencebetween the two narratives the Pelopidas narrative is only a small sectionof a Life whereas theDe genio narrative is together with its accompanyingdiscussion the whole thing The natural inference from this would be thatwhen we talk of the links between the particular lsquoeventsrsquo of the narrativeand the wider lsquothemesrsquo then in the Life we shall be looking outside theseseven chapters talking of links with other parts of Pelopidasrsquo story ndash andindeed Marcellusrsquo story too for these are pairs not just individual LivesIf it were a web-site a link would connect with a later or an earlier screenexcept that perhaps we would not realise there was a link at all until wereached that later screen and recognised the point of contact11 In the Degenio we will at least begin by looking internally within the narrative itselfthe web-site might scroll us to another part of the same screen but it wouldstill be within this episode itself12

We shall soon want to complicate that contrast of lsquoexternalrsquo and lsquointer-nalrsquo link-building but still it works reasonably well as a first bid In Pelo-pidas we certainly find those links that go outside the episodersquos frame Inparticular echoes of the Cadmea come back at the end of the Life and comeback twice in a way that is typical of Plutarchrsquos closural technique13 Pelo-pidasrsquo final move against Alexander of Pherae in the ba le that takes hislife is strikingly described as an action of τυραννοκτονία (Pel 347) this isnot the most natural word for a pitched ba le against a force that happensto be led by a tyrant especially as the tyrant does not even get killed but itis one that highlights the similarity with the liberation The most strikingelement of that similarity is the readiness of Pelopidas to take a personalrisk seen in the bedroom struggle with Leontiadas (138ndash9) and again inhis thrusting into the front line against the tyrant Alexander (328ndash9) ineach case in the service of freedom This is identifiably the same personacting in a similar way

11 Cf G 1980 56 on Proustrsquos Recherche du Temps Perdu lsquothis is the most persistentfunction of recalls in the Recherche to modify the meaning of past occurrences a er theevent either by making significant what was not so originally or by refuting a first inter-pretation and replacing it with a new onersquo We will discuss later whether such lsquorecallsrsquo inPelopidas do in fact replace an initial interpretation with a new one

12 This is not the same distinction as between lsquointernalrsquo and lsquoexternalrsquo analep-sisprolepsis in narratology (a) because an analepsis or prolepsis is typically an explicitrecall or anticipation of an event whereas here the lsquolinksrsquo are a ma er of implicit sugges-tion through thematic pa erning (lsquorecallsrsquo as G 1980 puts it see n 12) and (b)because I here use lsquointernalrsquo to mean lsquointernal to the episodersquo rather than lsquointernal to thewhole workrsquo

13 On PelndashMarc in particular C B R P ldquoRoman heroes and Greek culturerdquo in MG J B (edd) Philosophia Togata I (Oxford 1989) [199ndash232] 207ndash8 more gener-ally P 1997 esp 240ndash2 = 2002 373ndash6

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 117

Once again though this is not simply an artistic ma er of lsquounityrsquo oreven of unified characterisation the parallels are thought-provoking in away that is important to the moralism too In the second case the onethat brings his death it is clear that Plutarch disapproves of Pelopidasrsquoaction That picks up the elaborate discussion in the proem of the follyof a commander exposing himself to this sort of danger (1ndash2) that too isthe theme that establishes the link with Marcellus who similarly meets arash death and this duly figures as the culminating issue in the synkriticepilogue as well as in the proem (Marc 33(3))

Should we therefore infer that it was a bad idea the first time round aswell that Pelopidas should have kept his distance (something that wouldalign the Life more closely with the BabutndashBrenkndashGeorgiadou reading ofthe essay incidentally praising Epaminondas as the detached non-violentmore Socratic figure of the pair) What makes that more difficult to be-lieve at least in the case of the Life is the second final contact The lastchapter of the work goes on to cover events a er Pelopidasrsquo death wherehis killer Alexander of Pherae is murdered by his disgruntled wife Thebein a similar sequence of tyrant-killing fervour secret plo ing nervous coldfeet and a final decisive steeling of the nerve for an act of bedroom blood-iness (35) This is not the only case where a Life goes on past the principalrsquosdeath to trace posthumous vengeance and makes this central to a Lifersquossignificance I have discussed this elsewhere14 It looks too as if Plutarchis working hard on the tradition to link Thebersquos vengeance with Pelopidashimself In Plutarch what inspires Thebe now is her memory of meetingPelopidas during his captivity at a time when he again showed rashnessas well as courage in his plain speaking to his captor Alexander (Pel 355sim285ndash10) yet that does not figure in any of the several possible motivationsthat Xenophon airs for Thebersquos murder of her husband (Hell 6435ndash7) stillless in the cruder version we find in Roman authors that Thebe was simplymotivated by jealousy of a concubine (Cic Off 225 Val Max 913 ext 3)In the Life Thebe is clearly a good person doing a good thing that makesit easier to believe that Pelopidasrsquo own bedroom killing and the liberationwas a good thing too even if it was less of a good thing to be so precipitatein fighting in the front line

So the differing consequences of similar behaviour need not entail anyfinal revision of the initial surely positive judgement we make on Pelop-idas in the Life but this sort of lsquoexternalrsquo link of the liberation with laterevents still deeply affects the way we take the moralism Perhaps the up-shot is how very difficult it is to make such moral differentiation of appar-ently similar motives or perhaps how striking a fact of human nature itis that the same human characteristic can generate acts that are so good ndash

14 P 1997

118 Christopher Pelling

Cadmea the killing of Alexander ndash and so disastrous ndash Pelopidasrsquo deathBut the fundamental point remains we have to build the bigger context ofthe manrsquos whole career if we are to interpret the liberation episode and wecannot take it simply on its own

What about the essay side of that initial straightforward contrast of ex-ternal and internal link-building Even in De genio do we in fact take theCadmea episode simply on its own The strongly phrased proem must berelevant here Archedamus there inveighs against allowing the perspec-tive of later events to distort onersquos moral evaluation of the actions that leadto them It is he says an unsophisticated reading of history that simplyjudges events on the basis of outcome and ignores lsquocausesrsquo lsquooriginsrsquo orlsquomotivesrsquo aitiai

A I remember Caphisias that I once heard a painter use rather an apt im-age to describe people who look at pictures He said that a layman with no knowledgeof the art was like a man addressing a whole crowd at once whereas the sophisticatedconnoisseur was more like someone greeting every person he met individually Lay-men you see have an inexact and merely general view of works of art while those whojudge detail by detail let nothing whether well or badly executed pass unobserved orwithout comment It is much the same I fancy with real events For the lazy-minded itsatisfies curiosity to learn the basic facts and the outcome of the affair but the devotee ofhonour and beauty who views the achievement of the great Art (as it were) of Virtuetakes pleasure rather in the detail because ndash since the outcome (τέλος) has much incommon with Fortune while the part of the ma er ltconcerned withgt motives (αἰτίαι)and ltthe action itselfgt involves conflicts between virtue and circumstance ndash he can thereobserve instances of intelligent daring in the face of danger where rational calculationis mixed with moments of crisis and emotion So please regard us as viewers of thissort tell us the story of the whole action from the beginning and ltsharegt with us thediscussions which ltwe heargt took place ltthen in yourgt presence bearing in mind thatI should not have hesitated even to go to Thebes for this if I were not already thoughtby the Athenians to be too pro-Boeotian

(De genio Socratis 575AndashD)

So the cultured and discriminating reader says Archedamus will realisethat events are o en directed by chance and therefore very different out-comes can mask very similar origins (aitiai) And Plutarch clearly thoughtthat lsquoArchedamusrsquo was right about this he says something very similarwhen contrasting the different outcomes of Alexanderrsquos and Crassusrsquo Par-thian campaigns (Crass 37(4)4) That might encourage us to concentrateon the events of 379 without being distracted by later lsquoconsequencesrsquoand so far that chimes with our initial expectation that evaluation in the es-say should be lsquointernalrsquo based on the events themselves Yet it is immedi-ately more complicated for the proem is also saying that even if differentstory-pa erns spring from similar aitiai one can still find inspiring pointsof parallel in those lsquostruggles of virtue against contingencyrsquo and lsquothought-ful daring in times of dangerrsquo ndash and that implies a process of comparisonIt is just that if we bring other events into contact with this sequence it

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 119

will not be those that were causally linked with it in what followed it willbe other occasions where motives and mindsets and drives were similarwhatever their consequences

In particular of course the whole topic of the dialogue makes us museon how similar the lsquooriginsrsquo in the participantsrsquo minds in 379 are to theinspiration that guided Socrates a generation or so earlier for the Platonicintertextuality is here crucial Whatever else that intertext may suggestthe particular recall of the Phaedomust recall the circumstances of Socratesrsquodeath The difficulty is to know what we should make of that comparisonof the two sequences Should we follow Babut and Georgiadou in findinga further alignment of Socrates to Epaminondas as both refuse to get in-volved in the hard real-life exchanges of politics Or is it rather a reminderof the dangers that any conscience-driven activity can bring something af-ter Platorsquos manner of anticipating Socratesrsquo trial towards the end of Gorgiasand in Alcibiadesrsquo lsquodefencersquo speech in Symposium At the end of this chap-ter I shall suggest that it might be a mistake to decide too firmly in eitherdirection

Perhaps too we should develop a further lsquointertextrsquo as there is a lesswidely noticed series of parallels here with the killing of Julius Caesaron the Ides of March There too we have the indications that the newsis spreading (596AndashB sim Brut 154) and the conspirators jump to a pre-cipitate conclusion that all is lost there is the decisive message which thevictim decides not to read (596EndashF sim Pel 107ndash10 sim Caes 65) there is thesick man who cannot be involved but wishes well (578CndashD sim Brut 11)there is the participantsrsquo nervousness as the crisis approaches (Brut 15)there are the suspicions that the plot has become known (586F 595A simPel 98 sim Brut 154) there are the conspirators who are philosophicallyalert and commi ed there is the awareness of a deep moral issue centringon the risk of the civil bloodshed that may ensue and the concern of theconspirators to limit the killing as far as possible (576Fndash7A Brut 194ndash5202 Ant 133) there is the intervention of a sympathiser who pretends tobe pleading for his condemned brother (576DndashE sim Brut 173 Caes 665)there is the heated (θερmicroοίν) and radiant reaction as the killers summontheir fellow-citizens to liberty (598AndashD sim Caes 673) Perhaps such simi-larities simply suggest that there are only so many ways of killing a tyrantand only so many ways of describing it but the killing of Caesar was suchan epoch-making story that it is not extravagant to suspect that the paral-lel is expressive Yet once again it is unclear what it is expressive of otherthan the simple suggestion that the issues at stake and the dilemmas theypose recur time and time again and in the most momentous ways yet justas with Socrates the parallel does not make moral judgement any easierespecially as moral judgement on Caesarrsquos assassination was notoriouslyso difficult

120 Christopher Pelling

For the moment let us simply note that even in the self-contained nar-rative of the De genio one can never take a single episode wholly on itsown As we saw that is really the suggestion of the proem itself suggest-ing that one ought to look for parallel aitiai in different sequences withoutbeing misled by different outcomes In both Lives andMoralia then com-parison is basic to the judgements that one makes Even the sort of com-parison is not wholly different not at least if we still apply that distinctionbetween lsquooriginsrsquo and lsquooutcomesrsquo for even the comparison in the Lifewithlater events does not look to anything that is an outcome (or at least a di-rect outcome one that is seen as such) of the Cadmea liberation but ratherto separate sequences ones that are connected by the way Pelopidas orThebe behaves ndash in short by the lsquooriginsrsquo by the mindset and mentalitythat drives on the nobly inspired individuals as they grapple for freedomSo in both Life and essay we are comparing similar aitiai and allowing thatcomparison to affect our moral judgement

It is still true that the sustained intertext of reading X against anotherrsquoswork Y is a good deal more elaborate in De genio than we typically havein the Lives Perhaps even in the Liveswe occasionally find such sustainedintertextuality for instance in reading Alcibiades against Symposium or theend of Cato minor against Phaedo itself but it does not usually become sopervasive through a text as it does here in De genio But even if there is notthat sustained reading against another authorrsquos Y there is still somethingsimilar in the Parallel Lives for we may certainly find a pervasive readingof one personrsquos Life against anotherrsquos even if that is usually another Lifeproduced by Plutarch himself Evidently that is true here in the compari-son withMarcellus but as so o en in Plutarch the formal synkrisis is onlythe part of it and the informal comparison with Epaminondas is just asimportant (esp Pel 3ndash4 254) Here there was presumably some implicitrelationship to Plutarchrsquos own Epaminondas the flagship opening Life of theseries Plutarch will be suggesting a comparison of these two very differ-ent Boeotian models of how to apply philosophy to politics So this hasbrought us back to a similar project to one found in De genio with its lurk-ing presence of Epaminondas spotlighting the issue of paideia and practicalpolitics even if once again the two Lives of Epaminondas and Pelopidas ex-plore that issue over the canvas not of a single episode but of both menrsquoswhole lives

Finally one particularly intriguing question does the essay show a sim-ilar awareness of other writings of Plutarch himself Do we recall that thissame author can produce works of a very different texture rather as wedo in Pericles where a er discussing divination he adds that lsquothis is moresuitable for another sort of workrsquo (Per 65) ndash and we know full well thatPlutarch himself could write it may indeed go on to write it Unfortu-

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 121

nately we do not know when De genio was wri en15 nor whether it pre-dates or postdates Pelopidas but it might well make a difference to ourreading if Plutarch were already embarked on the Lives or even some Lives(the Caesars or some of the other free-standing ones) and the original au-dience knew it ndash and therefore knew too that Plutarch himself in othermoods and modes would be describing and evaluating these issues in awider narrative context one that could hardly avoid being more outcome-conscious If that is so Archedamusrsquo warning in the proem could soundas a warning about any project of using history to provide raw material formoral inquiry including that project on which an audience would knowPlutarch himself had embarked

4 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas

Let us move on rather more swi ly to the category that has been exploitedmost assiduously in theoretical narratology that of lsquofocalisationrsquo Againwe may start with a simple contrast and see if it works What we wouldexpect to find would be the Life focalising through Pelopidas himself see-ing things through his eyes just as we would expect it to concentrate onhis actions The essay might be less predictable but at least the princi-pal narrator is one of the conspirators (in fact it is Epaminondasrsquo brotherCaphisias) so it is likely to be a partisan point of view not just that ofa mere messenger nor even the more detached narratorial viewpoint ofPlutarch himself

In some ways again that initial crude contrast works quite well butrather less well than we would expect Pelopidas certainly figures morein the Life ndash the conspirators can be described as lsquoPelopidasrsquo partyrsquo for in-stance τοῖςπερὶ Πελοπίδαν (91 and 10 evidently a genuine plural here16)in the Life Charon gives a full report to lsquoPelopidasrsquo partyrsquo οἱ περὶ τὸνΠελοπίδαν again (105 this time less clearly a genuine plural) and a fic-tional report to others but in the essay everyone is told the truth (595Fndash6C)(So this is indeed a ma er of focalisation not just narrative lsquofocusrsquo it is not

15 C P J ldquoTowards a chronology of Plutarchrsquos worksrdquo JRS 56 (1966) [61ndash74] 70 (reprin B S [ed] Essays on Plutarchrsquos Lives Oxford 1995 [95ndash123] 115) against Z1964 205 = 1951 842 Plutarchrsquos close knowledge of the history in De genio (however hemay decide to tweak or supplement it) and some elements of clear contact with the nar-rative details of Pelopidas do not demonstrate a closeness of composition date whateverhis sources in Pelopidas Plutarch was doubtless familiar with accounts of this particularepisode throughout his life On that source-question see esp G 1997 15ndash28 notjust Xenophon clearly for Xenophon omits Pelopidas from his liberation account at Hell541ndash12 something that can only be deliberate S 1997 127

16 On the familiar later Greek idiom whereby lsquoοἱ περὶ Xrsquo can be but need not be a simpleperiphrasis for lsquoXrsquo see esp S L R ldquoNoch einmal Aischylos Niobe Fr 162 N2 (278 M)rdquoZPE 38 (1980) 47ndash56 (ldquo1 Die Bedeutung von οἱ περὶ Τάνταλονrdquo)

122 Christopher Pelling

simply a ma er of who is centre-stage it also makes the reader know whatPelopidas knew and hear the successive reports as he heard them Whenthis Pelopidas-perspective is momentarily disturbed Plutarch is careful toadd lsquoas was later discoveredrsquo 107) Still the deployment of narrative detailis not always as neat and simple as that For instance when Charon offershis teenage son as a sort of hostage for his friends to kill if he Charonlets himself and his comrades down who finds this so appalling that heprotests It is Pelopidas ndash but not in the Life in the essay (595C) in theLife it is lsquoeveryonersquo (911ndash12) And when Pelopidas has his own moment ofphysical glory killing Leontiadas in hand-to-hand combat it is the essayrather than the Life that has more details

The essay has some interesting features too as that partisan focalisationis in some ways more in some ways less fulfilled than we might expect Itis more fulfilled in that Caphisias not merely tells the story as he viewsit now in retrospect he also tells it in the way the story would have un-folded to him at the time There is very li le here for instance on thearrangements for the party at Archiasrsquo house with the conspirators set upto arrive in womenrsquos clothing and give the lustful pro-Spartans a night toremember The Life goes into detail here drawing on Xenophon (and withan additional intertext incidentally in Herodotus 520 one that is alreadysensed in Xenophon) and in terms of sensational narrative that is a naturalhigh-spot ndash but Caphisias even though he could have told us about it inview of what he knows now was not an observer of the party-arrangementsthen and limits himself to what he then knew at first hand We only hearwhat Charon discovered of the preliminaries at Archiasrsquo house as he re-ports back to Simmiasrsquo party (596A) and so we learn that a rumour wasseeping out at the point when the conspirators heard of it too In narrato-logical terms the lsquonarrating selfrsquo becomes assimilated to the lsquoexperiencingselfrsquo and the primary focaliser Caphisias turns himself into a secondaryfocaliser as well17 involving an internal analepsis as he recalls those ear-lier details or should we perhaps say remembering the brief initial scene-se ing that the primary focaliser lsquoPlutarchrsquo first introduces Caphisias as asecondary focaliser who goes on to use himself as a tertiary focaliser Theeffect is complex anyway and the Caphisias focalisation is strong

On the other hand the focalisation is less intense in that it is not partic-ularly ideologically partisan or rather that any partisan elements are notespecially interesting Everyone accepts that the pro-Spartans are villainsIf there is an interesting issue it is not that but what one does about it andthat brings us back to the question of right and wrong between Epaminon-

17 Cf G 1980 198ndash9 discussing a similar case in Proust he terms such suppres-sion of information paralipsis ldquosince the narrator in order to limit himself to the informa-tion held by the hero at the moment of the action had to suppress all the information heacquired later information which very o en is vitalrdquo Cf N 1990 370ndash1

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 123

das and the rest should one adopt a more Socrates-like quietist positionand stay out of it or should one grasp the ne le and the dagger Caphisiasrsquocharacterisation does ma er here As Epaminondasrsquo brother he sees hispoint of view and indeed articulates it particularly clearly one should notexecute people without trial except in the most extreme necessity and itwould be be er to have people who had kept aloof to carry conviction inthe post-bloodshed se lement (594BndashC) But it is also clear that Caphisiashimself disagrees with his brother and he is involved in the action evenif not especially prominently at the end Just as Simmiasrsquo affliction allowshim to preside without taking sides so Caphisiasrsquo position allows him tobe as close as possible to a non-partisan on that most interesting issue ofall not whether the tyrants are evil but what to do about it

5 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas

In a case such as this focalisation18 connects inextricably with another ofGene ersquos narratological categories lsquovoicersquo and here the dialogue struc-ture of De genio is significant In many ways this is a narrative within adialogue and a dialogue within a narrative again very much in Platonicfashion It starts as an lsquoextra-diegeticrsquo19 dialogue between Archedamusand Caphisias and Archedamus sets up Caphisias to speak (De PythiaeOraculis and Amatorius are again parallel here so isDe Cohibenda Ira) Thisproem incidentally is not without a hint of the inter-state bad feeling thatfollowed for Archedamus says that he would even have been preparedto go to Thebes to hear the story if it had not been for the suspicion thatthis would trigger in Athens (575D above p 118) This is just a er hehas been arguing that we should judge aitiai without an eye to outcomes

18 I am conscious that in the previous paragraph I am using lsquofocalisationrsquo in a broadsense one involving a itudes as well as pure cognition in other words the lsquohowrsquo in lsquohowone seesrsquo is one that involves response and feeling as well as recognition This I think isinevitable for emotion and cognition are inextricably connected onersquos emotional perspec-tive not merely builds on onersquos perceptions it also conditions what one notices and howone notices it Hence emotional perspectives (what S C ldquoCharacters and narra-tors filter center slant and interest-focusrdquo Poetics Today 72 1986 [189ndash204] 197ndash8 termedlsquoslantrsquo) in this case the possibilities of a partisan stance are thoroughly relevant to lsquohow oneseesrsquo On the inextricability of emotion ideology and focalisation see Shl R -K Narrative Fiction Contemporary Poetics (London 1983) 80ndash2 and in a classical context espe-cially D P F (ldquoDeviant focalization in Vergilrsquos Aeneidrdquo PCPS 1990 216 42ndash63 reprin id Roman Constructions Oxford 2000 40ndash63) though he is treating much more intricateissues (and I find his word lsquodeviantrsquo misleading in many of his cases of embedded focali-sation lsquocomplexrsquo lsquopolyvalentrsquo or lsquoblurredrsquo would be be er) By now quite evidently I amtouching on theoretical issues too large to treat properly here I also avoid discussion ofthe relative merits of G rsquos (1980) and B rsquos (1985) slightly different terminologies butmy sympathies are with G for the reasons given by N 1990 and succinctly TC B R Thucydides Narrative and Explanation (Oxford 1998) 294ndash6

19 For this unlovely term G 1980 228ndash9

124 Christopher Pelling

and consequences yet perhaps it is more difficult to forget consequencesa er all just as Archedamus found it impossible to ignore all that laterhistory that centred on the increasing Theban domination of Greece Andcertainly that dialogue introduction points as similar Platonic introduc-tions do to the way that the events and discussions described were onesthat were talked about years later and in Athens as well as Thebes Thiswas no ordinary day and it was not ndash as if the audience did not know hisalready ndash a Liberation that failed

Once Caphisias gets underway it is again striking how his narrative soreadily becomes dramatic dialogue That is not just true of the philosophi-cal dialogue and the exchange of elaborate views but also of the momentsof action too as when Charon and Archias come face to face (595Fndash6C)lsquoThere are exiles in the cityrsquo says Archias lsquoWherersquo says Charon lsquoI donot knowrsquo says Archias lsquothatrsquos why I called you herersquo So thatrsquos all rightCharon thinks lsquoThere used to be lots of these rumoursrsquo he says lsquobut Ihavenrsquot heard anything ndash Irsquoll look into it thoughrsquo lsquoGood idearsquo says thescribe Phyllidas who is in on the plothellip This is a dialogue within a narra-tive (Charonrsquos) within a dialogue (Charon and the others) within a narra-tive (Caphisias) within a dialogue (Caphisias Archedamus and the others)Even in the Life there is some dialogue here (101ndash4) but only two speechesPlutarch uses direct speech in the Lives very rarely ndash indeed its rarity makesits use here dramatically arresting too ndash but the version inDe genio remainsfar more elaborate That links too with the other dialogues that are em-bedded in the narrative throughout the essay including the one that doesnot happen that which Socrates would so much have liked to have withthe recently-dead Timarchus (592F)

One aspect of this technique is indeed lsquodramaticrsquo the dialogue is asstriking as the visual scene-se ing lsquoJust as in a dramarsquo indeed the for-tune (tyche) of the action lsquoelaborated our enterprise with perilous scenes hellipand brought a sharp and terrifying conflict one involving an unexpectedreversalrsquo (peripeteia 596DndashE) True there was drama already in Xenophonrsquosaccount where it is surely no coincidence that he does not have twelve as-sailants as in Plutarch but precisely seven ndash against Thebes (Hell 543)20

but Plutarch makes it evenmore theatrical That is not all though through-out the essay the dialogue texture is also peculiarly suitable for raising is-sues ndash raising them not necessarily se ling them This is not the place todebate how far the discussion se les issues of demonology or of divine in-tervention in mortal affairs though it is worth recalling that earlier pointthat it is hard to find inspiration on the Socratic model in action once we getto the narrative crisis nor has there been any clear indication of daimones inaction (a point made by Babut) Yet that too is problematic I suggested ear-

20 This is well brought out by S 1997

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 125

lier that it was good planning and good luck that brought success (p 115)ndash but is it Or is the point that all those lucky coincidences and so-nearly-went-wrongs suggest divine intervention but of a different sort Whenthings could so easily have gone wrong a er Hipposthenidasrsquo failure ofnerve is Caphisias right to infer that lsquothe gods are encouraging us towardsthe deedrsquo (588B) ndash or was it indeed just coincidence and is Caphisias in-dulging in that brand of wishful thinking that Simmias immediately goeson to discuss (588C) We cannot know It is so characteristic of dialoguesto leave loose ends alternative views that need not be wholly integratedor wholly decided between or among the notion of divine guidance is sig-nificantly absent from the narrative in the Life for in Lives interpretation istypically more clear-cut The form of the essay allows lsquovoicersquo to be givento discordant views and in literature as in life the most civilised and in-sightful of people have sometimes to realise that they cannot be sure whichview is the be er

Perhaps this is the be er way to look at the Epaminondas issue too andthe dialogue airs but does not decide the question whether his quietism isright But there is an extra twist for what makes Epaminondas so enig-matic is that he has so li le voice at least on this issue He waxes eloquenton the virtues of poverty in turning down even acceptable wealth (andit is not clear he is right there either21) but others speak for him when itcomes to his non-involvement in the conspiracy (576Fndash7A 594BndashC) a non-involvement that is slightly more total in the De genio than in the Life22

His taciturnity is indeed most striking and is itself the object of comment(592Fndash3A) One thing he does express is his fear that the bloodshed mayget out of hand (577A) but does it The essay ends with jubilation notwith widespread slaying23 and even if Xenophon suggests there was acertain amount of score-se ling (Hell 5412) that is not an emphasis thatPlutarch himself gave even in Pelopidas Epaminondasrsquo high-principledstance against lsquokilling any fellow-citizen without trial except in the pres-

21 582Cndash586A pace eg D 1984 576ndash7 he is questionable both in interpreting therequest for Lysisrsquo bones as if it was an insulting a empt to buy off people who did notresent their penury (the gentlemanly language of the Crotoniate Theanor did not deservesuch a put-down) and also in treating the possibility of funds with such disdain lsquoIt is justas if you came offering arms to a city that you thought was at war and then discovered itwas at peacersquo says Epaminondas (584A) and the analogy is closer than he thinks for hiscolleagues do see themselves as at war with the Spartan occupying force and funds areuseful in warfare Plutarch knew very well that to be too philosophical at a time of crisismay compromise a higher principle the good of onersquos city (Phoc 326ndash7)

22 He is active and bellicose at Pel 122 (lsquoin armsrsquo) and stirs up anti-Spartan subversive-ness at Pel 74ndash5 In De genio he is simply waiting at the end (598C)

23 B 1984 56 = 1994 410 B 1988 421ndash2 = 1994 230ndash1 and B 2002 108put weight on the fate of Cabirichus at 597BndashC not the most glorious moment of the libera-tion it is true but not I think enough to demonstrate that lsquoEpameinondas had been lucidlyclairvoyantrsquo (B )

126 Christopher Pelling

ence of grave necessityrsquo (594B) is all very well but is this not lsquograve ne-cessityrsquo Epaminondas only manages to occupy the high moral ground byassuming without argument that this is the high moral ground And canone should one forget the glory that this brought to Thebes Should oneignore all that followed Leuctra and so on Or should we put more weightas Brenk does on the internecine Greek bloodshed that followed in latercenturies (579A 579CndashD) and think that this rather validates Epaminon-dasrsquo viewpoint Yet perhaps both of those views fall into the trap of lsquojudg-ing events by their outcomesrsquo It is all very difficult but whether or notPelopidas had already been wri en with its enthusiastic praise of the deed(one incidentally that dwells on its consequences so lsquooutcomesrsquo are rele-vant a er all 134ndash7) Plutarchrsquos first readers could hardly have laid asidetheir awareness that the natural reading of events ndash especially the readingthat was natural for this Boeotian author Plutarch to take ndash was that thiswas a glorious action one where the risk of bloodshed was thoroughlyworth taking24 That a er all is Archedamusrsquo assumption in the proem

So Epaminondasrsquo stance is not dismissed out of hand and here we mayagree with Babut Brenk and Georgiadou but it is not clearly validatedeither The dialogue form allows both positions to be aired and the readeris involved in weighing both points of view ndash in a further dialogue if youlike a more Bakhtinian dialogic sort of dialogue in which the reader con-verses with the text That dialogic dialogue may even be one we see in adifferent form in the Life as well especially if we remember that the readerwould have read Epaminondas too and would have seen the other possi-ble viewpoint As so o en in both Moralia and Lives we may see peoplewrestling with the past and finding it relevant but difficult to read just asPlutarchrsquos own readers would ndash and perhaps that is the lsquomessage for hisown generationrsquo and perhaps for ours too We are coming back to a po-sition similar to that urged by Philip Hardie in his paper on the semioticsof this lsquoSign of Socratesrsquo (1996) where he stressed the difficulty of readingsigns and the correlated difficulty of reading historical texts25

24 Or as Z put it ldquoer wollte einer der glaumlnzendsten boiotischen Ruhmestaten einDenkmal setzen und zugleich indem er seine Helden im Augenblick der houmlchsten Span-nung ruhigen Gemuumltes uumlber die schwierigsten philosophischen Fragen diskutieren lieszligdem Vorurteil der boiotischen Ungeistigkeit entgegentretenrdquo (1964 204 = 1951 841) Andbrilliant and glorious in memory it surely was if B 1976 is right it even mostunusually for a historical event figured in artistic as well as literary representations

25 I argue this more fully in C B R P ldquoPlutarchrsquos SocratesrdquoHermathena 179 (2005)105ndash39 where I also suggest that this emphasis fits well with the way Plutarch treatsSocrates in his other works (cf also H 1988) the difficulty of reading and un-derstanding Socrates is a recurrent theme

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 127

6 Lessons for today

One final point could hardly escape the audience at the conference in 2005where this paper was first given26 at a time when the debate over Amer-ican and British intervention in Iraq was raging Many of these issues in-evitably sounded all too contemporary to that audience When is it rightto take direct murderous action to overthrow a tyrant When is it be erto keep a thoughtful reflective detachment feeling that civil bloodshedcan so easily get out of hand How far should the educated ethically con-cerned patriot feel not merely a licence but an obligation to take a moralstance on issues as profound as these Yet is that moral stance best takenby a course of risky bloody action How reliable a guide can religiousconviction be in issues like this ndash or does it depend on having the rightreligious mindset in the first place Plutarchrsquos deepest moral concerns re-main concerns for us timeless ones not simply parochial preoccupationsof imperial Chaeronea The Plutarch which Georgiadou and Brenk foundin the 1990s validating Epaminondasrsquo detachment and concern to avoidbloodshed is one that prefigures what one might call the European liberalconsensus on the events of 2003 disapproving of the uncompromising de-cisiveness of American policy Liberals are usually Epaminondases now Iam one myself If I paint a more equivocal Plutarch allowing voice to bothsides and not plumping one way or another in one way that is simply af-firming that issues like this are very difficult and gauging the right lessonsfrom history is as hard as gauging the right ethical principles to apply Butthere is also a sympathy for the men of action even for the politicianswho cannot allow themselves the luxury of saying lsquoit is too early to tellrsquoand have to take agonising decisions anyway under the pressure of eventswhen in those terms of the proem one can only see the aitiai and can onlygrope nervously forwards towards the unseeable consequences Judgingin the light of outcomes is indeed the privilege of history and of biographyit is knowing what to do with those past judgments how to apply them tothe new crisis that is both intractable and unavoidable He knew a thingor two did Plutarch

26 See above n lowast

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena1

Robert Parker

The De genio is the unique source for the story of how king Agesilaus ofSparta a empted to fetch the remains of Heraclesrsquo mother Alcmena fromHaliartus to Sparta During the conversation at Simmiasrsquo house the seerTheocritus naturally interested in such ma ers asks a Haliartian whohappens to be present Phidolaus lsquowhat was found and in general whatwas the appearance of Alcmenarsquos tomb when it was opened in your coun-try ndash if that is you were present yourself when Agesilaus sent and re-moved the remains to Spartarsquo Phidolaus replies lsquoI wasnrsquot present andthanks to my indignation and complaints to my fellow-citizens I was leout by themrsquo (577E)2 Despite his indignation at the whole procedure hegoes on to describe the finds The first find or non-find is obscured by alacuna in the text it was ltsome remainsgt of a body or ltno remainsgt of abody or even lta stone instead ofgt a body if the last suggestion is right amyth about the miraculous disappearance of Alcmenarsquos body known fromThebes was also influential at Haliartus3 The certain finds were lsquoa bronzebracelet of no great size and two po ery jars containing earth compressedand hardened like stone by the passage of timersquo also somewhere in the re-gion of the tomb (there is another short lacuna) lsquoa bronze tablet with muchwriting on it wonderfully ancient This writing appeared clearly whenthe bronze was washed but it allowed nothing to be made out becausethe form of the characters was peculiar and foreign very like the Egyptian(577F)rsquo

Phidolaus then tells how Agesilaus sent a copy of the bronze tablet tothe king of Egypt (unfortunately unnamed) for transmission to lsquothe priestsrsquoto see if they could decipher it (577F) He suggests that Simmias who wasin Egypt at the time and in contact with the priests on ma ers of philos-ophy might be able to report on the outcome But lsquoas for the people ofHaliartus they think that the great dearth and overflowing of the lake wasnot fortuitous but was a visitation of wrath come upon them for allow-

1 Cf S 1958 80ndash832 The Greek can equally well be translated lsquodespite my indignation and complaintsrsquo

in which case we would have to suppose that Phidolaus resented exclusion from an in-teresting spectacle But the rendering adopted in this volume which implies that he hadprotested vigorously against the violation of a tomb surely gives be er sense

3 See below pp 131ndash33

130 Robert Parker

ing the tomb to be dug uprsquo Theocritus adds that the Spartans too seemto have incurred divine anger Lysanoridas has just been consulting himabout omens and has now gone off to Haliartus lsquoto fill in the grave againand offer libations to Alcmena and Aleus in accordance with some oraclethough he does not know who Aleus was (577Fndash578B)rsquo He goes on to sug-gest that on his return Lysanoridas may try to seek out the tomb of Dirceat which the outgoing and incoming Theban hipparchs meet for a secretnigh ime ritual when the transfer of office between them takes place theyalone know its location4 We should perhaps suppose that Lysanoridashopes to capture for the Spartans benefits that should properly fall to theThebans from offerings brought to the hidden tomb he is suspected at allevents of intending to meddle with sacred ma ers that are no concern ofhis

The theme of lsquohijacked ritesrsquo becomes explicit later in the dialogue whenHipposthenidas reports nervously on the omens reported by lsquothe seerssacrificing the ox to Demeterrsquo (evidently an occasion sufficiently famil-iar for this casual allusion to suffice) (586F)5 Theocritus bursts out thatevil omens can only be expected when rituals are performed by usurpers(587C) Early in the dialogue a conversation is mentioned between the quis-ling Theban Archias the Spartan Lysanoridas and the Theban patriot The-ocritus (577B) It occurred lsquowhen they turned off the road a li le belowthe Amphionrsquo apparently the supposed place of burial of the mythicalbuilders of Thebesrsquo walls Amphion and Zethus6 The Thebes of Plutarchrsquosday it should be noted was in large part unoccupied7 and his topographyis likely to be more literary and symbolic than realistic The glancing allu-sion via the Amphion to the builders of the famous walls may be more thana touch of local colour given that at the dramatic date ofDe genio the wallswere subject to a lawless occupation Just before the crucial appeal to theTheban citizenry to accept the proferred liberty Epaminondas Gorgidasand their friends assemble at the lsquosanctuary of Athenarsquo (598D) probably to

4 See note 57 on the translation above p 865 S 1981 166ndash8 acutely argues from the reference to lsquoofficersquo in 587C that this

otherwise unknown sacrifice was offered in connection with the inauguration of the newannual board of magistrates we know from Xen Hell 544 that the conspiracy occurredwhen one yearrsquos polemarchs were about to leave office This would fit well with the un-usually important civic role that Demeter had at Thebes the sanctuary of Demeter Thes-mophoros was apparently on the Cadmea and it was here that omens occurred in relationboth to the ba le of Leuctra and the arrival of Alexander (Paus 965ndash6) thither too weresent spoils from Leuctra (Paus 9165)

6 See note 41 on the translation above p 857 Paus 8332 Dio 7 121 cf D J M Euripides Phoenissae (Cambridge

1994) 647ndash650 (lsquoThe poetic topography of Thebesrsquo with bibliography also on its actualtopography)

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 131

be understood as the shrine of Athena Onka associated with Cadmus andwell-known from tragedy8 another aptly-chosen location therefore

I revert to the bronze tablet excavated on Agesilausrsquo orders When Sim-mias rejoins the conversation and is appealed to he replies that he knowsnothing of the tablet from Alcmenarsquos tomb but he does know of manywritings sent from Agesilaus by the Spartan Agetoridas via the king (iepharaoh) to the prophet Chonouphis at Memphis When deciphered byChonouphis a er three daysrsquo study they turned out to contain instructionsfrom Heracles (who had learnt the Egyptian language used in the age ofProteus) to lsquohold a competition in honour of the Musesrsquo the godrsquos (ie Her-aclesrsquo) advice to the Greeks Chonouphis interpreted was to live in peaceand harmony

The De genio says no more on the issue except in the sense that thewhole narrative of the Spartan loss of the Cadmea suggests that Lysanori-dasrsquo a empts at propitiation were vain But from a passage in the Life ofLysander (284ndash5) we see that Lysanoridasrsquo ignorance about Aleus is due tolack of knowledge of local traditions Plutarch is discussing the topogra-phy of the Haliartus region in the context of Lysanderrsquos campaign there of395 Near the spring Kissousa he writes grows the Cretan styrax whichthe Haliartians take as proof of the Cretan Rhadamanthysrsquo residence inthe region lsquoAnd they show his tomb calling it that of Aleus9 (καὶ τάφοναὐτοῦ δεικνύουσιν Ἀλέου (Ziegler Ἀλεᾶ codd) καλοῦντες) The monu-ment of Alcmena is nearby For it was here as they say that she was buriedhaving married Rhadamanthys a er the death of Amphitryonrsquo The tra-dition that Rhadamanthys lived in Boeotia in exile and married Alcmenaoccurs elsewhere too10 This stage in the Cretan herorsquos career follows noobvious mythological logic it might be a secondary product of a mythwhereby Alcmenarsquos body was snatched away during her funeral in order

8 Cf S 1981 129ndash33 in Aeschylusrsquo Septem there are repeated allusions whichstress Athena Onkarsquos role as protectress of the city (164 487 501) and a commentator onEuripides (Σ Phoen 1062) quotes two hexameter lines supposedly inscribed on her temple(which they refer to as a νηός) describing its foundation by Cadmus Pausanias (9122)credits her only with a statue and altar in the open air but other places known to him inThebes where Athena was honoured are even less well endowed (9102 9117 9173) forpossible explanations of the literary allusions to Theban lsquotemplesrsquo of Athena (Soph OT20ndash21 lsquotwin templesrsquo Eur Phoen 1372 lsquothe house of Pallasrsquo Σ Eur Phoen 1062 above)see S loc cit Aeschylus seems to place Athena Onka lsquobefore the cityrsquo thoughnear the gates (Sept 164 501) but Pausanias it has been argued is still at the southern endof the Cadmea when he reaches her for different proposed locations (south west from theCadmea at the southern end of the Cadmea) see S 1985 185 with figs 51 and52 Only archaeological discoveries can advance the issue

9 S rsquos suggestion (1981 9) that the phrase should be rendered lsquoand they showa tomb there calling it that of Aleusrsquo removes the puzzling identification of Aleus andRhadamanthys but makes Plutarchrsquos sequence of thought very inconsequential

10 Apollod 270[411] 36[12] (doubtless the source for Tzetzes on Lyc Alex 50) wholocates it at Ocaleae near Haliartus (Strabo 9226 410)

132 Robert Parker

for her to live with Rhadamanthys on the Islands of the Blessed ndash fit destinyfor the mother of the greatest hero11 However that may be two tombs inthe Haliartus region were at a certain point identified as belonging to thecouple though only apparently by violence to an existing tradition whichassigned one of them to lsquoAleusrsquo

Agesilausrsquo a empt to move the remains of Alcmena recalls several sim-ilar stories12 To take only cases to which sources assign an approximatedate the Spartans during their sixth century war against Tegea supposedlybrought the bones of Orestes from Tegea to Sparta Cimon in the 470s ()those of Theseus from Scyrus to Athens Hagnon in 437 those of Rhesusfrom Troy to the new se lement at Amphipolis the Messenians those ofAristomenes from Rhodes probably at or shortly a er the re-foundationof Messene in 36913 The remains of Minos were supposedly handed backvoluntarily as it seems by the Acragantines to the Cretans when Theronwas tyrant in the early 5th century14 But none of these cases provides anexact parallel to that of Agesilaus and Alcmena In every instance exceptthe last the bone transferal occurred on the instructions of an oracle Age-silaus had no such legitimation for his action at all events not in the ac-count given of it by Plutarch which treats it as an unsanctioned impietyIt duly proves a failure and on oracular advice Lysanoridas hurries off tolsquofill in the grave againrsquo15 and appease Alcmena and Aleus In this regardthe closest parallel is a mysterious Theban story in Pausanias that a erChaeronea king Philip prompted by a dream took the bones of Heraclesrsquomusic-teacher Linus to Macedonia but prompted by another dream laterrestored them16

A further difference is that in all the cases just mentioned and in mosttoo of those which float without firm chronological location17 the hero in

11 lsquoPherecydesrsquo fr 84 F ap Anton Lib 33 cf Anth Pal 313 which describes aCyzican monument of the third c BC

12 Cf M C 199913 Hdt 166ndash68 Plut Cim 85ndash7 Thes 361ndash4 Paus 1172ndash6 337 Polyaen Strat 653

Paus 432314 Diod 4791ndash215 TheDe genio account does not allow him time to fetch back from Sparta the finds from

the excavation as full reparation would have required But there was certainly no lsquotombof Alcmenarsquo shown there

16 9298ndash9 P 1909 194ndash6 treats both the Linus and the Alcmena stories as fictionsdesigned to explain why a site which claimed to be the site of a particular herorsquos buriallacked all visible relics But in neither case does the explanation work Pausanias describesthe restoration of Linusrsquo bones and goes on lsquobut they say that with the course of time thetombstone and all the other markers have disappearedrsquo What then did the Philip storyadd As for Alcmena in De genio the sole source her tomb was lsquorefilledrsquo there were thenstill lsquovisible remainsrsquo

17 So eg the return of the bones of Tisamenus from Helice to Sparta (Paus 718) Arcasfrom Maenalus to Mantinea (Paus 893ndash4) Hippodamia from Midea to Elis (Paus 6207)for suggested dates for these cases see M C 1999 95 n 38 97 nn 43ndash44 The clear-

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 133

question has died abroad and is being brought back to repose in his na-tive soil usually too he is a figure of high importance for the self-image ofthe country to whom he returns Alcmena mother of Heracles was boundto be of interest to any Spartan king Heraclids as they claimed to be andthus her lineal descendants But she was not to the Spartans what Theseuswas to the Athenians or Aristomenes to the Messenians and no-one everclaimed that she had resided in Sparta In this sense the incident resem-bles a empts to suborn enemy heroes by sacrificing to them secretly or thelike though actual bone-removal is not a ested in such cases18 The textunfortunately does not make plain what traditions about Alcmenarsquos burialat Haliartus may have pre-dated Agesilausrsquo interest in the ma er Manydifferent stories were told about Alcmenarsquos post-mortem fate The Megari-ans claimed that she died while travelling and was buried in Megara (Paus1411) the Thebans claimed she died in Thebes and her body disappearedbeing replaced by a stone which was still visible in her sanctuary whilebeing carried out for burial19 But at a certain point there emerged thetradition discussed above which identified two tombs at Haliartus as be-longing to Alcmena and Rhadamanthys Unfortunately we cannot knowwhen one or both tombs were first so explained The simplest view is thatthe identification already existed in c 381 (to take that as the date of Agesi-lausrsquo action) Agesilaus will then have opportunistically exploited Spartancontrol of the region to try to bring his ancestressrsquo remains to Sparta Analternative scenario would have an impressive bronze age tumulus beingdiscovered by chance in c 381 and identified (by a local antiquary by anoracle) as Alcmenarsquos ndash a rash identification given the response it evokedfrom Agesilaus20 No doubt other scenarios are possible too Plutarch wasusing the story primarily for its consequences the grim omens that Age-silausrsquo impiety evoked at the time of the loss of the Cadmea Agesilausrsquooriginal motivation was not his concern and we are le with too li le in-formation to recover it For the religious historian the text promises anddisappoints

All this however is to assume that the incident is historical and that

est counter-case of a hero whose bones are transported away from home is the bringing(unexplained) of Hector to Thebes (S 1981 I 233ndash4)

18 See eg Hdt 5892ndash3 Eur Erechtheus F 37087ndash9 K Plut Sol 91 E K Heroes of A ica (London 1989) 44ndash55 For Theban anxieties about such forms of a ack Paus9174 is striking testimony

19 lsquoPherecydesrsquo (fr 84 F ) ap Anton Lib Met 33 Diod Sic 4586 Paus 9167Plut Rom 287 the last without any specific location

20 M C 1999 95 lsquothe bones were found by accident in what must certainly havebeen a tholos tomb and identified (we are not told how) as those of Alkmenersquo (with anunexplained dating to precisely 382) S 1981 14 speculates that objects discov-ered during the excavation might have encouraged the identification made perhaps by anoracle But in Plutarch the identification seems to precede the excavation

134 Robert Parker

assumption must now be tested In favour of it is the absence of any ob-vious motive for invention The story puts the Spartans in a bad lightbut not so bad as to make it powerfully anti-Spartan contrast for instancethe myth of the daughters of Scedasus who died a er rape by lsquoSpartiateguestsstrangersrsquo21 It has no obvious aetiological purpose22 Though itcertainly contributes valuably to Plutarchrsquos scene-se ing one hesitates tosuppose that he would invent such a story about a historical character forthat purpose alone The disappointing result of the excavation might alsoplead for authenticity In his pre-history of archaeology Alain Schnapp23

contrasts the realism of Plutarchrsquos account a realism which incidentallyshould probably warn against introducing the legendary motif of the dis-appearing body with the quite different manner of the lsquobones of Orestesrsquostory in Herodotus He observes lsquoit does not take too much imagination fortodayrsquos archaeologists to recognize a Mycenaean burialrsquo Even before thediscovery of a large cache of Linear B tablets at Thebes the possibility thatAgesilausrsquo bronze was inscribed in Linear B (or A) had o en been contem-plated24 It is a difficulty however that texts wri en in linear B on bronzeare unknown and even if we make the easy assumption that a clay tabletchanged to bronze in transmission of the story Linear B tablets have noproper place to our knowledge in or near tombs An extensive text wri enin a different pictographic script (Linear A or Cretan hieroglyphic) wouldbe a very surprising find in Boeotia25 The possibility that the lsquorealismrsquo wasinjected by Plutarch should also not be neglected26

Even a believer in the story must baulk at some details particularly

21 Plut Pelopidas 204ndash21122 Against P rsquos theory see n 16 above23 S 1997 54 He comments that lsquoPlutarch like Pausanias was more a entive

than Herodotus to the discoveries revealed by the soil because the spirit of the times in thesecond century AD favoured the collection and interpretation of antiquitiesrsquo But since hedoes not seem to question the historicity of the incident it should also have implicationsfor the fourth century S 1958 82 supposes that Plutarch may have fleshed out askeletal contemporary account with details from his own day

24 Linear A S 1958 81 with earlier references add FW B ldquoEu-doxus von Knidosrsquo Aufenthalt in Aegypten und seine Uebertragung aumlgyptischer Tierfa-belnrdquo Forschungen und Fortschri e 25 (1949) [225ndash230] 225ndash6 Linear B S 198114 S 1997 54 (with reservations)

25 For the few scraps of Linear A from the mainland see T P ldquoThe InscribedBronze lsquoKesselrsquo from Sha Grave IVrdquo in Y D (ed) Briciaka A Tribute to WC Brice(Cretan Studies 9 Amsterdam 2003) [187ndash201] 194 for the distribution of Cretan hiero-glyphic J P O L G J C P Corpus Hieroglyphicorum Inscriptionum Cretae(Eacutetudes Creacutetoises 31 1996) 22 (My thanks to Lisa Bendall for advice on this point)

26 S 1997 54 comments that lsquoPlutarch like Pausanias was more a entive thanHerodotus to the discoveries revealed by the soil because the spirit of the times in thesecond century AD favoured the collection and interpretation of antiquitiesrsquo S1958 82 supposes that Plutarch may have fleshed out a skeletal contemporary accountwith details from his own day

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 135

those relating to Egypt What were the lsquomany writingsrsquo (not just a sin-gle tablet)27 in an arcane script sent by Agesilaus to the pharaoh for deci-pherment Simmias says that he was in Egypt with Plato It is doubtfulwhether Plato ever went to Egypt if he did the ancient tradition suggeststhat he should have been there somewhere between 399 and c 38728 tooearly for the most convincing location of the incident of Alcmenarsquos tombChonouphisrsquo interpretation of the arcane writings above all strains be-lief Heraclesrsquo supposed message to the Greeks about the Muses and peacewas it has been suggested a diplomatic invention on the Egyptian side toturn down a Spartan request for military alliance29 One can accept thatAgesilausrsquo dispatch of the tablet might have occurred in the context of anembassy on ma ers of more immediate concern But Chonouphis wouldhave needed to be well-versed indeed in Greek culture and Greek preoccu-pations to devise such an elegantly oblique evasion If on the other handHeraclesrsquo instruction to lsquohold a competition in honour of the Musesrsquo hasany connection with the famous cult of those goddesses at Thespiae30 it islikely to have been concocted in Boeotia and not in Egypt

The chronology is difficult too Agesilausrsquo best-known association withEgypt which culminated in actual campaigning with the Egyptians c 360against the great king occurred in the last years of his life the terminusa quo for this phase of Spartan-Egyptian relations is usually taken to bethe pro-Theban stance taken by Persia to Spartarsquos outrage in 36731 Theprobably historical visit to Egypt of Eudoxus of Cnidus carrying a let-ter of introduction from Agesilaus to the pharaoh Nectanebo who thenintroduced him to lsquothe priestsrsquo (among whom Chonouphis is sometimesnamed)32 should it is generally agreed belong to this period33 But a datein the 360s is far too late for the dramatic situation of the dialogue and alsofor any Spartan activity at Haliartus Back in 396 Agesilaus had appealedfrom Ephesus to Nepherites I for support against Persia the pharaoh de-clined an alliance but helped with equipment and supplies (Diod 14794)Diodorus claims that the rebel Persian admiral Glos made an alliance with

27 These could of course include the one tablet as is commonly assumed (the discrep-ancy that only Simmiasrsquo account mentions Agetoridas as intermediary can certainly beexplained in terms of the artful interweaving of different narrative perspectives) but canthey be reduced to it

28 R 1976 60 n 129 S 1958 78ndash7930 So tentatively A S Cults of Boeotia II (London 1986) 15731 Xen Hell 7133ndash4032 Sotion ap Diog Laert 887 Eudoxus and Chonouphis Diog Laert 890 (located in

Heliupolis cf Strabo 17229 806) Plut De Is et Os 10 (Memphis)33 So S H Mausolus (Oxford 1982) 117 (lsquoperhaps the 360srsquo) with the sugges-

tion that Mausolus who had ties with both Agesilaus and Eudoxus had a role F L Die Fragmente des Eudoxos von Knidos (Berlin 1966) 139ndash140 puts the introduction preciselyin 3654

136 Robert Parker

both Sparta and the pharaoh Acoris in 38334 There is no great difficultyin the hypothesis that diplomatic contacts between Sparta and Egypt oc-curred at any moment in Agesilausrsquo long life even in the period (from thekingrsquos peace in 386 down to 367) when they were not actively united byhostility to Persia35 All the same there is a suspicious similarity betweenthe story of Eudoxus recommended by Agesilaus to Nectanebo and thenintroduced to Chonouphis and of the bronze tablet sent by Agesilaus toa Pharaoh who forwarded it to Chonouphis Perhaps the former is histor-ical the la er a fiction calqued upon it If so we can abandon the effortto reconcile the Haliartian and the Egyptian ends of the story chronolog-ically The excavation at Haliartus yielded a tablet in a mysterious scriptAn imaginative account was then added (we do not know by whom) ofhow the tablet came to be deciphered

Detached from its Egyptian tailpiece the story becomes easy to placechronologically Or rather it becomes so if we allow that Plutarch got thestory from a source that located it in time and did so correctly36 577Espeaks of the tomb being lsquoopened uprsquo (ἀνοιχθέντος) lsquowhen Agesilaus sentand had the remains removed to Spartarsquo (ὅτε πέmicroψας Ἀγησίλαος εἰςΣπάρτην τὰ λείψανα microετεκόmicroιζε) That language not only does not re-quire but should actually exclude Agesilausrsquo presence at the site of the ex-cavation the object of lsquosentrsquo is not lsquothe remainsrsquo for that point is coveredby lsquohad hellip removedrsquo but lsquoa messagelsquo (unexpressed as o en) sent by himto those on the spot at Haliartus 578F too τοῦ πίνακος ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶνἔλαβεν Ἀγησίλαος τὸν Ἀλκmicroήνης τάφον ἀνασκευασάmicroενος can com-fortably be rendered in a way that leaves Agesilaus seated in Sparta lsquothetablet which Agesilaus obtained from us when he had the tomb of Alcmenadismantledrsquo The campaigns conducted by Agesilaus in Boeotia a er theTheban recovery of the Cadmea in 378 are irrelevant therefore it is per-verse to reverse the sequence of events37 given in the De genio where theAlcmena incident unambiguously precedes the recovery of the Cadmeain order to find a time when Agesilaus was campaigning in Boeotia in per-son There were Spartans in the Haliartus region in 395 when they fought

34 1593ndash5 see P J S rsquos commentary ad loc for views on the reliability of thisclaim

35 For this factor see FK K Die politische Geschichte Aumlgyptens vom 7 bis zum 4Jahrhundert vor der Zeitwende (Berlin 1953) Ch 7 A B Lloyd in The Cambridge AncientHistory VI2 The Fourth Century BC (1994) 345ndash9 For Agesilausrsquo permanent hostility toPersia see C above p 106

36 The other possibility that Plutarch anchored a chronologically imprecise tradition inthe context that suited his dialogue can unfortunately not be ruled out we know nothingat all of the storyrsquos provenance But I proceed on the more optimistic assumption

37 Whether knowingly as S 1958 78 or inadvertently as P 1909 195ndash6assumes P F ldquoLe culte des heacuteros chez les Grecsrdquo Meacutem de lrsquoAcad des Inscriptionset Belles-Le res 42 (1918) 62 speaks vaguely of lsquoone of [Agesilausrsquo] campaigns in Boeotiarsquo

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 137

the famous ba le at which Lysander fell38 But Agesilaus was far awayin Asia Minor at the time and the Spartans on the spot will surely havehad li le leisure for practical archaeology during that brief and disastrousincursion Though the campaign of 395 cannot quite be ruled out as a con-text it is probably relevant only in the sense that it might have stimulatedSpartan interest in the antiquities of the area

The political situation presupposed in De genio is one in which Spartais free to intervene in a heavy-handed way but without military force inBoeotian affairs Such was exactly the situation from 382ndash379 but at noother time the period when both Thebes and the rest of Boeotia (Xen Hell5446 49) were in the hands of pro-Spartan juntas R J Buck very reason-ably uses the incident to illustrate how in these years (p 71) lsquothe Spartansapparently exercised direct control when they desiredrsquo39 That is perhapsthe least infirm conclusion that the historian can derive from the fascinat-ing but frustrating incident

38 Xen Hell 3517ndash25 Plut Lys 2839 Boiotia and the Boiotian League (Alberta 1994) 71

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch

John Dillon

1 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophicalupbringing

Plutarch would never I think be regarded as being anywhere close towhat one might term the lsquoNeopythagorean wingrsquo of Middle Platonism ndashthat space inhabited by such figures as Moderatus of Gades Nicomachusof Gerasa and Numenius of Apamea ndash but there is no question on theother hand that he knew a good deal about the Pythagorean traditionand greatly respected what he knew

To begin at the beginning there is the intriguing problem as to what hemeans by his self-portrayal in theE atDelphi (387F) as in his youth (around66ndash7 AD) ldquodevoting myself to mathematics with the greatest enthusiasmalthough I was destined soon to pay all honour to the maxim lsquoNothing inexcessrsquo when I joined the Academyrdquo This sounds very much like a mildlyironic confession of excessive enthusiasm for Pythagorean-style numerol-ogy at some early phase of his intellectual development which is depictedas being somehow lsquooutsidersquo the ambit of lsquothe Academyrsquo ndash which can onlyreally mean the (more) orthodox or main-stream Platonist tradition sincethere was a er all in his day no Platonic Academy in an institutionalsense

This will have been succeeded by a lsquoconversionrsquo to a more moderateand on the whole Peripateticizing Platonism presumably under the influ-ence of his later mentor Ammonius He also however portrays Ammo-nius in this same dialogue (391E) as holding that ldquoin mathematics was con-tained not the least important part of philosophyrdquo which in the contextwould seem once again to imply some interest in Pythagorean number-theory ndash although such an assertion could reasonably be made by any Pla-tonist

All that we can tentatively derive from this piece of information is thatthere would seem to have been a period in Plutarchrsquos youth when he wasexposed to and a racted by Pythagorean number-mysticism How muchof this we may wonder together with interest in other aspects of Pythago-rasrsquo life and teachings (and those of early Pythagoreans such as Archytasor Philolaus) continued into later life

140 John Dillon

If we take our start from the first principles of his metaphysics we cancertainly identify Pythagorean influence if we wish in his postulation of apair of supreme principles the One and the Indefinite Dyad though thereis at the same time nothing un-Platonic about this However at De DefectuOraculorum 428F we find quite a starkly dualist scenario presented whichis compatible with the oldest Pythagorean traditions

ldquoOf the supreme (anoacutetatoacute) principles by which I mean the One and the Indefinite Dyadthe la er being the element underlying all formlessness and disorder has been calledLimitlessness (apeiria) but the nature of the One limits and contains what is void andirrational and indeterminate in Limitlessness gives it shape and renders it in someway tolerant and receptive of definitionrdquo

This pair of principles turns up at various places in Plutarchrsquos works at-tributed to a wide range of authorities including Zoroaster and variouspre-Socratic figures such as Heraclitus Parmenides and Anaxagoras egDeAn Proc 1024Dndash1025DDe Is et Os 370Cndash371A where lsquothe Pythagore-ansrsquo are included Pythagoras is not included in the list in this passage ofthe De An Proc but elsewhere at 1012E we find the information thatlsquoZaratasrsquo (whom Plutarch does not seem to identify with Zoroaster) was ateacher of Pythagoras and called the Indefinite Dyad the mother of Num-ber the One being its father

In the third of the Quaestiones Platonicae agrave propos the analysis of theDivided Line of Republic VI we find at 1001Eff a system of derivationof number and then point line and solid from the Monad and the Dyadwhich while not being a ributed to Pythagoras agrees with the system setout by the Ist Cent BC Neopythagorean Alexander Polyhistor in hisHis-tory of Philosophy (ap Diog Laert 725) except that Alexander describesthe Pythagoreans as deriving the Dyad from the Monad which Plutarchdoes not do How far back such a system goes however is a moot pointit might well be itself derived from the speculations of Old Academicianssuch as Xenocrates with whom Plutarch was well acquainted1

Plutarchrsquos distinctive doctrines on the nature of the soul both WorldSoul and individual soul on the separable intellect (as set out for exampleatDe genio 591Dndash592D) and on daemonology do not seem to owe anythingto the Pythagorean tradition though one cannot be sure that they do notdepend on some Neopythagorean sources not available to us2 There doeshowever seem some warrant for claiming at least a belief in a personaldaimon as distinctive of Pythagoreanism from Plutarchrsquos presentation ofthe doctrine in De genio 585EndashF (see below)

1 Cf eg D 1996 214ndash182 The efforts of Marcel D however in La notion de Daimon dans le pythagorisme

(Paris 1963) to derive a Neopythagorean daemonology from the De genio Socratis seemmuch too optimistic Cf on this FE B In Mist Apparelled Religious Themes inPlutarchrsquos Moralia and Lives (Leiden 1977) 139 n 30 Certainly the Pythagoreans believedin daemons as did everybody else

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch 141

2 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics

In the sphere of ethics on the other hand particularly in his essay De Vir-tute Morali we can discern I think interesting traces of Pythagoreanismwithin the overall framework of a distinctly Peripateticizing expositionbased primarily on Nicomachean Ethics II 5ndash7 First of all whereas Aris-totle speaks of virtue simply as a lsquostate (hexis) in the mean between twoextremesrsquo (1106b36) and expressly denies that it is an activity or a faculty(dynamis 1106a5) Plutarch describes virtue at Virt Mor 444B as lsquoan ac-tivity (kineacutesis) and faculty (dynamis) concerned with the irrational whichdoes away with remissions and over-strainings of impulse (hormeacute) and re-duces each passion to moderation and faultlessnessrsquo This characterizationof virtue as something more active than a hexis is not in itself perhaps dis-tinctively Pythagorean but Plutarch goes on to discuss the precise sensein which virtue is a lsquomeanrsquo and that is more significant Having dismissedthree other senses of lsquomeanrsquo he goes for a distinctively Pythagorean oneas is a ested by its presence in various pseudo-Pythagorica

ldquoBut it is a mean and is said to be so in a sense very like that which obtains in musicalsounds and harmonies For there the mean or meseacute a properlyndashpitched note like theneacuteteacute or the hypateacute escapes the sharpness of the one and the deepness of the otherrdquo

In various Pythagorean treatises we find virtue described as a lsquoharmo-nizingrsquo (harmonia synharmogeacute) of the irrational by the rational soul (eglsquoArchytasrsquo On Law and Justice p 3317 Thesleff lsquoMetoposrsquo On Virtue p19927 lsquoTheagesrsquo On Virtue p 1901ndash14) and Philo of Alexandria whois also open to influence from Neopythagorean sources approves of theconcept (Immut 24 Sacr 37) This then would seem to indicate an over-laying by Plutarch of Neopythagorean influence on a basically Aristoteliansubstratum

Apart from the theory of virtue in general we find in Plutarchrsquos worksinteresting signs of a commitment to vegetarianism which while embrace-able within the spectrum of main-line Platonist doctrine may be regardedas something distinctively Pythagorean At the beginning of his treatiseOn the Eating of Flesh (De esu carnium 993BndashC) we find the following ratherhyperbolic tirade

ldquoCan you really ask what reason Pythagoras had for abstaining from flesh For mypart I rather wonder both by what accident and in what state of soul or mind the firstman who did so touched his mouth to gore and brought his lips to the flesh of a deadcreature he who set forth tables of dead stale bodies and ventured to call food andnourishment the parts that had a li le before bellowed and cried moved and livedHow could his eyes endure the slaughter when throats were slit and hides flayed andlimbs torn from limb How could his nose endure the stench How was it that thepollution did not turn away his taste which made contact with the sores of others andsucked juices and serums from mortal woundsrdquo (trans Helmbold)

The De esu carnium may well be a youthful work and it is certainly com-posed in the diatribe mode References in more mature works however

142 John Dillon

indicate that Plutarch took vegetarianism less seriously in later life so itmay be that this was an enthusiasm of his youth At Symposiaca 87ndash8for instance which portrays a dinner-party at Rome in Plutarchrsquos honourgiven by his friend Sextius Sulla around the turn of the century Plutarchpresents his friend Philinus as being a vegetarian (727B) and by implica-tion not himself In 88 in response to the question lsquoWhy the Pythagoreansused to abstain from fish more strictly than from any other living crea-turersquo Plutarch himself gives an explanation (729Dndash730D) which whileexhibiting considerable knowledge of and sympathy with Pythagoreantraditions defends the sacrifice and consumption of certain land-animalson grounds of ecology ldquoif everyone should abstain from eating chickensalone say or hares in a short time their number would make it impossibleto maintain city life or to reap a harvest (730A)rdquo Fish on the other handpose no threat to us and so the Pythagoreans have no wish to harm them

3 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and ofcontemporary Pythagoreans

This same passage of the Symposiaca affords useful evidence both of Plu-tarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and beliefs and of the exis-tence of contemporary Pythagoreans from whom he could have learnedThere is first of all among the guests the rather mysterious Lucius (spelledLeukios) of Etruscan ancestry ndash and a patriotic Etruscan who claims Pytha-goras as an Etruscan born and bred (727B) ndash who is described as a pupil(matheacuteteacutes) of Moderatus of Gades Moderatus is known to have posed asan lsquoextremersquo Pythagorean3 who according to Porphyry (Vit Pyth 53)a acked the Platonists for appropriating all the finest elements of Pytha-gorean philosophy while leaving the dross to be a ributed to the Pythago-rean School We do not know where Moderatus himself taught (possiblyin Rome) but we also find mention in this passage (728D) of a certain Alex-icrates as a lsquomoderatersquo contemporary Pythagorean teacher who abstainedfrom fish but ldquosometimes used the flesh of other living creatures in mod-erationrdquo Moderatus then is known to Plutarch at least by repute butAlexicrates is probably known to him personally

Plutarch also in this passage and elsewhere exhibits considerable know-ledge both of the life-legend of Pythagoras and of the Pythagorean symbolaA propos of abstaining from fish at 729D we hear the story of Pythagorasrsquoransoming of the catch of fish during his journey from Sybaris to Croton(also mentioned at De cap ex in ut 91C) and the whole of Question 87 is devoted to the discussion of the symbolic meaning of such preceptsas not receiving a swallow in the house always obliterating the mark ofa pot in the ashes and the smoothing out of the bedclothes a er arising

3 On Moderatus see D 1996 344ndash51

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch 143

(727Bndash728C)4 If we turn from this to such a work as the Life of Numawe find also much of interest under both headings A er initially (ch 1)recording serious doubts on the basis of chronology5 as to whether Numacan have been familiar (syneacutetheacutes) with Pythagoras he returns to the ques-tion in ch 8 in connection with Numarsquos religious regulations by means ofwhich he wished to instil due fear of the gods into his citizens

ldquoThis was the chief reason why Numarsquos wisdom and culture were said to have been dueto his intimacy with Pythagoras for in the philosophy of the one and in the politicaldispositions (politeia) of the other religious services and occupations have a large placeIt is said also that the solemnity of his outward demeanour was adopted by him becausehe possessed the same mind-set (dianoia) as did Pythagoras That philosopher indeedis thought to have tamed an eagle which he stopped by certain cries of his and lureddown as it flew over him and also to have revealed his golden thigh as he passedthrough the crowds assembled at the Olympic Games and we have reports of otherdevices and practices of hishelliprdquo (trans Perrin somewhat modified)

Here we can observe Plutarchrsquos familiarity with various of the standard sto-ries about Pythagoras preserved in the later Lives of Porphyry and Iambli-chus Just below he gives evidence of his familiarity with Pythagoreandoctrine in specifying how Numa was in accord with Pythagorean princi-ples in his banning of graven images of the gods and in his prescriptionsfor sacrifice

ldquoFurthermore his (sc Numarsquos) ordinances concerning images are altogether in har-mony with the doctrines of Pythagoras For that philosopher maintained that thefirst principle (to proton) was beyond sense-perception or feeling invisible and un-created6and intelligiblehellip Their sacrifices too were altogether appropriate to thePythagorean mode of worship for most of them involved no bloodshed but were madewith flour drink-offerings and least costly substancesrdquo

For Plutarch then Pythagoras is an enormously revered figure both inrespect of his teachings and of his mode of life but whatever may havebeen the nature of his youthful enthusiasms about which we receive onlycoy hints as we have seen in his mature years he remains firmly a Platon-ist For him as he remarks in an earlier symposiac discussion (8 2 719A)Plato combines the spirit of Socrates with that of Pythagoras and it is thatcombination which in his view makes Plato the supreme philosopher

4 Pythagorean elements in De genio

Against this background we can observe I think something of Plutarchrsquosbroad and deep knowledge of Pythagorean doctrines and history put to

4 He is also quite fond of the precept about not si ing on a peck-measure (khoinix) men-tioned at QC 74703E and four other places

5 It is claimed by some he admits that Pythagoras lived as many as five generationsa er Numa and that Numa had no acquaintance whatever with Greek culture

6 If the true reading here is aktiston a very rare word an alternative is akeacuteraton lsquopureunmixedrsquo

144 John Dillon

use in the De Genio in various ways The visit of the Pythagorean sageTheanor of Croton to Thebes in 379 in search of the body of his formerfriend and colleague Lysis is the occasion for the presentation by Plutarchof a good deal of Pythagorean lore both about friendship and about deathand the a erlife7 as well as some details about the overthrow of the Pytha-gorean regimes in Southern Italy

As regards Pythagorean friendship we see Theanor even in old agejourneying across the Greek world to ensure that his friend Lysis has re-ceived proper burial and in case he has not to bring his body home toCroton In the event he finds that Lysis has received all due honours fromhis host Epaminondas and decides to leave him where he is though af-ter performing a burnt offering and making a libation of milk at his grave(579F) He is also in receipt of an encouraging dream (585EF) which tellshim that Lysisrsquo soul has passed the requisite tests in the a erlife and beenallo ed a new guardian daimon

This brings up the question alluded to above as to the possible Pytha-gorean origins of the belief in a personal daemon of which we receive quitean exposition in the course of Theanorrsquos approving comments on Timar-chusrsquo narrative in the myth (593Dndash594A) This doctrine is tied in with thePythagorean doctrine of a sequence of reincarnations leading at least insome privileged cases to a level of purification which allows the daemonto intervene in a special way and give the soul a helping hand through thesending of inspired dreams and waking visions (of which Socratesrsquo daimo-nion is an instance) These daemons it would seem are themselves puri-fied souls who have gone through the cycle of lives and are now in theposition as it were of wise and benevolent athletic trainers who can givedue encouragement to those in the final stages of their earthly odyssey(593EF)

How far back in the Pythagorean tradition such a doctrine goes we can-not be sure but it certainly basic to the tradition from an early stage thatPythagoras himself was such a privileged soul and of course Empedocleswho was also part of the early tradition felt himself to be such a one sothere is no reason to doubt that it is ancient8

7 We also find agrave propos Theanorrsquos a empt to press a gi of gold on Epaminondas forlooking a er Lysis and Epaminondasrsquo declining of this a nice detail not recorded else-where about Pythagorean ascetic practices (585A) The Pythagoreans it seems to exercisetheir self-control used to have fine feasts prepared for themselves which they would thencontemplate for a while before allowing their servants to enjoy them while they dined onhumbler fare

8 On the other hand other doctrines presented in the myth such as the remarkable fourlevels of reality (591B) or the separable intellect (591E) may not safely be identified asPythagorean notwithstanding Theanorrsquos blanket approval of Timarchusrsquo narrative

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspirationlowast

Stephan Schroumlder

1 Preliminary remarks

Presenting various a empts by the speakers in De genio to explain the dai-monion of Socrates Plutarch enters a field which he has dealt with repeat-edly in his writings As the main question is how Socrates came to receiveinspirations from a higher sphere we have to do with a special form ofdivination (mantike)

An interest in all forms of prophecy runs through all of Plutarchrsquos oeu-vre wherever an occasion presents itself in the Lives as well as in theMoralia Plutarch loves to talk about such things wherever an opportunityoffers He also devotes whole treatises to these topics

Of some of these we know only the titles or small fragments We owethem to a list of Plutarchrsquos writings probably dating from Late Antiquitythe so-called Lamprias Catalogue and to quotations in later authors Inone or two works Plutarch defends the compatibility of believing in div-ination with Academic philosophy (Lamprias Cat 71 and 131 fr 147Sandbach) in another he discusses the question whether to know futureevents in advance is useful (fr 21ndash23 Sandbach) Furthermore he collectedoracles (Lamprias Cat 171) and wrote on the Oracle of Trophonius nearLebadeia (Lamprias Cat 181) which plays an important role also in Degenio While these works are lost we still have ndash besidesDe genio ndash the dia-logues ldquoThe Pythiarsquos propheciesrdquo (De Pythiae oraculis) and ldquoThe decline ofOraclesrdquo (De defectu oraculorum)

Both these dialogues are given a Delphic se ing and deal wholly or inpart with questions concerning the Delphic Oracle in particular Not onlyliterary or philosophic and theoretical interests connected Plutarch withDelphi for many years he held priestly office there1 In this function heappears on the base (found in Delphi) of a statue which the Amphictyonsdedicated to the Emperor Hadrian (Syll3 829A) and in his ldquoTable Talkrdquo

lowast Thanks are due to Fabian B and Hendrik O for critical comments onthe dra of this paper and to O and Henning S for helping me obtain thesecondary literature

1 According toDef or 38431CndashD his brother Lamprias who plays an important role inthat dialogue seems to have held a similar office at the Oracle of Trophonius at Lebadeia

146 Stephan Schroumlder

(722700E) he calls one of the participants in the conversation ldquohis col-league in priestly officerdquo Finally in his essay An seni sit gerenda res publica17792F he claims to have performed sacrifices in the service of PythianApollo and to have participated in processions and cultic dances alreadyfor ldquomany Pythiadsrdquo Plutarch evidently rendered great services to Del-phi the Delphians (together with the citizens of his hometown Chaeronea)honoured him by se ing up a herm the head of which has unfortunatelybeen lost but its sha (together with its verse inscription Syll3 843A) hasbeen found in the excavations

Let us now have a look at the two essays on oracles and then try to relatethe ideas set out in De genio to them

2 The dialogues on the oracles

Neither inDe Pythiae oraculis nor inDe defectu oraculorum does Plutarch ex-pound systematically how oracles function how the Delphic Oracle worksor how we should conceive the process of inspiration Both dialogueshowever discuss questions of detail for which a more exact determinationof how inspiration works is necessary

21 De Pythiae oraculis

The main topic of discussion in De Pythiae oraculis is the lsquoscandalrsquo that thePythiarsquos oracles were said to be no longer expressed in verse This had beendebated already long before Plutarchrsquos time In the essay itself (19403E)the historian Theopompus of Chios (who lived in the fourth century BC) issaid to have taken people to task who talked about the end of verse oracles(FGrHist 115 F 336) On the other hand Cicero in his work on divination(De div 2116) claims that already at the time of King Pyrrhus (ie in theearly third century BC) the Pythia had no longer produced verses

In the picture of the activities of the Delphic Oracle given by ancientliterature sayings in verse (almost always in hexameters) play an importantrole What share however they really had of the pronouncements madeby the Pythiae of earlier times is quite unclear2 Plutarch himself has oneof the participants of the debate express considerable reservations in thisrespect (ch 19) In any case for some people the claim that Delphi hadpassed from verse to prose was reason enough to reject further belief in theoracle or more exactly to question the institutionrsquos powers of inspirationat least for their own times3 This conclusion is formulated in 17402Bonly to be refuted in the core section of the treatise (which begins at this

2 See A 1950 159ndash683 How such a conclusion may be reached is shown by Cicero De div 2117

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 147

point) in a continuous speech by Theon one of the dialoguersquos participantsI shall concentrate on this section of text (which extends until the end of thedialogue) because there is no space to discuss other parts (eg the disputein ch 8 over miraculous phenomena in the godrsquos sanctuary which mightbe interpreted mantically or over the Sibylrsquos oracles in ch 9ndash11) or even togive an overall account of the variety of the dialoguersquos contents

Theonrsquos arguments develop in four phases In the first (ch 18ndash20404A)he doubts whether the difference between conditions of the present andthose of the past is as fundamental as his opponents claim or at least as-sume This and especially the fact that verse and prose coexisted in theoracular sayings of earlier times leads him to question the assumptionthat the form of these sayings entitles us to infer a change in the meansby which they were produced

In a second step (ch 20404Andashch 23) Theon tries to make plausible theview that the form of the sayings goes back not to the god but only to thePythia is therefore independent of divine inspiration and does not allowany conclusions about its nature

According to Theon we should conceive the Pythiarsquos soul as an instru-ment in the hand of the god during the process of divination The proper-ties of the instrument however (he claims) are no less important for de-termining the nature of the thing it produces than the intentions of its userNow the human soul ndash and therefore the Pythiarsquos as well ndash is perpetuallydisturbed by its connection with the body and by its own passions and wehave to conceive the state of mantic excitement (enthousiasmos) as a mixtureof two motions one of which originates with the god the other with thePythia Thus we have to assume that when the Pythia in office is not poet-ically gi ed different oracles are produced from those which come froma real poetess occupying the tripod Now people of earlier times had atendency to express themselves poetically and took every opportunity toindulge this This (Theon concludes) explains the earlier oracular sayingsin verse with this precondition gone it is now prose that is cultivated

In ch 24 Theon enters the third phase of his argument (to ch 28) Tomeet the case that the sceptic may not be willing to accept his earlier trainof thought he changes his premise and starts anew he now wants to showthat even if one holds the god responsible for the form of the sayings (notpreviously assumed) the fatal conclusion that divine inspiration has driedup is not necessary rather a number of good reasons are conceivable thatmay have convinced the god himself to switch to prose

In the times when metrically phrased und poetically stylised speech wasthe dominant fashion it was ndash according to Theon ndash obvious for the godtoo to take care that his oracles conformed to this practice Later how-ever when humanity had largely renounced verse and turned to prose thegod had to consider that prophecies in prose would appear more convinc-

148 Stephan Schroumlder

ing than those in verse Otherwise he would have incurred the reproachthat he intended to cloak his predictions in the vagueness of poetical ex-pression Moreover because some sayings had allegedly been versified af-terwards by unauthorized people and forgers had fabricated particularlyelaborate oracles verse had acquired the bad reputation of something notreally respectable Furthermore poetical form had acquired a bad namebecause of people who made their living by dealing in versified oracles inthe vicinity of sanctuaries of oriental deities and the god did not want tobe associated with such rabble

Thus (Theon continues) there were ndash from the godrsquos perspective ndash goodreasons to distance himself from verse On the other hand poetical formhad something to say for it in earlier times When powerful people putawkward questions to the oracle it was sometimes necessary to obscurethe answers a bit in order to protect the staff of the sanctuary or to makesure that important communications would not get to the wrong peopleFurthermore with these communications being o en very complex versi-fication could provide an important mnemotechnic advantage

Lastly ndash and with this the third phase of Theonrsquos argument concludesndash it would now under the conditions of pax Romana when the oracle isconsulted only in simple everyday ma ers be downright offensive if thePythiarsquos answers were too pretentiously stylised

In his fourth and last step (ch 29ndash30) Theon confesses ndash in case his oppo-nent should still not be convinced ndash the impossibility of a aining certainknowledge in such ma ers but he also points to clear and tangible evi-dence for the continuation of Apolline inspiration at the sanctuary Del-phirsquos enormous upturn in recent times This is necessarily founded on therecognition the Pythiarsquos mantic successes enjoy and as the simple form ofher oracular responses make it impossible to hide ignorance the Pythiaclearly still derives her knowledge from Apollo just as before

This is a very abbreviated account of Theonrsquos discussion4 As we haveseen an analysis of the process of inspiration plays a part only in its sec-ond phase and serves there as one argument among several in the a ackdirected against the sceptics Nevertheless it seems best ndash in view of thispaperrsquos topic ndash to take a closer look at this aspect of the essay first

Theonrsquos account begins with a very generally and abstractly phrasedreflection The human body uses many instruments but is itself an instru-ment of the soul which again is an instrument of the god The use of aninstrument however prevents the user from giving unbiased expressionto his intentions in the intended product because the instrument itself ex-erts influence on this (21404BndashC) A series of analogies follow Of these

4 A more detailed analysis is provided by S 1990 8ndash15 and 22ndash4 There thebeginning of the argumentrsquos last phase is posited a er ch 27 This error is corrected inS 19945 240ndash2

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 149

Theon regards as the most suitable the one according to which the mooncan be conceived as an instrument reflecting the sunrsquos light upon earth andconveying this light to us only in a very much dimmed form If we takeall this together (thus Theon makes his transition from the general to theparticular in 404DndashE) with Heraclitusrsquo remark (VS 22 B 93) that the Del-phic god neither speaks nor conceals but only signifies it seems plausibleto interpret also the Pythia in the sense of this saying as an instrument inthe hand of the god the god reveals his thoughts but in blended form andby using a human soul This soul is never available to him ldquowithout mo-tionrdquo but is always independently active because of its own passions In404F inspiration (indicated by the classic term enthousiasmos also used in7397C) is therefore conceived as a blending of two ldquomotionsrdquo one of whichreaches the soul from outside while the other is intrinsically her own bynature Theon adds an argumentum a minore ad maius to make this expla-nation still more convincing If you cannot use even an inanimate bodydifferently from what its nature allows ndash ie you cannot move a cylinderlike a sphere or a cone like a cube and you cannot play a wind instrumentlike a string instrument and vice versa ndash it is an even stricter rule that asoul can be handled only in accordance with its own intrinsic nature

Where this leads is indicated at the end of the chapter (404Fndash405A) onlyin a rather general way of every soul you may expect only the kind ofactivity that corresponds to its talents and its education Things becomeclearer in ch 23 To express oneself poetically and in verse one has tohave inclination and talent and only under such conditions will one putthe thoughts transmi ed by the god in mantic enthousiasmos in such a formNow inclination and talent for poetical expression were widely currentamong people of earlier times but between then and now they have van-ished Therefore one need not wonder that the Pythiae of old put theirresponses into verse every now and then while the more recent ones haveceased to do so

Theonrsquos reasoning in this passage seems to be composed mainly of twoelements found in the philosophical tradition5

One of them is the idea that the body is an instrument of the soul Thisis first stated in various passages in Plato then in Aristotlersquos Protrepticusand in Neo-Pythagorean Hellenistic texts in later times it is widely at-tested especially in the Neo-Platonists The locus classicus responsible forthe spread of this idea seems to be a passage in the (Platonic or Pseudo-

5 For this see S 1990 25ndash51 Against the view that the core of the theory ofinspiration presented by Theon is of Stoic origin J H ldquoZur InspirationslehrePlutarchs in De Pythiae oraculisrdquo Philologus 137 (1993) 72ndash91 has tried to establish a Pla-tonic derivation In S 19945 I have tried to refute this B (in H D MB Der Platonismus in der Antike vol 62 Stu gart 2002 145ndash7) again puts emphasison Platonic origins

150 Stephan Schroumlder

Platonic) Greater Alcibiades (128endash129e) the first text in which this idea ismore extensively developed

In De Pyth or the idea is expanded into a hierarchy with four levelsthe god is placed above the soul and the instrument (in the proper sense)below the body This four-level construct is found only here while in an-other passage of Plutarch in the Septem sapientium convivium (21163DndashE)a combination of the three highest levels returns with the relationship be-tween body and instrument missing There is a good reason for that Inthe Banquet of the Seven Sages it is emphasized that the body is a willing in-strument for the soul and even more that the soul is a willing instrumentfor the god InDe Pyth or Theon intends to show the opposite The soul isnot least an obstacle because its use diminishes the purity with which thegodrsquos thought is transmi ed to humanity To make this clear Theon has totalk of the ldquoinstrumentrdquo in its everyday sense and expects that the effectsof change wrought by the instrument are accepted as a fundamental factand extended to the other levels especially the two higher ones as well

This is the decisive conceptual element of his whole theory but this the-ory does not come from the tradition of the idea of the instrument In theGreater Alcibiades ndash to say nothing of the fact that the god as the highest levelof Plutarchrsquos model is missing ndash there is no talk of an influence hinderingthe intentions of the user Rather this text (quite in the spirit of the otherPlatonic references) stresses the problematic and unnatural aspects of theconnection between body and soul with the intention of reducing the roleof the body to that of a mere instrument which does not really ma er Thisis also the tendency of almost all other passages in which similar ideas areexpressed while the idea in which Theon is interested is nowhere to befound

The origin of this core idea must be looked for in another area It sur-faces in the passage where Theon mentions ndash as a simile for his view thatthe godrsquos possibilities are restricted by the specific character of the Pythiarsquossoul ndash the geometric bodies sphere cylinder cone and cube each of whichcan be moved only in its own specific way (21404F) This simile has its ori-gin in an argument by which the Stoic philosopher Chrysippus tried topreserve manrsquos responsibility for his actions in spite of his deterministicview of the world Chrysippus located the point at which the individualis affected by external circumstances in notions which approach the indi-vidual and to which he reacts either by ldquoassentrdquo or rejection both assentand rejection are in manrsquos power and not forced on him by external causesChrysippus compared this to the fact that cylinder and cone at first need anexternal impulse but then move each in their specific way though havingundergone the same impulse This argument is a ested by Cicero (De fato42 f = SVF II 974) and Gellius (Noctes A icae 7211 = SVF 1000) Sphere andcube are missing in these passages but they appear together with cylinder

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 151

and cone ndash in a not unrelated context ndash in the pseudo-Aristotelian treatiseOn the world (6398b27ndash9) which is known for its Stoic affiliations Herethe four bodies appear in a comparison intended to show that the god pro-vides one basic impulse a er which the various processes of the worldrun their course according to the nature of things (6398b19ndash27) The con-nection of Theonrsquos theory with such ideas is even clearer than in ch 21 ina passage which has not yet been mentioned because it does not form apart of Theonrsquos great speech but belongs together with ch 21 inasmuchas we are here confronted with a ldquoforeshadowingrdquo of that chapter In ch 7(397B) Theon wanting to exonerate the god from the intermi ently dubi-ous metrical and poetic quality of Delphic oracles in verse states ldquoLet usnot believe that the verses come from the god but that he provides the firstimpulse for motion and that each of the prophetesses moves according toher own naturerdquo

It is clear then that although the salient point of Theonrsquos reasoning isalready expressed when he first talks about the instrument he could notfind this point within the tradition of the idea of the instrument it derivesfrom the Stoic theory of causality and responsibility The lsquoinstrumental-istrsquo phrases with which Theon starts his argument conceal this and theyare perhaps not indispensable if we take into consideration only the aimof his argument Plutarch however may possibly have a ached some im-portance to giving Theonrsquos explanations a Platonic colouring We may alsoassume that he did not expect very much from openly drawing a ention tohis adaptation of a Chrysippan theory that had been much disputed withinits original context The idea that an instrument is not always fully com-patible with the intentions of its user might have derived a certain convinc-ingness from everyday experience And lastly the hierarchy of the tripleuser-instrument-connection offered the option of presenting the god as theone who ndash in spite of everything ndash is still the master of the mantic processand this was Theonrsquos overriding aim6

To what extent is Theonrsquos theory valid And what does it claim to ac-complish It is wholly designed to prove that it is unnecessary to con-clude (as Theonrsquos opponents do) that the cessation of verse oracles meansthe disappearance of divine inspiration Theon demonstrates that we canperfectly well regard the god as the source of inspiration and at the sametime trace the form of the oracles back to the Pythia It is for this purposethat Plutarch has developed this theory ad hoc It neither asks nor answersthe question how inspiration works how the godrsquos thoughts arrive in the

6 It is only in this sense that the soul or the medium is called an ldquoinstrumentrdquo of a godelsewhere as well see in Plutarch (besidesDe gen Socr 20588F) alsoDe sollertia animalium22975A Philo Quis rerum divinarum heres 259 (a passage which J H ldquoVon Gobesessenrdquo RhM 137 (1994) [53ndash65] 63 n 52 connects with De Pyth or) and the passagesin the Neo-Platonic Jamblichus collected in S 1990 41ndash2

152 Stephan Schroumlder

Pythiarsquos soul or what role the Delphic sanctuary plays7 Moreover nei-ther Theon nor Plutarch behaves like a dogmatist What Theon presents isan hypothesis designed to make an a ack against the traditional belief inthe Delphic Oracle appear groundless If the same aim can be reached byabandoning this hypothesis Theon (and Plutarch too) will be well contentThus at the beginning of ch 24 Theon can change his premise without fur-ther ado and show that to infer a drying up of divine inspiration from thevanishing of verse oracles is not necessary even if we lay responsibility forthe oraclesrsquo form at the godrsquos door8

The same a itude to this topic characerizes the treatise as a whole The-on does not insist on the premise of the third phase of his argument (ch24ndash28) either and at the beginning of ch 29 he explicitly concedes that realknowledge of these things is una ainable He then falls back on obviouspoints the external splendour and recent upturn of the Pythian sanctuaryfrom which (he says) we may conclude that inspiration still persists Tobe sure Theon here argues ndash and this is different from the earlier phasesof his reasoning ndash in the mode of positive proof and from his perspec-tive ndash and also from that of the group of people conversing on the steps ofApollorsquos temple ndash this is surely meant seriously though we have to makesome allowances for the rhetorical flourish with which Theon ends his lec-ture presenting as convincing proof something which is no more than amere hint In the end however he still expects that many people may re-main sceptical (ch 30) And Plutarch himself may not have put too muchtrust in Theonrsquos demonstration because he for one could surely not de-ceive himself as to the political reasons for the happy development of theDelphic Oracle which were quite independent of the Pythiarsquos successes inprophecy

The guiding principle and program of this whole inquiry seem to beformulated ndash right at its beginning ndash by Sarapion the Stoic participant inthis dialogue ldquoWe must not want to enter into conflict with the god norabolish providence and the divine together with prophecy but we mustlook for solutions for the apparent obstacles and not abandon our piousand traditional faithrdquo (18402E) Only where no explanation can be foundat all is doubt justified

7 Still it is stated as something obvious that inspiration originates with the god (see egAmatorius 16758E but while theAmatorius ndash following Plato ndash speaks of ldquodivine madnessrdquothere is no trace of that in our treatise) InDe defectu oraculorum this is temporarily lost sightof see below pp 157ndash8

8 See S 1990 68ndash9

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 153

22 De defectu oraculorum

We find a similar basic a itude also in De defectu oraculorum9 In manyrespects however this treatise is quite different Once again our exami-nation must restrict itself to the sections relevant to our present topic

In this dialogue too everything starts with a scandalous situation mostof the Greek oracles have suspended operation This is of course not thecase with Delphi and the well-reputed and much consulted oracles in AsiaMinor at Clarus and Didyma are never mentioned In particular howeverin Plutarchrsquos home region of Boeotia which in classical times boasted animpressive number of sites for prophecy only the Oracle of Trophonius atLebadeia is still active (ch 5)10

A er this the reader of the dialogue gets a remarkable demonstrationhow the dialoguersquos participants together grope their way looking for a re-ligiously satisfying explanation for the stated situation In this way thetreatise is laid out very differently from De Pythiae oraculis from the verybeginning11

The first a empt (not to be taken entirely seriously) to solve the problemis made by an outsider Didymus Planetiades (who is characterized as aranter) in ch 7 Didymus claims that the questions presented to the oraclesanctuaries were of such shamefulness that Pronoia (the personification ofdivine providence for humanity) felt prompted to pack up its oracles anddisappear with them out of the world The other participants howeverregard this as blasphemy and he finds himself bowed out of their circle

Still Didymusrsquo hypothesis leads to a formulation of what makes thedecline of so many oracle sanctuaries so scandalous Prophecy is a giof Pronoia and one must not without good cause believe that the godstake something back which they once granted (7413C) This is stated byPlutarchrsquos brother Lamprias who plays a main role in the dialogue andwho is also the narrator Lamprias entreats the others not to hold the divineresponsible for this development

With Ammoniusrsquos answer the problem turns into a dilemma He seesno way out in what Lamprias has just said If the cause for the vanish-ing of the oracles is not to be sought in the divine we are not very farfrom separating also their origin and existence from it and that meansndash a er what Lamprias has said ndash from Pronoia itself This is intolerableAmmonius himself proposes an explanation which is supposed to makedirect divine intervention plausible without compromising divine perfec-

9 Rich material is presented by A R Plutarco Lacuteeclissi degli oracoli Introduzionetesto critico traduzione e commento (Naples 1995)

10 On the development of oracle sanctuaries from Hellenism to Late Antiquity seeS L ldquoThe Old Greek Oracles in Declinerdquo ANRW 2182 (Berlin New York 1989)1599ndash1649

11 See S 1990 66ndash8

154 Stephan Schroumlder

tion Pronoia (he argues) is always concerned to provide what is sufficientnothing more nothing less However as Greece has suffered a consider-able decline in population since classical times Pronoia has undertakenthe obvious step of abolishing a large part of the oracles that were onceneeded but are now no more (ch 8)

Lamprias however sticks to his conviction that the gods cannot be heldresponsible for such an action and proposes to seek the reasons for it inthis world and in the material and human aspects of the oraclesrsquo operationAt this point however he does not yet tell us how to get a closer view ofthis (ch 9)

Yet another participant in the discussion Cleombrotus proposes a viamedia arguing that we should look to the daimones for the causes With-out these mediators between gods and humans we would in any case ei-ther have to deny any contacts between the divine and human sphere orto involve the divine inappropriately in the circumstances of this worldTherefore (Cleombrotus continues) we should assume that daimones oper-ate the oracle sanctuaries as agents for the gods and that the death of suchdaimones is responsible for the silencing of oracles and their removal toanother place for the loss of prophetic power in the la er case even therenaissance of a sanctuary is conceivable in case the demon returns Withthis proposition Cleombrotus concludes his speech (15418CndashD)

Chs 16ndash37 present a wide-ranging discussion of the question whetherdaimonesmay indeed be mortal and how we may imagine a change of placeby them this need not occupy us here In ch 38 the conversation returnsto questions about prophecy in the proper sense A theory (it is here said)according to which the drying up of oracles is connected with the van-ishing of the associated daimones can command respect only if it also ex-plains by what mechanism the daimones (when present) cause the oraclesto speak Lamprias (who once more has the leading part here) and Am-monius agree that daimones are souls of the dead If souls freed from theirbodies have the ability to foresee the future they cannot have acquiredthis ability (Lamprias argues) a er their death but must have had it al-ways though diminished by the union of soul and body The process ofprophecy (he continues) is tied to an irrational state in which the soul isfree from all bonds to the mind this is enthousiasmos (cf how the term isused De Pyth or 21404F and see above p 151) and it can only occur ifthe body connected with the soul is put into an appropriate state ie anappropriate ldquomixturerdquo This happens o en during sleep and immediatelybefore death It can however also be brought about by suitable exhala-tions of the earth We can only speculate (Lamprias goes on) how theseanathymiaseis operate exactly but the assumption that such an exhalation(a pneuma) plays a role in the particular case of the Delphic Oracle is sup-ported by the legend of the accidental discovery of the prophetic power

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 155

of the place by the herdsman Coretas We must believe that such exhala-tions dry up spring up anew and change place just like springs or mineraldeposits Meteorological or seismic events may also play a role FinallyLamprias underpins this theory by relating a single case pointing to suchconnections In Boeotian Orchomenus the silence of the Oracle of Tiresiascoincided with a pestilence (the assumption here seems to be that the epi-demic had also been caused by exhalations of the earth cf 40432D)

The crucial element (with regard to the original question) of this lectureby Lamprias (ch 39ndash45) viz the explanation of why the oracles driedup does not at all require the daimones introduced by Cleombrotus Theyonly appear at the beginning (39431Dndash432A following 38431BndashC) wheretheir characteristics provide the starting-point for considerations concern-ing the nature of the soul while it is connected with the body A er thatthey disappear from the argument which is built solely upon the idea thata (normally dormant) prophetic ability within the soul of a living humanbeing can be activated by natural causes immanent in this world

It is just this which Ammonius reproaches Lamprias with in ch 46 andhe stresses once again (exactly in accordance with his position in ch 8) thatwe have to assign a role also to the gods especially to the Delphian Apollo

Confronted with these objections Lamprias (in the last speech of thedialogue ch 47ndash52) tries to bring his theory of anathymiaseis and pneumainto harmony both with the mediating role of the daimones and the orig-inating role of the god To the daimones as guards and overseers he at-tributes the task of controlling the composition of the pneuma which pro-vides the Pythia with her divinatory capability just as one elicits soundsfrom a string instrument by means of a plectron Above all reigns the godwho also indicates through signs during the sacrificial ritual preceding theconsultation of the oracle whether this consultation is admissible Thisagain depends not only on the current composition of the pneuma but alsoon the question whether the Pythiarsquos current constitution is right to be putinto enthousiasmos by the pneuma Finally Lamprias adds that the force ofthe pneuma is on the one hand ldquodivinerdquo but on the other ndash like all thingsbetween Earth and Moon ndash not imperishable

Lamprias concludes in ch 52 by exhorting all participants of the con-versation to reflect further on these ma ers adding that he knows verywell that there are points which might provide the basis for arguing thecontrary

The engagement with the theory of inspiration in this treatise is some-what different from that in De Pythiae oraculis It is true that here too aneffort is made to lsquodefusersquo a problematic diagnosis by an explanation thatleaves traditional religious notions untouched on the one hand prophecymust not be separated from the gods on the other the belief in their car-ing for this world must not be compromised by the assumption that they

156 Stephan Schroumlder

would deprive humanity of the support of prophecy which they had oncegranted De Pythiae oraculis however presents the claim that inspirationhas dried up as based upon a certain (observed) situation in De defectuoraculorum the end of inspiration is the situation itself While therefore inDe Pythiae oraculis Theon needs to do no more than explain why Delphihas passed from verse to prose in another way inDe defectu oraculorum theefforts at explanation quickly lead to positive statements about the divina-tory process itself (which might be discussed quite apart from the actualproblem considered here)12 Among these statements is Ammoniusrsquo hy-pothesis (38 431BndashC) that the daimones being nothing but souls freed fromthe connection with a body could enter into contact with souls which arestill within bodies and produce ldquorepresentations of future thingsrdquo in themjust as people in everyday life communicate some things without voiceby writing by looks or by touch (some of this appears again in De genioSocratis 20588DndashE and 589B) In 39431Dndash40432D Lamprias assumes thedivinatory force to be in the human soul itself and thinks that it must beactivated by an exhalation of the earth and freed from control through therational mind by introducing a suitable disposition in the body to which itbelongs In ch 41 we even find conjectures about the physical effects thepneumamight have on the soul

There remains however the question whether Plutarch himself can beshown to adhere to any of these ideas as a firm conviction or doctrine

When Cleombrotus undertakes his a empt to explain the silencing ofthe oracles by the hypothesis that they have been deserted by the daimoneslooking a er them he declares that he is not the first to do so but comesldquoa er many othersrdquo (15418C) The fundamental ideas concerning the dai-mones in ch 13ndash15 very probably derive from Xenocrates13 Platorsquos secondsuccessor as head of the Academy who in the late 4th century integratedthe thoughts which his master had u ered about the daimones as mediatorsbetween gods and men in the Diotima myth of the Symposium (202dndash203a)in his conception of the world turned them into dogma and thus preparedthe way for the philosophic belief in daimones which spread widely in sub-sequent times14 It would certainly be going to far to detect in the mentionof the ldquomanyrdquo in 15418C a reference to Xenocrates15 Nevertheless it seemsprobable ndash in view of the Platonic model (in the Symposium the daimones are

12 See S 1990 67ndash913 See H 1892 81ndash2 The number of relevant fragments is ndash in the now authoritative

edition by Margherita I P (there fr 213 and 222ndash30) ndash still the same as inH Almost all of them come from Plutarch most of them from De defectu oraculorum

14 Of less influence was the roughly contemporary Epinomis which has been transmi edas part of the Corpus Platonicum its author develops the Symposium passage not unlikeXenocrates (984dndash985b)

15 Thus F J De oraculis quid veteres philosophi iudicaverint (Diss Rostock 1909 Borna1910) 26 Surely Xenocrates had no reason yet to look for causes for the silencing of oracles

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 157

responsible inter alia for prophecy) and of the idea of mediation betweengods and men ndash that Xenocrates also a ributed a role in divination to thedaimones In any case this was no original thought in Plutarchrsquos time theNeo-Pythagoreans who according to Diogenes Laertius 832 held this be-lief belong at the latest in Hellenistic times and Stobaeus claims that theStoics defined divination as knowledge concerning the signs coming fromgods or daimones (Eclogae 275b12 p 6716ndash19 Wachsmuth cf Posidoniusfr 108 Edelstein Kidd where daimones in any case play a role concerningdreams)

The conviction then that daimones have responsibility for divinationseems to have been fairly widespread On the other hand it cannot havebeen communis opinio This is shown by the debate in Plutarchrsquos treatiseand by the way in which the unknown man from the Red Sea is presented(21421B) as tracing divination back to daimones and it does not look asif Plutarch himself was convinced of the importance of the daimones fordivination much less for the Delphic Oracle in particular16 Not (primar-ily) because there is nothing about this in De Pyth or what is presentedthere might still be valid if we wanted to introduce a separate lsquolevelrsquo for dai-mones between the god and the Pythia We would simply get a digressionin Theonrsquos argument if he had chosen to speak of daimones17 In fact wefind clear clues for Plutarchrsquos reluctance also within De defectu oraculorumAmmonius who as Plutarchrsquos teacher is always a very authoritative voicewants from the start to look for the cause for the oraclesrsquo silence amongthe gods (ch 8) and in 46435A he clearly signals his unease with the lsquode-monologicalrsquo explanation and its premises Lamprias ndash in the speech inwhich he introduces the divinatory importance of exhalations of the earthndash totally loses sight of the daimones makes them superfluous (at least inview of the main question) by explaining the drying-up of an oracle asthe result of meteorological and geological processes and then ndash havingbeen admonished by Ammonius ndash tries to integrate them the god and thepneuma into a comprehensive conception which causes him no li le trou-ble In this conception the role of the god ndash which of course especially inDelphi had to remain predominant ndash does not become very clear The dai-mones are now allowed to regulate the pneuma which however had beenintroduced in the first place to present a natural cause for the disappear-ance of the divinatory force In the concluding words of the treatise Lam-prias readily concedes that his construct can only be provisional and thatgrave difficulties result from it18 Cleombrotus ndash at the end of his speech ndash

16 This is not contradicted byDe facie in orbe lunae 30944C this passage belongs to a mythwhich has been conceived precisely under this premise which is here regarded as worthyof consideration

17 See S 1990 69ndash7018 D B ldquoLa composition des Dialogues Pythiques de Plutarque et le problegraveme de

158 Stephan Schroumlder

presents the application of demonology to the question raised at the begin-ning as something distinctly hazardous and in ch 16 a controversy eruptsaround certain aspects which goes on until ch 37 without leading to a re-sult that is universally accepted Not least Cleombrotus himself appears ina somewhat doubtful light In 2410AndashB we learn that he is a wide-rangingtraveller in far-away lands collecting material there for a philosophy withtheological orientation Such a man will be particularly ndash indeed exces-sively ndash susceptible to far-fetched lore about daimones19

About the hypothetical character of the remarks on the pneuma the mainpoints have essentially been made The treatise as a whole keeps a cau-tious distance from it and this is all the more interesting because what issaid here overlaps with what may be called the vulgate conception (wella ested since Cicero De div 138) of how at least the Delphic Oracle func-tioned20 It is o en connected with the claim that there was a fissure inthe earth from which the pneuma arose which the Pythia approached andabove which she took her seat Such an opening has not been found andat least until some time ago there was agreement that the geological pre-conditions for such a fissure with real exhalations were lacking this pointhas recently been debated again21 In any case the way in which Lampriasand the others speak about pneuma and anathymiasis demonstrates that onecould speculate about this phenomenon as a material one but not palpablyprove it22 The idea that a pneuma coming out of the earth was the deci-sive means of Delphic inspiration seems to have developed in an interplay(which we cannot now disentangle) of popular belief with philosophy andto have gained considerable influence We may asssume that Plutarch toodid not wholly escape from this influence It is striking that in De Pythor 17402B where the dangerous inference from the end of versificationto the failure of inspiration is stated this failure of inspiration is directlyconceived as the disappearance of the pneuma although the more detailedcircumstances of this will not play any role in what follows In any casePlutarch does not commit himself to the pneuma in De defectu oraculorum

leur uniteacuterdquo Journal des Savants 1992 2 [187ndash234] 223 (= B 1994 [457ndash504] 493) possiblyoverrates the weight to be a ributed to Lampriasrsquo exposition in comparison with the othercontributions to the discussion in this dialogue

19 Nevertheless Cleombrotus is taken quite seriously as is shown ndash against earlier in-terpretations ndash by B 1994b This paper also presents a well-considered and balancedgeneral judgment on the importance of theory about daimones in De defectu oraculorum

20 For references see A 1950 215-3021 Cf J 2008 47ndash5022 See A 1950 221ndash2

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 159

3 De genio Socratis

Let us now considerDe genio Socratis As has been stated at the beginningthe problem of the Socratic daimonion is a very special case of divinationAs far as people knew Socrates was the only one ever to claim a connectionwith such a daimonion and somehow he seemed to conceive it as somethingcoming from outside23

We shall see that Plutarchrsquos handling of this phenomenon is not marked-ly different from the way in which he approaches problems of divinationin the other two treatises discussed above Let us have a closer look atthe relevant chapters their train of thought and the connections betweenthem

The discussion starts in ch 9 with the polemical reaction by Galaxi-dorus (who appears on the stage as a resolute rationalist) to the account(given in ch 8) of the appearance of Theanor who claims to have beeninstigated to his voyage to Thebes by ldquodreams and distinct apparitionsrdquowhich admonished him to perform certain cultic acts at the tomb of Ly-sis Theanor then spent the night at this tomb to find out whether τι δαιmicroόνιον (ldquosomething daemonicrdquo) would dissuade him from his inten-tion to take Lysisrsquo body home In Galaxidorusrsquo eyes such recourse to en-lightenment by the divine is no conduct worthy of a philosopher who isobliged to justify his actions rationally For Galaxidorus a model of this isSocrates

To this the seer Theocritus objects that Socrates always talked of his dai-monion which shows that Socrates too did not refuse to avail himself ofhelp from divine inspiration (9580Bndashend of ch 10) With this we are al-ready in the middle of the main discussion

Galaxidorus does not want to see Socratic rationality diminished andto defend it he chooses to normalise it The daimonion (he claims) was noth-ing special on the contrary Socrates used some form of everyday divina-tion and even this only if he could not reach a decision by rational means(11580Fndash581A) Polymnis at first seems to confirm this assessment relat-ing how Terpsion ascribed a whole system of interpreting sneezes comingfrom others or from oneself to Socrates a er that however he raises theobvious objection that Socrates himself talked of the daimonion and not ofsneezes that a man of such firm resolutions would hardly have let him-self be determined to do or not to do something just by a sneeze andfinally that the contents of his predictions were too important for suchsigns (11581AndashE) Phidolaus agrees and asks Simmias ndash who is not onlythe brightest mind in this circle but also formerly enjoyed intimate fa-

23 In Platorsquos Apology (40a) Socrates himself talks of divination and Xenophon apologet-ically places the daimonion on the same level as everyday sorts of divination practiced byothers (Mem 112ndash9 and Apol 12ndash3)

160 Stephan Schroumlder

miliarity with Socrates ndash to refute Galaxidorusrsquo claims But before Sim-mias starts to speak Galaxidorus justifies himself presenting two argu-ments (12581Fndash582B) to defend the variety of divination which he ad-duced Firstly (he says) nothing militates against the assumption thatgreat events are announced by trivial signs this is o en the case also inmedicine and in observations of the weather by seamen Secondly wedo not perceive the connections of such signs with future events but thisis no reason to reject their use A third argument (12582BndashC) is to bringhis hypothesis into harmony with what Socrates said about himself whenSocrates mentioned his ldquodaimonionrdquo he need not have meant more thanthat such signs are caused by the divine which uses them like instrumentsto indicate things24

One may get the impression that Galaxidorus has painted himself intoa corner25 It was probably not his original intention to defend everydaydivination as he does in his first two arguments His main interest surelywas to show that no great importance should be a ached to the daimonionHis third argument is downright dubious it is really hard to believe thatSocrates used a means of everyday divination and then always claimedthis as his daimonion26

Simmiasrsquo comment is for the time being postponed because the circlenow turns to other topics At the beginning of ch 17 Plutarch removes thenarrator when he returns at the end of ch 19 we are told (20588C) thathe has missed Simmiasrsquo speech (which had been announced in 12581EndashFand 582C) against Galaxidorusrsquo propositions Simmias now is just begin-ning with affirmative statements of his own se ing out how he himselfconceives the daimonion

Thus the reader might think that the refutation of Galaxidorusrsquo hypoth-esis is withheld from him and that something totally new and independentis now starting This however is not the case there is a close connec-tion of thought between chs 9ndash12 on the one hand and Simmiasrsquo speech(20588Cndash21589F) as well as Timarchusrsquo story presented by him(21589Fndash23592F) and Theanorrsquos theory in ch 24 on the other

24 There is only a superficial similarity of this passage with the ldquotheory of the instrumentrdquoin De Pythiae oraculis (see above pp 148ndash9)

25 Cf C 1970 5126 This reasoning looks like a curious exaggeration of what Xenophon says in Mem

113ndash4 Xenophon wants to defend Socrates against the accusation of having wanted tointroduce ldquonew godsrdquo (δαιmicroόνια) For this purpose he compares the practice of Sokrateswith the use of ldquotechnicalrdquo divination by others These people (Xenophon says) surelybelieve that the signs they use derive from the gods but talk of birds and other signs assources for their predictions Socrates on the contrary correctly spoke not of the sign butof the divine behind it The ldquovoicerdquo on which Socrates relied is (differently from the par-allel passage Xen Apol 12ndash3) not mentioned explicitly which suits Xenophonrsquos intentionHe does however not go so far as to identify the daimonion with one of the known kindsof everyday divination this is only done by Galaxidorus

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 161

Galaxidorus has tried to fit the Socratic daimonion into what the theoryof prophecy developed by the Stoics called ldquotechnical divinationrdquo27 Theforms of divination belonging to this domain are based on the interpre-tation of signs in a more or less rational way something which everyonecan learn28 Galaxidorus has objected to an explanation of the daimonionaccording to which Socrates claimed to have an irrational and privilegedeven individual access to divine knowledge No doubt the seer Theocri-tus has such an explanation in mind when he first introduces the daimo-nion into the conversation in 9580Bndash10580C29 He definitely thinks thatSocrates practised what the Stoic system called ldquonaturalrdquo divination

The account given by Simmias in what follows is calculated in contentand structure of the argument to show that an interpretation of the phe-nomenon within the frame of ldquonaturalrdquo divination is perfectly possible andadmissible and that we will prefer such an interpretation in order not toaccuse Socrates (whose modest discretion is brought out in 20588C) of pre-tentiousness With this Galaxidorus is implicitly refuted One of the majorreasons why Plutarch made the direct confrontation between Galaxidorusand Simmias vanish in the ldquogap of the narrativerdquo may have been that hedid not want to diminish the effect of the following lines of reasoning30

It is also well-calculated that Galaxidorusrsquo argument ends in 12582BndashCprecisely with the dubious claim that Socrates could have spoken of thedaimonion even if he actually followed sneezes This remains a difficultyand whoever wants to save ndash or rather not lightly give up ndash the traditionabout Socrates and his good reputation needs to do nothing more than justto present an hypothesis which avoids this difficulty and at the same timeexplains Socratesrsquo direct access to the divine and his privileged position

Simmiasrsquo reasoning is structured in the following wayFirst of all he conjectures ndash in keeping with the a itude to divine rev-

elations exhibited by Socrates in other contexts ndash that Socratesrsquo experienceof the daimonion may not have been totally different from that which wecan make in dreams when we believe we hear something but in realityonly receive the content of a thought without hearing a voice While nor-mal people can have such an experience only in their sleep ndash a er theirsoul has been freed from the chaos of their everyday cares and passionsand a ained a state of peace ndash one may believe that Socrates had such ex-

27 For the division of divination in ldquotechnicalrdquo and ldquonaturalrdquo divination see Fr P Studien zur Mantik in der Philosophie der Antike (Meisenheim am Glan 1976) 57ndash9

28 By referring to Terpsion (11581A) and by stating that Simmias and his friends ldquodidnot think highlyrdquo (21589F) of the representatives of such an explanation of the daimonionPlutarch creates the impression that this explanation was already current among the So-cratics of the 4th century There is no direct evidence for this

29 From the very start Galaxidorus suspects people who talk about direct contact to thedivine of presumption see 9579Fndash580B

30 There is not much sense in speculating what Simmias could have said in this gap

162 Stephan Schroumlder

periences also when awake because of his inner peace and self-commandSocratesrsquo soul (Simmias continues) was accessible to impressions and ablealways to react to outer influences such influences however we mightthink of as coming from a daimon who would have been able to touchSocratesrsquo mind with the mere content of a thought

So far this is a mere hypothesis about the character of the Socratic daimo-nion formulated as a cautious conjecture (20588CndashE) Now Simmias setsout to justify it as such

He tries ndash without explicitly referring to Socrates ndash to demonstrate asplausible that a communication by such a sublime path is conceivable Toachieve this he starts by devaluing communication by voice in compari-son with the purely spiritual one which he has assumed Taking over andaccentuating a phrase from Platorsquos Timaeus (67b) he compares the sound ofthe voice to a ldquoblowrdquo by which the thought is somehow ldquobeatenrdquo into thesoul via the ears Humans need such rough means when they communi-cate with each other a superior being however and a suitably structuredsoul do not need such a ldquoblowrdquo For them the mere touch by the thoughtis sufficient and the soul willingly ndash and without any resistance inducedby the passions ndash submits to the direction which is offered to it This de-scription derives its plausibility at first from basic assumptions made byPlatonizing philosophy but is then supported by a conclusion from theinanimate to the animate if even big ships can be set on another courseand then held to it by small tillers and if the po ers wheel can by virtue ofits form be kept in regular motion by the tip of the finger surely the soulcan be set in motion by the mere touch of a thought A er all the roots ofpassions and impulses reach into the seat of intellectual capability and ifthis is disturbed they too are presently set in motion

When the impulses in turn stir the body in the end it is the thoughtwithin the soul which is responsible for the process The details of howthis happens may not be clear but the fact that the soul is able to set thoseheavy masses in motion (Simmias goes on again using an argumentum amaiore ad minus) entitles us to assert the possibility that the human spiritcan be moved by a superior or more divine spirit or the thoughts of thisspirit respectively

Up to this point the claim seems justified that direct contact between ahuman intellect and that of a daimonworking upon it from outside shouldbe possible The question now naturally arises in what way this might hap-pen This is of course no less impenetrable than the mechanisms whichtransform the thoughts of a mind into the motion of a body and there-fore Simmiasrsquo statements regarding this point (589B τῷ γὰρ ὄντι ndash 589Dἀνθρώπους καλοῦmicroεν) remain extraordinarily vague

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 163

Simmias first says that the daimones ldquoshinerdquo into the souls but this seemsto be a mere metaphor to indicate that direct transmission of thoughts issuperior to communication via the sounds of voices31

A er this Simmias introduces ndash with much reserve ndash the possibility thatlike the voice thoughts also can perhaps be transmi ed through the air thesoul at rest in itself being once again superior in perceptive capacity to thenormal soul

This consideration however is not pursued further rather in 589DndashESimmias once more using the analogy of dreams in sleep which he had al-ready used at the beginning of his speech now formulates a reductio ad ab-surdum of the opposing position and finally concludes with the argumentthat ndash as daemonic inspiration during sleep is accepted by most people ndashonly someone who does not take account of the difference between the soulof Socrates and that of a normal human being can deny the possibility thatSocrates received such inspiration also while being awake

In summary Simmiasrsquo argument is the following Nothing militatesagainst our regarding that which is transmi ed as pure thoughts (not con-verted into sounds) just as they are believed by many to come to us out ofa higher sphere while we are dreaming This purely spiritual influencingof the human mind by a superior one may seem quite plausible consider-ing how the body too is steered by the thoughts of the human mind Thefact that it was just Socrates who received messages from the daimonion canbe explained by the philosophical calm of his soul which made him moresusceptible to such purely mental contacts

Simmias does not seek a comprehensive explanation of how the dai-monion functions His aim is more modest to make it plausible to re-gard the daimonion of which Socrates used to talk and which seemed tohave an effect on his actions as a phenomenon of direct inspiration andnot necessarily ndash as Galaxidorus thinks ndash as an instance of simple lsquotechni-calrsquo divination32 Furthermore Simmias gives reasons why it was Socrateswho received such inspiration while it is denied to others One may re-gard Galaxidorusrsquo scepticism as refuted in view of the problematic conse-quences for the image of Socrates which would spring from it In harmonywith this is Simmiasrsquo remark (at the end of his argument in 21589F) that heand his friends in the Socratic circle had agreed on this account of the dai-monion and rejected the idea that it might belong to lsquotechnicalrsquo divinationThe theory of daimones is not very important here being only a premiseand not the theme of Simmiasrsquo discourse33 The word daimon appears (it

31 See S 1990 15532 To illustrate this one may contrast Simmiasrsquo argument which is consciously set out

as a hypothesis with the dogmatic certainty of Calcidius and Hermias presenting similarideas in the same context (see the translation of their texts in the Appendix below pp 202204ndash207)

33 See B 1969 432

164 Stephan Schroumlder

seems) only three times otherwise Simmias uses the much vaguer daimo-nion or talks of ldquohigher powersrdquo 589B is the only passage which couldnot be phrased as it is (or in a very similar way) under the premise thatinspiration comes from a god here indeed the argument is founded on therelationship between the daemonic soul and the human soul much as inDe def or 38431BndashC

A er this reasoning which Simmias presents on his own account andon that of friends belonging to the circle of Socrates34 he relates (in chs21ndash23) Timarchusrsquo report of what he experienced in the Oracle of Tropho-nius at Lebadeia a er which (in ch 24) Theanor the Pythagorean arrivedfrom Southern Italy also contributes to the discussion35

The myth of Timarchus does not need to be covered here as a wholeas that will be done by W Deuse (see below pp 173ndash5 177ndash8 181ndash83191 194ndash7) I will restrict myself to what is said in it about the relationshipbetween daimon and soul and about divination

Every soul ndash so Timarchus is told in 22591DndashF ndash has its share of reasonbut that part of it with which it gets involved with bodies and passionsis prone to degeneration The degree of this degeneration is in each casedifferent In any case the remaining reasonable part hovers above the partthat has become irrational (it is pointed out to Timarchus that looking moreclosely he may see the connections between the two parts) and tries to pre-vent its drowning and perishing On closer inspection the part hoveringabove is seen to be not an integral part of the respective human being butoutside of it ie the daimon of the person concerned

Timarchus goes on to report (591Fndash592C) that he saw these daimonesgoing up and down like corks which have to keep a net in balance on thesea some of them more than others Some were also moving vehementlyand erratically and the explaining voice told him that those daimoneswhomoved at ease and in a regular way had to control rather docile souls (orirrational parts of souls) while those moving jerkily had great difficultiesin keeping under control souls whose lack of education made them re-calcitrant and disobedient It takes a considerable time (the explanationcontinues) to tame such souls and accustom them to obey the signals oftheir daimon Other souls however have this inclination and ability fromthe beginning and it is to these that humans gi ed for divination belongThe explanations of the voice conclude in 592CndashD with the story of Hermo-

34 I cannot discuss possible sources here There are good surveys of the proposals madeand controversies raised in L 1933 44ndash9 and C 1970 56ndash60

35 On the relationship (which will be some importance in what follows) of these threecontributions to the discussion to each other see D B ldquoLa doctrine deacutemonologiquedans le De Genio Socratis de Plutarque coheacuterence et fonctionrdquo Lacuteinformation li eacuteraire 35(1983) 201ndash5 and K D ldquoPlutarch und das Daimonion des Sokratesrdquo Mnemosyne 38(1984) 376ndash92 with assessments that in part differ from each other and from what is arguedabove

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 165

timus (whom Plutarch erroneously calls ldquoHermodorusrdquo) of Clazomenaewhose soul allegedly used to leave his body (like a shaman) and thus toacquire knowledge of things happening at great distances This story hasto be corrected inasmuch as to talk of a real separation of soul from bodyhere is inadmissible rather the soul remained in the body but kept its dai-mon on a long leash so that he could roam far and wide and have a lot oftales to tell

Here too daimones play a role in the divinatory process and again acalm willingness to be guided undisturbed by passions is a prerequi-site for inspiration by the daimon Thus far Simmiasrsquo considerations andTimarchusrsquo vision go together There are however also important differ-ences In Simmiasrsquo theory there is not a word about a stable and continu-ous connection of Socrates with one particular daimon moreover Simmiasassumed that the inspiring daimon was outside Socratesrsquo soul and personwhile the myth of Timarchus presents it (in one aspect at least) as an in-gredient of the individual soul

Let us now turn to the Pythagorean Theanor It is the aim of his speechto underpin the hypothesis that certain individuals have privileged accessto divine inspiration taking account of the fact that the gods grant theirspecial favour to the best of humans This idea is then connected with the(Pythagorean) doctrine of metempsychosis which already played a part inthe myth of Timarchus (22591C)Daimones (Theanor says) are souls whichhave passed through the whole cycle of rebirths and become free Thesesouls feel sympathy with others who have not yet a ained the same goalbut are very near to it The souls who have made progress but are still in-carnate and still have to make the last steps are supported by the daimonesin question with the permission of the god

Again we find common ground with the other two sections of the textbut also differences In harmony with the myth of Timarchus ndash but withouta corresponding idea in Simmiasrsquo speech ndash Theanor assumes a firm connec-tion between the individual soul and the daimon inspiring it following thepopular conception of an individual protecting daimon36 Like Simmiasbut unlike the revelation of Timarchus he resolutely separates the daimonfrom the inspired soul The prominence of Pythagorean metempsychosisis new in the myth of Timarchus it is not explicitly connected with theproblem of divination and in Simmiasrsquo speech it plays no role at all

Theanor however certainly does not want to correct Simmias Hisspeech begins with an expression of total agreement with what Simmiashas said in his own name Theanorrsquos contribution once more tries to cometo grips with the point that most fuels the doubts of sceptics like Galaxi-dorus why is Socrates allowed to have experiences which are denied toothers Such a claim ndash expressed by Socrates himself ndash was the main stim-

36 Cf B 1969 431ndash4

166 Stephan Schroumlder

ulus for Galaxidorusrsquo polemics and Simmias too tried to deal with it atthe end Theanorrsquos words are suited to confirm Simmiasrsquo reasoning insofaras they lend plausibility to the idea that an excellent and philosophicallypurified soul has privileged access to divine knowledge transmi ed by adaimon Still the thrust of Theanorrsquos thoughts is different it is concernedwith religion and morals not (as Simmias) with physics and psychologyThe main aspects of Simmiasrsquo discourse play no part in Theanorrsquos consid-erations the ideas most stressed by Theanor are not present in Simmiasrsquoreasoning and both speakers reach their goal ndash to explain the special sta-tus of Socrates ndash by different ways On the other hand we may not say thatSimmiasrsquo arguments would become wholly invalid if Theanor were rightMost of what Simmias has said might even be used to develop Theanorrsquostheory further Admi edly the remarks of ch 20 are based on the assump-tion that the daimonesrsquo messages are in principle directed at everyone pro-vided his soul fulfils the relevant requirements37 Still the differences inreceptivitymight find a place within the frameof Theanorrsquos considerationsif one wanted to inquire into the ways and means of transmission whichhe has not got in view at all The other point concerning which difficultiesmight arise is the divinatory dream which for Simmias represents a com-monly shared experience of daemonic messages and is therefore of greatimportance for his argument Theanor tells us nothing about a lsquobasic pro-visionrsquo of dreams provided by daimones to all or most humans to do thiswould surely endanger the logical consistency of his speech The differ-ence however between a divinatory dream and the kind of favour grantedto Socrates by the daimones is surely so great that there is no real incompat-ibility in this respect between the positions of Simmias and Theanor38

The case is similar with the revelation reported by Timarchus It is in-troduced by Simmias in 21589F and concluded in 23592F in such a wayas to suggest the impression that he feels confirmed by it He may indeedwell be because the myth supports the assumption that a few calm soulsfreed from body and passions have access to superhuman knowledge Inti-mately connected with this is an explanation how this superior knowledgecomes into being Differences of detail need not bother Simmias (i) be-cause the mythrsquos conception of daimones suggests an interpretation of thedaimonion which in itself would be quite adequate to make Galaxidorusrsquointerpretation of the daimonion unnecessary and (ii) because Timarchusrsquoaccount has the form of a Platonic myth and not a systematic philosophi-cal demonstration And to overcome his residual doubts Simmias indeedaccepts Theocritusrsquo helpful observation (in 21589F) that also the lsquomythicalrsquomay at least partially lead to the truth Theanor for one sets Timarchusrsquo

37 Thus H 1895 II 160 n 0 (starting as note 2 on p 158)38 The limited importance of the discrepancies is stressed also by L 1933 66ndash7

and C 1970 81

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 167

report aside as not criticisable (24593A) but agrees with him in the onemain aspect that of a continuous connection of at least some human be-ings with a daimon

4 Conclusion

Let us in conclusion compare the dialogue about Socratesrsquo daimonionwiththe two treatises on oracles

When Simmias tries to show the superfluity of an hypothesis that mightlead to dangerous consequences his procedure is not unlike that of the de-baters in De defectu oraculorum and especially that of Theon in De Pythiaeoraculis The respect for Socrates and his testimony about himself ndash trans-mi ed in different ways by Plato and Xenophon and vouched for by Sim-mias in this dialogue situation from his own experience ndash plays a role simi-lar to that of the respect for traditional religious ideas in the other two trea-tises The myth stands by itself Theanorrsquos speech introduces a dogmaticelement his contribution to the discussion is phrased more confidentlyand argues less cautiously than Simmiasrsquo Theanor regards metempsy-chosis as incontrovertible fact and he does not show much doubt regard-ing the combination of this doctrine with the idea of the daimones whichhe presents From the beginning however Theanor is characterized asa particularly orthodox Pythagorean (cf also ch 16) and subscribes to atheory which the reader may regard as strongly coloured by his spiritualupbringing Moreover when he has spoken the conversation is broken offAs the scope of his explanations is limited as compared to those of Simmias(Theanor just supplements Simmiasrsquo arguments from his own special per-spective) we may take this breaking-off as meaning that nobody gets theopportunity to raise critical questions There is no reason to think thatPlutarch meant Theanorrsquos words to be the last word in this ma er eventhough he may have harboured much sympathy (though perhaps not asmuch as Simmias) for metempsychosis

The notion of the daimones and their importance for divinatory pro-cesses which is introduced in so roundabout a way in De def or andmeant to provide a starting point for the solution of the problem discussedthere is a simple premise in Simmiasrsquo considerations and does not haveany great significance for his argument There is no talk of a mediatingrole of daimones here nor would it have looked very convincing in connec-tion with the theme under discussion39 Explicit theories and beliefs aboutdaimones are contained in Timarchusrsquo report but here there are also manyother things which do not fit easily with Simmiasrsquo speech while Theanor

39 For a similar reason also the term enthousiasmos which appears in both treatises onoracles is missing in De genio Socratis

168 Stephan Schroumlder

just puts the myth on one side In his speech however the daimones arereally needed the explanation of Socratesrsquo privileged position given in itis actually based on a specific connection of the doctrine of daimones andmetempsychosis

However consideringwhat wehave said about the validity of Theanorrsquosstatements this can hardly be the real reason why daimones are taken ac-count of in our dialogue Soon a er Plutarchrsquos time other treatises werewri en about the daimonion Maximus of Tyrus treated the topic in his dis-courses 8 and 9 Apuleius of Madaura wrote a whole book De deo SocratisBoth authors interpret the daimonion by connecting it with theories aboutdaimones We may therefore assume that this view of the phenomenon waswidespread already in Plutarchrsquos time even though evidence is lacking

There is not much that would indicate a firm opinion of Plutarch regard-ing belief in daimones The belief plays a role in a considerable number ofhis writings which cannot be discussed here but in them too observationscan be made that are similar to those we have made here Moreover thevarious passages exhibit considerable factual differences It is nowadayscommunis opinio that Plutarch was indeed much interested in belief in andtheories about daimones but that he did not go beyond considering ndash in var-ious contexts ndash the existence and importance of such intermediate beingsas a possibility40

We can therefore hardly claim that Plutarch presented either a theoryabout the role of daimones in the process of inspiration of which he wasconvinced himself or a system of doctrines on divination or inspiration ingeneral What we are dealing with in his case is on the one hand a firmbelief in divination as it had always been practised and in the providenceof a god shown by it and on the other a determination to defend this be-lief against a acks as well as possible by presenting hypothetically plausi-ble arguments From the thoughts expressed in the several discussions hekeeps a distance that is well suited to his loyalty to the basic Sceptic ten-dency of the Platonic School With this goes a cautious modesty and waryrestraint in his judgment about things divine and an aversion to a emptsto confront traditional beliefs with all-too-astute criticisms (cf De Pyth or18402E De def or 47435E De sera numinis vindicta 4549Endash550A Amato-rius 13756AndashB)41 It fits well with this that in De genio Socratis he wishesto protect Socrates against interpretations like that of Galaxidorus and tofree him from the suspicion of being pretentious

40 The most important presentation of the opposing view is made by S 1942 cf alsothe judgment by B 1969 435ndash6 Against this see D A R Plutarch (London 1973)75ndash8 D 1996 216ndash24 B 1986 2117ndash30 See also (once more) B 1994b

41 Cf J O ldquoDivination and Academic lsquoScepticismrsquo according to Plutarchrdquo inV S 1996 165ndash94 On Plutarchrsquos basic religious a itude see also B 1969504ndash27

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths

Werner Deuse

1 Preliminary remarks

In Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths the reader will discover himself as aplayer in a universal drama of guilt and atonement success and failure inwhich his future ndash which as he discovers was also his past ndash is significantlyrevealed (before a truly cosmic background) as something now brilliantlybright now threateningly dark This drama is a Tua res agitur transposedfrom the earthly present into the temporal and spatial dimensions of thecosmos from which the reader can hardly escape

Of the three myths which will be discussed here1 two (in De sera undin De facie) are integrated into the course of the presentation so that theyform the grand final act of a series of arguments which are developed inlively discussion Many times announced and full of powerful mythicalimagery they transcend the preceding logos and the reader has the taskof interpreting both the myth by means of the logos (as rational argument)and the logos by means of the myth for Plutarch declines to be a guideand interpreter as the concluding words of De facie show (945D) A er itsmyth (microῦθος)2 has been told by Sulla as the tale (λόγος) of a stranger Sullaremarks ldquoYou and your companions Lamprias may make what you willof the tale (λόγος)rdquo3 InDe sera Plutarch even teases the reader with the de-ceptive hope that he will be enlightened The dialogue ends with the mythitself without further comment on it but shortly before the myth is toldOlympichus remarks (563B a er Plutarch who is one of the participantshas ended his argument) ldquoWe do not applaud lest you imagine we arele ing you off from the myth (microῦθος) on the ground that your argumentsuffices to prove your case No we shall pass judgement only when wehave heard that further recitalrdquo The judgement of the participants how-ever we never learn so that a hint by Plutarch is lacking here as well Inboth cases the myth is neither a mere extra nor just a poetic game which

1 They are treated in monographs by B 1953 and V 19772 920B 940F as translated by H G Plutarch Das Mondgesicht (Zuumlrich 1968)

63 ldquomeinen [ie Sullarsquos] Mythosrdquo differently G 1970 533 For De sera the English quotations are taken from E D L 1959 for De

facie from C 1957 and for De genio from that of Donald R in this volume

170 Werner Deuse

might allow us to neglect the significance of the myth for the whole workor even not to take it seriously on the contrary the reader is called uponto do for himself what was expected of the participants of both dialoguesto continue the discussion and to do this now in the light of the myth

InDe genio on the contrary the myth is situated in the middle of the di-alogue and apparently has ndash at first sight ndash hardly a real connection with itsgeneral theme ie the narrative of the liberation of Thebes but it does havea function within the discussion about the daimonion of Socrates Here toowe may observe that much weight is ascribed to the myth but that an in-terpretation of it in the light of the preceding discussion fails to take placeand must again be supplied by the reader Thus the Pythagorean Theanorwhen called upon to express his opinion does not comment upon the mythitself (which he calls λόγος) at all but simply states (593A) ldquoMy opinion[] is that Timarchusrsquo account (λόγος) should be dedicated to the god assacred and inviolablerdquo ndash a judgement that does not permit us to call indi-vidual assertions of the myth into question or examine them critically

As we have seen the myth being a report or narrative can also be calledlsquologosrsquo so that we might assume that it may not be easy to make a distinc-tion between myth and logos (the la er weighs arguments against eachother and is subject to rational demonstration as well as being severelycritical of all assertions which cannot be verified empirically) especially asin our three mythsndashndashapart from the sublime and dramatic cosmic experi-ences the geography of the Beyond and the daimones as guides thereinndashndashthe structure of the Beyond and dynamic of its processes are given a thor-oughly rational basis The closeness of myth to logos however does notinvalidate the differences and this becomes particularly clear when theparticipants of the dialogues consider whether the myth might in fact beunderstood as a logos Compare Simmiasrsquo words in De genio 589F ldquoAsfor the account of this which we heard from Timarchus of Chaeronea itis ltmore likegt myth than rational argument (λόγοις) and perhaps it isbest le unsaidrdquo to which Theocritus answers ldquoNot at all tell us aboutit Myth too does touch on truth even if not very preciselyrdquo SimilarlyPlutarch (as speaker in the dialogue) remarks in De sera 561B ldquothat [] isshown by an account (λόγος) I recently heard but I fear you would takeit for a myth I confine myself accordingly to probabilities (τῷ εἰκότι)rdquo towhich Olympichus responds ldquoBy no means do so but let us have it toordquoa er which Plutarch proposes ldquoFirst let me complete my account (λόγος)of the probabilities later if you decide let us venture upon the myth ndash ifmyth it isrdquo As the participants of the dialogues vacillate they make it clearthat the dignity of logos may indeed be ascribed to the myth but that themythrsquos approach to knowledge (to lsquotruthrsquo) is apparently so different and of

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 171

such a special kind that the speaker who is going to relate the myth at firsthesitates to tell it or even does not want to tell it at all4

Thus we may say that Plutarch so shapes the myths that they can andshould be interpreted The myths do not primarily spring from an urge forartistic creation and they are not simply a compositional means for the aes-thetic play of the authorrsquos imagination Of course they also serve to lsquocitersquoa tradition of literary style deriving from Plato and to satisfy the demandsof a sophisticated technique of dialogue but this should not be taken asthe decisive reason why Plutarch introduces myths into his writings

Summarily ndash and rather provisionally ndash we can describe the inner rela-tionship between each of the three myths and the argumentative parts ofthe three dialogues as follows

(1) De facie Important topics of the lsquoscientificrsquo part ndash like the moonrsquosearthly nature its size and motion the earthrsquos shadow and the moonrsquoseclipse the explanation of the moonrsquos surface (the ldquoface of the moonrdquo) ndashare again taken up in the myth individual hypotheses and explanationsare accepted rejected extended or interpreted afresh At the end of thelsquoscientificrsquo part (940CndashF) some arguments for the habitability of the moonare presented thus providing a lsquobridgersquo to the conception of the moon asthe place of the souls in the myth

(2) De genio Simmiasrsquo a empt to explain the daimonion of Socrates as aphenomenon of direct contact between the nous of a daimon with the nousof Socrates corresponds with the defining role that the freedom of the nousfrom soul and body and the definition of the nous as daimon have in themyth

(3) De sera The participants of this dialogue discuss the question whyGod allows wrongdoers to suffer just punishment for their deeds only verylate and o en not at all during their lifetime The starting-point of this dis-cussion is an Epicureanrsquos a ack against divine providence (at the begin-ning of the work 548C) divine agency seems sufficiently refuted by thefact that punishments are delayed In the further course of the argumentPlutarch (as one of the participants of the dialogue) ventures the hypothe-sis that the concept of divine providence must be combined with the ideathat the soul continues to exist a er manrsquos death 560F ldquoIt is one and thesame argument then [] that establishes both the providence of God andthe survival of the human soul and it is impossible to upset the one con-tention and let the other standrdquo This paves the way to the myth divinejustice is made complete by the punishment of the souls of wrongdoersin the Beyond and the doctrine of the soul on which the myth is basedis itself founded on the continuing existence of the soul as laid out in thelsquoscientificrsquo part

4 On Plutarchrsquos myths see F 1995 173ndash5 H -L 2002 138ndash44 esp 143E 2003 336ndash9 F 2003 325ndash7

172 Werner Deuse

In the myths we thus (re-)encounter the topics of the dialoguesrsquo argu-ments in the guise of imaginative narrative The story however that isthe core of the myth needs corroboration for when the myth is introducedin order to gain a wider perspective of understanding it becomes neces-sary to give a convincing justification of the particular advantage of thisperspective as against the procedure by rational argument This purposeis served by the introduction of informants who tell the story from theirown immediate experience These guarantors however are never identi-cal with those who relate the myth to the other participants of the dialoguendash a strategy of the author which on the one hand guarantees the credibilityof the story and on the other relieves him from having to take responsibil-ity for details especially for those arising from the free play of imaginationand the delight in experimenting with ideas

In De sera and De facie we even get a third person between the authorand the narrator of the myth functioning as its transmi er InDe sera Thes-pesius (also called Aridaeus) is introduced as a relative and friend of Pro-togenes a well-known acquaintance of the participants of the dialogueThespesius told him and other friends what he had seen in the Beyonda er everybody could see that some quite extraordinary experience had tobe the cause for the radical change in his way of life from a reckless rogueto a good and pious man So the story came to Plutarch through Proto-genes and Plutarch relates it to the other participants of the dialogue

In De genio too the author of the myth is ndash according to the fiction ofthe dialogue ndash a historical person who was closely connected to Socratesand his circle Timarchus a friend of Socratesrsquo son Lamprocles Timarchusdescends into the Oracle of Trophonius to learn something about the daimo-nion of Socrates and he then relates to Simmias and others what he has ex-perienced during his removal into the world beyond and Simmias tells hisstory in De genio Thespesius and Timarchus both report what happenedto them and Plutarch leaves no doubt that these men are to regarded asreliable and trustworthy witnesses the death which was prophesied toTimarchus during this vision has already happened as Simmias remarksand of Thespesiusrsquo surprising change of character we have already heard

The myth related by Sulla inDe facie has its origin with a widely-travel-led stranger who is highly educated in philosophy and natural sciencesthis stranger however does not draw on an immediate and personal expe-rience of the Beyond as the two authors of the other myths do but reportswhat the daimones dwelling on the Isle of Kronos (to the west of Britain)have taught him about the moon when he stayed on this island for thirtyyears Later on the myth will make it clear that the daimones belong to themoon and thence come down to earth to fulfil important tasks It is justsuch daimones that the stranger must have encountered on the Isle of Kro-nos which is described as an earthly paradise there they look a er Kronos

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 173

who sleeps in a deep cave this sleep being the fe ers that Zeus has or-dained for him These informants are of course even more to be believedthan human beings Plutarch seems here to have succeeded in strengthen-ing the grounds for credibility For the same reason he makes Sulla stressonce more (at the very end of his tale) that the stranger has learned all thisfrom the servants of Kronos (945D) ldquo[] and he had the account as hesaid himself from the chamberlains and servitors of Kronosrdquo This proofof course rests wholly on the trustworthiness of the stranger Does not hisreport of the journey to the Isle of Kronos look all too much like the fan-tastic tales of travel romances The Carthaginian Sulla however ndash who ina long preliminary remark (which serves as the introduction to the myth)portrays the strangerrsquos travels and his astonishing thirst for knowledge ndashcan point out that the stranger came to Carthage because Kronos enjoyshigh honours there5 and here he discovered holy books which had long re-mained hidden Who would refuse to believe such an extraordinary manStill some doubts remain How trustworthy is Sulla (who is perhaps toopartial regarding his native Carthage) and how are we to check whetherthe stranger has really lived on the Isle of Kronos especially as apparentlyother travellers6 too have heard of its existence Compared with thatboth the fall of Thespesius and Timarchusrsquo visit in the famous oracularcave ndash each being the prerequisite of their soulsrsquo journeys ndash acquire a verydifferent degree of credibility everything in these prerequisites is verifi-able and very well a ested even Socrates himself would very much haveliked to hear Timarchusrsquo report from himself and to have asked him ques-tions if only he had learnt about it soon enough (592F)

In what follows we will ndash always starting with De genio ndash discuss topicsthat play a part in all three myths Our synopsis of them will bring outwith increasing clarity both common traits and differences and it will fi-nally help us to answer the question whether Plutarchrsquos myths are basedon a uniform and internally consistent conception of the Beyond and of theeschatological conditions of the soul or whether the peculiarities and aimsof each work had priority over his wish to stress the unity of his concept

5 E rsquo textual supplement ⟨τοῦ Κρόνου τιmicroάς⟩ 942C is fairly certain cf C1957 191 n b

6 The motif of the sleeping Kronos surrounded by daimones on an island west of Britainis also found in De defectu oraculorum 419Endash420A There Demetrius of Tarsus (apparentlya historical figure cf Z 1964 36) talks of the Isle of Kronos in connection with ajourney to these islands on an imperial mission There have been (rather unconvincing)a empts to identify this Demetrius with the ldquostrangerrdquo see V 1977 102ndash3 andA 1921 42ndash4

174 Werner Deuse

2 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatologicaltopography

In De genio and De sera humans hovering between life and death ventureinto the world beyond they are presumed dead (either because of a dan-gerous fall as in Thespesiusrsquo case in De sera or because as in Timarchusrsquocase in De genio a return out of the oracular cave is no longer expected)but they are still alive with their bonds to their bodies preserved thoughthey have le the earth In De facie no being crosses the frontier betweenlife and death and a direct experience of separation from the body is notpart of the story

In Timarchusrsquo case external agency leads to the separation of soul andbody a blow on the head accompanied by a loud noise causes the su-tures of the skull to open and release the soul (ψυχή) Thespesius fallson his neck so unfortunately that his consciousness (his organ of thinkingτὸ φρονοῦν 563E) jumps out of his body and he experiences a plungeinto the deep like a helmsman thrown off his ship7 soon a erwards heis li ed up a bit and feels as though he was breathing freely throughouthis whole being ndash Timarchus experiences the same8 ndash and then his gazereaches everywhere as if his soul (ψυχή 563E) had opened like a singleeye Timarchusrsquo experience is different he hears something before helooks up and he looks up because he hears a pleasant whirring abovehis head As Timarchus (when looking up) can no more see the earth butonly shining islands so Thespesius sees nothing of what was before butonly the stars in their mighty size Not only is their beam of light brilliantlycoloured but it also possesses vigorous energy (τόνος) so that Thespesiusrsquosoul using this light as a vehicle can move easily and quickly in every di-rection Thespesius sees very much more of which he does not tell us hemay have seen the sea of stars with its islands coasts and mouths of fieryrivers which Timarchus describes in detail

Timarchus reports that his soul ndash immediately a er leaving the bodybut before breathing its sigh of relief and relaxing while extending ndash blendswith clear and pure air (πρὸς ἀέρα διαυγῆ καὶ καθαρόν 590BC) Thisphase is not related by Thespesius who at once proceeds from breathing towatching but he too mentions the realm of air However it is not he thatis affected by it but the souls of the dying ascending from below whom heobserves undergoing the following change (563F564A) they form a fire-like bubble while the air divides (ie while the air makes room for theascending souls9) then the bubble bursts and the soul in the form of a

7 On this see note a by E D L 1959 2728 De sera 563E ἔδοξεν ἀναπνεῖν (ldquowas breathingrdquo) ὅλος De genio 590C ἀναπνεῦσαι

(ldquoto relaxrdquo) τότε δοκεῖν and what follows in De genio (ldquoand become bigger than beforelike a sail being unfurledrdquo) looks like a commentary on the word ὅλος in De sera

9 ldquoThey made a flamelike bubble as the air was displaced (ἐξισταmicroένου τοῦ ἀέρος) and

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 175

human comes out of it We may therefore say with certainty that for thesouls ndash a er they have le their body and the earth ndash the realm of air isthe first stopping-place on their way This is confirmed by De facie 943Cwhere every soul has to stay in the space between earth and moon for acertain time the good ones ldquoin the gentlest part of the air which they calllsquothe meads of Hadesrsquordquo10 The realm of air itself is apparently divided intoseveral regions where the air is ldquogentlestrdquo the uppermost layer (so wemay assume) is reached and this serves for cleansing the good souls fromremains of corporeal contacts Probably this layer is also alluded to in Desera where two groups are distinguished among the ascending souls ac-cording to their motions (564A) on the one hand those moving aimlessly toand fro on the other hand those moving straight up and probably identicalwith those who seem cheerful to Thespesius being situated ἐν ἄκρῳ11 τοῦπεριέχοντος (564B) and so at the highest point of the space encompassingthe souls ie of the realm of air

Where exactly however are the observers Timarchus and ThespesiusFirst of all there is a remarkable difference between them Timarchus doesnot change his location he may look more closely at things but nowhereis it said that he moves to another place in the Beyond It is differentwith Thespesius Already at the beginning it is said that the starlight al-lows his soul to move quickly and easily in every direction (563F) Thushis relative ndash acting as knowledgeable cicerone of the Beyond ndash leads himon beams of light like wings across a vast distance to a deep abyss thePlace of Lethe (565Endash566A) then across another distance just as vast to an-other deep abyss into which mighty streams plunge as into a mixing bowl(566AndashC) And still he remains in motion an a empt to get nearer to theOracle of Apollo fails continuing on his way he listens to the Sibyl andis finally driven in the opposite direction by the momentum of the moon(566DndashE) His next stop is the site of horrendous punishments which he

then as the bubble gently burst came forth human in form but slight in bulk []rdquo F -2003 115 translates ldquowenn die Lu entwichrdquo and comments (378 n 3 on ch 23)

ldquoIm irdischen Leben war der Seele offenbar Lu beigemischtrdquo This however is contra-dicted by the meaning of ἐξίσταmicroαι and the fact that the souls first have to cross the realmof air During this crossing the souls form the airy bubble as a fiery envelope ie theyclothe themselves in particles of air when touching the air which divides before them (seealso E D L 1959 273 n e) When Timarchus speaks of his soul as blendingwith the clear (translucent διαυγής) air this might be a preliminary stage to or a variantof the forming of the flame- or firelike lsquosoul-bubblersquo

10 ἐν τῷ πραοτάτῳ τοῦ ἀέρος ὃν λειmicroῶνας Ἅιδου καλοῦσι On λειmicroών see C1957 201 n c

11 The majority of the manuscripts transmit κάρῳ from which no sense can be gainedand which in Ambrosianus 859 is corrected to ἄκρῳ τῷ (P ) καθαρῷ is read by P -

(citing the above-mentioned passage from De genio 590BC πρὸς ἀέρα hellip καθαρόν)and E D L 1959 If we choose P rsquos conjecture there are also different lay-ers ie of differing purity should we in this case not expect a comparative or superlative

176 Werner Deuse

has to pass through Even the end of the tale is characterized by changeof places Thespesius wants to turn round but is forbidden to do so sud-denly he finds himself again in his body the change from the other worldinto this being complete (568A)

The series of stops on this way through the Beyond may be interpretedas follows (1) Thespesius is at first where the souls arrive straight a erdeath there he encounters not only the souls of the dying12 but also thosewhose death happened some time ago like the soul of his guide throughthe Beyond13 (2) Then his relative takes him to the Place of Lethe an abyssnear which Thespesiusrsquo soul and the other souls are abandoned by the car-rying force of the light The souls move down towards the abyss and ndashnot daring to fly across it ndash just circle it We may assume that these othersouls14 correspond to those souls (or at least to some of them) whom Thes-pesius has observed during and a er their ascent although this is not saidexplicitly Now the abyss of Lethe is not a dark and dreadful gorge but aplace of Dionysiac joys15 a paradise full of flowers scents laughter playand pleasure It therefore exerts tremendous a raction seducing the soulto remember its existence within the body and thus enticing it to yearn forthe world of becoming This abyss then is an intermediate stop for thesouls on their way back to earth but for Dionysus (and later Semele aswell) it was the place of ascent (566A) Thespesius must not linger hereWe do not learn what happens to the souls circling round this seductiveabyss evidently the scents wa ing out of it have a beneficial effect on themWhether however these souls proceed from the rim into the deep and jointhe banqueters (or are even identical with them) or whether on the con-trary there is a strict distinction between those outside and those insidethe abyss cannot be decided (3) The next stop the Mixing Bowl of theDreams16 another abyss is called the Oracle of Night and Moon by thesoul guide Orpheus (the guide says) came this far while searching for thesoul of his wife though he later talked erroneously of an Oracle of Apolloand Night at Delphi It is from the Oracle of Night and Moon that dreamscome to humans as a mixture of truth and falsehood Here then we havea second connection with earth and Thespesius is now apparently in theregion of the moon This is confirmed by the guidersquos a empt to lead Thes-pesius still higher to show him the Oracle of Apollo this however failsbecause Thespesius is still bound to his body and the beam of the light of

12 563F τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν τελευτώντων13 This is the soul (564BC 564D) of a relative who died when Thespesius was still a child

(564C) he is later called ὁ τοῦ Θεσπεσίου ψυχοπόmicroπος (566B) and ὁ δαίmicroων (566D) bythe narrator

14 565E καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ψυχὰς ἑώρα ταὐτὸ (ie the loss of the force carrying them)πασχούσας ἐκεῖ

15 It is compared to cultic gro os of Bacchus see V 1977 186 with n 516 Cf M P N ldquoKraterrdquo in Id Opuscula selecta III (Lund 1960) 332ndash8 esp 334ndash5

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 177

the Oracle is too bright Thespesius then cannot transcend the sphere ofthe moon he remains there as is shown by his encounter with the Sibylwho ndash wandering in front of the face of the moon ndash tells him the future (ap-parently also the time of his death) The movement of the moon howeverdrives him off in the opposite direction17 (4) The last stop is the terriblespectacle of punishments extending to the circle of hell where the soulsare suitably moulded for their rebirth (567EndashF) We do not learn howeverwhere exactly Thespesius now is At first both Thespesius and his guidewatch the humans being tortured but as Thespesius encounters his crimi-nal father he wants to flee in desperation but his guide has vanished andhe has to follow other dreadful beings pushing him onwards (567A) Thefields of punishment then must be located where the face of the mooncannot be seen and pure (or purified) souls like that of his guide are notallowed to linger

So the narrative leads us from the place where the souls first arrive anddwell provisionally to the starting-point of return to life on earth from theplace of oracles dreams and prophecies ndash which concern life on earth aswell ndash and thus from the moon and its face to its rear side which is (it maybe thought) the place of hellish punishment and of preparation for rebirth

As for Thespesius change of place is decisive so for Timarchus it ischange of perspective of view

(1) Looking up Timarchus at first perceives the world of stars (star cir-cles fixed stars planets the Galaxy) as a multi-coloured sea of light (withislands and currents) which delights him Then looking down he sees abig circular abyss deep and dreadful full of darkness and restlessly mov-ing and from its depths varied wails of living beings sounds of lamentand tumultuous noises can be heard

(2) At this moment a voice (Timarchus will never see the speaker) offersto be his guide and to interpret what he sees This invisible guide howeverwill only be able to enlighten Timarchus adequately about that region ofthe Beyond to which he himself belongs and which he administers togetherwith the other daimones the higher region in which he (and the others ofhis kind) have only li le part is the realm of other gods18 His sphere ofaction (that of Persephone) is the last of four within the hierarchy of theparts of the cosmos the border area of the zone of light up to which Styxthe way into Hades reaches from below with its extreme tip (of shadow)

(3) The explanation of the nature of Styx makes it necessary to explainalso the whole structure of the cosmos to Timarchus ie the hierarchy notonly of the four Principles (Life Motion Becoming Decay) but also of thethree connecting links (Monad Intellect Nature) together with the three

17 For a tentative explanation see below pp 179ndash8018 591A ἄλλων γὰρ θεῶν ἐκεῖνα Perhaps we should understand ldquothe realm of oth-

ers namely godsrdquo compare 591BC ldquoThe other islands have gods (θεούς) but the moonbelongs to terrestrial daimonesrdquo

178 Werner Deuse

associated regions of the cosmos (that of the Invisible of the Sun and ofthe Moon) and the three Moirai (Atropos Clotho Lachesis)

(4) Only now is the exact location of the area in which the guide isactive revealed it is the moon the turning-point of Becoming to whichthe earthly daimones belong while the other islands are inhabited by godsThus we assume that Timarchusrsquo guide is an earthly demon dwelling onthe moon We have returned ndash but not without having learned somethingndash to the starting-point of the guidersquos explanation of the cosmos

(5) Now it is also possible to describe the special relationship betweenStyx and moon in more detail and to regard the border region betweenthese two as the stage on which the future of the soul is decided The guidenow focuses on the fate and nature of the soul he opens Timarchusrsquo eyesfor what he sees but cannot understand without explanation

His following remarks further develop this theme of the soul (a) Inconnection with the (periodically failing) a empt of the moon to escapeStyx a lsquodrama of soulsrsquo unfolds on the one hand the souls who are stillimpure are rejected by the moon tumble back become the prey of Hadesand have to go down again into Becoming on the other hand the soulsfor whom the end of Becoming has arrived are accepted by the moon (b)At first Timarchus does not understand this lsquodrama of soulsrsquo because hesees only stars and their various movements (b1) stars that move up anddown around the abyss (παλλοmicroένους 591D) (b2) stars that plunge intoit (b3) stars that dart up from below (c) Timarchus does not comprehendndash as the guide recognizes ndash that he is watching the daimones themselves (d)Therefore the guide has to explain the structure and nature of the soul ieits participation in Intellect so that Timarchus may recognize its nature asbeing that of a daimon19

The moon and the cosmic region bordering the world of Becoming are atthe centre of Timarchusrsquo experience of the Beyond As the voice instructinghim does not seem to have a body and a fixed place in space so the locationat which Timarchus gets his round view of the heavenly regions remainsoddly indefinite is he on the moon or near to the border region of moonand Styx or directly above the moon One thing seems certain the abyssis below him for he must look down to see it

If we compare this to the Thespesius myth we detect surprising gapsFirst of all regarding spatial dimensions Thespesius has to overcome tre-mendous distances to arrive at the abyss of Lethe and the Mixing Bowlof Dreams Of these two abysses Timarchus tells us nothing and for himspace in all its extension is also totally unimportant when he looks downinto his abyss of darkness We learn nothing of the place of punishmentthat is the climax of Thespesiusrsquo tale perhaps to be located in the moon re-gion because that is the last stage of Thespesiusrsquo journey in the Beyond To

19 This analysis is continued below on pp 181ndash3

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 179

be sure the abyss that terrifies Timarchus sends up wailings and lamentsof men and women but also of countless li le children is this to be theplace of punishment that we know from De sera20

What however is missing in both myths Both are silent about thedwelling place of the good and pure souls This holds true for the pe-riod between the soulrsquos separation from the body and its reincarnation aswell as for the unlimited time of an existence that has surmounted theneed to return into the world of Becoming To be sure there are somehints The voice mentions the impure souls which are rejected by the moonand return into the circle of Becoming and the souls which arrive on themoon having reached the end of Becoming but there follows no descrip-tion where and how they then dwell on the moon In the Thespesius myththe paradise-like abyss of Lethe serves as the starting-point for rebirth thismay refer to the realm of the blessed and describe the form of existence ofthe souls a er their arrival in the Beyond and before their reincarnationbut the negative aspect of the beguilement and seduction of the souls intoassociation with the body is surely the dominant theme in the descriptionof the place

We may perhaps get a complete picture by turning to the myth in Defacie and its topography for here the moon is at the centre of the story

The space between earth and moon has already been described as a re-gion for punishing and purifying the souls Their stay here varies in lengthand there is a plain higher up reserved for the good souls the Meadow ofHades (943C) Only the pure souls reach the moon itself to lead a life therewhich is extremely pleasant but neither blessed nor divine until the Intel-lect separates from the soul (942F) At the same time the moon is a place ofpunishment and reward for the souls that have already become daimonesThere are two ways21 for them the one leading to the side of the moonthat is turned towards heaven the other to that turned towards earth Theside turned towards heaven is called the Elysian Field22 How the soulslive there and whether this is a temporary stay we are not told but as theseparation of soul from Intellect happens on the moon this stay can onlybe temporary

So we get more detailed indications of topography only in De facie buteven they do not help us to locate and understand be er certain placesnamed inDe genio undDe sera We may just try to make a few conjecturesBoth of the abysses inDe sera are so far apart from each other that only the

20 See also von A 1921 28f21 944C C 1957 considers reading καλοῦσι δrsquo αὐτῶν (ldquosc the depths and hol-

lows of the moonrdquo) τὸ microὲν microέγιστον Ἑκάτης microυχόν [] τὰ δὲ δύο microακρὰ ⟨τὰς Πύλας⟩ldquoand the two long ones are called ltlsquothe Gatesrsquogtrdquo

22 Ἠλύσιον πεδίον see C 1957 195 n d but De gen 591A τὴν δὲ Φερσεφόνηςmicroοῖραν (ldquothe portion of Persephonerdquo) is erroneously interpreted by him as ldquoHadesrdquo andnot as ldquoMoonrdquo (see n 216 to the translation)

180 Werner Deuse

Mixing Bowl of the Dreams (the Oracle of Night and Moon) can be thoughtto be near the moon but about thisOracleDe sera stays silent23 Again thegreat distance of the Dionysiac abyss of Lethe from the Mixing Bowl (andthus from the moon) prevents us from connecting this abyss with the Gorgeof Hecate or with the side of the moon turned towards earth though it ishere that an intermediate stay of the souls before returning into the worldof Becoming might at least be conceivable24 The (futile) a empt of theguide to take Thespesius higher towards the light of the Oracle of Apollomight have been launched from the heavenward side of the moon Shortlya er that when Thespesius listening to the Sibylrsquos prophecies is pushedin the opposite direction by the momentum of the moon25 this should takehim to the moonrsquos earthward side which is perhaps identical with the placeof punishment Thespesius visits a er the episode with the Sibyl

Neither of the two abysses to which Thespesius is led can be comparedwith the dark abyss terrifying Timarchus it is through this abyss of horrorthat for the most part the souls ascending from earth and returning toit move There is no lack of dark colours either in Thespesiusrsquo scenario oflsquoascentrsquo or inDe facie Thespesius describes the dismay of some of the soulsand their ldquoinarticulate sounds mingled with outcries as of lamentationand terrorrdquo (564B) Sullarsquos report mentions the wailing and lamenting ofthe souls that are brought to their just punishment in the space betweenearth and moon (944B cf 943C) ldquoAt the same time too with wails ltandgtcries the souls of the chastised then approach through the shadow frombelowrdquo Wailing and weeping of course also fill the place of punishmentin De sera (566E and 567D) and there we also encounter (at the end) themotive of return for Thespesius visits the souls who are being preparedfor their second birth (567E here however there is no more talk of wailingand lamenting although the tortured souls would have good reason forthis) So there is common ground but the abyss in De genio still preservesits peculiarities ndash and its mystery for we would like to separate cleanlywhat here seems to be treated as a single process the up and down of thesouls on the one hand their fear and failure on the other and thirdly theirpunishment The comparison with the other myths makes clear that theseare separate things

The heavenly space above the moon is to be our last topographical prob-lem it is also well suited to lead us to the lsquoanthropologyrsquo We have already

23 We can hardly take the fact that the daimones take care of the oracles on the earth (944C)as an allusion to this Oracle which moreover is not located on earth (564C)

24 According toDe facie 942F the pure souls lead an absolutely easy (though not blessed)life on the moon only just the final phase of this life shortly before the return into theexistence within a body might be reflected in Dionysiac actions ndash but there still remains thedistance problem

25 566E τῇ ῥύmicroῃ τῆς σελήνης εἰς τοὐναντίον [] ἐξεώσθη

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 181

seen that there are allusions to this realm beyond the moon inDe genio andDe sera The voice instructs Timarchus that the islands in the heavenly seaare ruled by gods while the moon is administrated by the daimones stat-ing ldquowe have li le to do with what is above that belongs to other godsrdquo(591A)26 Thespesius too is permi ed to see the stars and their size anddistance from each other at the beginning of his heavenly journey (563EF)but his a empt to look up towards the Oracle of Apollo fails because ofthe excessive brightness of its source of light (566D) In both texts thenthe space above the moon is not really part of the myth the allusions to itonly serve to inform the reader of the restriction of perspective It is all themore astonishing that in the outline of cosmic hierarchy with which thevoice of the guide prefaces his explanations two further spheres above themoon are mentioned (the Invisible and the sun) but have no part at all toplay in what follows This is further proof that Plutarch wants to excludethe Invisible and the sun as topics and alert the reader to this Why thenis the sun so important in De facie There the relationship of Intellect tothe sun is brought up again and again Intellect separates from the soulon the moon and longs for the sun (944E) the sun brings Intellect into ex-istence (943A) and lsquosowsrsquo it on the moon (945C) Why on the contrary isthe topic of the sun avoided in De genio although the distinction betweensoul and Intellect is here at the centre of the anthropology of the myth aswell The answer must be only in De facie can the myth cover all aspectsof the doctrine of the soul and thus also of cosmology for it is to the dai-mones that the stranger owes his knowledge and the daimones can give in-formation about the doctrine of the soul and the hierarchy of the cosmosbecause it is their nature to wander between the worlds27 Timarchus andThespesius however remain fe ered to their earthly existence while ex-periencing the Beyond there is on the one hand a detailed description ofthe ldquobond of the soulrdquo which plays a role also in the tale about the endof Hermodorus (De gen 591Fndash592D) and on the other ndash in De sera ndash theldquocable of the soulrdquo which prevents Thespesius from ascending any higher(566D) Thus the way into the spheres beyond the moon is closed to bothof them The myths of De genio und De sera however gain their impor-tance from their protagonistsrsquo personal experience of the beyond so thatthis has to be at the centre of their stories while a more abstract discus-sion would not carry the conviction of something personally experiencedPlutarch therefore forgoes a presentation of the supra-lunar world in thiscontext

26 See also n 18 above27 Timarchusrsquo guide in the Beyond is a daimon too and therefore able to explain the

structure of the cosmos and although he has only li le contact to the world beyond themoon (see above n 18) he is obviously familiar with it

182 Werner Deuse

3 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of themyths28

Both in De genio and in De facie the whole doctrine of the soul is based ona sharp distinction between soul (ψυχή) and intellect (νοῦς) In De genio591D we read that every soul possesses a share in Intellect and that there isno soul without reason (ἄλογος) or without intellect (ἄνους) this is stated(as the context shows) of the human soul Now it is important that mostpeople regard intellect as residing in themselves while it actually existsoutside of them so those with the right understanding call it δαίmicroων Aneven sharper distinction of soul and intellect is worked out inDe facie heretoo we find the statement (polemically arguing against a widespread mis-understanding) that the intellect is in no way a part (microόριον) of the soul (asthe soul itself is no part of the body) but that it is be er and more divinethan the soul29 During manrsquos ldquosecond deathrdquo (on the moon) the intellect isindeed separated from the soul so that only the soul remains on the moonWe do not however find an identification of Daimon and intellect in thistext it even talks of souls who have become daimones30

We will understand the differences between these very similar conceptsof intellect only if we pay close a ention to the intentions of the respec-tive texts We therefore have to begin with a detailed analysis of De genio591Dndash592C31 The train of thought of this passage can be described as fol-lows

(6) The soul has a share of Intellect When it combines with the body thismeans a turn towards the irrational (ἄλογον) There are various degreesin intensity of the connection of soul and body (a) there are souls whichsink wholly into the body (b) souls which on the one hand combine withthe body up to a certain degree but on the other ldquoto some extent leave theirpurest element outsiderdquo A er this the right definition of soul and Intellect daimon is explained So this section has the function of shi ing the centreof the presentation from the ldquodrama of the soulsrdquo and the observation ofthe stars to the form of existence of the soul within a living manrsquos body andof highlighting the meaning of the term lsquodaimonrsquo

(7) Timarchus is now able to connect the stars he discovered when helooked at the abyss and the motions of which he described (see above nr5b 591D) with souls (a) the stars that are flickering out are the souls sink-ing wholly into the body (b) the stars that are lighting up are the souls

28 See K A ldquoZur Auffassung von Seele und Geist bei Platon Mi elplatonikernPlotinrdquo Hyperboreus 11 (2005) 30ndash59 B 2005 V 1977 123ndash215

29 943A νοῦς γὰρ ψυχῆς ὅσῳ ψυχὴ σώmicroατος ἄmicroεινόν ἐστι καὶ θειότερον30 944C (ψυχαὶ) ἤδη γεγενηmicroέναι δαίmicroονες31 We start where the analysis of 590Cndash591D (above p 178) ended with nr 5d so that

the numbering now resumes with nr 6 There is a good interpretation in D B2002 vol 62 228ndash34 (Baustein 1732)

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 183

re-emerging from the bodies a er death (c) the stars moving above arethe daimones of people distinguished by Intellect32 Section 7 then has thefunction of combining both themes treated hitherto (ie the ldquodrama of thesoulsrdquo and the term daimon) focusing (at last) on the relationship betweendaimon and soul while the soul is still in the body and making this the realtopic of the question about the daimonion of Socrates section 7c providesthe transition

(8) The guide asks Timarchus to have a close look at the bond (σύνδε-σmicroος) of each daimon to its soul Timarchus then observes stars that (a1) toss up and down to a lesser degree those that (a 2) do so to a higherdegree and those that (b) move in confused spirals and do not managea motion in one straight direction Obviously only those souls are herebeing described that have entered a body so that the distinction betweensoul and intellect-daimon is now in the foreground

(9) The motions of the stars reflect the behaviour of the souls within thebody and their strength or weakness vis-agrave-vis their irrational element (orpart τὸ ἄλογον) The bond of the daimon to the soul acts on this irrationalelement like a rein (a) a straight and well-ordered motion shows an eas-ily guidable soul (b) a disordered motion indicates the up and down ofvictory and defeat in the struggle with a disobedient and barely guidableone The distinction (which made sense in section 8) between two vari-ants of the (basically orderly) up-and-down motion of the stars (a 1 and a2 the irrational though pliable element of these souls will not permit to-tally uniform movements of the stars daimones so that varying degrees ofthis up and down movement result) can be neglected here in section 9 be-cause this section is meant to lead us to a special kind of humans with theirοἰκεῖος δαίmicroων namely τὸ microαντικὸν γένος of which Hermodorus ispresented as an example Therefore the distinction here is only between(a) fundamentally orderly and (b) totally disorderly motion33 in connec-tion with the respective nature of the soul With this also the questionof the daimon of Socrates has finally found its answer now that a numberof prerequisites for the right understanding of it have been discussed andexplained

32 In tabular form (591EndashF)ἀστέρες ψυχαί(a) τοὺς microὲν οὖν ἀποσβέννυσθαι δο-

κοῦντας ἀστέρας(a) τὰς εἰς σῶmicroα καταδυοmicroένας ὅλας

ψυχάς(b) τοὺς δrsquo οἷον ἀναλάmicroποντας πάλιν

καὶ ἀναφαινοmicroένους κάτωθεν(b) τὰς ἐκ τῶν σωmicroάτων ἐπαναπλεού-

σας microετὰ τὸν θάνατον(c) οἱ δrsquo ἄνω διαφερόmicroενοι (c) δαίmicroονές εἰσι τῶν νοῦν ἔχειν λεγο-

microένων ἀνθρώπων

33 Cf 592A (= 8b) ἐνίους δὲ hellip ἕλικα τεταραγmicroένην καὶ ἀνώmicroαλον ἕλκοντας and 592AB(= 9b) τοὺς δrsquo ἄνω καὶ κάτω πολλάκις ἀνωmicroάλως καὶ τεταραγmicroένως ἐγκλίνοντας

184 Werner Deuse

The whole passage derives its inner tension from the necessity (on theone hand) to elaborate the intimately connected linking and separation inthe relationship between soul and Intellect and (on the other hand) to de-termine exactly the relationship between soul and Intellect during the twomutually exclusive forms of existence of the soul (during life in the bodyand a er death) The compositional device lies in creating a border regionwith its up and down (the moon) but to equip this up and down with aspecial ambivalence now stressing one strand of the argument (the soula er it has le the body) now the other (the soul in the body) or even let-ting both run side by side (sections 5b and 7) and finally making one ofthem (the soul in the body) the real aim of the argument (sections 6 8ndash9)34

InDe facie as well there are (from 942F onwards) two primary strands ofmotifs connected in such a way that now one and now the other receivesspecial emphasis without the reader noticing this at once There are somesecondary topics as well the significance of which for the development ofthe central argument does not immediately become clear

The discussion (and correction) of the mythological interpretation of themoonrsquos eclipse leads to the description of the border region between earthand moon which is marked by the earthrsquos shadow Now Sulla by describ-ing the soulsrsquo ascent to the moon and their stay on it as well as the separa-tion of Intellect from the soul on it interweaves two main topics from thebeginning (A) the relation between soul and moon (ie the soulrsquos move-ment towards the moon and away from it the soulrsquos existence on it thesoulrsquos dissolution and renewed union with Intellect) (B) the basic anthro-pological conception and the separation of Intellect from the soul Laterhowever the tale focuses on topic B the transition to topic A is then pre-pared by telling us what the main difference is between the two processesof separation taking place on earth and on the moon that on earth is quickand violent that on the moon (ie the separation of Intellect from the soul)is slow and gentle (943B) Taken by itself this description of the mode ofseparation need not necessarily lead to topic A topic B could very well becontinued and brought to an end so that the whole topic would be treatedcoherently and consistently Plutarch chooses another way the topic ofthe separation of intellect from the soul having been le behind topic Acomes into its own occupying a long passage (943Cndash944E) which ndash in con-nection with the question about the substance (οὐσία) of the moon ndash alsodiscusses (on a fundamental level) hypotheses about the mixture of com-

34 How keen Plutarch is on creating a sense of suspense is shown by the fact that thepeculiarity of the crucial motion of the stars around the abyss (section 5 b1 παλλοmicroένουςthis is going to explain the effects on Intellect as daimon on certain distinguished people)cannot be understood either by Timarchus or by the reader because all the stars are de-clared daimones We might say that everything that follows only serves to explain this kindof star

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 185

ponents in the stars (starting from Plato and following the lead given byXenocratesrsquo doctrine as a guide 943Fndash944A) It is only in 944E that the sep-aration of Intellect from the soul turns up again ndash somewhat unexpectedlya er passages on the life and activities of the daimones on the moon ndash withthe very important statement that this separation is brought about by Intel-lectrsquos longing for the ldquoimage in the sunrdquo Very soon the topic of moon andsoul is dominant again (from 944F onwards) and the topic of separationis only briefly and incidentally alluded to35 until finally (945CndashD) withwidening perspective we get a description not only of the interplay of sun(ldquosowingrdquo of Intellect) moon and earth during the genesis of the soul butalso of the function of the three Moirai for sun moon and earth Thus thedemonstration returns to its beginning but now in the cosmological per-spective the role of the lsquoanthropology of sun and moonrsquo has become muchclearer

Why does the separation of soul and Intellect so soon recede into thebackground Why does it not continue to be discussed in connection withthe topic of moon and soul or ndash this could have been an alternative ndash whydid Plutarch not treat these topics one a er the other and bring each ofthem on its own to a neat conclusion There are two important reasonsfor Plutarchrsquos choice (1) To do justice to the complex relationship betweensoul and moon many elements and most of all the connection betweenthese elements had to be taken account of thus there had to be details ofargument that did not allow a direct reference to the second main topicand in which a hint of the separation of Intellect from the soul would be analien element (2) On the other hand these details of argument create theconditions to take up the second main topic again and deepen it for beforethe process of removal of the Intellect from the soul can be described withmore detail it is necessary to discuss both the soulrsquos form of existence onthe moon and the nature of the moon itself The description of the formof the soulrsquos existence on the moon a er separation naturally follows fromthis

We may assume that the strict separation of Intellect and soul is themore important of the two main topics it is central both at the beginningand at the end and is also the prerequisite of the soulrsquos peculiar existence onthe moon for if the Intellect could not remove itself from the soul entirelyie if there were still traces of Intellect preserved in the soul it would beunthinkable that the soul could dissolve itself entirely into the substanceof the moon For however a Platonist might define the soul and its partsor faculties the immortality indestructibility and immateriality of the ra-tional soul and the Intellect36 remains the one prerequisite of the Platonic

35 945A χωρὶς ἑκατέρου (ie without body and Intellect) ibid ἀφεθεῖσαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦνοῦ (ldquofor abandoned by the mindrdquo)

36 Cf in De facie 945C ὁ δὲ νοῦς ἀπαθὴς καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ microικτὸν δὲ καὶ microέσον ἡ

186 Werner Deuse

doctrine of the soul accepted by all The moon receiving Intellect from thesun brings forth new souls (945C) ie it supplies Intellect with souls lack-ing Intellect It is able to do that because the souls dissolve themselves intoit and this makes the moon their basic element (στοιχεῖον 945A) Both theseparation of Intellect from the soul and the combination of Intellect withthe soul happen on the moon Without the moon there could be no gene-sis of the soul but if soul and Intellect were not fundamentally distinct innature in origin and on the ontological scale of values37 the process of thegenesis of man could not even begin38

Let us now look once more at the respective conception of Intellect inthe passages of De genio and De facie that we have discussed Are bothconceptions in harmony with each other Does it at all make sense to pre-suppose or indeed demand a uniform conception A comparison of thepurposes of the respective texts quickly shows that this would mean tocompare things which are not comparable ndash strange as this may soundin view of their basic agreement Since in De genio the Intellect as daimonguides the human from outside its separation from the soul seems just asmuch a given here as in De facie The topic of separation however as weknow it from De facie plays no part here because the fate of the Intellect-daimon a er the soulrsquos ascent to the moon is not so much as discussed inDe genio at all This text is only concerned with the Intellect-daimon duringthe existence of the soul within the body of a living human To be surethere is talk of the soulrsquos ascent a er death and of successful or failed at-tempts by the souls to get to the moon but the lunar existence of this soulcoupled with the Intellect-daimon ndash this must be stressed once again ndash isnot investigated further Having read Sullarsquos myth the reader will be verykeen to put questions to the Timarchus myth which are answered in theSulla myth but the Timarchus myth will have nothing to say Again theSulla myth will be dumb when asked about the identity of Intellect anddaimon We should therefore beware of playing off the statements of thetwo myths against each other

In De sera the guide distinguishes between the faculty of reasoning iethe intellect39 of Thespesius and ldquothe rest of your soulrdquo40 this part of the

ψυχὴ (ldquothe mind is impassible and sovereign but the soul is a mixed and intermediatethingrdquo) on ἀπαθής see De animae procreatione 1026D ἔκ τε τῆς θείας καὶ ἀπαθοῦς ἔκτε τῆς θνητῆς καὶ περὶ τᾶ σώmicroατα παθητῆς microερίδος and 1022E (τὸ γὰρ ἁπλοῦν καὶἀπαθές) on which see C 214 n a of his edition (London 1976) with further pas-sages De genio 591E (here τὸ φθορᾶς λειφθὲν is called νοῦς) and in general AlcinousDidaskalikos 25 p 17721ndash17823 H (W L Paris 1990 48ndash50) on the λογικὴψυχή as ἀθάνατος ἀνώλεθρος ἀσύνθετος ἀδιάλυτος in contrast to the ἄλογοι ψυχαίwhich in all probability are θνηταί and φθαρταί (25 p 17831f H)

37 Cf 943A (above n 29)38 See also D B 2002 203ndash7 (Baustein 1542)39 564C τῷ φρονοῦντι Thespesius has come into the Beyond (the guide says) at the

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 187

soul has remained in the body like an anchor We do not learn any moreAs passions and crimes on earth leave their imprints on the soul the soulsin the Beyond show clear traces of them The nature of these souls is notexplained in more detail so that we can only gather from a few hints bythe guide what role intellect plays here and to what extent the irrational el-ement of the souls of the deceased also finds it way into the Beyond Thereare souls whose power of reasoning is apparently too weak41 so that theywish to enter a body again and experience a rebirth so the rational elementof the soul must be endangered in the Beyond as well42 Furthermore thereis an explicit distinction between a punishment in the Beyond directed onlyat the irrational part of the soul43 and one aimed at the rational part44 asthe hidden site of corruption We may therefore assume that the soul ar-rives in the Beyond as an entity consisting of its rational and its irrationalpart (or element or faculty) and finds it place of punishment there

The aspects of the doctrine of the soul just mentioned are importantfor De sera because they explain the soulrsquos ability to move around with itshighest part even outside the body this is a clear parallel to De facie andeven more to De genio (where the connection to the body is described aswell) Crucial however is the conception of the soul in the Beyond as anentity consisting of an irrational and a rational part only so can the mythmake it plausible that all transgressions and crimes the most brutal andthe most subtle leave their mark on the souls and determine their futurepunishment Indeed the inquiry into the consequences for the soul of itsoffences on earth ndash their imprint on the souls and the resulting punishmentndash lies at the heart of the myth Thus here too the doctrine of the soul whollyserves the intentions of the text

beginning of the narrative (563E) we read ldquoHe said that when his intelligence (τὸ φρονοῦν)was driven from his bodyrdquo see also 566A That this means the intellect (nous) is shown byDe facie 944Fndash945A ldquoIn fact the self of each of us is not anger [] but is that with which wereason and understand (ᾧ διανοούmicroεθα καὶ φρονοῦmicroεν)rdquo (see C 1957 215 n d)

40 564C τὴν ἄλλην ψυχήν41 565D ἡ microὲν γὰρ ἀσθενείᾳ λόγου καὶ δι ἀργίαν τοῦ θεωρεῖν ἔρρεψε τῷ πρακτικῷ

πρὸς γένεσιν [] (ldquoFor one soul from weakness of reason and neglect of contemplationis borne down by its practical proclivity to birth []rdquo)

42 In accord with this is the seductive effect exerted by the Abyss of Lethe on the intel-lect about which the guide says 566A ὡς ἐκτήκεται καὶ ἀνυγραίνεται τὸ φρονοῦν ὑπὸτῆς ἡδονῆς τὸ δ ἄλογον καὶ σωmicroατοειδὲς ἀρδόmicroενον καὶ σαρκούmicroενον ἐmicroποιεῖ τοῦσώmicroατος microνήmicroην ἐκ δὲ τῆς microνήmicroης ἵmicroερον [] ἕλκοντα πρὸς γένεσιν [] (ldquothat theintelligent part of the soul is dissolved away and liquefied by pleasure while the irrationaland carnal part is fed by its flow and puts on flesh and thus induces memory of the bodyand that from such memory arises a yearning [] that draws the soul toward birthrdquo)

43 567A περὶ τὸ ἄλογον καὶ παθητικὸν44 567B ἐνίους [] ἐν τῷ λογιστικῷ καὶ κυρίῳ τὴν microοχθηρίαν ἔχοντας

188 Werner Deuse

4 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths

De sera presents the lsquomaterialityrsquo of the soul in particularly drastic imagesRight at the beginning of his tale Thespesius observes the soul coming outof the ldquosoul-bubblerdquo (which formed when the dying humanrsquos soul startedto ascend) like a kind of homunculus45 If the souls did not become visiblein this form the myth could not be told for Thespesius has to be able toidentify dead people as relatives or acquaintances like his guide and laterhis criminal father The various colours the scars and weals of the soulsalso imply this The idea reaches a climax in the hellish punishments inwhich the souls are depicted as suffering bodies And corporeality is al-most over-exaggerated at the end when the souls are presented as metalobjects receiving their appropriate animal form at the hands of cra smenIt would be pointless to try to discover a philosophical concept behind thisPlutarch simply delights in graphically displaying punishment a er deathand thus permi ing his imagination to present the doctrine (established byargument) of the chastisement and purification of immortal souls as a vividtale This is an experimental idea which uses all the liberties allowed by amythical narrative

The image of the soul inDe genio is very different We might understandthe description of the loud lamentations of the souls rejected by the moonas requiring the corporeality of these souls this would then be a conces-sion to the form of the tale and its dramatic elements This assumptionhowever is unnecessary for Simmias ndash trying to explain the daimonionof Socrates ndash instructs us that contact between spiritual beings is possiblewithout audible language as with the voices we seem to hear in dreams(588D) Nowhere in the myth is the soul presented to us as corporeal orbody-like This is confirmed by the programmatic statement in 591D ldquoev-ery soul has its share of Intellect there is none which is without reason orIntellectrdquo Deeply as the soul may sink into the body and weak as its con-nection to Intellect may become it will never lose its own nature by thischange towards the irrational46

De facie has a peculiar intermediate position Because of the strict dis-tinction between soul and Intellect and because of the special role of themoon as the place where new souls come into being Plutarch here has noqualms about a ributing special corporeal qualities to the substance of thesoul that is freed from Intellect because the (already mentioned) dissolu-tion of the soul into the moon and the fact that the moon is the lsquoelementrsquo

45 564A (τὰς ψυχὰς) ἐκβαίνειν τύπον ἐχούσας ἀνθρωποειδῆ τὸν δ ὄγκον εὐσταλεῖς(ldquocame forth human in form but slight in bulkrdquo)

46 591D ἀλλrsquo ὅσον ἂν αὐτῆς σαρκὶ microιχθῇ καὶ πάθεσιν ἀλλοιούmicroενον τρέπεται [] εἰςτὸ ἄλογον

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 189

of the soul itself being a mixture of earth and star (943E)47 can hardly bebrought into harmony with an immaterial nature of the soul without In-tellect The corporeal affinity of the soul to earthly bodies is also shownby the fact that even a er leaving the body it preserves traces of bodily lifeon the moon indeed it has itself formed the body as intellect in turn hasformed the soul48 Thus we read of the souls that have enjoyed a philo-sophical life that a er the loss of Intellect they have no more use for thepassions and wither away49 On the other hand the souls of those whowere ambitious and driven by passions obviously continue to live50 with-out Intellect dreaming of their lives as in sleep and must be held backby the moon when unrest and passion draw them away from the moontowards a new Becoming (945B) Here we get the impression that thesesouls do not really dissolve themselves into the moon but retain their na-ture The passion-driven souls that nevertheless succeed in acquiring abody51 act in harmful and destructive ways on earth (Tityus Typhon andPython ndash whom however the moon at last took back into itself ndash belongedwithin this category) It seems indeed here as if the preservation of onersquosown passionate nature on the moon is a mark of a soul that was passion-driven on earth Thus the dissolution of their irrational souls is accordedonly to those who have lived reasonably on earth as a kind of distinctionor reward where the passions have totally vanished the irrational soul isfree from everything that makes it what it is and consequently vanishesRegarding this irrational soul then we observe a curious inversion of thevalues of dissolution (now seen as positive) and continuation (now seen asnegative)

The souls that were so fortunate as to reach the moon resemble in theiroutward appearance a beam of light What follows in the text is unfortu-nately corrupt but it at least seems certain that the moonrsquos aether ndash which

47 The substance of stars is obviously aether as the continuation of the text shows οὕτωςτῷ αἰθέρι λέγουσι (for the subject of the sentence see C 1957 205 n e) τὴν σελήνηνἀνακεκραmicroένην διὰ βάθους ἅmicroα microὲν ἔmicroψυχον εἶναι καὶ γόνιmicroον ἅmicroα δrsquo [] (ldquoso themoon they say because it has been permeated through and through by ether is at onceanimated and fertile and []rdquo)

48 945A ldquothe soul receives the impression of its shape (ἐκmicroάττεται τὸ εἶδος) throughbeing moulded by the mind (τυπουmicroένη ὑπὸ τοῦ νοῦ) and moulding (τυποῦσα) in turnand enfolding the body on all sides so that even if it be separated from either one for along time since it preserves the likeness and the imprint (τὴν ὁmicroοιότητα καὶ τὸν τύπον) itis correctly called an image (εἴδωλον)rdquo Before that the good souls had to stay in the spacebetween earth and moon to free themselves there from the impurities acquired by contactwith the body (943C)

49 945A ἀποmicroαραίνονται (ldquothey wither quietly awayrdquo)50 For this translation see C 1957 217 n d51 It is remarkable that here ndash in contrast toDe genio (591D) ndash the possibility of existence of

an ἄνους ψυχή within the body is in no way denied already earlier the text states (943C)ldquoAll soul whether without mind or with it (ἄνουν τε καὶ σὺν νῷ) when it has issued fromthe body []rdquo

190 Werner Deuse

as we have already heard is a part of the moonrsquos mixed substance ndash sta-bilizes and strengthens the souls52 The subsequent explanation of thisagain strengthens the suspicion that what is spoken of here is some sortof corporeal entity as we read (943DE) ldquofor what laxness and diffusenessthey still have is strengthened and becomes firm and translucent In con-sequence they are nourished by any exhalation that reaches themrdquo53 Nextfollows Heraclitusrsquo fragment VS 22 B 98 ldquoSouls employ the sense of smellin Hadesrdquo Scholars have long assumed Stoic influence on this whole pas-sage up to the Heraclitus quotation54 It is true that according to Stoic doc-trine the moon is a mixture of air and fire55 but there is also a Stoic notionof aither as being a form of fire56 Plutarch is apparently using Stoic clicheacutesto achieve the objects of his presentation Plutarch certainly does not heresurrender unconditionally to the influence of a Stoic source if he reallywere using a source and not just a Stoic commonplace he would do so ashis own master treating the source simply as a means to his end57 As it canbe said inDe sera even of the Intellect58 ldquothe intelligent part (τὸ φρονοῦν)of the soul is dissolved and liquefiedrdquo so here too Plutarch may speakof the soul in images evoking corporeal-material processes All of this isallowed because in this text the function of the moon ndash to receive the soulinto itself (by making it a part of itself) and to generate it anew out of itself ndashis at the centre and also because the way in which the moon is an lsquoelementrsquo(στοιχεῖον) of the soul can only be expressed by means of imagery

52 943D the souls receive τόνος and δύναmicroις53 τὸ γὰρ ἀραιὸν ἔτι καὶ διακεχυmicroένον ῥώννυται καὶ γίνεται σταθερὸν καὶ διαυγές

ὥσθrsquo ὑπὸ τῆς τυχούσης ἀναθυmicroιάσεως τρέφεσθαι Here by the way Plutarch buildsa bridge to the last section of the lsquoscientificrsquo part and the discussion of the hypothesis ofinhabitants of the moon we read in 940C τοὺς δrsquo ἐπὶ τῆς σελήνης εἴπερ εἰσίν εὐσταλεῖςεἶναι τοῖς σώmicroασι καὶ διαρκεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων τρέφεσθαι πιθανόν ἐστι On this seeG 1970 84

54 See C 1957 203 n e (the term τόνος the nourishment of the soul Heraklit)G 1970 84 most of all D 1988 140ndash3 (140 ldquoNot only is the soulrsquos corpo-reality here clearly stated but the language is clearly that of the Stoicsrdquo) see also D B 2002 208 (Baustein 1543)

55 De facie 921F ἀέρος microῖγmicroα καὶ microαλακοῦ πυρός56 SVF 2580 (= Diogenes Laert 7135) ἀνωτάτω microὲν οὖν εἶναι τὸ πῦρ ὃ δὴ αἰθέρα

καλεῖσθαι For Stoic aither see De facie 922B and 928CD with C 1957 203 n e and49 n g

57 See the good observations of D 1988 140ndash1 on this point58 566A (text quoted above in n 42)

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 191

5 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo59

The voice speaking to Timarchus is (as we have seen) that of one of thedaimones belonging to the sphere of the moon As it calls the lsquointellect-daimonesrsquo (about whom it enlightens Timarchus) simply ldquodaimonesrdquo with-out distinguishing them from the lunar daimones (ie those like himself)we have to regard the lunar daimones likewise as lsquointellect-daimonesrsquo ofsouls We may therefore draw the conclusion that the lunar daimones arelsquointellect-daimonesrsquo that are no longer united to a body on earth How thishas happened whether this form of existence is permanent whether thelunar daimones distinguish themselves from the other lsquointellect-daimonesrsquothat have reached the moon and perhaps have broken the cycle of rebirthsndash all this we are not told A er the myth has been related the PythagoreanTheanor voices his opinion about Simmiasrsquo hypothesis concerning the dai-monion but not about the myth He knows of souls that have been freedfrom Becoming and now as daimones take care of humans (593DndashE) Thesedaimones then become the personal daimones of human souls that havefought bravely and overcome many rebirths such a daimon wanting tosave a soul spurs it on and if it listens to him it is saved reaching thehigher region of freedom from the cycle of Becoming Souls however thatdo not obey their daimon are le by him to their misfortunes (593Fndash594A)Plutarch here makes Theanor develop a doctrine of daimones that no-onepresent comments upon it shows no relation to the central conception ofthe Timarchus myth and may perhaps be thought to illustrate a discardedpreliminary stage of it60 In this comparatively lsquoarchaicrsquo conception theproblem of the relationship between soul and intellect and the necessity tofind a solution for it do not yet play any part

We may now rather surprisedly discover that the idea of the soul be-coming a daimon is assumed in De facie quite as a ma er of course Therewe meet good and bad daimones the daimones dwell not only on the moonthey also go to earth take care of sanctuaries participate in the operationof mysteries execute punishments and are at the same time rescuers andhelpers If however these daimones get carried away to perform unjust

59 See B 1986 2117ndash30 id ldquoAn Imperial Heritage The Religious Spirit of Plutarch ofChaironeiardquo ANRW 2361 (1987) [248ndash349] 275ndash94 V 1977 249ndash62 I K ldquoSomePhilosophical Demonsrdquo Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 49 (1995) 217ndash24 esp222ndash3 H S S ldquoXenocratesrsquo Daemons and the Irrational Soulrdquo CQ 43 (1993) [143ndash67]156ndash9 and 166ndash7

60 It is presumably for that reason that Plutarch once talks about the lsquointellect-daimonrsquo asthe οἰκεῖος δαίmicroων in the myth (592C) using the term properly reserved for the personaldaimon to describe the function of the intellect See K A ldquoDer Daimon als SeelenfuumlhrerZur Vorstellung des persoumlnlichen Schutzgeistes bei den Griechenrdquo Hyperboreus 6 (2000)[219ndash52] 236 ldquoDass dieser unmi elbar der Person des Menschen angehoumlrige Daimon hierοἰκεῖος δαίmicroων genannt wird ist verwirrend denn diese Bezeichnung gilt in der Regel ndashund so auch im Kap 24 ndash dem separaten Wesen dem Daimon als Seelengeleiterrdquo

192 Werner Deuse

deeds ndash being seized by anger or envy ndash then they must enter human bod-ies61 and are driven back to earth (944CndashD) We may conclude from thisthat daimones act in an entirely uncorporeal way on earth it is only a erwrongdoing that they receive a body and apparently no longer functionas daimones but as human souls in human bodies This helps us to be erunderstand a passage in De facie where there is talk (rather unexpectedly)of souls having already become daimones In the biggest of the depressionson the moon ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo ldquothe souls suffer and exact penalties forwhatever they have endured or commi ed a er having already becomeSpiritsrdquo62 So those daimones are punished who commi ed faults when theywere active on earth A er their return from earth they first have to answerfor their deeds in ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo and are then punished by rebirth in ahuman body They can commit evil on earth because on the moon ndash likeall pure souls ndash they still exist as a combination of soul and intellect63 andit is only on earth that the soul gains the upper hand over intellect anditself gives in to the passions The good daimones must presumably havepainful experiences while acting as rescuers and avengers so that they getcompensation for that in ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo Which souls become daimoneswe are not told The triumph of reason over the passions and irrational in-clinations distinguishes all souls that finally arrive on the moon (943D)but perhaps there are those among them that are even more perfect thanothers or that have honoured oracle sanctuaries and mystery cults alreadyon earth in some particular way so that it is especially these that becomedaimones It is by the way not totally excluded that a er the lsquosowingrsquo ofintellect on the moon the newly generated souls become daimones as wellAll this is speculation On the other hand it is certain that the souls thathave become daimones also die a lsquosecond deathrsquo in which their intellectleaves the soul We may note that Plutarch here chooses phrases that dojustice to the peculiar dignity of the be er daimones64 (944E) ὧν (sc τῶνβελτιόνων) [] τῆς ἀρίστης ἐξαλλαγῆς τυγχανόντων (ldquoas they achievedthe ultimate alterationrdquo)65 This separation of soul and intellect happenssometimes sooner sometimes later

61 944D συνειργνύmicroενοι σώmicroασιν ἀνθρωπίνοις (ldquoconfined in human bodiesrdquo) parallelpassages about the failure and punishment of daimones in Plutarch are cited by C1957 212 n a

62 944C Ἑκάτης microυχόν ὅπου καὶ δίκας διδόασιν αἱ ψυχαὶ καὶ λαmicroβάνουσιν ὧν ἂν ἤδηγεγενηmicroέναι δαίmicroονες ἢ πάθωσιν ἢ δράσωσι In what immediately follows the text againonly speaks of souls that pass through two other recesses or gorges in different directions(see above p 179 n 21)

63 On this see C 1957 210 n a According to 943A (with Bernardakisrsquo supple-ment) the combination of intellect and soul creates reason (λόγος) and this is ἀρχὴ ἀρετῆςκαὶ κακίας (ldquosource of virtue and vicerdquo)

64 It is to these that also the servants of Kronos belong as they themselves have toldSullarsquos source (944D)

65 The transmi ed text is ὧν ἱερὰ καὶ τιmicroαὶ καὶ προσηγορίαι διαmicroένουσιν αἱ δὲδυνάmicroεις ἐνίων (ἔνευον C following A ) εἰς ἕτερον τόπον τῆς ἀρίστης

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 193

As we have seen inDe sera the soul of a relative is the guide through theBeyond This guide is later (566D) called a daimon Thespesius meets yetother daimones the three responsible for the mixing of dreams (566B) thedaimones of punishment at the several lakes of metal (567C) As the guideexplains punishment is executed in three degrees of various severity themiddle one of which Dike is in charge concerns grave cases the healingof which is difficult The daimon (ὁ δαίmicroων) leads these humans to Dike(564F) this is obviously the personal daimon who leads the soul first intocourt and then into Hades in the Phaedo (107dndashe) It is remarkable thatalthough (only66) in this myth the conception of a personal daimon is justmentioned this conception is then no longer required in the detailed de-scription of punishments Probably Plutarch just wants to remind us of hisPlatonic models ndash the final myth of the Republic also knows the personaldaimon (617e 620de) ndash and at the same time to encourage the reader tonotice the differences too

So the three eschatological myths are indeed creations of Plutarch him-self although he owes many individual traits and images to the Platonicmodels in Gorgias (523andash527a) Phaedo (107dndash115a) and most of all in theRepublic (613endash621b)67 With these myths ndash the creation of which may becalled a success ndash he tries to find answers for new exciting and controver-sial questions regarding the doctrine of the soul and the doctrine of intellectwithin the frame of cosmology and anthropology These questions arosenot least from reading Plato and particularly from intensive concern withthe Timaeus and the history of its interpretation68

ἐξαλλαγῆς τυγχανόντων (Z translates ldquo[] deren Heiligtuumlmer Kulte und Vereh-rung noch besteht Doch lassen die wirkenden Krauml e mancher von ihnen nach wenn ih-nen die houmlchste Wandlung und Versetzung an einen anderen Ort zuteil wirdrdquo C ldquowhose rites honours and titles persist but whose powers tended to another place as theyachieved the ultimate alterationrdquo) νεύω does not necessarily mean a downward move-ment and one cannot see why only some of the be er daimones can reach the sun (see thecontinuation of the text)

66 Theanorrsquos remarks are no part of the Timarchus myth on the lsquonon-terminologicalrsquo useof ldquopersonal daimonrdquo in the Timarchus myth see above n 60

67 See (apart from references of detail in commentaries and translations) V 197795ndash101 and passim W E ldquoJenseitsmythen bei Platon und Plutarchrdquo in M L ML (edd) LebendigeHoffnung ndash ewiger Tod Jenseitsvorstellungen imHellenismus Judentumund Christentum Arbeiten zur Bibel und ihrer Geschichte 24 (Leipzig 2007) 315ndash340 CW ldquoKurskorrektur auf der Jenseitsfahrt Plutarchs Thespesios-Mythos und KolotesrsquoKritik an Platons PoliteiardquoWuumlrzburger Jahrbuumlcher NF 28a (2004) 49ndash63 (on De sera) I giveonly two examples for Plutarchrsquos transferral of even small details from the myth of Er intoDe genio 591CD ἀστέρας ᾄττοντας asymp Politeia 621b ᾄττοντας ὥσπερ ἀστέρας in 591C itis said of the moon that it prevents the impure souls from approaching microυκωmicroένη whilein Rep 615e Er reports that the lsquoMouth of Ascentrsquo (στόmicroιον) refused to receive someoneand ἐmicroυκᾶτο every time a criminal thought he could ascend

68 See eg F E B ldquolsquoSpeaking with Unperfumed Words Reaches to a ThousandYearsrsquo Plutarch and His Agerdquo in Id With Unperfumed Voice Studies in Greek Literature

194 Werner Deuse

6 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie

Timarchus wants to know everything but the voice giving him informa-tion modestly points to the limits of its competence only to contradict thismodesty in what follows Before starting its instructions the voice ndash bygiving a very brief sketch of a complex and not easily comprehensible69

doctrine of cosmic principles (591B) ndash makes it clear to Timarchus (andthe reader) how li le he knows and still will know even a er the guidedtour through the cosmos There remains however the incentive (and forthe reader the curiosity) to want to know more With the four Principles(Life Motion Becoming and Decay) are coordinated three groups of threefirstly the ontological triad of Monad Intellect and Nature which guaran-tees the connection between the four Principles secondly the cosmologicaltriad of the Invisible the Sun and the Moon which marks the appropriateplace of the connection in the cosmos finally the three ldquodaughters of Ne-cessityrdquo the Moirai Atropos Clotho and Lachesis who as ldquoholders of thekeysrdquo are in charge of the connection of the four Principles Life (ζωή) mayhave been chosen as the highest Principle because the model of the Demi-urge in the Timaeus is the perfect intelligible living being (παντελὲς ζῷον31b τέλεον καὶ νοητὸν ζῷον 39e)70 Tim 31andashb stresses the uniquenessof the living being which becomes the model also for the visible cosmoswhich is therefore similar to its model also κατὰ τὴν microόνωσιν This leadsus to the Μονάς of the ontological triad situated in the Invisible whichbeing God Intellect and the Demiurge71 must have its place above thevisible world and the movements of the stars It is only by the creativeact of the Demiurge that the cosmic soul comes into being the Intellect(Νοῦς) who combines Motion and Intellect in the sun is not a second In-tellect besides the first transcendental one but presumably the Intellectof the cosmic soul since the original soul a ains orderly motion and be-comes the world-soul only by participating in the intelligible being of the

Religion and Philosophy and in the New Testament Background Potsdamer AltertumswissBeitraumlge 21 (Stu gart 2007) [1ndash35] 14ndash7 (ldquoThe philosophical revolutionrdquo) and 17ndash20 (ldquoTherevolution within Platonismrdquo) with further literature

69 D 1981 105 ldquoDie Benennungen mit denen die vier ἀρχαί gekennzeichnet wer-den stellen ihrerseits wieder Verschluumlsselungen dar geeignet den Laien vom vollstaumlndi-gen Verstaumlndnis fernzuhaltenrdquo D 2001 38 ldquoThere is indeed much that is peculiarhererdquo O 2007 288 n 22 ldquoThe obscure passage should not however overrule theevidence of the texts in which Plutarch directly exposes his viewsrdquo

70 See K 1964 98 n 250 who further refers to Arist De anima I 2 404b19ndash20perhaps more important is Arist Metaph 125 1072b19ndash30 esp 28ndash30 (before that thetext states ἡ γὰρ νοῦ ἐνέργεια ζωή) φαmicroὲν δὴ τὸν θεὸν εἶναι ζῷον ἀΐδιον ἄριστονὥστε ζωὴ καὶ αἰὼν συνεχὴς καὶ ἀΐδιος ὑπάρχει τῷ θεῷ

71 For the identity of God the Demiurge and Intellect see O 2007 289ndash92 F2005 18ndash20

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 195

Demiurge72 The world-soul itself carries out demiurgic functions73 so thePrinciple of Becoming is important for it too We will then have to inter-pret the combination of Becoming with Decay in the sphere of the Moonby the operation of Nature Φύσις by saying that in this sphere the world-soul governs with its irrational part74 for example by supplying the lsquosoul-substratumrsquo that is necessary for the soulrsquos contact with the body and thentaking it back again a er the individual soul has been separated from thebody

This doctrine of Principles has always been compared with the passage945C inDe facie where we read ldquoOf the three Fates too Atropos enthronedin the sun initiates generation (τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐνδίδωσι τῆς γενέσεως) Clothoin motion on the moon mingles and binds together and finally upon theearth Lachesis too puts her hand to the task (ἐσχάτη συνεφάπτεται περὶγῆν) she who has the largest share in chancerdquo75 In contrast to the doctrineof Principles offered in De genio the sense of this passage is elucidated bythe context It is preceded by an explanation of how the sun lsquosowsrsquo intellectinto the moon which then generates new souls while earth supplies thebody The sun then is the origin of becoming for the souls the mooncombines its substance with the intellect and on earth the soul enters abody

Ferrari76 wants to interpret the core of this cosmic hierarchy as the triadIntellect (ldquointelle ordquo ie ldquoil piano trascendente e intellegibilerdquo) soul (ieldquoil nivello matematico-astronomicordquo) and body claiming an analogy withthe doctrine of Principles in the Timarchus myth He refers to 944E asproof that the sun is to be connected to the space of the Intelligible and tothe transcendent god in this passage the intellect takes leave of the soulldquoby love for the image in the sun through which shines forth manifest thedesirable and fair and divine and blessed towards which all nature in oneway or another yearnsrdquo77 The same arrangement of the Moirai seems alsoto confirm Ferrarirsquos order

In De facie however the sequence sun moon earth necessarily followsfrom the central theme of the ldquofirstrdquo and the ldquosecondrdquo death It suffices

72 See De animae procreatione 1014E 1016C 1017Af 1026E cf F 2005 20 ldquonachPlutarch uumlbertraumlgt Go der Weltseele einen Teil seiner selbstrdquo

73 See O 2007 29774 See D 2001 38 and K 1964 98 n 250 following Xenocrates further F

1995 176ndash83 on the cosmic and the individual soul see B 2005 esp 84ndash975 For an interpretation of his passage within its context see D B 2002 207ndash13

(Baustein 1543)76 F 1995 178ndash8177 ἔρωτι τῆς περὶ τὸν ἥλιον εἰκόνος διrsquo ἧς ἐπιλάmicroπει τὸ ἐφετὸν καὶ καλὸν καὶ θεῖον

καὶ microακάριον οὗ πᾶσα φύσις [] ὀρέγεται See also P D ldquoIl De facie di Plutarcoe la teologia medioplatonicardquo in St G Ch K (edd) Platonism in LateAntiquity (Notre Dame Indiana 1992) [103ndash14] 104ndash6

196 Werner Deuse

therefore to name only the cause of the intellectrsquos striving towards the sunthere is no need for an ontological differentiation on the level of the intel-lect all the more so as the idea of the lsquosowingrsquo of intellect by the sun isnot used to explain the origin of intellect in more detail but puts the moonright at the centre as the receiver of this lsquosowingrsquo (945C) It is thus moreprobable that the reference to τὸ ἐφετὸν κτλ serves only to remind thereader that the cosmic gradation mentioned here can be restricted to whatillustrates the central topic of the text appropriately and sufficiently78 Wemust therefore restrain our wish to make both hierarchies agree fully witheach other and content ourselves with stating that the sphere of the Monad(and of the Invisible) remains excluded here (although it has been alludedto in 944E) and that the sun-intellect-relationship (with Atropos in the sun)corresponds to the sun-intellect-relationship on the second level of the hi-erarchical model in De genio (with Clotho in the sun)79 When Plutarchjoins Atropos to Intellect inDe facie this is not really a serious change com-pared withDe genio because the Monad too can be interpreted as IntellectIncidentally one is readily tempted to find the true key to the associationof Becoming with Intellect as given in the De genio doctrine of Principlesonly in the statement of the function of Atropos inDe facie 945C (τὴν ἀρχὴνἐνδίδωσι τῆς γενέσεως see above) in this way this doctrine of Principleswould presuppose the hierarchical model of De facie80

Why then does the guide initiate Timarchus in the doctrine of Prin-ciples at all as it plays no part in what follows81 while the doctrine ofhierarchy inDe facie is in fact a necessary consequence of the train of argu-ment First the tradition of eschatological myth is important in a purelyformal way The doctrine of Principles is of course constructed quite dif-ferently from the model of heaven in the Myth of Er in Republic 616bndash617dbut Plutarch at least wants to remind us of this model That is why hementions the three Moirai the model of heaven shows that they have a

78 F himself (1995 180ndash1) acknowledges the difficulty of subsuming the wholerealm of the stars under the sphere of the moon His solution moves too far away fromthe context of giving and taking of separating and combining which is the moonrsquos mostimportant function evoked here (945C σελήνη δὲ καὶ λαmicroβάνει καὶ δίδωσι καὶ συντίθησικαὶ διαιρεῖ) F instead demands that we not only take into account the composi-tion of the whole text (including its mathematical-astronomical part) but also make themoon the paramount paradigm of the world of stars and interpret the hierarchy from thisperspective

79 See already A 1921 30ndash2 H 1934b 176ndash8 also V 1977 238ndash41(also on variations in the order of the Moirai)

80 Cf the thoughts on the relative chronology of De genio and De facie in V 1977239 n 9 but also H 1934b 178ndash9 For a comparison of De genio and De facie seealso the extensive analysis in E 2003 307ndash28 and 332ndash5

81 Cf D 1981 106 n 58 ldquoIm Grunde uumlberfordert diese Kumulierung den Houmlrerund den Leser zumal hernach keine dieser Reihen und keiner dieser Begriffe irgendwelcheBedeutung erlangtrdquo

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 197

different function in the Myth of Er but this does not lessen their poten-tial allusive value This makes them important for De facie too82 It is notwithout reason that the doctrine of Principles is placed at the beginning ofthe guidersquos explanations for the myth gives access only to a very restrictedpart of the cosmos Thus the myth has a certain lsquocompensatoryrsquo functionwe are to perceive the section of the cosmos we are introduced to as part ofa multi-layered reality Moreover Timarchus is to recognize how tightlythe bonds between the degrees of being the powers at work and the lev-els of the cosmos are woven The knowledge about this interplay of alllevels and powers permits Timarchus to feel confident that the ascent ofthe intellect-daimon does not end in the sphere of the moon The doctrineof Principles also provides the ontological and cosmological foundation ofthe special existential status of the intellect-daimon and a promise for thefuture

Looking back we can see that Plutarch is indeed a masterly construc-tor of myths Each of the three myths takes the reader into a world thatfar transcends his own experience and permits him to have a ldquoview fromaboverdquo83 at the same time however this is also the world of his fears andhopes Each myth fulfils a specific task of its own within the work for whichit was conceived and yet in each there are also motifs and elements thatconnect it with the other myths It is a sign of Plutarchrsquos great art that themyths supplement each other but that they can hardly be subjected to acomprehensive synopsis or interpreted as parts of a uniform and overarch-ing conception The oscillating play of real or apparent lsquodoubletsrsquo whichso fascinated lsquoQuellenforschungrsquo84 sufficiently shows that the myths mustnot be taken as doctrinal treatises they are a play of the philosophical andtheological imagination but at the same time a proclamation of the effortand seriousness of inquiry and research

82 Cf J 1916 59 n 152 for linguistic allusions to Platorsquos text see ibid and C1957 221 n b (this note also discusses the order of the Moirai)

83 Cf P H Philosophie als Lebensform Geistige Uumlbungen in der Antike (Berlin 1991)123ndash35

84 See ndash inter alia ndash H 1892 A 1921 R 1926 313ndash53 R1953 782ndash9 B 1953 (on the doublets esp 57ff) for criticism of lsquoQuellenforschungrsquo seendash inter alia ndash R M J ldquoPosidonius and Solar Eschatologyrdquo Classical Philology 27 (1932)113-135 also in id The Platonism of Plutarch and Selected Papers (New York London 1980)H 1934a and 1934b G 1970 80 n 117 D 1988 141 n 26

D Appendices

Some Texts similar to De genio

D A Russell

We give here translations of four passages which present theories similar to thoseadvanced in De genio and especially in Simmiasrsquo speech (583Cndash589F) on the wayin which daimones might communicate with human minds without using physi-cal organs of speech This topic received considerable a ention from philosophersboth in connection with divination and in the interpretation of myths (such as theMyth of Er in Platorsquos Republic) in which disembodied souls are represented asconversing with one another The passages are those mentioned in our Introduc-tion (p 5 p 6 n 6) Two of the four are directly concerned with Socrates the othertwo are not Apart from the first (Philo) they are all later than Plutarch and allfrom the Neoplatonist school hence though the similarity of their ideas with thosein Plutarch is evident it must be remembered that they rest on a metaphysicalstructure undeveloped in his time

I Philo De Decalogo 32ndash35

This passage tries to explain in philosophical terms how God conveyed his message to theassembled people of Israel when he delivered the Ten Commandments to Moses

The ten sayings or oracles in truth laws and commandments were pro-claimed by the Father of All when the whole nation men and womenalike was gathered in assembly Did he himself u er them like a voiceOf course not we must not so much as entertain the idea God is not asman is in need of mouth and tongue and air-passages I believe that atthat moment he wrought a most holy wonder ordering an invisible soundto be created in the air one more marvellous than any instrument tunedwith perfect harmony not without soul yet not composed like a livingcreature of soul and body but a rational soul pervaded by clarity and lu-cidity which by shaping and stretching the air and turning it into brilliantfire produced (like breath through a trumpet) an articulate voice of suchpower that those far away seemed to hear it as well as those near at handHuman voices naturally become weaker as they reach out into the distanceand the apprehension of them is no longer clear to remoter hearers butgrows gradually fainter as the distance increases since its organs also aresubject to destruction In contrast the power of God which inspired this

202 D A Russell

newly contrived voice roused it kindled it spread it all around and madeits end more brilliant than its beginning implanting in each manrsquos soul anew sense of hearing much be er than that which depends on the ears be-cause that slower sense remains inactive until it is moved by being struckby the air whereas the sense of a mind divinely inspired responds withgreat speed and goes out to meet what is being said

II Calcidius Commentary on Platorsquos Timaeus sectsect 254ndash5(ed Waszink)

This account of Socratesrsquo divine sign follows a discussion of dreams (based on Timaeus 45e)which has ended with a mention of Socratesrsquo dreams (Crito 44a Phaedo 60e)

That Socrates was used to having these vivid dreams [evidenter somniare]is I believe due to the fact that his entire being [totum eius animal] wasstrong in purity both of body and of soul

(255) Nor did he lack a friendly divinity to guide his actions in his wak-ing hours as Plato shows in Euthydemus [actually not Euthyd 272e butTheages 128d] in these words

lsquoFrom my early years I have had a divinity [numen] as companion It is a voice whichwhen it visits my mind and sense indicates that I should hold back from what I in-tended to do it never encourages me in any action and if a friend desires my adviceabout something he plans to do it forbids me this alsorsquo

The reality of these facts and signs is assured Manrsquos feeble nature needsthe protection of a nature that is higher and be er as he asserts above [cfTim 41c () Calcidius sect 132] The voice of which Socrates was consciouswas not I believe such as might be produced by impact on air but rathersuch as might reveal the presence and company of a familiar divinity toa soul cleansed by exceptional purity and consequently more capable ofunderstanding if it is indeed right and proper for the pure to be close toand mixed in the pure [cf Phaedo 67b] Just as in dreams we seem to hearvoices and articulate speech though there is no voice but only a sign [signi-ficatio] reproducing the function of voice so when Socrates was awake hismind divined the presence of a divinity by its observation of a clear sign[signum] It would be quite wrong to doubt that the Intelligible God whoin the goodness of his nature consults the interest of all things has chosento bring aid to the human race by the intermediary of divine powers sincehe himself has no affinity [conciliatio] with the body The benefits whichthese powers confer are evident in prodigies and in divination both thedivination of dream at night and the daytime activity of Rumour [Fama]that has the foreknowledge which enables it to spread news They are ev-ident also in the communication of remedies against disease and in thetruthful inspiration of prophets

Some Texts similar to De genio 203

III Proclus Commentary on Platorsquos Republic (2166ndash7 Kroll)

Here Proclus asks how the souls in the Myth of Er in Republic X can converse with oneanother though they no longer have bodily organs His answer involves Neoplatonist meta-physics and psychology but the crucial notion of the disembodied soulrsquos lsquoVehiclersquo (ochēma seeER Dodds Proclus the Elements of Theology Appendix II pp 313ndash21 and for a selectionof relevant texts R Sorabji The Philosophy of the Commentators a sourcebook (London2004) i 221ndash41) has clear affinities with the picture Plutarch gives in the myth of Timarchus(591D) of the starry objects which represent the souls in their a erlife Parts of our text aregiven in Sorabji op cit p 71 p 226 The text (which depends on a single manuscript) hassome gaps but except in one passage the sense is fairly clear

(16610) If then souls can know souls also in the other world achievingknowledge and recognition of one another either through themselves orthrough their Vehicles it follows that acquaintances recognize one anotherltand rejoicegt to have one anotherrsquos company lton meetinggt a er a long ab-sence for their whole being will be anxious to make contact with ltthe oth-ersrsquogt whole being and feel friendly towards it Again it would be wrong todoubt that souls can also have conversations though they have no tonguewindpipe or lips which in our life on earth can alone make speech pos-sible This is because their Vehicles in their entirety possess the form oftongues and are themselves in their entirety eyes and ears and can hearsee and speak It would be paradoxical if while the tongue can producearticulate sound by making an impact on the air from the lungs the soulsrsquoVehicles cannot move the air around them and fashion it into differentsounds by various kinds of movement Furthermore their manner of con-verse is not necessarily complex or involving many movements like that ofsouls in this world they can signal their thoughts to one another by somesimpler movements Just as their thoughts and imaginings (phantasiai) aresimpler so their conversation is effected by movements which are corre-spondingly smaller and in all probability free of the complexity of thisworld And since true perception resides in their Vehicles ndash for every bodythat partakes of soul lives and if it partakes of rational soul it both lives byperception and furthermore needs perception also if it possesses locomo-tion and similarly every Vehicle which is a ached to a rational soul canin the same way hear and see and in general perceive what is simple (foras Aristotle says somewhere in his work on perception and perceptibles[455 a20] perception in the strict sense is a unity and the true sense-organis one) ndash if then the Vehicle uses the lsquocommonrsquo sense also it can surelyapprehend sounds without being affected (apathōs) and can hear soundswhich the hearing in our body cannot grasp Not every sense of hearinggrasps every audible object different hearings grasp different objects Thisis why some hear the voices of daimones and others do not even if they arein the company of those who do This ability is given to some by hieraticpower to others by the make-up of their nature just as these same two

204 D A Russell

factors allow some eyes to see visions invisible to others Thus the firstVehicle of the souls as it possesses the common faculty of perception isnaturally capable of seeing and hearing things which are not audible orvisible to the hearing and sight of mortal beings

IV Hermias Commentary on Platorsquos Phaedrus (6526ndash6931Couvreur)

This is a commentary on Phaedrus 242andashb where Socrates says he received his usual lsquowarningrsquowhen he was about to cross the Ilissus with Phaedrus

As to Socratesrsquo daimonion that it is neither lsquoa part of his soulrsquo nor lsquoPhiloso-phy itselfrsquo as some have thought has o en been said and is plainly statedby himself in this passage [242b7] lsquoMy usual daemonic [daimonion] signcame to me and I instantly heard a voice it always checks mersquo But Phi-losophy o en encourages and lsquoa part of the soulrsquo desires to do a thing It istherefore clearly stated that Socratesrsquo daimonion is not either of these Whatit is we must explain

The race of daimones as a whole is said by Plato in the Symposium [202e]to be lsquobetweenrsquo gods and men lsquoferryingrsquo messages from the gods to usand reporting our affairs to the gods There is however a special race ofdaimones which is set immediately over us and guides each one of us foreach of us always serves under some daimonwhich controls our whole lifeFor example we are not masters of all our circumstances since we haveno control over certain kinds of action (eg becoming a general) or indeedover our own nature If you claim that reason controls all our doings thatwill not be true We have no control over the kind of visions we see inour sleep or over the manner in which we digest our food Yet there mustbe some one thing that does rule and control all our affairs and guide ourwhole life If you say that this is God you are stating a transcendent causebut there must be some proximate cause which rules our life This is thedaimon to which we have been allo ed which is assigned to the soul a erit has made its choice [this is the lsquochoicersquo made by souls in the Myth of ErRep 617e] as the fulfiller of all its choices

Not everyone is aware of his daimon for one to be conscious of its carethere needs to be great suitability [epitēdeiotēs] and a turning [epistrophē]towards the control on the part of the controlled For just as all things aresubject to the providence of the gods though not all have consciousness ofthis unless they have the natural ability to see and are purified so it is alsowith regard to the supervision [epistasia] of the daimon The suitability andconsciousness arise in the first place as a consequence of the soulrsquos havingmade certain choices and been allo ed to a certain daimon and then at onceturning towards this daimon and continuing always to hold fast to it having

Some Texts similar to De genio 205

moreover drunk only so much of the water of Lethe as it is essential for itto drink in its descent to birth without altogether forge ing the counseland supervision of its daimon That is why such souls are conscious of thesupervision of their daimon in this world also whereas others which rebuffthe daimon ndash like the person who chooses lsquotyranny and eating childrenrsquo[Plat Rep 619b] ndash and do not turn towards it but are driven like irrationalcreatures ndash these are totally incapable in this world also of understandingthe guidance [prostasia] of the daemonic [daimonion]

So whether they are conscious of the daimon or not depends firstly onthe fact that some souls turn immediately towards the daimon to whichthey have been allo ed and others do not secondly on their not havingdrunk much of Lethe and thirdly on the order of the universe because aparticular order of the universe has made one person suitable to acquirethis consciousness and another not This is why ltthis particular ordergt hasallo ed to one person and not to another a body of a kind to bear certaintokens [sumbola] in visible form in spirit and in soul

Consciousness or the absence of it depends also on a certain kind of lifeVirtuous men who live well devote their whole life activity contemplationand action to the gods and the unseen causes they perceive by means ofcertain tokens and signs whether the daimon inhibits them from an action ornot If a weasel runs across their path or their coat is caught in somethingif a stone falls or a voice speaks or a thunderbolt descends they becomeaware of the inhibition and desist from the action Most men however livethe life of ca le [Plat Rep 586a]

In view of all this it was to be expected that Socrates having seen thediscouragement of the daimonion should now lsquonot go awayrsquo [Phaedrus242c2] But why did it inhibit Socrates and never positively encouragehim Perhaps because just as some horses need the spur because they areslow and some the curb because they are eager so some men who are gen-erous anxious to do good and enterprising in everything like Socrateso en need to be checked by the daimonion whereas ungenerous personsneed to be aroused It would also be reasonable that the daimonion shouldrestrain him from common actions because it is preparing him to be raisedup [sc to a more divine level]

But why did it not also give him positive instructions In order thatSocrates should not be like an irrational thing moved by something else[heterokinēton] not doing anything on his own or as a soul that is rationaland self-moving [autokinētos] It allowed him to act as self-moved but if asa fallible human being he was about to do something inappropriate it re-strained him from that action How Well will not the daimonion be foundalso to give positive instruction if it projected a voice towards him which(as he says) lsquodoes not let me go away until I have atoned for some offenceI have commi ed against the divinersquo To wait to lsquoatonersquo was a positive in-

206 D A Russell

struction Or should we say rather that this lsquousualrsquo sign as he has himselfindicated was preventive for even if it was a voice (as he says elsewhere[Theages 129b Euthydemus 272b] as well as here) yet it was the lsquousualrsquo voicethat is to say a preventive one However it would also be quite reasonableto say that this voice prevented him from going away by showing him hisfault and that Socrates then on his own initiative becomes conscious thathe must make atonement lsquoAtonementrsquo is the fulfilment of a neglected re-ligious duty And as he said lsquoI thought I heard a voicersquo and the voice wasobviously daemonic (for otherwise Phaedrus would have heard it too) weneed to inquire how such voices are heard and whether daimones have avoice [phōnousin]

Plotinus in his first book On Difficulties [Enn 4318] says that thereis nothing lsquoextraordinaryrsquo about daimones u ering sounds because theylive lsquoin airrsquo and a particular kind of impact on air is sound And sincedivine persons [eg the inspired poet Homer] a ribute voice and sensesto the gods and to heaven (lsquosun who sees all thingsrsquo [Od 12323] lsquoa smellcame into my mindrsquo [oracle Hdt 1473]1) and indeed assign a voice to thewhole universe [sc the music of the spheres ()] we must seek a generalexplanation which will apply to all of how the higher classes of beingsspeak and more generally how they perceive

Let us put it clearly and concisely as follows When we recognize some-thing on our own account by sense two things happen an experience(pathos) of a sense-organ (eg eye-jelly [commonly translated ldquopupilrdquo] oranother organ of sense) and cognition (gnōsis) of the experience In the caseof superior beings let us take away the experience but leave the cognitionWe must then say that the body of the sun does not perceive through expe-rience (we are speaking of sense-perception and sense-perception belongsto the body) but that it is capable of cognition [gnōstikon] as a whole andthroughout its being and is through and through both vision and hear-ing remember that in our case too when we have been separated fromthe body our Vehicle is bright and pure capable of perception throughoutits whole being and sees and hears as a whole Note in general that the di-vine men of old allow cognitive faculties (of which perceptive faculties area part since the senses are a kind of cognition) to the gods in heaven butsuspend judgement about the appetitive faculty Plotinus grants them thisalso Iamblichus denies it [cf Plot Enn 448 Iambl De mysteriis 112ndash14]

As to voice we have to say that they do not u er the voice we havebased on impact and sound nor do they depend on the air-passages andorgans like that or need an intervening space and an impact on air In-stead as we have given them another form of perception which is cogni-tive and not based on experience [pathos] so we have given them a different

1 I owe this explanation to Prof M L West who saw that the text should read ὀδmicroή microrsquoἐς φρένας ἦλθε

Some Texts similar to De genio 207

kind of voice corresponding to their level [sustoichon] This is released bythem in one way and accepted by the recipient in another Just as whilethe sun itself is not burning but there is in it a living live-giving and non-irritant [aplēktos] heat the air receives the light from it by being affected[pathētikōs] and by burning so likewise there being in them [ie the dai-mones] a certain harmony and a different kind of voice we hear this bybeing affected [pathētikōs] but we do not of course hear it with our sensibleears nor do we see daemonic and divine visions with our sensible eyesInstead since there are in the spirit [pneuma] senses more primary [archoei-desterai] exemplary and pure than all our ordinary senses it is obviouslyby means of these that the soul hears and sees divine apparitions She alonesees them and not any of those around her Compare

lsquoAppearing to him alone and none of the others saw herrsquo [Il 1198 the appearance ofAthena to Achilles]

There is a community between the Vehicle of the daimon and that of thesoul for the Vehicle of the daimon not using a tongue or vocal organbut simply the will of the soul of the daimon produces a movement andmelodious and meaningful sound which the human soul perceives by thesense present in its primary2 Vehicle There is as has been said a dai-mon which essentially (katrsquo ousian) guides the soul but it is o en the casethat the soul in the same life (bios) but according to its various life-stages(zōai) is assigned to various daimones not to the one which is essentiallyassigned to it (for this daimon is always present) but to other more special-ized (merikōteroi) daimones which supervise its various actions Even it itchooses the lot corresponding to its own peculiar god and is assigned tothe daimon subordinate to this god it will still fall under various more spe-cialized daimones If it lives sinfully it falls under a daimon more liable topassion [empathesterus] and wallows in evils When however it recovers itssobriety and lives more purely it ranges itself under a daimon of a be erkind and thus changes its supervisory daimones without departing fromthe latitude (platos) of its lot So in the Republic everyone has the powerthrough actions of a particular kind to set himself under the Serf class orunder the Auxiliary class This is what is meant by lsquoThe daimon will notdraw you as its lot you will choose your daimonrsquo [617e]

2 So C probably rightly MSS have αὐγοειδεῖ lsquoluminousrsquo

Bibliography

1 AbbreviationsBAGB Bulletin de lrsquoAssociation Guillaume BudeacuteCPG Corpus Paroemiographorum GraecorumCQ Classical QuarterlyFGrHist F J Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker Bd IndashIIIC

(Berlin 1926ndash1958)GGM CM (Hg)Geographi GraeciMinores Bd 1ndash2 (Paris 1855ndash1861

repr Hildesheim 1990)ICS Ilinois Classical StudiesJHS Journal of Hellenic StudiesRE A P G W (Hgg) Real-Encyclopaumldie der classischen Al-

tertumswissenscha 83 Bde (Stu gart 1893ndash19802 Registerbde 199698)

VS H D W K (Hgg) Die Fragmente der VorsokratikerBd 1ndash3 (71954)

WJbb Wuumlrzburger Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr die Altertumswissenscha

2 Editions Commentaries Translations of De genio

A J A Les Oeuvres Morales et Meslees de Plutarque Translateesde Grec en Franccedilois revues et corrigees en plusieurs passages par leTranslateur (Geneve 1627)

B G N B Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia vol 3 (Leipzig1891)

C 1970 A C Plutarque Le deacutemon de Socrate (Paris 1970)

E D L 1959

B E P H D L Plutarch Moralia Vol vii (London1959) 170ndash299

H J H Plutarque Oeuvres morales VIII (Du destin Le deacutemon deSocrate De lexil Consolation agrave sa femme) (Paris 1980)

P P S

W R P M P W S Plutarchi Moralia III(Leipzig 1929)

R 1993 D A R Plutarch Selected Essays and Dialogues (Oxford1993)

W Plutarch Essays transl by R W intr and notes by IK (Penguin Books) 1992

210 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

3 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

A 1974 H A Plutarchs Schri Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epi-curum (Amsterdam 1974)

A 1950 P A La mantique Apollinienne agrave Delphes Essai sur le fonc-tionnement de lacuteoracle (Paris 1950)

A 1921 H A Plutarch uumlber Daumlmonen und Mantik Verhandel dkon Akad v Wetensch te Amsterdam Afd Le erkunde 1921

B 1969 D B Plutarque et le Stoicisme (Paris 1969)

B 1984 D B ldquoLe dialogue de Plutarque sur le deacutemon de SocrateEssai drsquointerpreacutetationrdquo BAGB 1984) 51ndash76 repr in Babut 1994405ndash30

B 1988 D B ldquoLa part du rationalisme dans la religion de PlutarqueLrsquoexemple du de Genio Socratisrdquo ICS 132 (1988) 383ndash408 repr inB 1994 77ndash102

B 1994 D B Parerga Choix drsquoArticles de Daniel Babut (1974ndash94) Col-lection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient Meacutediterraneacuteen 24 Seacuter Li eacuter etPhilos 6 (Lyon 1994)

B 1985 M B Narratology Introduction to the Theory of Narrative (tr CB Toronto Buffalo London 1985 Dutch original

1980)

B 2005 M B ldquoPlutarchs Lehre von der Seelerdquo in id EPI-NOHMATAKleine Schri en zur antiken Philosophie und homerischenDichtung hrsg von M-L Lakmann (Leipzig 2005) 77ndash99 [origi-nal version in Italian 2000]

B 1988 A B ldquoUna nuova interpretazione del De genio SocratisrdquoICS 132 (1988) 409ndash25 repr in id (1994) Studi su Plutarco(Firenze) 213ndash34

B 1953 W B Plutarchs Mythopoiie (Diss Heidelberg 1953)

B 1976 E K B ldquoThe scene on the Panagjurischte Amphora anew solutionrdquo JHS 96 (1976) 149ndash52

B 1986 F E B ldquoIn the Light of the Moon Demonology in the EarlyImperial Periodrdquo ANRW 2163 (1986) 2068ndash2145

B 1996 F E B ldquoTime as structure in Plutarchrsquos The Daimonion ofSocratesrdquo in V S 1996 29ndash52

B 2002 F E B ldquoSocial and unsocial memory the liberation of Thebesin Plutarchrsquos The Daimonion of Sokratesrdquo in L T (ed) Scri iin onore di Italo Gallo Pubblicazoni dellrsquoUniversitagrave degli Studi diSalerno Sezione A i Convegni Miscellanee 59 (Salerno 2002)97ndash112

B 2003 J B AegeanGreece in the Fourth Century BC (LeidenBoston2003)

B 1962 W B Weisheit und Wissenscha (Erlanger Beitraumlge zurSprach- und Kunstwissenscha X) (Nuumlrnberg 1962)

Bibliography 211

C 1972 G L C ldquoEpaminondas and Thebesrdquo CQ 22 (1972)254ndash78

C 1957 H C W C H Plutarchrsquos Moralia in Fi eenVolumes XII 920A-999B with an English translation (London Cambridge Mass 1957 (LCL) 2ndash223

D P D ldquoIl de Genio Socratis di Plutarco un esempio di lsquoSto-riografia Tragicarsquordquo Athenaeum ns 62 (1984) 569ndash85

D 1996 J D The Middle Platonists (London 2nd ed 1996)

D 2001 J D ldquoPlutarch and the Separable Intellectrdquo in A PeacuterezJimeacutenez F Casadesuacutes Bordoy (edd) Estudios sobre PlutarcoMisticismo y Religiones Misteacutericas en la Obra de Plutarco Actas delVII Simposio Espantildeol sobre Plutarco (Madrid-Maacutelaga 2001) 35ndash44

D 2004 J D ldquoDaumlmonologie im fruumlhen Platonismusrdquo in M Bet al Apuleius De deo Socratis (SAPERE vol 7) (Darmstadt 2004)123ndash41

D 1988 P D ldquoScience and Metaphysics Platonism Aristotelianismand Stoicism in Plutarchrsquos On the Face in the Moonrdquo in J MD A A L (edd) The Question of lsquoEclecticismrsquo Studiesin Later Greek Philosophy (Berkeley Los Angeles London 1988)126ndash44

D 1981 H D ldquoGnostische Spuren bei Plutarchrdquo in RB M J V (edd) Studies in Gnosticism and Hel-lenistic Religions presented to Gilles Quispel on the Occasion of his 65thBirthday EacutePRO 91 (Leiden 1981) 92ndash116

D B2002

H D M B Der Platonismus in der Antike Bd 61 62 Die philosophische Lehre des Platonismus Von der bdquoSeeleldquo als derUrsache aller sinnvollen Ablaumlufe Bausteine 151ndash68 169ndash81 TextUumlbersetzung (Kommentar Stu gart Bad Cannsta 2002)

E 2003 W E Ein unerschuuml erliches Reich Die mi elplatonische Umfor-mung des Parusiegedankens im Hebraumlerbrief Beihe e zur Zeitschrf die neutestamentl Wiss u die Kunde d aumllteren Kirche 116(Berlin New York 2003)

F 2003 R F in H G Plutarch Drei religion-sphilosophische Schri en (Uumlber den Aberglauben Uumlber die spaumlte Strafeder Go heit Uumlber Isis und Osiris) Griechisch-deutsch Uumlbers uhrsg v H G unter Mitarbeit von R F u J A(Duumlsseldorf Zuumlrich 2003 Tusculum) 318ndash39 363ndash83

F 1995 F F Dio idee e materia La stru ura del cosmo in Plutarco diCheronea Strumenti per la Ricerca Plutarchea 3 (Napoli 1995)

F 2005 F F ldquoDer Go Plutarchs und der Go Platonsrdquo in RH -L (ed) Go und die Gouml er bei Plutarch Gouml erbilderndash Go esbilder ndash Weltbilder Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche undVorarbeiten 54 (Berlin New York 2005) 13ndash25

G 1980 G G Narrative Discourse (tr J Lewin Oxford 1980 trans-lated from the French original Figures III Paris 1972)

212 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

G 1996 A G ldquoEpameinondas and the Socratic paradigm in theDe genio Socratisrdquo in V S 1996 113ndash22

G 1997 A G Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas a Historical and PhilologicalCommentary (Stu gart Leipzig 1997)

G 1970 H G Untersuchungen zu Plutarchs Dialog De facie inorbe lunae (Heidelberg 1970)

G 1969 W K C G AHistory of Greek Philosophy III The fi h-centuryenlightenment (Cambridge 1969)

G 1975 W K C G A History of Greek Philosophy IV Plato the manand his dialogues earlier period (Cambridge 1975)

H 1934a W H ldquoThe Myth in Plutarchrsquos De facierdquo CQ 28 (1934)24ndash30

H 1934b W H ldquoThe myth in PlutarchrsquosDe genio (589Fndash592E)rdquo CQ28 (1934) 175ndash82

H 1996 P H ldquoSign language in On the sign of Socratesrdquo in VS 1996 123ndash36

H 1892 R H Xenokrates Darstellung der Lehre und Sammlung derFragmente (Leipzig 1892)

H 1988 J H ldquoPlutarchrsquos portrait of Socratesrdquo ICS 132 (1988)365ndash81

H -L 2002 R H -L Plutarchs Denken in Bildern Studien zur li-terarischen philosophischen und religioumlsen Funktion des Bildha en(Tuumlbingen 2002)

H 1895 R H Der Dialog (Leipzig 1895)

J 2008 S I J Ancient Greek Divination (Oxford 2008)

J 1916 R M J The Platonism of Plutarch (Menasha Wisc 1916)

J 1931 W J Topographie von Athen (Munich 1931 2nd ed)

K 1964 H J K Der Ursprung der Geistmetaphysik Untersuchungenzur Geschichte des Platonismus zwischen Platon und Plotin (Amster-dam 1964 2 unveraumlnd Aufl 1967)

L 1933 G M L Il De genio Socratis di Plutarco (Roma 1933)

M C 1999 B M C ldquoHeroes and Power the politics of bone trans-feralrdquo in R H (ed) Ancient Greek Hero Cult (Stockholm1999) 85ndash98

N 1990 W N ldquoGe ing focalization into focusrdquo Poetics Today 112(1990) 365ndash82

O 2007 J O ldquoThe place of Plutarch in the history of Platonismrdquoin P V C F F (edd) Plutarco e la culturadella sua etagrave A i del X Convegno plutarcheo (Napoli 2007) 283ndash309

P 1997 C B R P ldquoIs death the end Closure in Plutarchrsquos Livesrdquoin D H R F M D D F (edd) Classical Clo-sure Endings in Ancient Literature (Princeton 1997) 228ndash50 reprin id Plutarch and History (London 2002) 365ndash86

Bibliography 213

P 1909 F P Der Reliquienkult im Altertum (Gieszligen 1909)

P 1951 F P Die Reisebilder des Herakleides (Wien 1951)

R 1921 K R Poseidonios (Muumlnchen 1921)

R 1926 K R Kosmos and Sympathie Neue Untersuchungen uumlberPoseidonios (Muumlnchen 1926)

R 1953 K R ldquoPoseidonios von Apameia der Rhodier genanntrdquoRE XXII 1 (1953) 558ndash826

R 1976 A S R Platonica The Anecdotes concerning the Life and Writ-ings of Plato Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition III (Leiden1976)

R 1925 E R Psyche (Engl Transl London 1925 originally Tuumlbin-gen 2 vols 1907 4th ed)

R 1954 D A R ldquoNotes on Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratisrdquo CQ (NS)4 1954 61ndash3

S 1981 A S Cults of Boiotia I (London 1981)

S 1997 U S ldquoSieben Thebaner gegen Theben ndash Bemerkungenzur Darstellungsform in Xenophon hell 541ndash12rdquo WJbb 22(1997) 123ndash39

S 1997 A S tr I K G V The Discovery of the Past(New York 1997)

S 1958 J S ldquoLe tombeau drsquo Alcmegravenerdquo Revue archeacuteologique 195876ndash83

S 1990 S S Plutarchs Schri de Pythiae Oraculis (Stu gart 1990)

S 19945 S S ldquoPlaton oder Chrysipp Zur Inspirationstheorie inPlutarchs Schri lsquoDe Pythiae oraculisrsquordquoWJbb 20 (199495) 233ndash56

S 1942 G S La Deacutemonologie de Plutarque (Paris 1942)

S 1985 S S The Topography of Thebes from the Bronze Age toModern Times (Princeton 1985)

T 1965 H T The Pythagorean texts of the Hellenistic period (Aringbo1965)

V S1992

L V S Twinkling and Twilight Plutarchrsquos Reflections onLiterature (Brussels 1992)

V S1996

L V S (ed) Plutarchea Lovaniensia A Miscellany ofEssays on Plutarch (Leuven 1996)

V 1977 Y V Symboles et mythes dans la penseacutee de Plutarque (Paris1977)

W 2003 P W Studien zu den literarischen Beziehungen zwischenPlutarch und Lukian (Muumlnchen Leipzig 2003)

Z K Z Plutarchos von Chaironeia (Stu gart 21964) = RE xxi1(1951) 636ndash962

Source Index

AelianusVaria historia

119 91139

1215 94196

Aeneas Tacticus37 93186

Aeschinesor 2105 1058

or 3138 139 8218210

AeschylusSeptem contra Thebas

164 1318

487 1318

501 1318

528 8541

Andocidesor 162 8893

Anthologia Palatina313 13211

Apollodorus2411[270] 8651

270[411] 13110

36[12] 13110

344[55] 8657

AristophanesAcharnenses

860ndash84 109905 8541

Pax1003ndash5 109

Aristophanes BoeoticusFGrHist 379 102

AristotelesEthica Nicomachea

1106b36 141Metaphysica A

984b 19 96231

Politica1302 b 29 104

Protrepticusfr 61 96231

Ps-AristotelesDe mundo

6398b19ndash27 1516398b27ndash9 151

Problemata337 89102

Aristoxenusfr 54a 96232

fr 54ab 94196

ArrianusAnabasis

172 105186 8541

CallimachusEpigr 10 94193

CallisthenesFGrHist 124 102

Catullusc 45 89102

ChrysippusSVF 1000 150SVF II 974 150

CiceroDe divinatione

138 1581122 81123 89110

284 89102

2116 146De officiis

225 117Clearchus

fr 9 94199

CritiasTrGF I F 19 8883

VS 88 A1 108

DaimachusFGrHist 65 102

Demosthenesor 1034 107or 24135 8210

Diodorus Siculus4586 13319

4791ndash2 13214

10111 90126

1183 10412705 98278

1441 108

14177 10714794 8654 13514822 10715202 8313

15253 98285

15254 826

15392 1011557 1031578 10515792 1091644 1061795 1071791 105

Diogenes Laertius226 29 94196

725 14087 8764

810 92154

832 157887 13532

890 13532

EphorusFGrHist 70 F 119

109Euripides

Antiopefr 223 8657

Autolycusfr 28222 89113

Phoenissae1372 1318

Supplices663 8541

Eustratiusin Eth Nic 513 8

GelliusNoctes A icae

7211 150

Hellenica OxyrhynchiaXVII1 8312 8319

8548 97264

XVIII 97264

XIX 104

216 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

XIX1 104XIX2 105XX1 104

HeraclitusVS 22 B 98 190

Herodotus166ndash68 13213

243ndash45 8773

2112ndash120 8772

42002ndash3 93186

520 12261085 10472332 1079151 1049692 8657

HesiodusOpera et Dies

750 92155

HomerusIlias

2353 97253

744ndash5 96236

753 96236

10279 8890

13301 8891

Odyssea1170 90121

5410 96242

927 90134

11526ndash530 97259

13301 8890

17541 89102

HyginusFabulae

7 8657

Hymni Orphici2911 95216

IamblichusVita Pythagorae

85 92154

248ndash249 90126

Isocratesor 1431 107

Justinus59 107

LucianPhilopseudes

6 8661

LydusDe mensibus

4159 95214

Lysiasor 1258 108

Pausanias1172ndash6 13213

1411 133398 8548

4323 13213

915 105916 105917 105965ndash6 1305

9102 1318

9117 1318

9122 1318

913ndash156 1019136 97250

9137 90120

9165 1305

9167 13319

9173 1318

9174 8541

9298ndash9 13216

939 94198

Philo AlexandrinusDe decalogo

32ndash35 9De sacrificiis Abelis et

Caini 37 141Quis rerum

divinarum heres259 1516

Quod Deus sitimmutabilis 24141

PindarIsthmia

12 825

Olympia6152 827

VI90 109Plato

Alcibiades 2128endash129e 150

Apologia28e 89110

31d 8896

40A 15923

Cratylus396d 8892

Critias109c 9

Euthyphro3b 8896

Gorgias481d 89109

523a 94194

Laches181b 89110

Phaedo58cndashd 11259c 89105

59E 11360bndash61c 8661

61e 90124

64b 827

72b 95220

78a 8424 112107dndashe 193113a 95208

116a13 94193

Phaedrus227b 825

248a 95225

Respublica24b 8 8887

496b 4 8424

615e 19367

616bndash617d 196617c 95220

617e 193620de 193621b 19367

Sophistes248 10

Symposium174dndash175c 8894

182b 827

202dndash203a 156215a 8899

220c 8894

220e 89110

Theaetetus142a 89105

151a 8896

Timaeus31b 19436b 95209

38b 95209

39b 95209

42b 95222

67b 162

Source Index 217

Ps-PlatoEpinomis 984dndash985b

15614

Theages124a 94193

129A 10129c 89108

PliniusNaturalis historia

3546 92154

PlutarchusMoralia

Amatorius758E 1527

An seni sit gerendares publica792F 146

Consilia ad uxorem610B 98280

611F 95220

De anima17722 95220

De animaeprocreatione1012E 1401014E 19572

1016C 19572

1017Af 19572

1024Dndash1025D140

1026D 18636

1026E 19572

De audiendis poetis14E 339B 96232

De capienda exinimicis utilitate91C 142

De cohibenda ira463C 8877

De defectuoraculorum410AndashB 158413AndashD 7413C 153418C 156418CndashD 154419Endash420A 1736

421B 157428F 140

431BndashC 155156 164

431C 94198

431CndashD 1451

431Dndash432A 155431Dndash432D 156435A 157435E 168

De esu carnium993BndashC 141

De E apud Delphos386E 8775

387D 827

387F 139391E 139

De facie in orbe lunae921F 19055

922B 19056

928CD 19056

940CndashF 171942Dndash943C

1012 95216

942F 179 18024184

943ndash4 10943A 181 18229

943B 184

943C 175 179180 1894818951

943D 192943DE 190943E 189943Fndash944A 185944B 180944C 15716

18230 19262

944CndashD 192944D 19261

944E 181 185192 195 196

944F 185944Fndash945A

18739

945A 1853518948

945B 189945C 95220 181

18536 186195 196

945CndashD 185

945D 169 173De genio Socratis1 575AndashD 118

575C 4575D 123575DndashE 112575Fndash576A 105575Fndash576B 4

113576C 102 112

114576D 4 97254

576DndashE 119576DE 103

3 576E 103576Fndash7A 125576Fndash577A 119577A 5 96247

1254 577B 130

577D 5 106577E 129 136577EndashF 111577F 129577Fndash578B 130578A 97247 112578CndashD 119

6 578D 109578E 6 91141

7 578F 136579A 126579AndashD 3579CndashD 126579DE 8430

8 579F 144579Fndash580B 161

9 580BndashC 161580BndashF 159580C 6

10 580E 112580Fndash581A 159

11 581AndashE 159581DndashE 114581EndashF 160

12 581Fndash582B 160582BndashC 160 161582C 160582Cndash586A

12521

13 582Endash584B 91141

582Endash585D 8430

583B 8879 10914 583F 102

218 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

584A 12521

584Bndash585D 3584BndashD 91141

16 585E 8430

585EF 140 14417 586E 106

586F 119 130587AndashB 114

18 587C 130 1305

19 588B 125

588C 125 160161

588Cndash589F 160588CndashE 162588D 188588DndashE 115 156588F 9 1516

589A 113589AndashB 8589B 156 163589Bndash589D 162589F 163 166

170589Fndash592F 160590BndashC 10 174

22 590C 1748

590E 10 112590F 10591A 10 17718

180591B 10 194591BndashC 17718

591C 165 19367

591CndashD 19367

591D 178 181182 18818846 18951

591Dndash592C 182591Dndash592D 140591DndashF 164591EndashF 18332

591Fndash592C 164591Fndash592D 181592A 18333

592AndashB 18333

592CndashD 164592F 124 166

173592Fndash593A 125593A 166 170593Andash594A

91141

24 593Dndash594A 144593DndashE 191593EndashF 144593Fndash594A 191594B 101ndash103

126594BndashC 123 125

27 595A 119595BndashD 3595C 122595Fndash6C 121

12429 596A 122

596AndashB 119596C 101596DndashE 113 124596EndashF 119

32 597DndashF 10133 598AndashD 119

598C 101 10212522

598D 101 130De Herodoti

malignitate864D 827

864D ndash 867B 109De Iside et Osiride

354D 8769

370Cndash371A 140De primo frigido

948F 95214

De Pythiae oraculis397B 151397C 149402B 146 158402E 152 168403E 146404A 147404BndashC 148404DndashE 149404F 149 150

154404Fndash405A 149

De sera numinisvindicta548C 171549Endash550A 168560F 171561B 94194 170563B 169563E 174 1748

563EF 180563F 175 17512

563Fndash564A 174564A 175 18845

564B 175 180564BC 17613

564C 1863918740

564F 193565D 18741

565E 17614

565Endash566A 175566A 176 18742

19058

566AndashC 175566B 193566D 17613 181

193566DndashE 175566E 180567A 177 18743

567B 18744

567C 193567D 180567E 180567EndashF 176568A 175

De sollertiaanimalium975A 1516

De virtute morali444B 141

Praecepta gerendaereipublicae810F 98276

Quaestionesconvivales619D 97268

700E 146718E 8775

719A 143727B 142727Bndash728C 143728D 142729Dndash730D 142730A 142

QuaestionesPlatonicae1001Eff 140

Regum et ImperApophEpaminondas193B 91139

Source Index 219

Septem sapientiumconvivium147B 8763

163DndashE 150Amatorius

754E 114756A 114756AndashB 168771D 114

VitaeAgesilaus

24 8315

241 8313

Alcibiades175 89108

212 8893

Antonius133 119

Brutus11 11915 119154 119173 119194ndash5 119202 119

Caesar65 119665 119673 119

Cimon85ndash7 13213

Coriolanus32 114

Crassus37(4)4 118

Dion196 8877

Lysander83 97264

27 105271 97264

273 8548

274 10828 13738

284ndash5 131289 8651 8656

Marcellus149 8775

33(3) 117Nicias

139 89108

286 91137

Numa1 143

Pelopidas3ndash4 12032ndash3 97268

5 8313 8316

51 97264

52 96245

53 8319 8425

63 10573 8426 97269

74 8542 96245

74ndash5 12522

8 8315 10281 8425

82 97250 97251

83 8427

85ndash6 92158

87ndash8 92167

9 97254

91 12198 119911ndash12 12210 121101ndash4 124105 97263 121106 97267

107 122107ndash9 97268

107ndash10 11911 8315

111 97250 97266

1119 97265

12 8315 8320104

121 8425

122 12522

124 98285

13 8318

131 105133 92159 98289

134ndash7 126138ndash9 11614 8320

141 4142 8320

18 10118ndash19 8320

204ndash211 13421

223 8429

254 120285ndash10 117328ndash9 116

347 116355 117

Pericles6 11465 120

Philopoemen3 101

Phocion326ndash7 12521

Romulus287 8651 13319

Theseus361ndash4 13213

Timoleon36 101

Ps-PlutarchusDe vita et poesi

Homeri212 96236

Placita215 95207

PolyaenusStratagemata 653

13213

Polybius6566ndash12 8883

PorphyriusDe abstinentia

241 89115

Vita Pythagorae53 142

Posidoniusfr 108 157

Proclusin Rempublicam

211324 96231

PythagoricaArchytas De lege et

iustitia p 3317141

Metopos Devirtutibus p19927 141

Theages Devirtutibus p1901ndash14 141

Scholiain Eur Phoen

145 8541

1062 1318

220 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

SenecaDe beneficiis

2173 90123

2321ndash4 90123

SophoclesOedipus Coloneus

1518ndash1539 8657

Oedipus Tyrannus20ndash21 1318

StobaeusEclogae 275b12 p

6716ndash19 157Strabo

257 95211

9226 13110

92410 13110

17229 13532

17806 8769

SynesiusDe insomniis

133A 89115

TheopompusFGrHist 115 F 336

146Thucydides

1902 1071113 104362 1043625 1043685 104382 1044926 1044967 89111

5521 1088913 107

Tzetzesin Lyc Alex 50

13110

Valerius Maximus913 ext 3 117

XenophonAgesilaus

77 10683 107

Anabasis3111 92164

329 89102

Apologia Socratis12ndash3 15923

16026

Hellenica172 821

2219 107241 107342 106344 106351 8438 97264

356 108358 1073517ndash25 13738

4-3-21 1084141 106423 106527 1075211ndash24 8317

5215 105 1085225 8312

5225ndash36 8313

5226 1065227 1085229 98278

5231 35ndash36105

5235 8319 1045236 106

541 8427 102541ndash2 8322

542 8542 96245

542ndash7 8315

543 8426 124544 1305

548 8541

5410 9215992161

5411 98285

5412 1255413 92159

5419 45446 49 1375462 826

6118 1025

6239 98276

633 98276

6427 1086435ndash7 1177133ndash38 1027133ndash40 13531

7141 1027142 103737 97265

754 103Memorabilia

111 8887

112ndash9 15923

113ndash4 16026

221 94196

Ps-XenophonAtheniensium Res

Publica311 104

Zenobius155 92155

General Index

abyss 175ndash178 180Achaea 103Acoris (pharaoh) 136Agesilaus 5 25 8549 8650 8654 8768

103 104 106ndash108 129 131 133 135136

Agetoridas 29 131air 174 175 190aitiai 118 120Alcmena 5 27 8549 8651 129 132 133

136ndash tomb of 111 131 135 136

Aleos 27 8656 132Alexander of Pherae 106 116ndash118Alexicrates 142Ammonius 139 153 155 157Amphion 8541 130Amphitheus 5 12 8548 105Amphitryon 8651 131anathymiasis 154 158Anaxagoras 140Androclidas 8548 97264 103 105 108anthropology 181 185 193anti-Spartan 8319 8438 8548 97264 107

12522

Antiope 8657

Anytus 8886

Apollo 148 152 155Arcesus 39 8318 92159

Archedamus 19 118 121 123 126Archias 5 11 23 73 8312 8322 8542

96245 96247 97265 103 114 122 124130

Archinus 8210

Archytas 139Aristomenes 133Aristoxenus 96232

Artemidorus 115Asia Minor 137 153Athena OnkaOnkaia 98281 131Athens 4 821 826 8425 97254 98269 101

105 107 113 123 132Atropos 61 177 194 196A ica 8428 89112

Bacchylidas 90120

Barbarian 106 107Becoming 67 177 178 180 189 191

194ndash196Beyond 170ndash173 175 177 178 181 187

193birth 92156

body 3 10 11 93178 147 148 150 154156 163ndash166 171 174ndash176 178 182184 187 188 192 195

Boeotarch 8320 90120 97250 103 105106

Boeotia 8428 8655 89112 103 104 107108 131 134ndash136

Boeotian Confederacy 105 107lsquoBoeotian swinersquo 109

Cabirichus 12 98272

Cadmea 8312 8313 8314 8318 8319 854192163 96245 96247 97264 98281 98283101 105 116 118 120 131 133 136

Cadmus 131Callistratus of Aphidna 77 98276

Caphisias 3 4 6 7 11 821 8766 9624496247 97269 121 122

Caria 8774

Carthage 173cave 172 173Cebes 19 8424 90127 109 112Cephisodorus 11Chaeronea 132 146Chalcidic League 105chaos 161Charillus 33Charon 3 4 11 21 8426 97254 97263

122 124Chlidon 7 51 92167

Chonouphis 29 8769 131 135Chrysippus 90123 150Cimon 132Cithaeron 8428

Clarus 153Cleombrotus 154 156 157Clotho 61 177 194Conon 8210

conspiracy 113 125conspirator 8426 8542 97250 97251 98269

222 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

conspirators 11 102 119 121 122Coretas 155Coronea 104cosmic hierarchy 195cosmic principles 194cosmology 181 193cosmos 169 177 181 194 197counsciousness 174Crassus 118Critias 107Croton 39 90122 90127 142 144Cylon 90126

daimon 10 92156 95 101 140 144 162164 166 178 182 183 186 191

daimones 11 91141 124 154ndash158 162165ndash167 170 172 177 179 191

daimonion 6 33 8323 8887 89117 114145 159ndash161 163 166 170ndash172 188

Damoclidas 69 97250

death 11 115 154 172 173 175 176188 195

Decay 177 194 195Decelean War 107degeneration 164Delian campaign 89110

Delians 6Delium 6 35 89111 98278 114

ndash ba le of 104Delos 8775

Delphi 113 145 148 153 156Delphic Oracle 145 146 152 154 157

158Demeter 49 95216 130Demiurge 194Didyma 153Dike 193Dionysus 176Diotima 156Dirce 8657

ndash tomb of 5 130discussion 113divination 3 145 159ndash161 164 168divine 160 161divine inspiration 147divine providence 171dream 7 8 114 163 166 177

earth 10 149 154 155 158 171 172174 175 179 185 187 191 195

Egypt 6 8424 8769 8771 129 135 136Egyptian priests 5 129Elysian Field 179

Empedocles 6 7 8888 144enthousiasmos 149 16739

Epaminondas 3 4 6 7 11 829 83158316 8320 8430 8766 91141 9215192156 101 102 105 109 111 112117 120 123 125 130 144

Epicurean 171Etruscan 142Eudoxus of Cnidus 8769

exile 8315 8320 8425

exiles 4 7 11 101 105 107eye 174

fire 190fish 142

Galaxidorus 5 6 23 8438 96247 115159 160 163 165 168

God 9 171 194god 11 148 150 151 154 155 157 165

168 177 195Gorgias 39290 90130 119Gorgidas 8320 101 130Great King 102 106 107Greece 6 8430 106 124 154

ndash Central 108Greeks 6gymnasium 3 11 45

Hades 10 95216 177 193Haliartus 5 8655 92159 97247 129 133

135 136head 174heavenly bodies 10Hecate 179 192Helenus 11 96236

hemlock 112Hera 8765 92168

Heraclea 51 92168 108Heracles 8549 8773 129 132 135Heraclitus 140Herippidas 8318 92159

Hermodorus 11 183Hermotimus 96hierarchy 196hipparch 83 8657 101 130Hipposthenidas 7 47 92158 114 125

130hostage 97254 122Hypatas 12 75 8322 97265

Hypatodorus 114

Indefinite Dyad 140

General Index 223

inspiration 148 151 158 159 163 165168

instrument 150 151 155intellect 8 140 177 179 181 184 185

188 192 194 196Intellect 194Invisible 177 181 194 196Ionia 107Iraq 127islands 10 174 180Isle of Kronos 172 173Ismenias 8319 103ndash105 107 108Isocrates 106

Jason of Pherae 41 91139 102 108Julius Caesar 119

Kings Peace 104ndash106 108 136

Lachesis 61 177 194Laconisers 103 105Lamprias 94198 153 155 157Lamprocles 94193 172Leontiadas 5 11 27 75 8319 96245

97264 103ndash105 107 108 116Lethe 175 176 178 179Leuctra ba le(field) of 8430 90120

101ndash103liberty 106 130life 173 177 194light 10 174ndash177 181 189Linear B 134Linus 132logos 169Lycon 8886

Lysander 108 131 137Lysanoridas 5 21 8318 92159 96247

130ndash132Lysis 5ndash7 19 39 829 8430 8764 90130

92156 109 144 159Lysitheus 98273

Macedonia 101 132Mantineia ba le of 103mantis 4 6 8429

mathematics 3 6 8775 139Meletus 8886

Melon 21 51 8315 8316

messenger 4 7 121Metapontum 90125

metempsychosis 165 167Miletus 91138

Milky Way 10 95207 95212

mind 8 162Minos 132Mixing Bowl of the Dreams 176 178

179Moderatus of Gades 142Moirai 95 177 185 194ndash196Monad 140 177 194 196moon 95 155 171 172 175ndash177

179ndash182 184ndash186 190 191 194 195morals 166Moses 9Motion 177 194Muses 135music of the spheres 10mysteries 191myth 9 11 165 166 169ndash171 178 181

188ndash eschatological 193 196

narrator 121Nature 177 194 195Nectanebo (pharaoh) 8654 135 136Neo-Pythagoreans 157Neoptolemos 97259

Nestor 90125

nous 171 18739

Numa 143

obstacle 150Oenophyta ba le of 104Olympichus 170Olynthus 8317 105 108omen 11 51 89102 111 130oracle 6 8 133 148 153 156 167 177Oracle of Apollo 175 176 180Oracle ot Tiresias 155Orchomenus 103 155Orestes 132Orpheus 176

paideia 120Panhellenism 106Parmenides 140Parnes 89112

Parthian campaigns 118passions 162 164 165 187 192past 115 126 147 169pax Romana 148peace 6 41 81 135 161 162Pelopidas 12 21 69 8315 8316 101 112

116 120Peloponnese 103 107Peloponnesian War 101 107

224 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

Persephone 10 61 95216 177Persia 104 106 107 135 136Pherenicus 8425

Phidolaus 4 6 7 25 129 159Philip of Macedonia 132Philippus 11 73 96245 97265

Philolaus 90124 90127 139philosophy 115Phoebidas 8313 96245

Phyllidas 5 7 23 47 8542

physics 166Pindar 19 8657

Planetiades 7 153planets 10 177Plataea 104 105Plato 6 102 112 115 135 143 156 167

171 184Platonic

ndash Academy 139 156ndash dialogue 113 115ndash doctrine of the soul 186ndash intertextuality 112 119ndash models 193ndash myth 166ndash School 168

Platonism 11 139ndash Middle 139ndash Neo- 10

pneuma 154ndash158polemarch 8312 8542 104Polymnis 6 8766

Principles doctrine of 195 196prison 5 12 106 112pro-Spartan 826 8312 8319 8425 96245

97265 107 122 137Pronoia 153prophecy 153 155 177 180Proteus 8772

Protogenes 172psychology 166 203punishment 171 175 176 178 180 187

188 191 193Pyrilampes 35 89109

Pythagoras 6 8 33 8888 139 142 143Pythagorean 4ndash6 829 8430 90124 90127

91141 96238

ndash doctrine 143 144ndash sect 90122

ndash tradition(s) 139 140 142 144Pythagoreanism 8 140Pythagoreans 45 139 140 142 144Pythia 146ndash148 151 152 155 157 158Pythian 146 152

Python 189

reader 169 181reason 164 192 19263

rebirth 165 176 187 191 192reincarnation 96238 179religion 4 166Rhadamanthys 8651 8656 131 133

sanctuaries 148 153 154 191Scedasus 134scepticism 163sea 10 95207 174 177 180Semele 176separation 186Sibyl 175 176 180Sibyls oracles 147Sicilian Expedition 91137

Sicily 6 35 39 89108

sign 8 8429 160Simmias 4 5 7 8 11 19 8323 8424

90121 97247 109 112 115 122 129131 135 159 161 162 164 165167 170 172 188 191

skull 10 94200 174sleep 161 163 172sneeze 6 89102 89117 159 161Socrates 3 6 8 19290 8886 89108 101

112 115 119 124 159ndash161 163 165167 168 170ndash172 183 188

ndash death of 119soul 3 8ndash11 92156 93178 94200 96242

144 148 154 156 161 163ndash165 171173 174 176 178 181 184 186ndash188190 195

ndash cosmic 194ndash daemonic 164ndash dissolution 188ndash human 164ndash impure 179ndash irrational 189ndash liberation of the 3ndash nature of the 183ndash pure 178 179 18024

ndash purified 166sound 8 10 55 57 59 155 163 180Sparta 5 8317 8319 8548 101 103

106ndash108 129 132 136Spartan 97264

ndash commanders 92159 98289

ndash control 101 133ndash domination 106 108ndash garrison 12 101 113

General Index 225

ndash governors 8318

ndash king 8650

ndash occupation 3 5Spartans 5 134 136Spintharus of Tarentum 96232

stars 10 95 174 178 182Stoic 90123 95 150 151

ndash doctrine 190ndash interpretation 8

Stoics 157 161Styx 10 61 177substance 184 185 188 190 195sun 149 177 181 185 194ndash196Sybaris 142

Tegea 132Terpsion 33 159Thales 27 8662

Theages 4 8424

Theanor 5 7 11 39 829 8430 9114196238 12521 144 159 160 164 167170 191

Theban Revolt 106Thebans 8425

Thebes 8210 8319 8425 8438 8880 9012790130 96245 97264 98276 104 105107 108 112 123 133 137 144 159

ndash liberation of 3 821 101 103 109111 117 170

ndash walls of 8541

Thebe (wife of Alexander of Pherae)117 120

Themistoclean ring 107Theocritus 4 6 7 11 23 8429 96247

103 129 130 159Theon 147 148

Theopompus 69 97251

Theramenes 108Thermopylae 107 109Theseus 8657 132 133Thespesius 172 173 175 186 188 193Thespiae 92160 135Thirty Tyrants 8210 108thought 8 161ndash163Thrason 8210

Thrasybulus of Collytus 8210

Thrasymachus 7Timarchus 9 10 94193 95 124 144 160

165 166 172 173 175 182 191194 196

ndash myth of 164 186Timotheus (son of Conon) 8210

transmission 129 134 166Trophonius oracle of 9 94198 145 153

164 172truth 31 77 121 166 176Typhon 189tyrant 116 127

vegetarianism 141virtue 19 47 118 125 141 19263

vision 6 8 10 33 94198 115 165 172voice 10 95 161 162 164 178 180

191 194

wisdom 8424 143World Soul 140 194

Xenocrates 140 156 185Xerxes 104 107

Zeus 57 8541 172Zoroaster 140

• SAPERE
• Preface to this Volume
• Table of Contents
• A Introduction
• Introduction (D A Russell)
• • 1 Preliminary Remarks
  • 2 Synopsis
  • 3 The Text
  • 4 Suggested variations from Teubner text
  • • B Text Translation and Notes
    • • Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιμονίου (Text and Translation by D A Russell)
      • • Notes on the Translation (D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath)
        • • C Essays
          • • Between Athens Sparta and Persia the Historical Significance of the Liberation of Thebes in 379 (George Cawkwell)
            • The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas (Christopher Pelling)
            • • 1 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext
              • 2 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 3 Internal and external links
              • 4 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 5 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 6 Lessons for today
              • • Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena (Robert Parker)
                • Pythagoreanism in Plutarch (John Dillon)
                • • 1 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophical upbringing
                  • 2 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics
                  • 3 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and of contemporary Pythagoreans
                  • 4 Pythagorean elements in De genio
                  • • Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration (Stephan Schroumlder translated by H-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell)
                    • • 1 Preliminary remarks
                      • 2 The dialogues on the oracles
                      • • 21 De Pythiae oraculis
                        • 22 De defectu oraculorum
                        • • 3 De genio Socratis
                          • 4 Conclusion
                          • • Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths (Werner Deuse translated by H-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell)
                            • • 1 Preliminary remarks
                              • 2 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatological topography
                              • 3 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of the myths
                              • 4 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths
                              • 5 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo
                              • 6 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie
                              • • D Appendices
                                • • I Some Texts similar to De genio (D A Russell)
                                  • II Bibliography
                                  • • 1 Abbreviations
                                    • 2 Editions Commentaries Translations
                                    • 3 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)
                                    • • III Indices (Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper)
                                      • • 1 Source Index
                                        • 2 General Index

e-ISBN PDF 978-3-16-156444-4ISBN 978-3-16-150138-8 (cloth)ISBN 987-3-16-150137-1 (paperback)

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Natio-nal bibliographie detailed bibliographic data is availableon the Internet at httpdnbd-nbde

copy 2010 by Mohr Siebeck Tuumlbingen

This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisherrsquos written permission This applies particularly to reproductions translations microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems

This book was typeset by Christoph Alexander Martsch Serena Pirrotta and Thorsten Stolper at the SAPERE Research Institute Goumlttingen printed by Gulde-Druck in Tuumlbingen on non-aging paper and bound by Buchbinderei Spinner in Ottersweier

Printed in Germany

SAPEREGreek and Latin texts of Later Antiquity (1stndash4th centuries AD) have fora long time been overshadowed by those dating back to so-called lsquoclassi-calrsquo times The first four centuries of our era have however produced acornucopia of works in Greek and Latin dealing with questions of philoso-phy ethics and religion that continue to be relevant even today The seriesSAPERE (Scripta Antiquitatis Posterioris ad Ethicam REligionemque per-tinentia lsquoWritings of Later Antiquity with Ethical and Religious Themesrsquo)now funded by the German Union of Academies undertakes the task ofmaking these texts accessible through an innovative combination of edi-tion translation and commentary in the form of interpretative essays

The acronym lsquoSAPERErsquo deliberately evokes the various connotations ofsapere the Latin verb In addition to the intellectual dimension ndash whichKant made the mo o of the Enlightenment by translating lsquosapere audersquowith lsquodare to use thy reasonrsquo ndash the notion of lsquotastingrsquo should come intoplay as well On the one hand SAPERE makes important source textsavailable for discussion within various disciplines such as theology andreligious studies philology philosophy history archaeology and so onon the other it also seeks to whet the readersrsquo appetite to lsquotastersquo these textsConsequently a thorough scholarly analysis of the texts which are inves-tigated from the vantage points of different disciplines complements thepresentation of the sources both in the original and in translation In thisway the importance of these ancient authors for the history of ideas andtheir relevance to modern debates come clearly into focus thereby foster-ing an active engagement with the classical past

Preface to this VolumeThe first idea of bringing this volume into existence came into my heada er a dinner conversation with Donald Russell at All Souls College Ox-ford in May 2004 during which Donald told me that already a long timeago he had collected material for an edition (with commentary) of De ge-nio Socratis one of the most wonderful pieces of PlutarchrsquosMoralia Whenndash twenty-two months later ndash I finally plucked up the courage to ask himwhether he might be willing to provide an introduction into and a textand translation (with notes) of De genio for a SAPERE volume his first re-action was to call me a fool for bothering someone at his age with such aproposition ndash but barely half a year later he had in fact done what I hadasked him for thus giving us the heart of the present volume He had firstworked on this subject under the guidance of E R Dodds and would likethis contribution to be regarded as a partial and very late fulfilment of hisobligations to that great scholar

It took the next two and a half years to assemble a team of further con-tributors and get them to write a number of essays all of which ndash I hope ndashwill be useful and enlightening to all interested in De genio To all contrib-utors I am profoundly grateful for the time and energy they poured intothis venture it has been a privilege and a pleasure to work with each andeveryone of them My greatest debt of gratitude however I still owe toDonald without whom this volume would not exist May he yet live longto receive the acclaim he deserves for it

Heinz-Guumlnther Nesselrath Gouml ingen August 2009

Table of ContentsSAPERE VPreface to this Volume VII

A Introduction

Introduction (D A Russell) 31 Preliminary Remarks 32 Synopsis 43 The Text 124 Suggested variations from Teubner text 12

B Text Translation and Notes

Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου (Text and Translation by D A Russell) 18Notes on the Translation (D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath) 82

C Essays

Between Athens Sparta and Persia the Historical Significance of theLiberation of Thebes in 379 (George Cawkwell) 101

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas(Christopher Pelling) 1111 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext 1112 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1133 Internal and external links 1164 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1215 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas 1236 Lessons for today 127

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena (Robert Parker) 129

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch (John Dillon) 1391 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophical upbringing 1392 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics 1413 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and of contemporary

Pythagoreans 1424 Pythagorean elements in De genio 143

X Table of Contents

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration (Stephan Schroumlder translated byH-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell) 1451 Preliminary remarks 1452 The dialogues on the oracles 146

21 De Pythiae oraculis 14622 De defectu oraculorum 153

3 De genio Socratis 1594 Conclusion 167

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths (Werner Deuse translated by H-G Nesselrathtranslation revised by D A Russell) 1691 Preliminary remarks 1692 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatological topography 1743 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of the myths 1824 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths 1885 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo 1916 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie 194

D Appendices

I Some Texts similar to De genio (D A Russell) 201

II Bibliography 2071 Abbreviations 2092 Editions Commentaries Translations 2093 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works) 210

III Indices (Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper) 2131 Source Index 2132 General Index 221

A Introduction

IntroductionD A Russell

1 Preliminary Remarks

Il est des ouvrages en Plutarque ougrave il oublie son thegraveme ougrave le propos de son argumentne se trouve que par incident tout estouffeacute en matiere estrangere voyez ses alleuresau Daemon de Socrate O Dieu que ces gaillardes escapades que ce e variation a debeauteacute et plus lors que plus elle retire au nonchalant et fortuite

Montaigne (Essais III ix) here admires the inconsequentiality of De genioMost modern scholarship has been disconcerted by the combination of ex-citing historical romance and serious philosophical and religious discus-sion Many a empts have therefore been made to identify themes and con-nections which might be held to unify the whole Liberation (as the soulis freed with difficulty from the ills of the body so Thebes is freed fromthe Spartan occupation) divine guidance (Epaminondas like Socrates isunder a special tutelary daimon) or a general concern with signs and por-tents It is doubtful whether any of these ideas is a guide to Plutarchrsquosintentions1 These should be sought rather in his educational concerns Inthe preface toDe audiendis poetis (14E) he observes that young students notyet ready for the formal study of philosophy nevertheless take pleasurein works like Heraclidesrsquo Abaris and Aristonrsquos Lycon in which philosophyand fabulous narrative are combined If we consider De genio in this lightit is clear that it fills the bill very well There is the exciting patriotic storyof the liberation of Thebes there is also the speculation about divinationand the fate of the soul a er death there is even a miniature Socratic dia-logue on doing good (584Bndash585D) and a suggestion that it is a good thingto study mathematics (579AndashD) We should also recall that the narratorCaphisias Epaminondasrsquo younger brother is young and emphasises hisyouth (he has lovers he spends time in the gymnasia) and that the brav-ery of Charonrsquos fi een year old son is given special prominence (595BndashD)It would be foolish to suggest that Plutarch is primarily targeting an ado-lescent readership (or his own pupils) but he certainly has one in mindas he does also in his Banquet of the Seven Wise Men and in Gryllus And

1 But note the articles by A G (ldquoEpameinondas and the Socratic paradigm inthe De genio Socratisrdquo) and P H (ldquoSign language in On the sign of Socratesrdquo) in V

S 1996 113ndash22 and 123ndash36

4 D A Russell

it is a Boeotian audience he makes the visionary who relates the myth anative of his own city Chaeronea and he gives us a great deal of antiquar-ian detail about the religions and political practices of Boeotia in classicaltimes

2 Synopsis2

1 (575Andash576B)The frame dialogue (not resumed at the end cf Platorsquos Phaedo Theaetetus)serves as a preface It limits the scope of the following narrative (Archeda-mus explains what he and his friends already know 575Fndash576B) and itmakes an important statement about the value of detail and motivation asagainst mere information about the upshot of events for hearers who areconnoisseurs of the moral aspects of actions This recalls prefatory state-ments in several Lives eg Nicias 1 Alexander 1 Timoleon 1 and 6 Andwe are again reminded of De audiendis poetis Archedamusrsquo friends arelike those serious readers of poetry who are not just in search of amuse-ment (30D note τὸ δὲ φιλόκαλον καὶ φιλότιmicroον corresponding to τὸν δὲφιλότιmicroον καὶ φιλόκαλον θεατήν in 575C)

The exact occasion of this frame dialogue is unclear It is perhapsthought of as preceding the Athenian renunciation of the Theban alliance(Pelopidas 141 Xen Hell 5419) but we do not learn whether Plutarch hadany evidence that Caphisias participated in any such mission Archeda-musrsquo Boeotian sympathies however are well a ested as is the unpopu-larity they caused him

2ndash5 (576Bndash578C)The initial scenes of Caphisiasrsquo story are set outdoors as a party of the con-spirators makes its way to Simmiasrsquo house Simmias is in many ways thecentral character of the whole dialogue Famous from Phaedo as an in-timate of Socrates and a pupil (at Thebes) of the Pythagorean Phidolaushe has travelled far and acquired much knowledge He is of course in-volved in the conspiracy though his illness prevents him from taking anactive part Like Theages in Plato (Rep 6496D) his infirmity keeps himloyal to philosophy The day has come when the exiles are due to returnand a messenger arrives from Athens to bring word that there are twelveof them and to inquire who will give them lodging Charon offers (576D)This prompts the prophet (mantis) Theocritus to compare this readiness onthe part of a comparatively uneducated person with the reluctance of thehighly educated Epaminondas to take an active part Caphisias naturallydefends his brother There is no doubt that Epaminondasrsquo stance is an im-

2 A particularly careful analysis can be found in L 1933

Introduction 5

portant theme of the whole dialogue We learn later of his Pythagorean up-bringing and his steadfast refusal of material gain Theanor the mysteri-ous visitor will declare that the daimonwho guarded the dead Pythagoreanphilosopher Lysis now guides his pupil Epaminondas Here is at leastone link between the philosophical topics and the narrative for we are ledto conclude that a political life too can be divinely guided The loss ofPlutarchrsquos Epaminondas prevents us from knowing whether the career de-velopment suggested in De genio ndash from quietism to military leadership ndashwas a theme in the Life also

Caphisiasrsquo conversation on this subject is interrupted (577A) by Galaxi-dorus who has seen two officers of the Spartan occupation Archias andLysanoridas approaching Archias takes Theocritus aside Everyone isworried about the reason for this Another conspirator Phyllidas now ap-pears and discusses ma ers with Caphisias There is a longish lacuna inthe text at 577D which must cover the return of Theocritus to the groupThey are then joined by yet another figure Phidolaus of Haliartus whoasks them to wait a li le before entering Simmiasrsquo house because Sim-mias is trying to negotiate with the pro-Spartan Leontiadas about the fateof a leader of the anti-Spartan party Amphitheus who is in prison Thenarrative now takes a new turn Theocritus is glad to see Phidolaus be-cause he wants to ask him about the remains of Alcmena which Agesi-laus removed from Haliartus to Sparta some years before It appears thatthere was a mysterious inscription on the tomb which Agesilaus submit-ted to Egyptian priests for interpretation lsquoSimmias may have something totell us about thisrsquo Theocritus on hearing Phidolausrsquo account reveals thathis recent conversation with Lysanoridas was about some ominous signand that Lysanoridas will go to Haliartus to offer some ritual reparation toAlcmena When he comes back says Theocritus he is just the man to pryinto the Theban secret of the whereabouts of Dircersquos tomb

What has all this to do with the main themes of the dialogue It is notunusual for some minor ma ers to be discussed before a main theme isaddressed thus in De Pyth or 8ndash16 several disconnected topics delaythe introduction of the main issue In De genio there is a dramatic rea-son for sending Lysanoridas to Haliartus since he is (crucially) to be outof town on the day of the coup And the series of episodes enhances theatmosphere portents ominous for the Spartans deep concern for Thebancustoms and ritual

6ndash7 (578Cndash579D)The scene changes to Simmiasrsquo house and a further series of episodes pre-liminary both to the development of the plot and to the main discussiontakes place here Simmias has been disappointed in his a empt to winover Leontiadas but he has learned from him of the arrival of a mysterious

6 D A Russell

stranger who has been performing some ritual at Lysisrsquo tomb and inquir-ing for the family of Polymnis the father of Epaminondas and CaphisiasPhidolaus however is still preoccupied with the Alcmena inscription canSimmias throw any light on this (578E) Only indirectly it would appearSimmias tells a story about another text sent by the Spartans to Egyptwhile he and others were studying there which turned out to be an ex-hortation to the Greeks to pursue the arts of peace not war The samemessage was intended by the oracle given to the Delians ordering themto lsquodouble the size of the altarrsquo this baffled them until Plato explained tothem the necessary mathematics The true meaning of this oracle againwas an exhortation to peace and the civilized pursuits of science and learn-ing

Two things are achieved by this section the Pythagorean stranger isintroduced and the point is made that science and philosophy go with apeaceful life If we venture to look at this in the light of Plutarchrsquos ownday it is an acceptance of the role of Greece as the peaceful partner in theRoman world whose contribution lies in the sciences and the arts

8ndash9 (579Dndash580C)Polymnis arrives We hear more about the visitor who will shortly bebrought before the company Simmias likes very much what he hears ofthe man Galaxidorus does not to him the visitor sounds like a super-stitious charlatan unworthy of philosophy which Socrates (in contrast toPythagoras and Empedocles) showed to be a rational and down-to-earthbusiness This view is at once challenged by the mantis Theocritus whothinks that it implies an acceptance of the charge of impiety brought againstSocrates by his accusers

10ndash12 (580Cndash582C)This leads immediately to the daimonion which (according to Theocritus)shows Socrates a greater prophet than Pythagoras himself We may dis-tinguish five stages in this first lsquoactrsquo of the discussion1 Theocritusrsquo acceptance of the fact that Socrates had a divine guide (a

lsquovisionrsquo [580C] though this perception will not be maintained) and hisreminiscence of a rather trivial episode in which it figured

2 Galaxidorusrsquo argument that Socrates was really skilled in observingsigns (eg sneezes or casual words) as other diviners do

3 Polymnisrsquo rejection of the sneeze theory (which he a ributes to Terp-sion) on the ground that it could not possibly explain Socratesrsquo nobilityof character his prophecy of defeat in Sicily or his inspired behaviourat the ba le of Delium

4 Polymnisrsquo appeal to Simmias supported by Phidolaus5 Galaxidorusrsquo second speech in which he too defers to Simmias but (i)

refutes Phidolaus by saying that small signs may indicate great events

Introduction 7

and using the analogy of writing in which a few small scratches candisplay great wars and sufferings to the literate scholar and (ii) answersPolymnis by urging that Socrates called his sign daimonion not out ofpretentiousness but because he knew the difference between agent (thegod) and instrument (the sign)

13ndash16 (582Cndash586A)The discussion is broken off by the entrance of Epaminondas and Theanorwho dominate the following scene Theanor explains who he is and thecircumstances which have led him to track down the exiled Lysis He hashad a dispute with Epaminondas because he wishes to pay the family fortheir care of Lysis and Epaminondas refuses to accept anything A lengthydialogue in a Socratic style shows Epaminondas able to justify his point ofview Finally Theanor gives his decision Lysisrsquo body is to remain whereit is He looks hard at Epaminondas for he has come to believe that theyoung man is guided by the daimonwho once guided Lysis

17ndash19 (586Andash588B)At this point Phyllidas comes in and asks the others (including the nar-rator) to go outside with him There is cause for alarm Hipposthenidashas gone so far as to send a messenger to warn the exiles not to enter thecity Why Because he thinks the plot may have been discovered and hetakes this to be confirmed by a friendrsquos rather ominous dream Theocrituscomes to the rescue by suggesting a more favourable interpretation andthe messenger Chlidon unexpectedly returns having been unable to rideout to meet the exiles as he had been ordered because his wife had lenthis bridle to a neighbour There had been quite a scene about this but theyconclude that the alarms were all false and the plan is to go ahead The-ocritus and Caphisias go back to Simmiasrsquo house where the discussion isstill going on

20ndash24 (588Bndash594A)This central part of the dialogue the definitive discussion of its nominalsubject is best considered as a whole

(1) The narrator has not heard Simmiasrsquo reply to Galaxidorus and socannot tell what it was This is (I think) an important clue to the gen-eral tendency of the dialogue Galaxidorus is not a figure to be ridiculedlike Thrasymachus in Platorsquos Republic or Planetiades in Plutarchrsquos De de-fectu (413AndashD) True he is contemptuous of people like Empedocles andPythagoras and Pythagoreanism is very much in evidence in everythingto follow But it is probably3 a mistake to make too much of this Galaxi-dorus has maintained Socratesrsquo superiority as a man of reason and he has

3 But see Pierluigi D ldquoSokrates und sein Daumlmon im Platonismus des 1 und 2Jahrhunderts n Chrrdquo in B et al 2004 149

8 D A Russell

deferred to Simmiasrsquo superior knowledge (His view is akin to the Stoic in-terpretation reported in Cicero [De divinatione 1122] which treats Socratesas indeed an observer of signs but one whose capacity depends on a pureand chaste mind) Much of what he said would be acceptable to Plutarchand it is worth noting that in one of the very few ancient references to Degenio (Eustratius in Eth Nic 513 Heylbut) Galaxidorusrsquo and Simmiasrsquospeeches are dovetailed together

(2) Simmiasrsquo theory4 Simmias believed that Socratesrsquo daimonionwas nota vision (so Theocritus was wrong) but the apprehension of a thought notarticulated in speech but rather like the words we seem to hear in dreamsSocratesrsquo special aptitude (due to his unconcern with material things) wasto pick up these signals even when awake (the comparison and contrastwith dreams occurs again in Cic De div lc and is a motif common insuch discussion) The theory is that the thought (logos) of a daimon cancommunicate itself to gi ed souls without the violent lsquoblowrsquo involved inordinary communication by sound These souls yield readily to lsquothe in-tellect (νοῦς) of the higher beinghelliprsquo The best Simmias can do is to makethis plausible by analogies the ship guided by the tiller the po errsquos wheelcontrolled by the fingertip and our common experience (however diffi-cult it is to understand the mechanism of it) of the power of mind overma er (589AndashB) There is a sort of illumination or effulgence (ἀνταύγειαsee note for the problem of this passage) in the thoughts of the superiorpowers which makes them accessible to specially privileged minds bycontrast our knowledge of the thoughts of others is dim mediated onlyby voice If this is hard to grasp (589C) the analogy of sound may helpSound depends on an impact made on the air and we may suppose thatthe daimonrsquos thoughts also produce a physical change discernible only tothose specially endowed minds Or try another analogy this time a mili-tary one the presence of sappers in a tunnel can be detected by resonanceon a bronze shield held in the right place And if (once again) it seemsodd that something we think of as a dream-experience should be possibleto a person who is awake yet another analogy (suggested by the harmoniaarguments of Phaedo) presents itself a musician needs his lyre tuned notunstrung The essential point is that Socrates is very special An oraclegiven when he was a child (not otherwise known to us) declared that hehad his best guide within himself Pressed this implies that the guide wasin some sense his own νοῦς This is inconsistent with the theory of com-

4 See R H Xenokrates Darstellung der Lehre und Sammlung der Fragmente (Leipzig1892) 102ndash4 K R Kosmos and Sympathie Neue Untersuchungen uumlber Poseidonios(Muumlnchen 1926) 214 id ldquoPoseidonios von Apameia der Rhodier genanntrdquo in RE XXII1 (1953) [558ndash826] 803 A 1921 3ndash10 C 1970 53ndash8 L 1933 43ndash9

S (1992) 57ndash8

Introduction 9

munication just developed but it is indeed a Platonic idea (Timaeus 90) andwe shall find it again in the myth which soon follows

This repetitive and complicated speech has been much discussed andits lsquosourcesrsquo conjectured It is no doubt Plutarchrsquos own synthesis but thereare some texts of Platonic provenance which are very similar to it and itmay be convenient to mention the most striking of these here5

(a) Within the writings of Plato himself one may draw a ention toCritias 109c where Critias describes how in early times the gods guidedhuman beings ldquolike pilots from the stern of the vessel holding our soulsby the rudder of persuasionrdquo (transl Jowe )6

(b) Philo De decalogo 32ndash35 where it is explained that God spoke toMoses not with a physical voice but miraculously lsquocommanding an invis-ible sound to be created in air more wonderful than any instrument [cf588F] not without soul hellip but itself a rational soul hellip which shaped the airand gave u erance to an articulate voicersquo

(c) Calcidius sect255 lsquothe voice of which Socrates was aware was not suchas would result from impact on air but such as might reveal the presenceand company of a familiar divinity to a soul whose exceptional chastitymade it clean and therefore more intelligentrsquo Calcidius goes on almost inPlutarchrsquos terms to draw the comparison between our dream experienceand Socratesrsquo waking perception of a divine presence7

(3) The myth of Timarchus8 Timarchus consults the oracle of Tropho-nius in order to learn about Socratesrsquo divine warnings He gets no explicitanswers but he (and we) can draw some conclusions

In reading the myth we must of course have in mind both its Platonicmodels (esp Phaedo) and Plutarchrsquos other a empts in this genre (inDe seranuminis vindicta and De facie)9 But we must also remember that there ismuch room le for invention fantasy and deliberate mystification Plu-tarchrsquos myths (like Platorsquos) draw on a fund of religious philosophical andscientific lore but this fund does not amount to a coherent system and itwould be rash to assume that there is such a thing and that Plutarch is justrevealing parts of it to us a bit at a time (He is not at all like JRR Tolkien)

Timarchus is probably named a er a person mentioned inTheages 129Ain connection with the daimonion Plutarch makes him a Chaeronean andsets his vision at the great Boeotian oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea The

5 Translations of most of these texts can be found in the Appendix below pp 201ndash2076 See H-G N Platon Kritias Uumlbersetzung und Kommentar (Gouml ingen 2006)

132ndash37 Further development of these ideas is to be found in Neoplatonist texts note esp

Hermias in Phaedrum 68ndash9 C Proclus in rempublicam 2166 (which explains howsouls converse in Hades)

8 See in addition to works cited above (n 4) H 1934b S 1942 153ndash76V 1977 D 1996 214ndash6

9 See W Deusersquos essay below pp 169ndash97

10 D A Russell

story begins (590BndashC) with Timarchus lying in the cave (having performedall the due rituals) not knowing whether he is asleep or awake He feelsa blow on his head followed by a pleasurable sensation of rising and ex-panding bright light and a harmonious sound (presumably the music ofthe spheres) His soul has escaped from the opening sutures of his skull(an unparalleled detail in such stories it would seem) He cannot see theearth but when he looks up (from a standpoint not clearly indicated) hesees innumerable islands moving through a great sea and all shining withvariously coloured light These islands are the heavenly bodies planetsincluded the sea represents the whole celestial sphere10 There is clearly(590E) an allusion not without mystification to the inclination of the eclip-tic to the celestial equator When Timarchus looks down as he does next(590F) he sees a dark gulf from which emerge sounds of human suffer-ing this gulf is Hades and it is (or at least includes) the earth on which welive11 Timarchus sees but as yet does not understand An unseen speaker(591A) offers to enlighten him but only with regard to lsquothe realm of Perse-phonersquo12 because lsquothe things aboversquo belong to lsquoother godsrsquo So the visionis limited Persephonersquos realm is bounded by Styx which is we are toldthe earthrsquos shadow periodically in its revolution catching the moon andcausing an eclipse Though the voice cannot tell much about the world be-yond it does offer a curious metaphysical system (591B) which seems tobe a complication of one set out in De facie (943ndash4) This involves the triadMonas-Nous-Physis which puts us in mind of later Neoplatonism13 butwhich is no doubt based largely on a text of Plato Sophist 24814 The systemplays no part in what follows for the voice goes on to explain simply thatlsquoStyxrsquo catches many souls in the air below the moon and takes them backfor rebirth Some the wicked are rejected by the moon altogether and inanger others whose time has come are rescued by her and (presumably)suffer no further reincarnation

This is the explanation given by the Voice all Timarchus can actuallysee is a lot of stars moving up and down These are souls more or lessobedient to their daimon (or νοῦς) but also more or less submerged in thebody This variation in obedience and recalcitrance occurs it seems bothin incarnate souls and a er death when the souls seek to escape from thetrammels of the body altogether But what of Socrates We must infer thathe was one of these most obedient and least troubled by the demands of the

10 It cannot be simply the Milky Way as A 1921 thought though one detail ndashthe white and foamy part of it [590F] ndash does seem to represent this

11 H 1892 135 H A Plutarchs Schri Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epi-curum (Amsterdam 1974) 70 n 18

12 Which includes the moon cf De facie 942Dndash943C13 D 1996 214ndash614 R 1926 327

Introduction 11

body and this was evident in his lifetime He is not mentioned by namethe example given is Hermodorus of Clazomenae whose soul travelledfreely around the world while his body lay asleep

(4) Theanorrsquos speech15 Theanor does not mention Socrates either Hetreats the myth as something to be dedicated to the god and so uncriti-cized he accepts in general what Simmias has said But he has his ownpoint of view and presents it in a magisterial fashion Some men arespecially favoured by gods and these are they who can understand thethought of the gods as is (he thinks) shown by the example of Helenus inHomer (but see notes) More generally humans are in the care of daimonesthese being disembodied souls whose special function seems here to be toguide towards final salvation souls which have completed their cycle ofbirths and deaths This is a classical lsquodemonologyrsquo such as Apuleius andMaximus use in their accounts of Socrates Based on classic texts of Hesiodand Plato and probably developed by Xenocrates it is a standard elementin Platonism by Plutarchrsquos time16 Where does Socrates fit in Was he oneof the rare ones guided by a god We are not told But the guidance hereceives we must infer is from an outside power (as Simmias said) notfrom something like his νοῦς which could be interpreted as within him

25ndash34 (594Andash598F)The conclusion of the narrative is rapid and skilful and is not again inter-rupted Epaminondas tells Caphisias to go to the gymnasium he himselfremains to continue the discussion For this he makes his apologia he willnot take part in violence or illegal executions but reserves himself to cometo the front later At the gymnasium plo ing continues and Archias andPhilip go off to the dinner which is to be fatal to them (25) And now theconspirators join forces with the twelve exiles who have had a good omen(lightning on their right) on entering the city (26) They all meet together atCharonrsquos house and are greatly alarmed when Archias sends for Charonhe obeys the summons and leaves his son in his friendsrsquo charge with anemotional speech Cephisodorus and Theocritus advise prompt action topreempt betrayal and they get ready (27ndash28) But Charon soon returnsand is quite cheerful he does not think Archias has had any sure informa-tion and there is no reason to believe that the plot has been disclosed (29)The conspirators hesitate no longer one party goes to deal with Leonti-adas the other (including some disguised as women) to the party havingdinner with Archias (Archias has in fact had another warning but has dis-regarded it with the remark lsquoSerious business tomorrowrsquo ndash a saying whichbecame proverbial) (30) The a ack on the dinner is successful the archonCabirichus is killed the servants killed or locked in (31) Meanwhile the

15 See J 1916 31ndash3 L 1933 65ndash7 S 1942 131ndash4016 See J D in B et al 2004 123ndash41

12 D A Russell

second party (which includes Pelopidas) has prevailed against Leontiadasand Hypates despite strong resistance (32) Finally the two parties areunited Amphitheus and others are released from prison There is a gen-eral rising and the Spartan garrison surrenders (33ndash34)

3 The Text

De genio (like a number of other works) survives in two manuscripts onlyPar gr 1672 (E) and Par gr 1675 (B) E probably dates from the secondhalf of the fourteenth century B is later There has been much discussionof the relation between them (summary in Schroumlder 1990 73ndash80) The con-clusion here adopted is that B is dependent on E though not a direct copyThe consequence is that good readings in B should be accepted as goodconjectures and that the indications and placing of lacunae in E (thoughnot infallible) are more likely to represent the gaps in the damaged ancestorthan those in B In many places no convincing supplement of the lacunaeis possible we have made what seem to us probable choices and the notesrecord some other suggestions

4 Suggested variations from Teubner text

(See also the notes on the translation Anonymous changes are by D ARussell Passages are indicated by page and line numbering in the Teubneredition as well as by the traditional Stephanus pagination)

461 10ndash12 [575C] ndash ⟨ὡς⟩ τοῦ microὲν τέλους πολλὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὴν τύχηνἔχοντος τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖςπροσήκοντος⟩ microέρους ἀγῶνας ἀρετῆς πρὸς τὰ συν-τυγχάνοντα ndash καὶ τόλmicroας

462 1 [575E] δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν (Post)462 3 [575E] microαραινόmicroενον ⟨ἐξ οὗ Σιmicromicroίας microὲν καὶ Κέβης φοι-

τῶντες⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη462 14 [575F] οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν462 20 [575F] Λεοντιάδαν (and throughout but there must be some

doubt about the form)463 28 [576D] θηρεύειν (Hartman)464 14 [576E] ⟨ ὡς εἰ microὴ παρὰ⟩ τοῦτον παρὰ τίνα (Wyttenbach)464 23 [576F] microηδένα (Wyttenbach) τῶν πολιτῶν464 24 [576F] ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος (cf Einarson)465 12 [577A] διακρούων ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoἐγγὺς γάρrsquo ⟨εἶπεν lsquoἈρ-

χίαν ὁρῶ⟩ καὶ Λυσανορίδαν rsquo ()

Introduction 13

465 21 [577B] ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ (postWilamowitz qui post Turnebi γραmicromicroατεύονταsupplevit συνειδὼς τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας

466 4 [577C] ἢ πλείους ⟨γrsquo⟩467 3 [577F] συmicroπεπηγυῖαν τοῦ microνήmicroατος ⟨ἔκειτο⟩ (we canrsquot

be sure what the missing words were)468 2 [578B] ὑπὸ σκότους (Bernardakis)469 8 [578F] ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶν (Reiske)469 13 [578F] τότὲ (post Schwartz qui ⟨ᾧ πολλὰ⟩ τότε)469 17 [578F] πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ⟨ὁ⟩ δὲ (Kronenberg Waterfield)470 7 [579B] ᾗ (Waterfield) τὸ (Hartman)470 13 [579C] εἶναι τὴν δυεῖν (Holwerda)471 20 [579F] ἐκθειάζουσι (Pohlenz)471 22 [580A] ἀνδράσι καὶ πρὸς471 29 [580A] ἐπαναφέρει τὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχὴν (Bernardakis

after Amyot)473 7 [580E] ⟨ἀνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ⟩ (cf Amyot)473 19 [580F] ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩ (Wyttenbach)473 23 [580F] microόριόν τι microαντικῆς (Holwerda)474 4 [581A] ⟨οὐχ οἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν⟩ καὶ κοῦφον (von Arnim)474 20 [581B] lacuna after δοκοῦmicroεν (Waterfield)474 23 [581C] τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ (cf De prof in virt 1283B)476 15 [582B] τῷ ἱστορικῷ ()476 25 [582C] τὸ δαιmicroόνιον477 9 [582D] τὸν ξένον ἔοικεν (E)477 12 [582D] καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων (Reiske)478 26 [583B] τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος (Sandbach)478 27 [583B] προὐπεφήνει (Russell 1954)479 14 [583D] microόνῃ (E)479 20 [583D] οὐ προδίδωσι τὴν πενίαν οὐδrsquo ὡς βαφὴν ἀνίησι τὴν

πάτριον πενίαν481 20 [584E] αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν482 10 [584F] πρῶτονrsquo εἶπε lsquoτῆς (cf E)482 12 [585A] ἀσκήσεως482 14 [585A] ἥνπερ ἐπιδείκνυσθε (Wyttenbach)482 15 [585A] γυmicroναζόmicroενοι καὶ482 21 [585A] δικαιοσύνης483 5 [585C] ἐνδέδωκε [E]483 15 [585D] τῶν ἀγώνων (Reiske)483 18 [585D] διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον (Wyttenbach)484 25 [586A] τὴν φύσιν τὸ εἶδος485 18 [586C] συmicroπαρεσκεύασεν486 4 [586E] Ἡριππίδας (Reiske cf 511 19 = 598F)

14 D A Russell

487 21 [587D] προείληφε (Reiske)488 14ndash5 [587F] χρόνον ὡς δὲ ζητοῦσα καὶ σκευωρουmicroένη τὰ ἔνδον

ἱκανῶς ἀπολαύσασά (E)489 25 [588D] ⟨microᾶλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩ (Pohlenz)490 2 [588D] microη⟨δαmicroῶς εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ (Russell 1954)490 11 [588E] βιαίως ⟨ὡς⟩490 13 [588F] ἐνδοῦσα490 27 [589A] ἅmicroα τῷ (E)491 1 [589A] ὁ δὲ τῆς κινήσεως (Emperius)491 4 [589B] ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς (cf Einarson de

Lacy)491 8 [589B] daggerὥσπερ φῶς ἀνταύγειανdagger (φῶς fortasse delendum)491 10 [589B] τοῖς δεχοmicroένοις (Waterfield) ἐλλάmicroπουσιν491 19 [589C] ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξιον491 19ndash20 [589C] κατrsquo αὐτὸ (von Arnim)491 20 [589C] ὑπὸ τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩492 22 [589C] λόγον492 1 [589D] τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων (E)492 3 [589D] ἀθόρυβον ἦθος (E)492 17 [589D] κινεῖ (Bock) ()492 11 [589E] ἐν αὑτοῖς (Bernardakis)492 22 [589F] ⟨εἰσαγόντων⟩492 24 [589F] ὑπὲρ τούτου (E)493 4 [590A] ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς493 21 [590C] συστελλοmicroένην (Einarson)493 21 [590C] πλείονα] microείζονα493 26 [590C] ἐξαmicroειβούσας ⟨δrsquo⟩493 27 [590C] βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειν (von Arnim) microεταβολάς494 3 [590C] ⟨ἐmicromicroελῶς⟩494 9ndash10 [590D] ἄλλας δὲ πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩ἐφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θα-

λάττης ῥοῇ καὶ αὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroέ-νης

494 19 [590E] τούτων] ταύτην (cf Verniegravere)495 14 [591A] ὡς] num ἣν 496 17 [591D] ἀνακραθεῖσαι (Wyttenbach)496 21 [591E] ⟨δικτύου⟩ δεδυκότος (after Caster)497 2 [591F] διαφερόmicroενοι (E)497 24 [592B] ἐνθένδε (E)499 5ndash6 [592F] microηδενί πω Post (microηδενί πη Ε)499 16 [593B] ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους499 21 [593B] εὐθύνοντες499 26 [593B] fortasse τι προσταττόmicroενον501 3 [593F] ⟨microεθίησιν⟩ ἡmicroᾶς

Introduction 15

502 12 [594D] περὶ τῆς ⟨⟩ γυναικός ⟨ὑπάνδρου⟩ Bernardakis ⟨γα-microετῆς⟩ Post

502 20 [594E] ὑπερβαλόντες (Herwerden)503 22 [595A] πιθανὸν εἶναι504 3 [595B] πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον (an πρὸς τὸ συmicroπῖπτον)504 29 [595E] Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος (Wilamowitz)505 6 [595E] πρὸς ἀνθρώπους (Russell 1954)507 9 [596F] κατακεκλασmicroένος (E)507 11 [596F] ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων (Herwerden)511 8 [598E] ἐκκρίτους (Wilamowitz)

B Text Translation and Notes

Πλουτάρχου

Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου

575A 1 (Α) Ζωγράφου τινός ὦ Καφισία ltmicroέmicroνηmicroαί ποτεgt περὶ τῶν θεω-microένων τοὺς γεγραmicromicroένους πίνακας λόγον οὐ φαῦλον ἀκούσας ἐν εἰ-

575B κόνι λελεγmicroένον ἔφη γὰρ ἐοικέναι τοὺς microὲν ἰδιώτας καὶ ἀτέχνους θε-ατὰς ὄχλον ὁmicroοῦ πολὺν ἀσπαζοmicroένοις τοὺς δὲ κοmicroψοὺς καὶ φιλοτέ-χνους καθ ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων προσαγορεύουσι τοῖς microὲνγὰρ οὐκ ἀκριβὴς ἀλλὰ τύπῳ τινὶ γίγνεται microόνον ἡ τῶν ἀποτελεσmicroάτωνσύνοψις τοὺς δὲ τῇ κρίσει κατὰ microέρος τὸ ἔργον διαλαmicroβάνοντας οὐδὲνἀθέατον οὐδ ἀπροςφώνητον ἐκφεύγει τῶν καλῶς ἢ τοὐναντίον γεγο-

575C νότων οἶmicroαι δὴ καὶ περὶ τὰς ἀληθινὰς πράξεις ὁmicroοίως τῷ microὲν ἀργοτέ-ρῳ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐξαρκεῖν πρὸς ἱστορίαν εἰ τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτὸ καὶ τὸπέρας πύθοιτο τοῦ πράγmicroατος τὸν δὲ φιλότιmicroον καὶ φιλόκαλον τῶν ὑπἀρετῆς ὥσπερ τέχνης microεγάλης ἀπειργασmicroένων θεατὴν τὰ καθ ἕκασταmicroᾶλλον εὐφραίνειν ndash ⟨ὡς⟩ τοῦ microὲν τέλους πολλὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὴν τύχηνἔχοντος τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖς προσήκοντος⟩ microέ-ρους ἀγῶνας ἀρετῆς πρὸς τὰ συντυγχάνοντα ndash καὶ τόλmicroας ἔmicroφρονας

575D παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθορῶντα καιρῷ καὶ πάθει microεmicroιγmicroένου λογισmicroοῦ τού-του δὴ τοῦ γένους τῶν θεατῶν καὶ ἡmicroᾶς ὑπολαmicroβάνων εἶναι δίελθέτε τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡmicroῖν ἀπ ἀρχῆς ὡς ἐπράχθη καὶ τοῦ λόγου ⟨microετάδος ὃνἀκούοmicroεν⟩ γενέσθαι ⟨τότε σοῦ⟩ παρόντος ὡς ἐmicroοῦ microηδ ἂν εἰς Θήβαςἐπὶ τούτῳ κατοκνήσαντος ἐλθεῖν εἰ microὴ καὶ νῦν Ἀθηναίοις πέρα τοῦδέοντος ἐδόκουν βοιωτίζειν

(Κ) Ἀλλ ἔδει microέν ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε σοῦ δι εὔνοιαν οὕτω προθύmicroως τὰπεπραγmicroένα microαθεῖν σπουδάζοντος ἐmicroέ lsquoκαὶ ἀσχολίας ὑπέρτερον θέ-σθαιrsquo κατὰ Πίνδαρον τὸ δεῦρ ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν διήγησιν τὸ δὲ πρεσβείας

575E ἀφιγmicroένους ἕνεκα καὶ σχολὴν ἄγοντας ἄχρι οὗ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις τοῦ δή-microου λάβωmicroεν ἀντιτείνειν καὶ ἀγροικίζεσθαι πρὸς εὐγνώmicroονα καὶ φί-λον ἑταῖρον δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν τὸ κατὰ Βοιωτῶν ἀρχαῖον εἰς microισολο-γίαν ὄνειδος ἤδη microαραινόmicroενον ⟨ἐξ οὗ Σιmicromicroίας microὲν καὶ Κέβης φοιτῶν-τες⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη τὸν ὑmicroέτερον ἡmicroεῖς δὲ παρὰ Λῦσιν τὸν ἱερὸν σπου-δάζοντες οὕτω διεφάνηmicroεν ἀλλ ὅρα τοὺς παρόντας εἰ πρὸς ἀκρόασινἅmicroα πράξεων καὶ λόγων τοσούτων εὐκαίρως ἔχουσιν οὐ γὰρ βραχὺ

Plutarch

On the daimonion of Socrates

1 [575A] [Archedamus]1 I remember Caphisias2 that I once heard apainter use rather an apt image to describe people who look at pictures3[575B] He said that a layman with no knowledge of the art was like a manaddressing a whole crowd at once whereas the sophisticated connoisseurwas more like someone greeting every person he met individually Lay-men you see have an inexact and merely general view of works of artwhile those who judge detail by detail let nothing whether well or badlyexecuted pass unobserved or without comment It is much the same Ifancy with real events For the [575C] lazy-minded it satisfies curiosityto learn the basic facts and the outcome of the affair but the devotee of hon-our and beauty who views the achievement of the great Art (as it were) ofVirtue takes pleasure rather in the detail because ndash since the outcome hasmuch in common with Fortune while the part of the ma er ltconcernedwithgt motives and ltthe action itselfgt4 involves conflicts between virtue andcircumstance ndash he can there observe instances of intelligent daring in theface of danger where rational calculation is mixed with moments of crisisand emotion So please regard us [575D] as viewers of this sort tell usthe story of the whole action from the beginning and ltsharegt with us thediscussions which ltwe heargt took place ltthen in yourgt presence bearingin mind that I should not have hesitated even to go to Thebes for this if Iwere not already thought by the Athenians to be too pro-Boeotian[Caphisias] The very fact Archedamus that your goodwill makes you

so eager to hear what happened would itself have obliged me to lsquoput itabove all businessrsquo as Pindar5 says and make the journey to Athens to tellthe tale but as we are here anyway for an embassy6 and have time to spareuntil we get the peoplersquos answer [575E] any ill-mannered resistance to sowell-disposed a friend would be likely to revive the old reproach againstthe Boeotians7 for their dislike of culture though that has been fading awayltever since Simmias and Cebesgt8 showed themselves enthusiastic studentsof your Socrates and my family of the holy man Lysis9 But what aboutthese people here Do they have time to listen to such a lot of incidents

20 Text (1575Endash 2576D)

microῆκός ἐστι τῆς διηγήσεως ἐπεὶ σὺ καὶ τοὺς λόγους προσπεριβαλέσθαικελεύεις

575F (Α) Ἀγνοεῖς ὦ Καφισία τοὺς ἄνδρας ἦ microὴν ἄξιον εἰδέναι πατέρωνὄντας ἀγαθῶν καὶ πρὸς ὑmicroᾶς οἰκείως ἐχόντων ὁδὶ microέν ἐστιν ἀδελφι-δοῦς Θρασυβούλου Λυσιθείδης ὁδὶ δὲ Τιmicroόθεος Κόνωνος υἱός οὗτοι δἈρχίνου παῖδες οἱ δ ἄλλοι τῆς ἑταιρίας ⟨καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς⟩ ἡmicroετέρας πάν-τες ὥστε σοι θέατρον εὔνουν καὶ οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν τὴν διήγησιν

(Κ) Εὖ λέγεις ἀλλὰ τίς ἂν ὑmicroῖν microέτριος ἀρχὴ γένοιτο τῆς διηγήσεωςπρὸς ἃς ἴστε πράξεις

(Α) Ἡmicroεῖς ὦ Καφισία σχεδὸν ὡς εἶχον αἱ Θῆβαι πρὸ τῆς καθόδουτῶν φυγάδων ἐπιστάmicroεθα καὶ γάρ ὡς οἱ περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ ΛεοντιάδανΦοιβίδαν πείσαντες ἐν σπονδαῖς καταλαβεῖν τὴν Καδmicroείαν τοὺς microὲν

576A ἐξέβαλον τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς δὲ φόβῳ κατεῖργον | ἄρχοντες αὐτοὶ πα-ρανόmicroως καὶ βιαίως ἔγνωmicroεν ἐνταῦθα τῶν περὶ Μέλωνα καὶ Πελοπί-δαν ὡς οἶσθα ἰδιόξενοι γενόmicroενοι καὶ παρ ὃν χρόνον ἔφευγον ἀεὶ συν-διατρίβοντες αὐτοῖς καὶ πάλιν ὡς Λακεδαιmicroόνιοι Φοιβίδαν microὲν ἐζηmicroί-ωσαν ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν Καδmicroείαν καταλαβεῖν καὶ τῆς εἰς Ὄλυνθον στρατηγί-ας ἀπέστησαν Λυσανορίδαν δὲ τρίτον αὐτὸν ἀντ ἐκείνου πέmicroψαντεςἐγκρατέστερον ἐφρούρουν τὴν ἄκραν ἠκούσαmicroεν ἔγνωmicroεν δὲ καὶ τὸν

576B Ἰσmicroηνίαν οὐ τοῦ βελτίστου θανάτου τυχόντ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς δίκης τῆςπερὶ αὐτοῦ γενοmicroένης Γοργίδου πάντα τοῖς φυγάσι δεῦρο διὰ γραmicromicroά-των ἐξαγγείλαντος ὥστε σοι λείπεται τὰ περὶ τὴν κάθοδον αὐτὴν τῶνφίλων καὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῶν τυράννων διηγεῖσθαι2 (Κ) Καὶ microὴν ἐκείναις γε ταῖς ἡmicroέραις ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε πάντες οἱ τῶνπραττοmicroένων microετέχοντες εἰώθειmicroεν εἰς τὴν Σιmicromicroίου συνιόντες οἰκίανἔκ τινος πληγῆς περὶ τὸ σκέλος ἀναλαmicroβάνοντος αὑτὸν ἐντυγχάνεινmicroὲν ἀλλήλοις εἴ του δεήσειε φανερῶς δὲ διατρίβειν ἐπὶ λόγοις καὶ φι-

576C λοσοφίᾳ πολλάκις ἐφελκόmicroενοι τὸν Ἀρχίαν καὶ τὸν Λεοντιάδαν εἰς τὸἀνύποπτον οὐκ ὄντας ἀλλοτρίους παντάπασι τῆς τοιαύτης διατριβῆςκαὶ γὰρ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας πολὺν χρόνον ἐπὶ τῆς ξένης γεγονὼς καὶ πεπλα-νηmicroένος ἐν ἀλλοδαποῖς ἀνθρώποις ὀλίγῳ πρόσθεν εἰς Θήβας ἀφῖκτοmicroύθων τε παντοδαπῶν καὶ λόγων βαρβαρικῶν ὑπόπλεως ὧν ὁπότετυγχάνοι σχολὴν ἄγων ὁ Ἀρχίας ἡδέως ἠκροᾶτο συγκαθιεὶς microετὰ τῶννέων καὶ βουλόmicroενος ἡmicroᾶς ἐν λόγοις διάγειν microᾶλλον ἢ προσέχειν τὸννοῦν οἷς ἔπραττον ἐκεῖνοι τῆς δrsquo ἡmicroέρας ἐκείνης ἐν ᾗ σκότους ἔδει γε-νοmicroένου τοὺς φυγάδας ἥκειν κρύφα πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ἀφικνεῖταί τις ἐν-θένδε Φερενίκου πέmicroψαντος ἄνθρωπος οὐδενὶ τῶν παρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἢ Χάρωνι

576D γνώριmicroος ἐδήλου δὲ τῶν φυγάδων ὄντας δώδεκα τοὺς νεωτάτους microε-τὰ κυνῶν περὶ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα θηρεύειν ὡς πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἀφιξοmicroένουςαὐτὸς δὲ πεmicroφθῆναι ταῦτά τε προερῶν καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐν ᾗ κρυβήσονται

Translation 21

and conversations The story is not a short one since you are asking meto include the discussion as well[Archedamus] You donrsquot know them Caphisias But you should they

are sons of brave fathers who were also friends of Thebes [575F] Lysithei-des here is the nephew of Thrasybulus This one is Timotheus Cononrsquosson These are the sons of Archinus10 The others lttoogt are ltthemselvesgtall members of our group So your story will find11 a well-disposed andcongenial audience[Caphisias] Good But what from your point of view would be the

proper place to begin the story having regard to the events you know al-ready[Archedamus] Well Caphisias we know more or less the condition of

Thebes before the return of the exiles How Archias and Leontiadas12 per-suaded Phoebidas13 to seize the Cadmea14 in a time of truce and how theyexpelled some of the citizens [576A] and terrorized the rest by their vi-olent and lawless rule ndash all that we learned from people like Melon15 andPelopidas16 whose hosts we were (as you know) and in whose companywe constantly were throughout their exile Again we have heard how theLacedaemonians fined Phoebidas for his seizure of the Cadmea removedhim from the command of the expedition to Olynthus17 but sent Lysanori-das18 with two colleagues to Thebes in his place reinforcing the garrisonon the citadel We know also that Ismenias19 came to an unhappy endstraight a er his trial Gorgidas20 reported all this to the exiles in his let-ters [576B] So what is le for you is to tell us about the actual return ofour friends and the overthrow21 of the tyrants22

2 [Caphisias] It was in those very days Archedamus that all of us whowere involved in the affair used to meet in Simmiasrsquo23 house where he wasrecovering from a leg injury we could discuss with one another whateverwas necessary but ostensibly we were occupying the time with philosoph-ical discussion and we o en brought Archias and Leontiadas along to al-lay suspicion for they were no strangers to this kind of discourse [576C]Simmias having spent a long time abroad24 and wandered among manykinds of people had recently returned to Thebes full of all sorts of storiesand exotic lore Archias enjoyed listening to this when he had leisure herelaxed in the company of the young and he would rather we spent ourtime in these discussions than in addressing our minds to what he and hisfriends were doing Now on the day when the exiles were due to comesecretly up to the wall a er dark a person arrived from Athens sent byPherenicus25 but known to none of our party except Charon26 He broughtword that the youngest of the exiles twelve in number27 were huntingwith hounds on Cithaeron28 [576D] intending to reach their destinationat evening He himself had been sent (he said) to give notice of this and

22 Text (2576Dndash 4577B)

παρελθόντες ὃς παρέξει γνωσόmicroενος ὡς ἂν εἰδότες εὐθὺς ἐκεῖ βαδί-ζοιεν ἀπορουmicroένων δrsquo ἡmicroῶν καὶ σκοπούντων αὐτὸς ὡmicroολόγησεν ὁ Χά-ρων παρέξειν ὁ microὲν οὖν ἄνθρωπος ἔγνω πάλιν ἀπελθεῖν σπουδῇ πρὸςτοὺς φυγάδας

3 ἐmicroοῦ δrsquo ὁ microάντις Θεόκριτος τὴν χεῖρα πιέσας σφόδρα καὶ πρὸς τὸνΧάρωνα βλέψας προερχόmicroενον lsquoοὗτοςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία φιλόσοφοςοὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ microετείληφε παιδείας διαφόρου καὶ περιττῆς ὥσπερ Ἐπα-

576E microεινώνδας ὁ σὸς ἀδελφός ἀλλrsquo ὁρᾷς ὅτι φύσει πρὸς τὸ καλὸν ὑπὸ τῶννόmicroων ἀγόmicroενος τὸν microέγιστον ὑποδύεται κίνδυνον ἑκουσίως ὑπὲρ τῆςπατρίδος Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας δὲ Βοιωτῶν ἁπάντων τῷ πεπαιδεῦσθαι πρὸςἀρετὴν ἀξιῶν διαφέρειν ἀmicroβλύς ἐστι καὶ ἀπρόθυmicroος ⟨ ὡς εἰ microὴ πα-ρὰ⟩ τοῦτον παρὰ τίνα βελτίονα καιρὸν αὑτῷ πεφυκότι καὶ παρεσκευ-

576F ασmicroένῳ καλῶς οὕτω χρησόmicroενοςrsquo κἀγὼ πρὸς αὐτόν lsquoὦ προθυmicroότατεrsquoεἶπον lsquoΘεόκριτε τὰ δεδογmicroένα πράττοmicroεν ἡmicroεῖς Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας δὲ microὴπείθων ὡς οἴεται βέλτιον εἶναι ταῦτα microὴ πράσσειν εἰκότως ἀντιτείνειπρὸς ἃ microὴ πέφυκε microηδὲ δοκιmicroάζει παρακαλούmicroενος οὐδὲ γὰρ ἰατρὸνἄνευ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ὑπισχνούmicroενον τὸ νόσηmicroα παύσειν εὐγνωmicroο-νοίης ἄν οἶmicroαι τέmicroνειν ἢ ἀποκάειν βιαζόmicroενος οὐκοῦν καὶ οὗτος δήπου microηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ⟨ἀποκτενεῖν ὑπισχνεῖται microὴ microεγάλης γεγενοmicroένης ἀνάγκης⟩ ἄκριτον ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος ἐmicroφυλίου καὶ σφα-γῆς τὴν πόλιν ἐλευθεροῦσι συναγωνιεῖσθαι προθύmicroως ἐπεὶ δrsquo οὐ πεί-

577A θει τοὺς πολλούς ἀλλὰ ταύτην ὡρmicroήκαmicroεν τὴν ὁδόν ἐᾶν αὑτὸν κε-λεύει φόνου καθαρὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀναίτιον | ἐφεστάναι τοῖς καιροῖς microετὰτοῦ δικαίου καὶ τῷ συmicroφέροντι προσοισόmicroενον οὐδὲ γὰρ ὅρον ἕξειν τὸἔργον ἀλλὰ Φερένικον microὲν ἴσως καὶ Πελοπίδαν ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους microάλι-στα τρέψεσθαι καὶ πονηρούς Εὐmicroολπίδαν δὲ καὶ Σαmicroίδαν ἀνθρώπουςδιαπύρους πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ θυmicroοειδεῖς ἐν νυκτὶ λαβόντας ἐξουσίαν οὐκἀποθήσεσθαι τὰ ξίφη πρὶν ἐmicroπλῆσαι τὴν πόλιν ὅλην φόνων καὶ δια-φθεῖραι πολλοὺς τῶν ἰδίᾳ διαφόρων ὄντωνrsquo

4 Ταῦτά microου διαλεγοmicroένου πρὸς τὸν Θεόκριτον διακρούων ὁ Γαλαξί-δωρος lsquoἐγγὺς γάρrsquo ⟨εἶπεν lsquoἈρχίαν ὁρῶ⟩ καὶ Λυσανορίδαν τὸν Σπαρτι-

577B άτην ἀπὸ τῆς Καδmicroείας ὥσπερ εἰς ταὐτὸν ἡmicroῖν σπεύδονταςrsquo ἡmicroεῖς microὲνοὖν ἐπέσχοmicroεν ὁ δrsquo Ἀρχίας καλέσας τὸν Θεόκριτον καὶ τῷ Λυσανορίδᾳπροσαγαγὼν ἰδίᾳ ⟨διε⟩λάλει πολὺν χρόνον ἐκνεύσας τῆς ὁδοῦ microικρὸνὑπὸ τὸ Ἄmicroφιον ὥσθrsquo ἡmicroᾶς ἀγωνιᾶν microή τις ὑπόνοια προσπέπτωκεν ἢmicroήνυσις αὐτοῖς περὶ ἧς ἀνακρίνουσι τὸν Θεόκριτον ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Φυλ-λίδας ὃν οἶσθrsquo ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε τότε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν πολεmicroαρχοῦ-σι γραmicromicroατεύων ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ ἥξειν καὶτῆς πράξεως microετέχων λαβόmicroενός microου τῆς χειρὸς ὥσπερ εἰώθει φανε-

Translation 23

to ascertain who was to provide a house where they could be hidden onarrival so that they could know and make their way straight there Whilewe were puzzling over this and considering the question Charon offeredto provide the house himself The man therefore decided to return to theexiles with all speed3 At this Theocritus the diviner29 gripped my hand hard and looked to-wards Charon as he went on his way lsquoCaphisiasrsquo he said lsquothat man is not aphilosopher and he has not enjoyed any remarkable or special educationlike your brother Epaminondas30 But you see that he is naturally guidedby the laws31 to do the honourable thing and willingly incurs great dangerin his countryrsquos cause Epaminondas on the other hand who regards him-self as superior to all the Boeotians because he has been educated for virtueis dull and unenthusiastichellip32 as though he will one day use his splendidnatural endowments and training ltif not for this then forgt what be eroccasionrsquo [576F] lsquoMy dear enthusiastic Theocritusrsquo I replied lsquowe are do-ing what we resolved to do Epaminondas being unable to persuade us togive it up as he thinks we should is quite reasonably resisting requests todo something for which he is not suited and which he does not approveIf a doctor promised to cure a disease without knife or cautery you wouldsurely not be justified in forcing him to operate or cauterizersquo ltlsquoOf coursenotrsquo said Theocritusgt33 lsquoSo he toohellip ltundertakesgt not ltto putgt any citi-zen ltto deathgt without trial ltexcept in cases of great necessitygt34 but alsoto cooperate enthusiastically with a empts to liberate the city ltwithoutgt35

civil bloodshed and slaughter However as he cannot convince the ma-jority and we have taken this path he asks us to let him remain pure andinnocent of bloodshed and wait on events [577A] so as to contribute to theadvantage as well as the justice of our cause The action he believes willnot be limited Pherenicus36 and Pelopidas will perhaps concentrate theira entions on the guilty and the wicked but once Eumolpidas and Sami-das37 passionate men and quick to anger get their chance in the nightthey will not lay down their swords till they have swamped the whole citywith blood and killed many of their private enemiesrsquo4 While I was having this conversation with Theocritus Galaxidorus38

cut us short ltsaying lsquoI see Archias andgt39 the Spartan Lysanoridas near byhurrying from the Cadmea as though to join usrsquo [577B] So we stoppedand Archias called Theocritus led him up to Lysanoridas40 and talkedwith him privately for some time turning off the road a li le way belowthe Amphion41 so that we were on tenterhooks for fear that they had somesuspicion or information and were questioning Theocritus about it Mean-while Phyllidas42 (you know whom I mean Archedamus) who was atthat time clerk to the polemarchs43 ltand who knew that the exiles wereduegt44 to arrive and was privy to our scheme grasped me by the hand

24 Text (4577Bndash 5578A)

ρῶς ἔσκωπτεν εἰς τὰ γυmicroνάσια καὶ τὴν πάλην εἶτα πόρρω τῶν ἄλλων577C ἀπαγαγὼνἐπυνθάνετο περὶ τῶν φυγάδων εἰ τὴν ἡmicroέραν φυλάττουσιν

ἐmicroοῦ δὲ φήσαντος lsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὀρθῶς ἐγὼ τὴν ὑπο δοχὴν παρεσκεύ-ακα σήmicroερον ὡς δεξόmicroενος Ἀρχίαν καὶπαρέξων ἐν οἴνῳ καὶ microέθῃ τοῖςἀνδράσιν εὐχείρωτονrsquo

lsquoἄριστα microὲν οὖνrsquo εἶπον lsquoὦ Φυλλίδα καὶ πειράθητι πάντας ἢ πλείους⟨γrsquo⟩ εἰς ταὐτὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν συναγαγεῖνrsquo

lsquoἀλλrsquo οὐ ῥᾴδιονrsquo ἔφη lsquomicroᾶλλον δrsquo ἀδύνατον ὁ γὰρ Ἀρχίας ἐλπίζωντινὰ τῶν ἐν ἀξιώmicroατι γυναικῶν ἀφίξεσθαι τηνικαῦτα πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐβούλεται παρεῖναι τὸν Λεοντιάδαν ὥσθrsquo ἡmicroῖν δίχα διαιρετέον αὐτοὺς

577D ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας Ἀρχίου γὰρ ἅmicroα καὶ Λεοντιάδου προκαταληφθέντωνοἶmicroαι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκποδὼν ἔσεσθαι φεύγοντας ἢ microενεῖν microεθrsquo ἡσυχίαςἀγαπῶντας ἄν τις διδῷ τὴν ἀσφάλειανrsquo

lsquoοὕτωςrsquo ἔφην lsquoποιήσοmicroεν ἀλλὰ τί πρᾶγmicroα τούτοις πρὸς Θεόκριτόνἐστιν ὑπὲρ οὗ διαλέγονταιrsquo καὶ ὁ Φυλλίδας lsquoοὐ σαφῶςrsquo εἶπεν ⟨rsquoἔχω λέ-γειν⟩ οὐδrsquo ὡς ἐπιστάmicroενος ἤκουον δὲ σηmicroεῖα καὶ microαντεύmicroατα δυσχερῆκαὶ χαλεπὰ προτεθεσπίσθαι τῇ Σπάρτῃrsquo

Φειδόλαος ὁ ⟨Ἁλιάρ⟩τιος ἀπαντήσας lsquomicroικρόνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὑmicroᾶς ἐνταῦθα577E περιmicroεῖναι ⟨παρακαλεῖ⟩ Σιmicromicroίας ἐντυγχάνει γὰρ ἰδίᾳ Λεοντιάδᾳ περὶ

Ἀmicroφιθέου παραιτούmicroενος microεῖναι αὐτὸν διαπράξασθαι φυγὴν ἀντὶ θα-νάτου τῷ ἀνθρώπῳrsquo5 Καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoεἰς καιρόνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες καὶ γὰρ ἐβου-λόmicroην πυθέσθαι τίνrsquo ἦν τὰ εὑρεθέντα καὶ τίς ὅλως ἡ ὄψις τοῦ Ἀλκmicroή-νης τάφου παρrsquo ὑmicroῖν ἀνοιχθέντος εἰ δὴ παρεγένου καὶ αὐτός ὅτε πέmicro-ψας Ἀγησίλαος εἰς Σπάρτην τὰ λείψανα microετεκόmicroιζεrsquo

καὶ ὁ Φειδόλαος lsquoοὐ γάρrsquo ἔφη lsquoπαρέτυχον καὶ πολλὰ δυσανασχετῶν577F καὶ ἀγανακτῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ἐγκατελείφθην ὑπrsquo αὐτῶν εὑρέθη

δrsquo οὖν σώmicroατος ψέλλιον δὲ χαλκοῦν οὐ microέγα καὶ δύrsquo ἀmicroφορεῖς κε-ραmicroεοῖ γῆν ἔχοντες ἐντὸς ὑπὸ χρόνου λελιθωmicroένην ἤδη καὶ συmicroπεπη-γυῖαν τοῦ microνήmicroατος ⟨ἔκειτο⟩ πίναξ χαλκοῦς ἔχων γράmicromicroατα πολλὰθαυmicroαστὸν ὡς παmicroπάλαια γνῶναι γὰρ ἐξ αὑτῶν οὐδὲν παρεῖχε καί-περ ἐκφανέντα τοῦ χαλκοῦ καταπλυθέντος ἀλλrsquo ἴδιός τις ὁ τύπος καὶβαρβαρικὸς τῶν χαρακτήρων ἐmicroφερέστατος Αἰγυπτίοις διὸ καὶ Ἀγη-σίλαος ὡς ἔφασαν ἐξέπεmicroψεν ἀντίγραφα τῷ βασιλεῖ δεόmicroενος δεῖξαι

578A τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰ ξυνήσουσιν ἀλλὰ περὶ τούτων microὲν ἴσως ἂν ἔχοι τι καὶΣιmicromicroίας ἡmicroῖν ἀπαγγεῖλαι | κατrsquo ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολλὰτοῖς ἱερεῦσι διὰ φιλοσοφίαν συγγενόmicroενος Ἁλιάρτιοι δὲ τὴν microεγάληνἀφορίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπίβασιν τῆς λίmicroνης οὐκ ἀπὸ ταὐτοmicroάτου γενέσθαινοmicroίζουσιν ἀλλὰ microήνιmicroα τοῦ τάφου τοῦτο περιελθεῖν ἀνασχοmicroένουςὀρυττόmicroενονrsquo

Translation 25

and in his usual way made a show of joking about my athletic inter-ests and my wrestling but then took me aside from the others and askedwhether the exiles were keeping to their day I said they were and he wenton [577C] lsquoSo I was right then to make preparations to entertain Archiastoday and make him an easy prey for our friends when he is in drinkrsquo

lsquoYou were very right Phyllidasrsquo I said lsquoand do try to collect all or mostof our enemies togetherrsquo

lsquoNot easyrsquo he said lsquoindeed impossible Archias is expecting a certaindistinguished lady to visit him at that time and he doesnrsquot want Leonti-adas there So we must divide them between the houses If Archias andLeontiadas are dealt with first [577D] the rest will either flee and be outof our way or else stay quietly content just to be offered safetyrsquo

lsquoThatrsquos what wersquoll do thenrsquo said I lsquobut what is the business that thosepeople are talking to Theocritus aboutrsquo lsquoltI canrsquot saygt45 for surersquo he said lsquoorout of knowledge but I heard there had been some signs and propheciesominous and threatening to Spartarsquohellip46

Phidolaus of Haliartus47 met us and said lsquoSimmias ltasks yougt to waithere a li le because he is having a private conversation with Leontiadasabout Amphitheus48 pleading with him to arrange for the manrsquos sentence[577E] to be commuted from death to exilersquo5 lsquoYoursquove come at the right momentrsquo said Theocritus lsquoand as though itwas meant I wanted to ask what was found and in general what wasthe appearance of Alcmenarsquos tomb49 when it was opened in your countryndash if that is you were present yourself when Agesilaus50 sent and had theremains removed to Spartarsquo51

lsquoNorsquo said Phidolaus lsquoI wasnrsquot present and thanks to all my indigna-tion and complaints to my fellow-citizens I was le out by them How-ever what was found was hellip of a body52 [577F] a bronze bracelet of nogreat size and two po ery jars containing earth compressed and hard-ened like stone by the passage of time hellip53 the tomb ltthere wasgt a bronzetablet with much writing on it wonderfully ancient This writing appearedclearly when the bronze was washed but it allowed nothing to be madeout because the form of the characters was peculiar and foreign very likethe Egyptian For this reason as they said Agesilaus sent a copy to theking54 asking him to show it to the priests to see if they could understandit But Simmias may perhaps have something to tell us about this since atthat time [578A] he was much in contact with the priests in Egypt for phi-losophy As for the people of Haliartus they think that the great dearthand overflowing of the lake55 was not fortuitous but was a visitation ofwrath come upon them from the tomb for allowing it to be dug uprsquo

26 Text (5578Andash 7578F)

καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος microικρὸν διαλιπών lsquoἀλλrsquo οὐδrsquo αὐτοῖςrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛακεδαι-microονίοις ἀmicroήνιτον ἔοικεν εἶναι τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ὡς προδείκνυσι τὰ σηmicroεῖαπερὶ ὧν ἄρτι Λυσανορίδας ἡmicroῖν ἐκοινοῦτο καὶ νῦν microὲν ἄπεισιν εἰς Ἁλί-

578B αρτον ἐπιχώσων αὖθις τὸ σῆmicroα καὶ χοὰς ποιησόmicroενος Ἀλκmicroήνῃ καὶἈλέῳ κατὰ δή τινα χρησmicroόν ἀγνοῶν τὸν Ἄλεον ὅστις ἦν ἐπανελθὼνδrsquo ἐκεῖθεν οἷός ἐστι τὸν Δίρκης ἀναζητεῖν τάφον ἄγνωστον ὄντα τοῖςΘηβαίοις πλὴν τῶν ἱππαρχηκότων ὁ γὰρ ἀπαλλαττόmicroενος τὸν παρα-λαmicroβάνοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν microόνος ἄγων microόνον ἔδειξε νύκτωρ καί τιναςἐπrsquo αὐτῷ δράσαντες ἀπύρους ἱερουργίας ὧν τὰ σηmicroεῖα συγχέουσι καὶἀφανίζουσιν ὑπὸ σκότους ἀπέρχονται χωρισθέντες ἐγὼ δέ τ microέν ὦ

578C Φειδόλαε καλῶς ἐξευρήσειν αὐτοὺς νοmicroίζω φεύγουσι γὰρ οἱ πλεῖ-στοι τῶν ἱππαρχηκότων νοmicroίmicroως microᾶλλον δὲ πάντες πλὴν Γοργίδουκαὶ Πλάτωνος ὧν οὐδrsquo ἂν ἐπιχειρήσειαν ἐκπυνθάνεσθαι δεδιότες τοὺςἄνδρας οἱ δὲ νῦν ἄρχοντες ἐν τῇ Καδmicroείᾳ τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὴν σφραγῖδαπαραλαmicroβάνουσιν οὔτrsquo εἰδότες οὐδὲν οὔτε rsquo

6 Ταῦτα τοῦ Θεοκρίτου λέγοντος ὁ Λεοντιάδας ἐξῄει microετὰ τῶν φίλωνἡmicroεῖς δrsquo εἰσελθόντες ἠσπαζόmicroεθα τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης καθεζό-microενον οὐ κατατετευχότα τῆς δεήσεως οἶmicroαι microάλα σύννουν καὶ δια-

578D λελυπηmicroένον ἀποβλέψας δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἡmicroᾶς lsquoὦ Ἡράκλειςrsquo εἶπενlsquoἀγρίων καὶ βαρβάρων ἠθῶν εἶτrsquo οὐχ ὑπέρευ Θαλῆς ὁ παλαιὸς ἀπὸ ξέ-νης ἐλθὼν διὰ χρόνου τῶν φίλων ἐρωτώντων ὅ τι καινότατον ἱστορήκοιlsquoτύραννονrsquo ἔφη lsquoγέρονταrsquo καὶ γὰρ ᾧ microηδὲν ἰδίᾳ συmicroβέβηκεν ἀδικεῖσθαιτὸ βάρος αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν σκληρότητα τῆς ὁmicroιλίας δυσχεραίνων ἐχθρόςἐστι τῶν ἀνόmicroων καὶ ἀνυπευθύνων δυναστειῶν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα microὲν ἴσωςθεῷ microελήσει τὸν δὲ ξένον ἴστε τὸν ἀφιγmicroένον ὦ Καφισία πρὸς ὑmicroᾶςὅστις ἐστίνrsquo

lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo ἔφην ἐγώ lsquoτίνα λέγειςrsquo578E lsquoκαὶ microήνrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛεοντιάδας ⟨φησὶν⟩ ἄνθρωπον ὦφθαι παρὰ τὸ Λύσι-

δος microνηmicroεῖον ἐκ νυκτῶν ἀνιστάmicroενον ἀκολουθίας πλήθει καὶ κατα-σκευῇ σοβαρόν αὐτόθι κατηυλισmicroένον ἐπὶ στιβάδων φαίνεσθαι γὰρἄγνου καὶ microυρίκης χαmicroεύνας ἔτι δrsquo ἐmicroπύρων λείψανα καὶ χοὰς γάλα-κτος ἕωθεν δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τῶν ἀπαντώντων εἰ τοὺς Πολύmicroνιος παῖ-δας ἐνδηmicroοῦντας εὑρήσειrsquo

lsquoκαὶ τίς ἄνrsquo εἶπον lsquoὁ ξένος εἴη περιττῷ γὰρ ἀφrsquo ὧν λέγεις τινὶ καὶ οὐκἰδιώτῃ προσέοικενrsquo

7 lsquoΟὐ γὰρ οὖνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Φειδόλαος lsquoἀλλὰ τοῦτον microέν ὅταν ἥκῃ πρὸςἡmicroᾶς δεξόmicroεθα νυνὶ δrsquo ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀρτίως ἠποροῦmicroεν ὦ Σιmicromicroία γραmicro-

578F microάτων εἴ τι γιγνώσκεις πλεῖον ἐξάγγειλον ἡmicroῖν λέγονται γὰρ οἱ κατrsquo

Translation 27

Theocritus paused a moment and then said lsquoIt looks as though the di-vine powers are angry with the Lacedaemonians too to judge by the signsabout which Lysanoridas has just now been consulting me Hersquos now goneoff to Haliartus to fill in the grave again and offer libations [578B] toAlcmena and Aleos in accordance with some oracle though he does notknow who Aleos was56 On his return he is just the sort of man to investi-gate the tomb of Dirce it is unknown to the Thebans except to those whohave been hipparchs57 The outgoing hipparch takes his successor alone atnight and shows him the tomb they then perform certain rituals withoutfire the traces of which they destroy and obliterate before going their sep-arate ways under cover of darkness I however Phidolaus hellip58 ltdonrsquotgtthink that he will easily find them since most of the lawfully appointedhipparchs are in exile ndash [578C] all of them indeed except Gorgidas andPlato59 and they would be too afraid of these men to seek to interrogatethem The present office-holders on the Cadmea receive the spear and theseal but without knowing anything or hellip 60

6 While Theocritus was speaking Leontiadas came out with his friendsand we went in and greeted Simmias He was si ing on his bed61 verythoughtful and distressed having (I suppose) failed to obtain his requestHe looked at us all lsquoHeraclesrsquo he cried [578D] lsquowhat savage barbarousways Wasnrsquot it clever of old Thales62 when he came home from abroada er a long absence and his friends asked him what was the most novelthing he had discovered to answer lsquoAn old tyrantrsquo63 Even if one has suf-fered no personal wrong one comes to hate unlawful and irresponsiblepower out of disgust for the oppressiveness and difficulty of living withit But maybe God will take care of all this But do you people know thestranger who has come to visit your family Caphisiasrsquo

lsquoI donrsquot know who you meanrsquo I saidlsquoNeverthelessrsquo he said lsquoLeontiadas ltallegesgt that a man has been seen

by Lysisrsquo64 tomb ge ing up before daylight an impressive figure [578E]with a large and well-equipped group of a endants having slept out thereon straw A bed of agnus castus65 and tamarisk could be seen and the re-mains of burnt offerings and libations of milk And in the morning (Leon-tiadas tells me) the man asked passers-by whether he would find the sonsof Polymnis66 in townrsquo

lsquoWho can the stranger bersquo I said lsquofrom what you say he seems to besomeone special and not just an ordinary personrsquo

7 lsquoIndeed notrsquo said Phidolaus lsquobut wersquoll make him welcome when hecomes to us But for the moment Simmias tell us if you know anythingmore about the writing that we were puzzling over just now [578F] The

28 Text (7578Fndash 8579D)

Αἴγυπτον ἱερεῖς τὰ γράmicromicroατα συmicroβαλεῖν τοῦ πίνακος ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶνἔλαβεν Ἀγησίλαος τὸν Ἀλκmicroήνης τάφον ἀνασκευασάmicroενοςrsquo

καὶ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας εὐθὺς ἀναmicroνησθείς lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸν πίνακα τοῦτονὦ Φειδόλαε γράmicromicroατα δὲ πολλὰ παρrsquo Ἀγησιλάου κοmicroίζων Ἀγητορίδαςὁ Σπαρτιάτης ἧκεν εἰς Μέmicroφιν ὡς Χόνουφιν τὸν προφήτην τότὲ συmicro-φιλοσοφοῦντες διετρίβοmicroεν ἐγὼ καὶ Πλάτων καὶ Ἐλλοπίων ὁ Πεπαρή-θιος ἧκε δὲ πέmicroψαντος βασιλέως καὶ κελεύσαντος τὸν Χόνουφιν εἴ τισυmicroβάλλοι τῶν γεγραmicromicroένων ἑρmicroηνεύσαντα ταχέως ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸςἑαυτὸν ⟨ὁ⟩ δὲ τρεῖς ἡmicroέρας ἀναλεξάmicroενος βιβλίων τῶν παλαιῶν παν-

579A τοδαποὺς χαρακτῆρας | ἀντέγραψε τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ἔφρασενὡς Μούσαις ἀγῶνα συντελεῖσθαι κελεύει τὰ γράmicromicroατα τοὺς δὲ τύπουςεἶναι τῆς ἐπὶ Πρωτεῖ βασιλεύοντι γραmicromicroατικῆς ⟨ἣν⟩ Ἡρακλέα τὸν Ἀmicro-φιτρύωνος ἐκmicroαθεῖν ὑφηγεῖσθαι microέντοι καὶ παραινεῖν τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰτῶν γραmicromicroάτων τὸν θεὸν ἄγειν σχολὴν καὶ εἰρήνην διὰ Φιλοσοφίαςἀγωνιζοmicroένους ἀεί Μούσαις καὶ λόγῳ διακρινοmicroένους περὶ τῶν δικαί-

579B ων τὰ ὅπλα καταθέντας ἡmicroεῖς δὲ καὶ τότε λέγειν καλῶς ἡγούmicroεθα τὸνΧόνουφιν καὶ microᾶλλον ὁπηνίκα κοmicroιζοmicroένοις ἡmicroῖν ἀπrsquo Αἰγύπτου περὶΚαρίαν Δηλίων τινὲς ἀπήντησαν δεόmicroενοι Πλάτωνος ὡς γεωmicroετρικοῦλῦσαι χρησmicroὸν αὐτοῖς ἄτοπον ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ προβεβληmicroένον ἦν δrsquo ὁχρησmicroὸς Δηλίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι παῦλαν τῶν παρόντων κα-κῶν ἔσεσθαι διπλασιάσασι τὸν ἐν Δήλῳ βωmicroόν οὔτε δὲ τὴν διάνοιανἐκεῖνοι συmicroβάλλειν δυνάmicroενοι καὶ περὶ τὴν τοῦ βωmicroοῦ κατασκευὴν γε-λοῖα πάσχοντες (ἑκάστης γὰρ τῶν τεσσάρων πλευρῶν διπλασιαζοmicroέ-νης ἔλαθον τῇ αὐξήσει τόπον στερεὸν ὀκταπλάσιον ἀπεργασάmicroενοι

579C διrsquo ἀπειρίαν ἀναλογίας ᾗ τὸ microήκει διπλάσιον παρέχεται) Πλάτωνα τῆςἀπορίας ἐπεκαλοῦντο βοηθόν

ὁ δὲ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου microνησθεὶς προσπαίζειν ἔφη τὸν θεὸν Ἕλλησινὀλιγωροῦσι παιδείας οἷον ἐφυβρίζοντα τὴν ἀmicroαθίαν ἡmicroῶν καὶ κελεύ-οντα γεωmicroετρίας ἅπτεσθαι microὴ παρέργως οὐ γάρ τοι φαύλης οὐδrsquo ἀmicro-βλὺ διανοίας ὁρώσης ἄκρως δὲ τὰς γραmicromicroὰς ἠσκηmicroένης ἔργον εἶναιτὴν δυεῖν microέσων ἀνάλογον λῆψιν ᾗ microόνῃ διπλασιάζεται σχῆmicroα κυβι-κοῦ σώmicroατος ἐκ πάσης ὁmicroοίως αὐξόmicroενον διαστάσεως τοῦτο microὲν οὖνΕὔδοξον αὐτοῖς τὸν Κνίδιον ἢ τὸν Κυζικηνὸν Ἑλίκωνα συντελέσειν microὴτοῦτο δrsquo οἴεσθαι χρῆναι ποθεῖν τὸν θεὸν ἀλλὰ προστάσσειν Ἕλλησι

579D πᾶσι πολέmicroου καὶ κακῶν microεθεmicroένους Μούσαις ὁmicroιλεῖν καὶ διὰ λόγωνκαὶ microαθηmicroάτων τὰ πάθη καταπραΰνοντας ἀβλαβῶς καὶ ὠφελίmicroως ἀλ-λήλοις συmicroφέρεσθαιrsquo8 Μεταξὺ δὲ τοῦ Σιmicromicroίου λέγοντος ὁ πατὴρ ἡmicroῶν Πολύmicroνις ἐπεισ-ῆλθε καὶ καθίσας παρὰ τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν lsquoἘπαmicroεινώνδαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ σὲ καὶτούτους παρακαλεῖ πάντας εἰ microή τις ἀσχολία microείζων ἐνταῦθα περι-

Translation 29

priests in Egypt you see are said to have understood the writing on thetablet which67 Agesilaus obtained from us when he had Alcmenarsquos tombdismantledrsquo

Simmias recollected at once lsquoI donrsquot know this tablet Phidolausrsquo hesaid lsquobut the Spartan Agetoridas68 brought many writings from Agesilausto Memphis to the prophet Chonouphis69 ltwith whomgt70 I and Platoand Ellopion71 of Peparethus were then studying philosophy He came ona mission from the king with orders to Chonouphis to translate the writ-ings if he could understand them and then send them straight back to himChonouphis spent three days on his own studying all kinds of scripts inancient books and then replied to the king [579A] and explained to usthat the text ordered the holding of a competition in honour of the MusesThe alphabet he told us was that in use in the reign of Proteus72 whichHeracles the son of Amphitryon73 had learned but the godrsquos intention inthe writing was to urge and exhort the Greeks to live in leisure and peacecompeting always in philosophy laying weapons aside and deciding ques-tions of right with the aid of the Muses and of reason We thought at thetime that this was well said by Chonouphis and even more so when onour return voyage from Egypt [579B] we were met in Caria74 by someDelians who asked Plato as a mathematician to solve an extraordinaryoracle which the god had given them The oracle said that the Deliansand the rest of the Greeks would find a respite from their present trou-bles by doubling the altar at Delus75 They were unable to understand themeaning and made a ridiculous mistake in the construction of the altar bydoubling each of the four sides they inadvertently produced a solid eighttimes as large because they were ignorant of the proportion by which76 alinear duplication is produced [579C] So they wanted to call in Plato tosolve their problem

lsquoRemembering the Egyptian prophet Plato declared that the god wasalluding humorously to the Greeksrsquo neglect of education scorning ourignorance as it were and bidding us make mathematics our prime con-cern Finding the mean proportionals which is the only way of doublinga cube by an equal extension of each dimension is not a job for a weak ordim intellect but for one thoroughly trained in the use of geometrical dia-grams Eudoxus of Cnidus (he told them) or Helicon of Cyzicus77 woulddo it However they should not think this was what the god really de-sired rather he was bidding all Greeks [579D] to give up war and evildoing consort with the Muses calm their emotions by rational discussionand study and live innocently and profitably with one anotherrsquo78

8 Simmias was still speaking when my father Polymnis came in and satdown beside him lsquoEpaminondasrsquo he said lsquobegs you and all these othersif you have no more important business to wait here because he wants

30 Text (8579Dndash 9580C)

microεῖναι βουλόmicroενος ὑmicroῖν γνωρίσαι τὸν ξένον ἄνδρα γενναῖον microὲν αὐ-τὸν ⟨ὄντα⟩ microετὰ ⟨δὲ⟩ γενναίας καὶ καλῆς ἀφιγmicroένον τῆς προαιρέσεως

579E ⟨ἀποστειλάντων⟩ ἐξ Ἰταλίας τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ἀφῖκται δὲ Λύσιδι τῷγέροντι χοὰς χέασθαι περὶ τὸν τάφον ἔκ τινων ἐνυπνίων ὥς φησι καὶφασmicroάτων ἐναργῶν συχνὸν δὲ κοmicroίζων χρυσίον οἴεται δεῖν Ἐπαmicroει-νώνδᾳ τὰς Λύσιδος γηροτροφίας ἀποτίνειν καὶ προθυmicroότατός ἐστιν οὐδεοmicroένων οὐδὲ βουλοmicroένων ἡmicroῶν τῇ πενίᾳ βοηθεῖνrsquo

καὶ ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ἡσθείς lsquoπάνυ θαυmicroαστόν γε λέγειςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoἄνδρα καὶφιλοσοφίας ἄξιον ἀλλὰ τίς ἡ αἰτία διrsquo ἣν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἥκει πρὸς ἡmicroᾶςrsquo

579F lsquoἐκεῖνονrsquo ἔφη lsquoνυκτερεύσαντα περὶ τὸν τάφον ἐmicroοὶ δοκεῖ τὸν Λύσιδοςἦγεν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας πρὸς τὸν Ἰσmicroηνὸν ἀπολουσόmicroενον εἶτrsquo ἀφίξονταιδεῦρο πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς πρὶν δrsquo ἐντυχεῖν ἐνηυλίσατο τῷ τάφῳ διανοούmicroενοςἀνελέσθαι τὰ λείψανα τοῦ σώmicroατος καὶ κοmicroίζειν εἰς Ἰταλίαν εἰ microή τινύκτωρ ὑπεναντιωθείη δαιmicroόνιονrsquo ὁ microὲν οὖν πατὴρ ταῦτrsquo εἰπὼν ἐσιώ-πησεν9 ὁ δὲ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoὦ Ἡράκλειςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὡς ἔργον ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν ἄνδρακαθαρεύοντα τύφου καὶ δεισιδαιmicroονίας οἱ microὲν γὰρ ἄκοντες ὑπὸ τῶνπαθῶν τούτων ἁλίσκονται διrsquo ἀπειρίαν ἢ διrsquo ἀσθένειαν οἱ δέ ὡς θεοφι-λεῖς καὶ περιττοί τινες εἶναι δοκοῖεν ἐκθειάζουσι τὰς πράξεις ὀνείρατα

580A καὶ φάσmicroατα καὶ τοιοῦτον ἄλλον ὄγκον προϊστάmicroενοι τῶν ἐπὶ νοῦν ἰόν-των | ὃ πολιτικοῖς microὲν ἀνδράσι καὶ πρὸς αὐθάδη καὶ ἀκόλαστον ὄχλονἠναγκασmicroένοις ζῆν οὐκ ἄχρηστον ἴσως ἐστὶν ὥσπερ ἐκ χαλινοῦ τῆςδεισιδαιmicroονίας πρὸς τὸ συmicroφέρον ἀντεπισπάσαι καὶ microεταστῆσαι τοὺςπολλούς φιλοσοφίᾳ δrsquo οὐ microόνον ἔοικεν ἀσχήmicroων ὁ τοιοῦτος εἶναι σχη-microατισmicroός ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν ἐναντίος εἰ πᾶν ἐπαγγειλα-microένη λόγῳ τἀγαθὸν καὶ τὸ συmicroφέρον διδάσκειν εἰς θεοὺς ἐπαναφέρειτὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχὴν ὡς τοῦ λόγου καταφρονοῦσα καὶ τὴν ἀπόδει-ξιν ᾗ δοκεῖ διαφέρειν ἀτιmicroάσασα πρὸς microαντεύmicroατα τρέπεται καὶ ὀνει-

580B ράτων ὄψεις ἐν οἷς ὁ φαυλότατος οὐχ ἧττον τῷ κατατυγχάνειν πολ-λάκις φέρεται τοῦ κρατίστου διὸ καὶ Σωκράτης ὁ ὑmicroέτερος ὦ Σιmicromicroίαδοκεῖ microοι φιλοσοφώτερον χαρακτῆρα παιδείας καὶ λόγου περιβάλλε-σθαι τὸ ἀφελὲς τοῦτο καὶ ἄπλαστον ὡς ἐλευθέριον καὶ microάλιστα φίλονἀληθείας ἑλόmicroενος τὸν δὲ τῦφον ὥσπερ τινὰ καπνὸν φιλοσοφίας εἰςτοὺς σοφιστὰς ἀποσκεδάσαςrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoτί γάρrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Γαλαξίδωρε καὶ σὲ Μέ-580C λητος πέπεικεν ὅτι Σωκράτης ὑπερεώρα τὰ θεῖα τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοῦ καὶ

πρὸς Ἀθηναίους κατηγόρησενrsquolsquoοὐδαmicroῶςrsquo ἔφη lsquoτά γε θεῖα φασmicroάτων δὲ καὶ microύθων καὶ δεισιδαιmicroονί-

ας ἀνάπλεω φιλοσοφίαν ἀπὸ Πυθαγόρου Ἐmicroπεδοκλέους δεξάmicroενοςεὖ microάλα βεβακχευmicroένην εἴθισεν ὥσπερ πρὸς τὰ πράγmicroατα πεπνῦσθαικαὶ λόγῳ νήφοντι microετιέναι τὴν ἀλήθειανrsquo

Translation 31

to introduce our visitor to you He is a noble person who has come witha noble and honourable purpose from Italy ltsent bygt the PythagoreansThe purpose of his visit is to offer libations to old Lysis at his tomb [579E]in consequence (he says) of certain dreams and vivid visions79 He is alsobringing a large sum in gold and thinks he ought to repay Epaminondasfor his care of the old man He is very keen on this though we neither neednor desire any help for our povertyrsquo

Simmias was delighted lsquoHe sounds a wonderful manrsquo he said lsquoandworthy of philosophy But why has he not come straight to usrsquo[579F] lsquoI thinkrsquo replied Polymnis lsquothat a er he has spent the night byLysisrsquo tomb Epaminondas took him to wash to the Ismenus80 They willcome to us next He had encamped by the tomb before meeting us withthe intention of collecting the remains of the body and taking them to Italyunless some divine opposition to this occurred during the nightrsquo Havingsaid this my father remained silent9 Galaxidorus81 then spoke up lsquoHeraclesrsquo he cried lsquohow hard it is to finda man free of humbug and superstition Some are involuntary victims ofthese feelings through inexperience or weakness but there are others whoin order to be thought special favourites of the gods ascribe their actions todivine intervention and make dreams visions and such pretentious non-sense [580A] a cover for their own thoughts It may be quite useful forpoliticians who82 are forced to deal with a wilful and disorderly popula-tion to use superstition as a kind of curb to rein back and divert the massesin the right direction83 But for philosophy this sort of decoration is notonly indecorous84 but contrary to her professed aims if a er promisingto teach the good and the expedient rationally she refers85 the origin of ac-tions to the gods as though she disdained reason and then dishonouringher own speciality demonstration turns instead to prophecies and dream-visions in which [580B] the poorest mind is o en no less successful thanthe best And that Simmias is why your Socrates seems to me to haveadopted a more philosophical style of education and argument by choos-ing this simple and unaffected approach as a mark of liberality and loveof truth and blowing the humbug which is a sort of philosophical smokeoff onto the sophistsrsquo

lsquoWhy do you say that Galaxidorusrsquo replied Theocritus lsquohas Meletus86

persuaded you too that Socrates despised the divine87 That was the accu-sation [580C] he brought against him in the Athenian courtrsquo

lsquoNorsquo he answered lsquonot the divine but it was a philosophy laden withvisions and fables that he took over from Pythagoras hellip88 ltandgt Empedo-cles she was in a state of complete intoxication but he accustomed her tocome to her senses as it were in the face of the facts89 and pursue the truthwith sober reasonrsquo

32 Text (10580Cndash 11581B)

10 lsquoΕἶενrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoτὸ δὲ δαιmicroόνιον ὦ βέλτιστε τὸ Σωκράτουςψεῦδος ἢ τί φαmicroεν ἐmicroοὶ γὰρ οὐδὲν οὕτω microέγα τῶν περὶ Πυθαγόρουλεγοmicroένων εἰς microαντικὴν ἔδοξε καὶ θεῖον ἀτεχνῶς γὰρ οἵαν ὍmicroηροςὈδυσσεῖ πεποίηκε τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν lsquoἐν πάντεσσι πόνοισι παρισταmicroένηνrsquo

580D τοιαύτην ἔοικε Σωκράτει τοῦ βίου προποδηγὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τινα συνάψαιτὸ δαιmicroόνιον ὄψιν lsquoἥrsquo microόνη lsquoοἱ πρόσθεν ἰοῦσα τίθει φάοςrsquo ἐν πράγmicroα-σιν ἀδήλοις καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρωπίνην ἀσυλλογίστοις φρόνησιν ⟨ἐν⟩ οἷς αὐ-τῷ συνεφθέγγετο πολλάκις τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἐπιθειάζον ταῖς αὐτοῦ προ-αιρέσεσι τὰ microὲν οὖν πλείονα καὶ microείζονα Σιmicromicroίου χρὴ καὶ τῶν ἄλλωνἐκπυνθάνεσθαι Σωκράτους ἑταίρων ἐmicroοῦ δὲ παρόντος ὅτε πρὸς Εὐ-θύφρονα τὸν microάντιν ἥκοmicroεν ἔτυχε microέν ὦ Σιmicromicroία microέmicroνησαι γάρ ἄνωπρὸς τὸ Σύmicroβολον Σωκράτης καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν Ἀνδοκίδου βαδίζωνἅmicroα τι διερωτῶν καὶ διασείων τὸν Εὐθύφρονα microετὰ παιδιᾶς ἄφνω δrsquoἐπιστὰς καὶ σιωπήσας προσέσχεν αὑτῷ συχνὸν χρόνον εἶτrsquo ἀναστρέ-

580E ψας ἐπορεύετο τὴν διὰ τῶν κιβωτοποιῶν καὶ τοὺς προκεχωρηκότας ἤδητῶν ἑταίρων ⟨ἀνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ⟩ γεγονέναι τὸ δαιmicroόνιον οἱ microὲνοὖν πολλοὶ συνανέστρεφον ἐν οἷς κἀγὼ τοῦ Εὐθύφρονος ἐχόmicroενος νε-ανίσκοι δέ τινες τὴν εὐθεῖαν βαδίζοντες ὡς δὴ τὸ Σωκράτους ἐλέγξον-τες δαιmicroόνιον ἐπεσπάσαντο Χάριλλον τὸν αὐλητὴν ἥκοντα καὶ αὐτὸνmicroετrsquo ἐmicroοῦ εἰς Ἀθήνας πρὸς Κέβητα πορευοmicroένοις δrsquo αὐτοῖς διὰ τῶν ἑρ-

580F microογλύφων παρὰ τὰ δικαστήρια σύες ἀπαντῶσιν ἀθρόαι βορβόρου πε-ρίπλεαι καὶ κατrsquo ἀλλήλων ὠθούmicroεναι διὰ πλῆθος ἐκτροπῆς δὲ microὴ πα-ρούσης τοὺς microὲν ἀνέτρεψαν ἐmicroβαλοῦσαι τοὺς δrsquo ἀνεmicroόλυναν ἧκεν οὖνκαὶ ὁ Χάριλλος οἴκαδε τά τε σκέλη καὶ τὰ ἱmicroάτια βορβόρου microεστός ὥστrsquoἀεὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίου microεmicroνῆσθαι microετὰ γέλωτος ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩θαυmicroάζοντας εἰ microηδαmicroοῦ προλείπει τὸν ἄνδρα microηδrsquo ἀmicroελεῖ τὸ θεῖοναὐτοῦrsquo

11 Καὶ ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoοἴει γάρrsquo ἔφη lsquoΘεόκριτε τὸ Σωκράτους δαι-microόνιον ἰδίαν καὶ περιττὴν ἐσχηκέναι δύναmicroιν οὐχὶ τῆς κοινῆς microόριόντι microαντικῆς τὸν ἄνδρα πείρᾳ βεβαιωσάmicroενον ἐν τοῖς ἀδήλοις καὶ ἀτε-κmicroάρτοις τῷ λογις microῷ ῥοπὴν ἐπάγειν ὡς γὰρ ὁλκὴ microία καθrsquo αὑτὴν οὐκ

581A ἄγει τὸν ζυγόν | ἰσορροποῦντι δὲ βάρει προστιθεmicroένη κλίνει τὸ σύmicro-παν ἐφrsquo ἑαυτήν οὕτω πταρmicroὸς ἢ κληδὼν ἤ τι τοιοῦτον σύmicroβολον ⟨οὐχοἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν⟩ καὶ κοῦφον ἐmicroβριθῆ διάνοιαν ἐπισπάσασθαι πρὸςπρᾶξιν δυεῖν δrsquo ἐναντίων λογισmicroῶν θατέρῳ προσελθὸν ἔλυσε τὴν ἀπο-ρίαν τῆς ἰσότητος ἀναιρεθείσης ὥστε κίνησιν γίγνεσθαι καὶ ὁρmicroήνrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ πατήρ lsquoἀλλὰ microήνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ αὐτός ὦ Γαλαξίδωρε Με-γαρικοῦ τινος ἤκουσα Τερψίωνος δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὅτι τὸ Σωκράτους δαιmicroόνι-ον πταρmicroὸς ἦν ὅ τε παρrsquo αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ παρrsquo ἄλλων ἑτέρου microὲν γὰρ πτα-

581B ρόντος ἐκ δεξιᾶς εἴτrsquo ὄπισθεν εἴτrsquo ἔmicroπροσθεν ὁρmicroᾶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶ-

Translation 33

10 lsquoWell thenrsquo said Theocritus lsquowhat do we say about Socratesrsquo daimo-nion my good friend Is it a fiction or what Nothing related of Pythago-rasrsquo power of prophecy has seemed to me as impressive and divine as thisJust as Homer makes Athena lsquostand besidersquo Odysseus lsquoin all his troublesrsquo90

so it would seem the divine power gave Socrates from the beginning avision which alone [580D] lsquowent before him and gave lightrsquo91 in dark af-fairs inscrutable to human thinking wherein the power (daimonion) o enagreed with him lending divine sanction to his own choices You must askSimmias and Socratesrsquo other friends about most of these happenings andthe more important ones but here is one at which I was present myselfWhen we paid a visit to Euthyphron92 the diviner Socrates ndash you remem-ber this Simmias ndash was walking towards the Symbolon and Andocidesrsquohouse93 all the time questioning and puzzling Euthyphron in his playfulway Then he suddenly stopped and concentrated on his own thoughts insilence for some time [580E] before turning round and going down Box-makersrsquo Street94 and lttried to call backgt those of his friends who had goneahead ltsayinggt95 that lsquothe daimonion had happenedrsquo96 Most of us turnedback with him (including me who was sticking close to Euthyphron) butsome young people went straight on hoping to prove Socratesrsquo daimonionwrong and they took Charillus97 the piper with them he too had cometo Athens with me to visit Cebes98 As they were going down StatuariesrsquoStreet by the lawcourts99 they were confronted by a herd of pigs [580F]covered in mud and jostling one another because there were so many ofthem There was no escape the pigs knocked some of the young peopleover and bespa ered others Charillus arrived with his legs and his cloakall muddied So ltwegt always laugh when we remember Socratesrsquo daimo-nion ltat the same timegt100 marvelling at the way the divine power neverabandoned or neglected the man in any circumstancesrsquo11 lsquoDo you say this Theocritusrsquo said Galaxidorus lsquobecause you thinkthat Socratesrsquo daimonion possessed some special and peculiar power ratherthan that the man had assured himself by experience of some departmentof common divination101 and used this to tip the balance of his thinkingin obscure or inscrutable ma ers A single weight by itself does not turnthe scale [581A] but if it is added to an evenly-balanced load it pullsthe whole thing down Likewise a sneeze102 or a casual word103 or somesuch sign ltbeing smallgt and light ltcannotgt104 determine a weighty mindto action but added to one of two opposing calculations it resolves thedoubt by destroying the equipoise Movement and impulse followrsquo

lsquoIndeed Galaxidorusrsquo put in my father lsquoI myself heard from a Megar-ian who heard it from Terpsion105 that Socratesrsquo daimonion was a sneezehis own or anotherrsquos If someone sneezed on the right either behind [581B]or in front it impelled him to act if on the le it deterred him As to his

34 Text (11581Bndash 12581F)

ξιν εἰ δrsquo ἐξ ἀριστερᾶς ἀποτρέπεσθαι τῶν δrsquo αὐτοῦ πταρmicroῶν τὸν microὲνἔτι microέλλοντος βεβαιοῦν τὸν δrsquo ἤδη πράσσοντος ἐπέχειν καὶ κωλύειν τὴνὁρmicroήν ἀλλrsquo ἐκεῖνό microοι δοκεῖ θαυmicroαστόν εἰ πταρmicroῷ χρώmicroενος οὐ τοῦτοτοῖς ἑταίροις ἀλλὰ δαιmicroόνιον εἶναι τὸ κωλῦον ἢ κελεῦον ἔλεγε τύφουγὰρ ἂν ἦν τινος ὦ φίλε κενοῦ καὶ κόmicroπου τὸ τοιοῦτον οὐκ ἀληθείαςκαὶ ἁπλότητος οἷς τὸν ἄνδρα microέγαν ὡς ἀληθῶς καὶ διαφέροντα τῶνπολλῶν γεγονέναι δοκοῦmicroεν ὑπὸ φωνῆς ἔξωθεν ἢ πταρmicroοῦ τινοςὁπηνίκα τύχοι θορυβούmicroενον ἐκτῶν πράξεων ἀνατρέπεσθαι καὶ προ-

581C ΐεσθαι τὸ δεδογmicroένον αἱ δὲ Σωκράτους ὁρmicroαὶ τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ ἔχου-σαι καὶ σφοδρότητα φαίνονται πρὸς ἅπαν ὡς ἂν ἐξ ὀρθῆς καὶ ἰσχυρᾶςἀφειmicroέναι κρίσεως καὶ ἀρχῆς πενίᾳ γὰρ ἐmicromicroεῖναι παρὰ πάντα τὸν βί-ον ἑκουσίως σὺν ἡδονῇ καὶ χάριτι τῶν διδόντων ἔχειν δυνάmicroενον καὶφιλοσοφίας microὴ ἐκστῆναι πρὸς τοσαῦτα κωλύmicroατα καὶ τέλος εἰς σω-τηρίαν καὶ φυγὴν αὐτῷ σπουδῆς ἑταίρων καὶ παρασκευῆς εὐmicroηχάνου

581D γενοmicroένης microήτε καmicroφθῆναι λιπαροῦσι microήθrsquo ὑποχωρῆσαι τῷ θανάτῳπελάζοντι χρῆσθαι δrsquo ἀτρέπτῳ τῷ λογισmicroῷ πρὸς τὸ δεινόν οὐκ ἔστινἀνδρὸς ἐκ κληδόνων ἢ πταρmicroῶν microεταβαλλοmicroένην ὅτε τύχοι γνώmicroηνἔχοντος ἀλλrsquo ὑπὸ microείζονος ἐπιστασίας καὶ ἀρχῆς ἀγοmicroένου πρὸς τὸκαλόν ἀκούω δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τῆς Ἀθηναίων δυνάmicroεως φθορὰνπροειπεῖν αὐτὸν ἐνίοις τῶν φίλων καὶ πρότερον ἔτι τούτων Πυριλάmicro-πης ὁ Ἀντιφῶντος ἁλοὺς ἐν τῇ διώξει περὶ Δήλιον ὑφrsquo ἡmicroῶν δορατίῳτετρωmicroένος ὡς ἤκουσε τῶν ἐπὶ τὰς σπονδὰς ἀφικοmicroένων Ἀθήνηθεν

581E ὅτι Σωκράτης microετrsquo Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ Λάχητος daggerἐπὶ Ῥηγίστηςdagger καταβὰςἀπονενοστήκοι πολλὰ microὲν τοῦτον ἀνεκαλέσατο πολλὰ δὲ φίλους τι-νὰς καὶ λοχίτας οἷς συνέβη microετrsquo αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὴν Πάρνηθα φεύγουσινὑπὸ τῶν ἡmicroετέρων ἱππέων ἀποθανεῖν ὡς τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιmicroονίουπαρακούσαντας ἑτέραν ὁδὸν οὐχ ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἦγε τρεποmicroένους ἀπὸ τῆςmicroάχης ταῦτα δrsquo οἶmicroαι καὶ Σιmicromicroίαν ἀκηκοέναιrsquo

lsquoπολλάκιςrsquo ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ἔφη lsquoκαὶ πολλῶν διεβοήθη γὰρ οὐκ ἠρέmicroα τὸΣωκράτους Ἀθήνησιν ἐκ τούτων δαιmicroόνιονrsquo12 lsquoΤί οὖνrsquo ὁ Φειδόλαος εἶπεν lsquoὦ Σιmicromicroία Γαλαξίδωρον ἐάσωmicroεν παί-

581F ζοντα καταβάλλειν τοσοῦτο microαντείας ἔργον εἰς πταρmicroοὺς καὶ κληδό-νας οἷς καὶ οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ἰδιῶται περὶ microικρὰ προσχρῶνται καὶ παίζον-τες ὅταν δὲ κίνδυνοι βαρύτεροι καὶ microείζονες καταλάβωσι πράξεις ἐκεῖ-νο γίγνεται τὸ Εὐριπίδειον bdquoοὐδεὶς σιδήρου ταῦτα microωραίνει πέλαςldquorsquo

καὶ ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος lsquoΣιmicromicroίου microένrsquo ἔφη lsquoΦειδόλαε περὶ τούτων εἴ τιΣωκράτους αὐτὸς λέγοντος ἤκουσεν ἕτοιmicroος ἀκροᾶσθαι καὶ πείθεσθαιmicroεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν τὰ δrsquo ὑπὸ σοῦ λελεγmicroένα καὶ Πολύmicroνιος οὐ χαλεπὸν ἀνε-

Translation 35

own sneezes one that happened while he was still hesitating confirmedhis resolution but if he had already begun to act it checked and stoppedhis impulse What surprises me is that if he was depending on a sneezehe did not tell his friends that it was this that stopped or encouraged himbut that it was the daimonion Such behaviour my friend would have beena sign of empty affectation and pretentiousness not of the truthfulnessand simplicity in which we believe Socratesrsquo greatness and superiority tothe mass of mankind to have consistedhellip106 to be thrown into a panic andmade to retreat from actions and abandon a decision because of a voicefrom outside or a fortuitous sneeze [581C] Socratesrsquo impulses on thecontrary clearly possessedhellip107 lttension and vigourgt in all circumstancesspringing as they did from a correct and powerful judgement and princi-ple To remain voluntarily in poverty all his life when he could have hadrelief which others would have been pleased and charmed to give not toabandon philosophy despite all the obstacles in his way and finally whenfriendsrsquo zeal and means were available to assure his safety in exile not toyield to their insistence nor shrink before the approach of death but toface [581D] the terrible moment with unflinching reason ndash these are notthe actions of a man whose mind can be changed fortuitously by casualwords or sneezes but of one who is guided towards the honourable bysome superior control and rule I have heard too that he foretold to someof his friends the destruction of the Athenian force in Sicily 108 There is aneven earlier instance Pyrilampes109 the son of Antiphon was woundedby a spear and captured by our men in the pursuit at Delium110 and whenhe was told by the people who came from Athens to negotiate the trucethat Socrates with Alcibiades and Laches had gone down to (Rhegiste)111

[581E] and got home safely therea er o en called to mind both Socratesand some friends and comrades who had fled with him by Parnes112 andbeen killed by our cavalry He said they had not heeded Socratesrsquo daimo-nion and had le the ba lefield by a different route from that by which hewas leading them I imagine Simmias has heard all this toorsquo

lsquoO enrsquo said Simmias lsquoand from many people There was a lot of talkat Athens about Socratesrsquo daimonion because of thisrsquo12 lsquoWell then Simmiasrsquo said Phidolaus lsquoare we to let Galaxidorus amusehimself by reducing this great achievement of prophecy to sneezes and ca-sual words [581F] Most ordinary people appeal to these on trivial mat-ters and not in earnest when graver dangers and greater actions overtakethem Euripidesrsquo words are to the point ldquoNone plays the fool like thatwhen swords are outrdquo113

lsquoI am as ready to listen and be convinced by Simmias as you others arePhidolausrsquo said Galaxidorus lsquoif he has heard anything from Socrates him-self on the subject But itrsquos easy enough to refute what you and Polymnis

36 Text (12581Fndash 13582D)

λεῖν ὡς γὰρ ἐν ἰατρικῇ σφυγmicroὸς ἢ φλύκταινα microικρὸν οὐ microικροῦ δὲ ση-microεῖόν ἐστι καὶ κυβερνήτῃ πελαγίου φθόγγος ὄρνιθος ἢ διαδροmicroὴ κνη-

582A κίδος ἀραιᾶς | πνεῦmicroα σηmicroαίνει καὶ κίνησιν τραχυτέραν θαλάσσης οὕ-τω microαντικῇ ψυχῇ πταρmicroὸς ἢ κληδὼν οὐ microέγα καθrsquo αὑτὸ ⟨microεγάλου δὲσηmicroεῖον⟩ συmicroπτώmicroατος ⟨ἐπrsquo⟩ οὐδεmicroιᾶς γὰρ τέχνης καταφρονεῖται τὸmicroικροῖς microεγάλα καὶ διrsquo ὀλίγων πολλὰ προmicroηνύειν ἀλλrsquo ὥσπερ εἴ τιςἄπειρος γραmicromicroάτων δυνάmicroεως ὁρῶν ὀλίγα πλήθει καὶ φαῦλα τὴν microορ-φὴν ἀπιστοίη ἄνδρα γραmicromicroατικὸν ἐκ τούτων ἀναλέγεσθαι πολέmicroους

582B microεγάλους οἳ τοῖς πάλαι συνέτυχον καὶ κτίσεις πόλεων πράξεις τε καὶπαθήmicroατα βασιλέων εἶτα φαίη δαιmicroόνιόν τι microηνύειν καὶ καταλέγεινἐκείνῳ τῷ ἱστορικῷ τούτων ἕκαστον ἡδὺς ἄν ὦ φίλε γέλως σοι τοῦἀνθρώπου τῆς ἀπειρίας ἐπέλθοι οὕτω σκόπει microὴ καὶ ἡmicroεῖς τῶν microαν-τικῶν ἑκάστου τὴν δύναmicroιν ἀγνοοῦντες ᾗ συmicroβάλλει πρὸς τὸ microέλλονεὐήθως ἀγανακτῶmicroεν εἰ νοῦν ἔχων ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τούτων ἂν ἀποφαί-νεταί τι περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων καὶ ταῦτα φάσκων αὐτὸς οὐ πταρmicroὸν οὐ-δὲ φωνὴν ἀλλὰ δαιmicroόνιον αὐτῷ τῶν πράξεων ὑφηγεῖσθαι microέτειmicroι γὰρἤδη πρὸς σέ ὦ Πολύmicroνι θαυmicroάζοντα Σωκράτους ἀνδρὸς ἀτυφίᾳ καὶ

582C ἀφελείᾳ microάλιστα δὴ φιλοσοφίαν ἐξανθρωπίσαντος εἰ microὴ πταρmicroὸν microη-δὲ κληδόνα τὸ σηmicroεῖον ἀλλὰ τραγικῶς πάνυ bdquoτὸ δαιmicroόνιονldquo ὠνόmicroαζενἐγὼ γὰρ ἂν τοὐναντίον ἐθαύmicroαζον ἀνδρὸς ἄκρου διαλέγεσθαι καὶ κρα-τεῖν ὀνοmicroάτων ὥσπερ Σωκράτης εἰ microὴ τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀλλὰ τὸν πταρmicroὸναὑτῷ σηmicroαίνειν ἔλεγεν ὥσπερ εἴ τις ὑπὸ τοῦ βέλους φαίη τετρῶσθαιmicroὴ τῷ βέλει ὑπὸ τοῦ βαλόντος microεmicroετρῆσθαι δrsquo αὖτὸ βάρος ὑπὸ τοῦ ζυ-γοῦ microὴ τῷ ζυγῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱστάντος οὐ γὰρ τοῦ ὀργάνου τὸ ἔργον ἀλλrsquoοὗ καὶ τὸ ὄργανον ᾧ χρῆται πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ὄργανον δέ τι καὶ τὸ ση-microεῖον ᾧ χρῆται τὸ σηmicroαῖνον ἀλλrsquo ὅπερ εἶπον εἴ τι Σιmicromicroίας ἔχει λέγεινἀκουστέον ὡς εἰδότος ἀκριβέστερονrsquo

582D 13 Καὶ ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoπρότερόν γrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτοὺς εἰσιόντας οἵτινές εἰσιν ἀπο-σκεψαmicroένοις microᾶλλον δὲ τὸν ξένον ἔοικεν ἡmicroῖν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας ὁδὶ κο-microίζεινrsquo

ἀποβλέψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὰς θύρας ἑωρῶmicroεν ἡγούmicroενον microὲν τὸνἘπαmicroεινώνδαν καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων Ἰσmicroηνόδωρον καὶ Βακχυλίδανκαὶ Μέλισσον τὸν αὐλητήν ἑπόmicroενον δὲτὸν ξένον οὐκ ἀγεννῆ τὸ εἶδοςἀλλὰ πραότητα καὶ φιλοφροσύνην τοῦ ἤθους ὑποφαίνοντα καὶ σεmicroνῶςἀmicroπεχόmicroενον τὸ σῶmicroα καθίσαντος οὖν ἐκείνου microὲν αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸνΣιmicromicroίαν τοῦ δrsquo ἀδελφοῦ παρrsquo ἐmicroὲ τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων ὡς ἕκαστος ἔτυχε καὶγενοmicroένης σιωπῆς ὁ Σιmicromicroίας τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡmicroῶν καλέσας lsquoεἶενrsquo εἶπεν

Translation 37

have said In medicine a throbbing pulse or a blister is a small thing initself but the symptom of something serious For the pilot of a ship thecry of a sea-bird or the passing over of a thin wisp of cloud [582A] is asign of wind and the sea turning rough Similarly for the prophetic minda sneeze or a casual word is a small thing in itself but lta sign of some im-portantgt114 occurrence In no art is the prediction of great things by smallor many things by few regarded with contempt If a man ignorant of thepower of le ers seeing a few unimpressive marks could not believe thata scholar could read from them great wars that befell men of old founda-tions of cities and the deeds and sufferings [582B] of kings and thereforedeclared that it was lsquosomething daemonicrsquo that disclosed and related thesethings to the scholar115 you would have a good laugh my friend at thefellowrsquos ignorance In the same way ask yourself whether ignorant as weare of how any particular form of prophecy relates to the future we areperhaps foolish to feel indignation if a man of sense uses these means toreveal something of the unknown even if he does say himself that it isnot a sneeze or a voice but lsquosomething daemonicrsquo that directs his actionsAnd now I turn to you Polymnis and your surprise that Socrates whodid most to humanize philosophy by his unpretentiousness and simplic-ity called his sign not a sneeze [582C] or a casual word but in high tragicstyle lsquothe116 daimonionrsquo For my part on the contrary I should have beensurprised if a supreme dialectician and master of words like Socrates hadnot said that it was lsquothe daimonionrsquo but a sneeze117 that gave him his signsIt would be as though one said that one had been wounded by the dart asan agent and not by the thrower as agent with the dart as instrument oragain that the scales were the agent that weighed something and not theweigher the agent and the scales the instrument The work you see doesnot belong to the instrument but to the owner of the instrument whichhe uses for the work and the sign which the signalling agent uses is in asense his instrument But as I said we must listen to anything Simmiashas to say for he has be er informationrsquo13 lsquoButrsquo said Theocritus lsquonot until we have seen who are these peoplecoming in [582D] Or rather itrsquos Epaminondas I think bringing in thestrangerrsquo118

We looked towards the door and saw Epaminondas leading the wayand some of our friends with him119 ndash Ismenodorus Bacchylidas and thepiper Melissus120 the stranger followed a noble looking personage butwith an air of gentleness and kindness and splendidly dressed He satdown himself next to Simmias my brother next to me and the rest tooktheir chance Silence fell lsquoWell now Epaminondasrsquo said Simmias ad-dressing himself to my brother lsquowho is your guest how should we ad-

38 Text (13582Endash 13583C)

582E lsquoὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα τίνα χρὴ τὸν ξένον καὶ πῶς καὶ πόθεν προσαγορεύ-ειν ἀρχὴ γάρ τις ἐντυχίας καὶ γνώσεως αὕτη συνήθηςrsquo

καὶ ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoΘεάνωρrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Σιmicromicroία ὄνοmicroα microὲν τῷ ἀνδρίγένος δὲ Κροτωνιάτης τῶν ἐκεῖ φιλοσόφων οὐ καταισχύνων τὸ microέγαΠυθαγόρου κλέος ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν ἥκει δεῦρο microακρὰν ὁδὸν ἐξ Ἰταλίαςἔργοις καλοῖς καλὰ δόγmicroατα βεβαιῶνrsquo

ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ ξένος lsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo ἔφη lsquoσὺ κωλύεις ὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα τῶν582F ἔργων τὸ κάλλιστον εἰ γὰρ εὖ ποιεῖν φίλους καλόν οὐκ αἰσχρὸν εὖ

πάσχειν ὑπὸ φίλων ἡ γὰρ χάρις οὐχ ἧττον δεοmicroένη τοῦ λαmicroβάνοντοςἢ τοῦ διδόντος ἐξ ἀmicroφοῖν τελειοῦται πρὸς τὸ καλόν ὁ δὲ microὴ δεξάmicroε-νος ὥσπερ σφαῖραν εὖ φεροmicroένην κατῄσχυνεν ἀτελῆ πεσοῦσαν ποίουγὰρ οὕτω σκοποῦ βάλλοντα καὶ τυχεῖν ἡδὺ καὶ διαmicroαρτάνειν ἀνιαρὸνὡς ἀνδρὸς εὖ παθεῖν ἀξίου διὰ χάριτος ἐφιέmicroενον ἀλλrsquo ἐκεῖ microὲν ὁ τοῦσκοποῦ microένοντος ἀτυχήσας σφάλλεται διrsquo αὑτόν ἐνταυθοῖ δrsquo ὁ παραι-τούmicroενος καὶ ὑποφεύγων ἀδικεῖ τὴν χάριν εἰς ὃ ἔσπευκε microὴ περαίνου-σαν

583A σοὶ microὲν οὖν τὰς αἰτίας ἤδη διῆλθον ὑφrsquo ὧν ἔπλευσα δεῦρο | βού-λοmicroαι δὲ καὶ τούτοις διελθὼν χρήσασθαι πρός σε δικασταῖς ἐπεὶ γὰρἐξέπεσοναἱ κατὰ πόλεις ἑταιρεῖαι τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν στάσει κρατηθέν-των τοῖς δrsquo ἔτι συνεστῶσιν ἐν Μεταποντίῳ συνεδρεύουσιν ἐν οἰκίᾳ πῦροἱ Κυλώνειοι περιένησαν καὶ διέφθειραν ἐν ταὐτῷ πάντας πλὴν Φιλο-λάου καὶ Λύσιδος νέων ὄντων ἔτι ῥώmicroῃ καὶ κουφότητι διωσαmicroένων τὸπῦρ Φιλόλαος microὲν εἰς Λευκανοὺς φυγὼν ἐκεῖθεν ἀνεσώθη πρὸς τοὺςἄλλους φίλους ἤδη πάλιν ἀθροιζοmicroένους καὶ κρατοῦντας τῶν Κυλω-

583B νείων Λῦσις δrsquo ὅπου γέγονεν ἠγνοεῖτο πολὺν χρόνον πρίν γε δὴ Γοργί-ας ὁ Λεοντῖνος ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναπλέων εἰς Σικελίαν ἀπήγγελλε τοῖςπερὶ Ἄρκεσον βεβαίως Λύσιδι συγγεγονέναι διατρίβοντι περὶ Θήβαςὥρmicroησε microὲν ὁ Ἄρκεσος πόθῳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτὸς ὡς εἶχε πλεῦσαι κοmicroι-δῇ δὲ διὰ γῆρας καὶ ἀσθένειαν ἐλλείπων ἐπέσκηψε microάλιστα microὲν ζῶντακοmicroίσαι τὸν Λῦσιν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἢ τὰ λείψανα τεθνηκότος οἱ δrsquo ἐν microέσῳπόλεmicroοι καὶ στάσεις καὶ τυραννίδες ἐκώλυσαν αὐτῷ ζῶντι συντελέσαιτοὺς φίλους τὸν ἆθλον ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἡmicroῖν τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος ἤδη τεθνηκό-τος ἐναργῶς προὐπεφήνει τὴν τελευτήν καὶ τὰς παρrsquo ὑmicroῖν ὦ Πολύmicroνι

583C θεραπείας καὶ διαίτας τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οἱ σαφῶς εἰδότες ἀπήγγελλον ὅτιπλουσίας ἐν οἴκῳ πένητι γηροκοmicroίας τυχὼν καὶ πατὴρ τῶν σῶν υἱέωνἐπιγραφεὶς οἴχοιτο microακαριστός ἀπεστάλην ἐγὼ νέος καὶ εἷς ὑπὸ πολ-λῶν καὶ πρεσβυτέρων ἐχόντων οὐκ ἔχουσι χρήmicroατα διδόντων πολλὴν⟨δὲ⟩ χάριν καὶ φιλίαν ἀντιλαmicroβανόντων Λῦσις δὲ καὶ κεῖται καλῶς ὑφrsquoὑmicroῶν καὶ τάφου καλοῦ κρείττων αὐτῷ χάρις ἐκτινοmicroένη φίλοις ὑπὸφίλων καὶ οἰκείωνrsquo

Translation 39

dress him [582E] and where does he come from Thatrsquos the usual way tostart meeting and knowing somebodyrsquo121

lsquoHis namersquo said Epaminondas lsquois Theanor By origin he is from Cro-ton122 one of the philosophers there and he does not disgrace Pythagorasrsquogreat reputation He has made the long journey here from Italy to crowngood beliefs with good deedsrsquo

lsquoNeverthelessrsquo interrupted the stranger lsquoit is you Epaminondas whoare hindering the best of my deeds If it is honourable to benefit friends[582F] it is no shame to receive benefits from friends A favour needs arecipient as well as a giver and both are needed for its honourable com-pletion The man who refuses it one might say spoils a well-thrown ballwhich falls and fails in its purpose123 For what target can be more pleas-ing to hit and more distressing to miss than a deserving person whom oneaims to reach with a favour In the game however it is your own failure ifyou miss a stationary target but in this business to decline and step asideis to be unfair to the favour so that it fails to reach its goal

lsquoIrsquove already told you the reasons for my voyage here [583A] but Ishould like to explain them also to these people and make them judgesbetween you and me A er the Pythagoreans were defeated in the distur-bances and the societies in the cities were expelled124 the group at Meta-pontum125 were meeting in a house when Cylonrsquos126 party set fire to itand killed everyone there except Philolaus127 and Lysis who were youngvigorous and agile enough to escape the flames Philolaus fled to Luca-nia128 and from there safely reached the other friends who were by nowgathering again and ge ing the be er of Cylonrsquos party Where Lysis was[583B] long remained unknown until Gorgias of Leontini129 on his returnfrom Greece to Sicily130 gave Arcesus131 and his group reliable informa-tion that he had met Lysis who was living at Thebes Arcesus planned tomake the voyage himself out of love for Lysis but he was failing throughold age and illness and he ordered us to bring Lysis to Italy alive if possi-ble but if dead his remains However the intervening wars revolutionsand tyrannies prevented his friends from fulfilling this task while he livedBut when a er Lysisrsquo death god132 revealed133 to us his end and well-informed people told us [583C] of the care and support that your familygave him Polymnis ndash how he had enjoyed lavish care in his old age in apoor household had been registered as your sonsrsquo father and had dieda blessed death ndash then I on my own and young became the emissary ofmany senior men who offered money (which they possess) to you (whopossess none) and were ready to accept in return great favour and friend-ship Lysis has had from you a fair burial but be er for him than his fairtomb is the repayment of friendsrsquo kindness by friends and kindredrsquo

40 Text (14583Cndash 14584B)

14 Ταῦτα τοῦ ξένου λέγοντος ὁ microὲν πατὴρ ἐπεδάκρυσε τῇ microνήmicroῃ τοῦ583D Λύσιδος πολὺν χρόνον ὁ δrsquo ἀδελφὸς ὑποmicroειδιῶν ὥσπερ εἰώθει πρὸς

ἐmicroέ lsquoπῶςrsquo ἔφη lsquoποιοῦmicroεν ὦ Καφισία προϊέmicroεθα τὴν πενίαν τοῖς χρή-microασι καὶ σιωπῶmicroενrsquo

lsquoἥκιστrsquorsquo ἔφην ἐγώ lsquoτὴν φίλην καὶ bdquoἀγαθὴν κουροτρόφονldquo ἀλλrsquo ἄmicroυ-νε σὸς γὰρ ὁ λόγοςrsquo

lsquoκαὶ microὴν ἐγώrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ πάτερ ταύτῃ microόνῃ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐδεδίειν ἁλώ-σιmicroον ὑπὸ χρηmicroάτων εἶναι κατὰ τὸ Καφισίου σῶmicroα καλῆς microὲν ἐσθῆτοςδεόmicroενον ἵνα τοῖς ἐρασταῖς ἐγκαλλωπίσηται τοσούτοις οὖσιν ἀφθόνουδὲ καὶ πολλῆς τροφῆς ἵνrsquo ἀντέχῃ πρὸς τὰ γυmicroνάσια καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐνταῖς παλαίστραις ἀγῶνας ὁπηνίκα δrsquo οὗτος οὐ προδίδωσι τὴν πενίαν

583E οὐδrsquo ὡς βαφὴν ἀνίησι τὴν πάτριον πενίαν ἀλλὰ καίπερ ὢν microειράκι-ον εὐτελείᾳ καλλωπίζεται καὶ στέργει τὰ παρόντα τίς ἂν ἡmicroῖν γένοιτοτῶν χρηmicroάτων διάθεσις καὶ χρῆσις ἦπου καταχρυσώσοmicroεν τὰ ὅπλακαὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα πορφύρᾳ συmicromicroεmicroιγmicroένῃ πρὸς χρυσίον ὥσπερ Νικίαςὁ Ἀθηναῖος διαποικιλοῦmicroεν σοὶ δrsquo ὦ πάτερ Μιλησίαν χλανίδα τῇ δὲmicroητρὶ παραλουργὸν ὠνησόmicroεθα χιτώνιον οὐ γὰρ εἰς γαστέρα δήπουκαταχρησόmicroεθα τὴν δωρεὰν εὐωχοῦντες αὑτοὺς πολυτελέστερον ὥσ-περ ξένον ὑποδεδεγmicroένοι βαρύτερον τὸν πλοῦτονrsquo

583F lsquoἄπαγrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ πατήρ lsquoὦ παῖ microηδέποτε τοιαύτην ἐπίδοιmicroι microετακό-σmicroησιν τοῦ βίου ἡmicroῶνrsquo

lsquoκαὶ microὴν οὐδrsquo ἀργόνrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαθισόmicroεθα φρουροῦντες οἴκοι τὸν πλοῦ-τον ἄχαρις γὰρ ἂν οὕτως ἡ χάρις καὶ ἄτιmicroος ἡ κτῆσις εἴηrsquo

lsquoτί microήνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ πατήρlsquoοὐκοῦνrsquo ἔφη ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἸάσωνι microὲν τῷ Θετταλῶν ταγῷ πέmicro-

ψαντι δεῦρο πολὺ χρυσίον ἔναγχος πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς καὶ δεοmicroένῳ λαβεῖνἀγροικότερος ἐφάνην ἀποκρινόmicroενος ἀδίκων χειρῶν αὐτὸν κατάρχειν

584A ὅτι microοναρχίας ὢν ἐραστὴς ἄνδρα δηmicroότην ἐλευθέρας καὶ αὐτονόmicroουπόλεως ἐπείρα διὰ χρη|microάτων σοῦ δrsquo ὦ ξένε τὴν microὲν προθυmicroίαν (κα-λὴ γὰρ καὶ φιλόσοφος) δέχοmicroαι καὶ ἀγαπῶ διαφερόντως ἥκεις δὲ φάρ-microακα φίλοις microὴ νοσοῦσι κοmicroίζων ὥσπερ οὖν εἰ πολεmicroεῖσθαι πυθόmicroε-νος ἡmicroᾶς ἔπλευσας ἡmicroᾶς ὅπλοις καὶ βέλεσιν ὠφελήσων εἶτα φιλίανκαὶ εἰρήνην εὗρες οὐκ ἂν ᾤου δεῖν ἐκεῖνα διδόναι καὶ ἀπολείπειν microὴδεοmicroένοις οὕτω σύmicromicroαχος microὲν ἀφῖξαι πρὸς πενίαν ὡς ἐνοχλουmicroένοιςὑπrsquo αὐτῆς ἡ δrsquo ἐστὶ ῥᾴστη φέρειν ἡmicroῖν καὶ φίλη σύνοικος οὔκουν δεῖχρηmicroάτων οὐδrsquo ὅπλων ἐπrsquo αὐτὴν microηδὲν ἀνιῶσαν ἀλλrsquo ἀπάγγελλε τοῖς

584B ἐκεῖ γνωρίmicroοις ὅτι κάλλιστα microὲν αὐτοὶ πλούτῳ χρῶνται καλῶς δὲ πε-νίᾳ χρωmicroένους αὐτόθι φίλους ἔχουσι τὰς δὲ Λύσιδος ἡmicroῖν τροφὰς καὶταφὰς αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ Λῦσις ἀπέδωκετά τrsquo ἄλλα καὶ πενίαν διδάξαςmicroὴ δυσχεραίνεινrsquo

Translation 41

14 As our visitor was speaking my father wept for a while in remem-brance of Lysis My brother smiled slightly [583D] as he commonly didand said to me lsquoWhat do we do Caphisias Do we sacrifice poverty tomoney and say nothingrsquo

lsquoCertainly notrsquo I said lsquoshe is our dear and ldquokindly nurserdquo134 defendher itrsquos for you to speakrsquo

lsquoWell fatherrsquo he said lsquothe only135 fear I had of our familyrsquos being con-quered by money concerned Caphisiasrsquo person which needs fine clothingfor him to show off proudly to all his lovers and generous rations to makehim strong enough for the gymnasia and the wrestling-bouts But as hedoes not betray poverty or as it were lose the sharp edge he has inher-ited136 but [583E] mere boy though he is prides himself on economy andis content with what he has what way of using or disposing of the moneycould we have Are we to gild our weapons or decorate our shield withpurple and gold like the Athenian Nicias137 Or buy you a Milesian138

cloak father or my mother a dress with a purple border We surely shanrsquotspend the gi on our stomachs giving ourselves more expensive dinnersas though wealth was a burdensome guest to be entertainedrsquo

lsquoFor goodnessrsquo sake childrsquo said my father lsquolet me not live to see [583F]that kind of change in our lifersquo

lsquoNeither shall we sit back and keep our riches idle at homersquo went onEpaminondas lsquofor in that case the grace would be graceless and the pos-session bring no honourrsquo

lsquoOf coursersquo said my fatherlsquoWellrsquo said Epaminondas lsquowhen Jason the Thessalian ruler139 sent us

a large sum of money here recently and asked us to accept it I was seenas rather rude when I replied that he was actually an aggressor becausein his passion for monarchical rule he was trying to bribe an ordinary cit-izen of a free and independent city [584A] But I accept and very muchappreciate your concern sir for it is noble and worthy of a philosopherbut you have come bringing medicine for friends who are not ill If youhad heard that we were at war and had come over to help us with armsand missiles and then found all peace and friendship you wouldnrsquot havethought it right to give us these things and leave them with us when wewere in no need of them In the same way you have come to be our allyagainst poverty assuming that she was a trouble to us but in fact she isvery easy for us to bear and is a dear member of our family So we needno money as a weapon against her since she does us no harm [584B] Tellyour acquaintances140 over there that while they use wealth most noblythey have friends here who use poverty nobly tell them that Lysis has him-

42 Text (15584Bndash 15584F)

15 Ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεάνωρ lsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸ πενίαν δυσχεραίνειν ἀγεν-νές ἐστι τὸ δὲ πλοῦτον δεδιέναι καὶ φεύγειν οὐκ ἄτοπονrsquo

⟨rsquoἄτοπονrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας⟩ lsquoεἰ microὴ λόγῳ τις αὐτὸν ἀλλὰ σχη-microατιζόmicroενος ἢ διrsquo ἀπειροκαλίαν ἢ τῦφόν τινα διωθεῖταιrsquo

lsquoκαὶ τίς ἄνrsquo ἔφη lsquoλόγος ἀπείργοι τὴν ἐκ καλῶν καὶ δικαίων κτῆσιν ὦ584C Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα microᾶλλον δὲ (πραότερον γὰρ ἡmicroῖν ἢ τῷ Θετταλῷ πρὸς τὰς

ἀποκρίσεις ἐνδίδου σαυτὸν ὑπὲρ τούτων) εἰπέ microοι πότερον ἡγῇ δόσινmicroὲν εἶναί τινα χρηmicroάτων ὀρθὴν λῆψιν δὲ microηδεmicroίαν ἢ καὶ τοὺς διδόνταςἁmicroαρτάνειν πάντως καὶ τοὺς λαmicroβάνονταςrsquo

lsquoοὐδαmicroῶςrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἀλλrsquo ὥσπερ ἄλλου τινὸς ἐγὼ καὶπλούτου χάριν τε καὶ κτῆσιν εἶναι νοmicroίζω τὴν microὲν αἰσχρὰν τὴν δrsquo ἀστεί-ανrsquo

lsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη ὁ Θεάνωρ lsquoὁ ἃ ὀφείλων διδοὺς ἑκουσίως καὶ προθύmicroωςοὐ καλῶς δίδωσινrsquo

ὡmicroολόγησενlsquoὁ δrsquo ἅ τις καλῶς δίδωσι δεξάmicroενος οὐ καλῶς εἴληφεν ἢ γένοιτrsquo ἂν

δικαιοτέρα χρηmicroάτων λῆψις τῆς παρὰ τοῦ δικαίως διδόντοςrsquo584D lsquoοὐκ ἄνrsquo ἔφη lsquoγένοιτοrsquo lsquoδυεῖν ἄρα φίλωνrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδα εἰ

θατέρῳ δοτέον θατέρῳ δήπου ληπτέον ἐν microὲν γὰρ ταῖς microάχαις τὸν εὖβάλλοντα τῶν πολεmicroίων ἐκκλιτέον ἐν δὲ ταῖς χάρισι τὸν καλῶς διδόν-τα τῶν φίλων οὔτε φεύγειν οὔτrsquo ἀπωθεῖσθαι δίκαιον εἰ γὰρ ἡ πενία microὴδυσχερές οὐδrsquo αὖ πάλιν ὁ πλοῦτος οὕτως ἄτιmicroος καὶ ἀπόβλητοςrsquo

lsquoοὐ γὰρ οὖνrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας lsquoἀλλrsquo ἔστιν ὅτῳ microὴ λαβόντι τὸκαλῶς διδόmicroενον τιmicroιώτερον ὑπάρχει καὶ κάλλιον οὑτωσὶ δrsquo ἐπίσκεψαιmicroεθrsquo ἡmicroῶν εἰσὶ δήπουθεν ἐπιθυmicroίαι πολλαὶ καὶ πολλῶν ἔνιαι microὲν ἔmicro-

584E φυτοι λεγόmicroεναι καὶ περὶ τὸ σῶmicroα βλαστάνουσαι πρὸς τὰς ἀναγκαίαςἡδονάς αἱ δrsquo ἐπήλυδες αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν δοξῶν ἰσχὺν δὲ καὶβίαν ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ συνηθείας ἐν τροφῇ microοχθηρᾷ λαβοῦσαι πολλάκιςἕλκουσι καὶ ταπεινοῦσι τὴν ψυχὴν ἐρρωmicroενέστερον τῶν ἀναγκαίωνἔθει δὲ καὶ microελέτῃ πολὺ microέν τις ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἐmicroφύτων ἀπαρύσαι παθῶντῷ λόγῳ παρέσχε τὸ δὲ πᾶν τῆς ἀσκήσεως κράτος ὦ φίλε ταῖς ἐπεισ-οδίοις καὶ περιτταῖς προσάγοντας ἐπιθυmicroίαις ἐκπονεῖν χρὴ καὶ ἀπο-κόπτειν αὐτὰς ἀνείρξεσι καὶ κατοχαῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου κολαζοmicroένας εἰ

584F γὰρ δίψαν ἐκβιάζεται καὶ πεῖναν ἡ πρὸς τροφὴν καὶ ποτὸν ἀντίβασιςτοῦ λογισmicroοῦ microακρῷ δήπου ῥᾷόν ἐστι φιλοπλουτίαν κολοῦσαι καὶ φι-

Translation 43

self paid us for his keep and his burial most of all by teaching us not tocomplain of povertyrsquo15 lsquoAnd sorsquo replied Theanor lsquoitrsquos mean (is it) to complain of povertybut not absurd to fear and shun wealthrsquo

lsquoltNo that is absurdrsquo said Epaminondasgt141 unless one rejects it on rea-sonable grounds and not just as an affectation or through some sort of badtaste or cantrsquo

lsquoAnd what reason Epaminondasrsquo said Theanor lsquomight prevent the ac-quisition of wealth by honourable and just means Or rather ndash and pleaseallow yourself to answer us about this more gently than you answered theThessalian ndash [584C] tell me do you think it is sometimes right to offermoney but never right to accept it Or that offer and acceptance are al-ways equally wrongrsquo

lsquoNot at allrsquo said Epaminondas lsquoI think that both the bestowal and theacquisition of wealth (as of anything else) may be either disgraceful or vir-tuousrsquo

lsquoWell thenrsquo said Theanor lsquodoes not a debtor who pays up willingly acthonourably in so doingrsquo

He agreedlsquoAnd is not acceptance of an honourable offer itself honourable Can

there be a juster way of accepting money than from an offer justly madersquo[584D] lsquoNo there canrsquotrsquo he said lsquoAnd therefore Epaminondasrsquo said theother lsquoif one of two friends has an obligation to give the other has an obli-gation to receive In ba les one has to avoid the enemyrsquos good shots butin doing favours it is wrong to avoid or reject a friend who makes an hon-ourable offer If poverty is nothing disagreeable neither is wealth to beundervalued or rejectedrsquo

lsquoNorsquo said Epaminondas lsquobut there are people for whom an honourableoffer is more valuable and more honourable if they do not accept it Lookat it like this as we do There are many desires and many objects of desireSome desires are said to be innate and develop in the body with referenceto necessary pleasures [584E] Others are adventitious these arising outof142 empty fancies but acquiring strength and force in time and by habitthrough bad upbringing frequently drag down and depress the soul moreeffectively than the necessary desires By habit and practice men havebeen able to let reason draw off a good deal even of the innate passionbut it is on the intrusive unnecessary desires my friend that we need todeploy the full force of exercise and work to eradicate them by restraintsand inhibitions as they are brought under control by reason If [584F] theresistance of reason to food and drink can force out thirst and hunger it is

44 Text (15584Fndash 15585D)

λοδοξίαν ἀποχαῖς ὧν ἐφίενται καὶ ἀνείρξεσιν εἰς τέλος καταλυθείσαςἢ οὐ δοκεῖ σοιrsquo

ὡmicroολόγησεν ὁ ξένοςlsquoἆρrsquo οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoδιαφορὰν ὁρᾷς ἀσκήσεως καὶ τοῦ πρὸς ὃ ἡ ἄσκησις

ἔργου καὶ καθάπερ ἀθλητικῆς ἔργον microὲν ἂν εἴποις τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ στε-φάνου πρὸς τὸν ἀντίπαλον ἅmicroιλλαν ἄσκησιν δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦτο διὰ τῶνγυmicroνασίων παρασκευὴν τοῦ σώmicroατος οὕτω καὶ ἀρετῆς ὁmicroολογεῖς τὸmicroὲν ἔργον εἶναι τὸ δrsquo ἄσκησινrsquo

ὁmicroολογήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ξένου lsquoφέρε τοίνυν πρῶτονrsquo εἶπε lsquoτῆς ἐγκρα-585A τείας τὸ τῶν αἰσχρῶν καὶ παρανόmicroων ἡδονῶν ἀπέχεσθαι πότερον ἄ-

σκησιν | ἢ microᾶλλον ἔργον καὶ ἀπόδειξιν ἀσκήσεως εἶναι νοmicroίζειςrsquolsquoἔργονrsquo εἶπεν lsquoἐγὼ καὶ ἀπόδειξινrsquolsquoἄσκησιν δὲ καὶ microελέτην microετὰ ἐγκρατείας οὐχ ἥνπερ ἔτι νῦν ἐπιδεί-

κνυσθε πάντες ὑmicroεῖς ὅταν γυmicroναζόmicroενοι καὶ κινήσαντες ὥσπερ ζῷατὰς ὀρέξεις ἐπιστῆτε λαmicroπραῖς τραπέζαις καὶ ποικίλοις ἐδέσmicroασι πο-λὺν χρόνον εἶτα ταῦτα τοῖς οἰκέταις ὑmicroῶν εὐωχεῖσθαι παραδόντες αὐ-τοὶ τὰ λιτὰ καὶ ἁπλᾶ προσφέρησθε κεκολασmicroέναις ἤδη ταῖς ἐπιθυmicroίαιςἡ γὰρ ἐν οἷς ἔξεστιν ἀποχὴ τῶν ἡδονῶν ἄσκησίς ἐστι τῇ ψυχῇ πρὸς ἃκεκώλυταιrsquo

lsquoπάνυ microὲν οὖνrsquo εἶπεν585B lsquoἔστιν οὖν τις ὦ φίλε καὶ δικαιοσύνης πρὸς φιλοπλουτίαν καὶ φι-

λαργυρίαν ἄσκησις οὐ τὸ microὴ κλέπτειν ἐπιόντα νύκτωρ τὰ τῶν πέλαςmicroηδὲ λωποδυτεῖν οὐδrsquo εἰ microὴ προδίδωσί τις πατρίδα καὶ φίλους διrsquo ἀρ-γύριον οὗτος ἀσκεῖ πρὸς φιλαργυρίαν (καὶ γὰρ ὁ νόmicroος ἴσως ἐνταῦθακαὶ ὁ φόβος ἀπείργει τὴν πλεονεξίαν τοῦ ἀδικεῖν) ἀλλrsquo ὁ τῶν δικαίωνκαὶ συγκεχωρηmicroένων ὑπὸ τοῦ νόmicroου κερδῶν πολλάκις ἀφιστὰς ἑαυ-τὸν ἑκουσίως ἀσκεῖ καὶ προσεθίζεται microακρὰν εἶναι παντὸς ἀδίκου καὶπαρανόmicroου λήmicromicroατος οὔτε γὰρ ἐν ἡδοναῖς microεγάλαις microὲν ἀτόποις δὲ

585C καὶ βλαβεραῖς οἷόν τε τὴν διάνοιαν ἠρεmicroεῖν microὴ πολλάκις ἐν ἐξουσίᾳτοῦ ἀπολαύειν καταφρονήσασαν οὔτε λήmicromicroατα microοχθηρὰ καὶ πλεονε-ξίας microεγάλας εἰς ἐφικτὸν ἡκούσας ὑπερβῆναι ῥᾴδιον ᾧτινι microὴ πόρρω-θεν ἐνδέδωκε καὶ κεκόλασται τὸ φιλοκερδές ἀλλrsquo ⟨ἐν⟩ οἷς ἔξεστιν ἀνέ-δην εἰς τὸ κερδαίνειν ἀνατεθραmicromicroένον ὁ γὰρ σπαργᾷ περὶ τῆς ἀδικί-ας microάλα microόλις καὶ χαλεπῶς τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπεχόmicroενον ἀνδρὶ δὲ microὴφίλων προϊεmicroένῳ χάρισι microὴ βασιλέων δωρεαῖς αὑτόν ἀλλὰ καὶ τύχηςκλῆρον ἀπειπαmicroένῳ καὶ θησαυροῦ φανέντος ἐπιπηδῶσαν ἀποστήσαν-τι τὴν φιλοπλουτίαν οὐκ ἐπανίσταται πρὸς τὰς ἀδικίας οὐδὲ θορυβεῖ

585D τὴν διάνοιαν ἀλλrsquo εὐκόλως χρῆται πρὸς τὸ καλὸν αὑτῷ microέγα φρονῶνκαὶ τὰ κάλλιστα τῇ ψυχῇ συνειδώς τούτων ἐγὼ καὶ Καφισίας ἐρασταὶτῶν ἀγώνων ὄντες ὦ φίλε Σιmicromicroία παραιτούmicroεθα τὸν ξένον ἐᾶν ἡmicroᾶςἱκανῶς ἐγγυmicroνάσασθαι τῇ πενίᾳ πρὸς τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐκείνηνrsquo

Translation 45

surely far easier to curtail and ultimately to eliminate love of wealth andlove of reputation by denying them their objects and keeping them underrestraint Donrsquot you think sorsquo

The stranger agreedlsquoThen do you see the difference between exercise and the activity to-

wards which the exercise is directed You might say that in athletics thecontest against the opponent for the crown is the work and the prepara-tion of the body for this in the gymnasia is the exercise Do you now agreethat in virtue too there is both work and exercisersquo

The stranger agreed again lsquoWell thenrsquo said Epaminondas143 lsquofirst ofall do you think that abstinence from base and unlawful pleasures is anexercise of continence [585A] or rather a work and demonstration of itrsquo144

lsquoA work and demonstrationrsquo he saidlsquoAnd is it not exercise and practice of continence that you Pythagoreans

still display145 when by way of exercise you excite your desire146 likeanimals and stand a long time in front of splendidly set tables and a greatvariety of food only to pass it all over to your servants to feast on offeringyour own now chastened appetites only plain and simple fare Abstinencefrom permi ed pleasures is training for the soul to resist the forbiddenrsquo

lsquoYes indeedrsquo he saidlsquoThen my friendrsquo he said [585B] lsquothere is training also for justice147 to

prevent greed and avarice and itrsquos not just abstaining from going out in thenight to rob or mug your neighbours Nor if a man just abstains from be-traying friends or country for money is he training to avoid avarice in hiscase itrsquos probably the law and fear which restrain his greed from commit-ting a crime It is the man who voluntarily and habitually distances himselffrom perfectly proper and legally permi ed profits who is training and ac-customing himself to keep a long way away from any unjust or illegal gainIt is impossible to keep the mind at rest in the presence of intense but ab-normal and harmful pleasures unless it has repeatedly [585C] scornedenjoyments which were open to it Nor is it easy to rise above dishonestprofits and great material advantages that come within reach if onersquos loveof gain has not yielded148 and been chastened long before but has ratherbeen bred to take any permissible profit without restraint swells to burst-ing and is only with great difficulty kept back from seizing any chance ofgain If a man has not surrendered to friendsrsquo favours or kingsrsquo gi s buthas even declined a lucky windfall and checked his love of riches when itpounced on a treasure just come to light his greedy impulse does not riseup to commit crimes or throw his mind into confusion [585D] Proud andwith his conscience clear he deploys himself contentedly for honourableends Caphisias and I my dear Simmias are enamoured of these ba les149

46 Text (16585Dndash 17586B)

16 Ταῦτα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον δὶς ἢ τρὶς ἐπινεύ-σας τῇ κεφαλῇ lsquomicroέγαςrsquo ἔφη lsquomicroέγας ἀνήρ ἐστιν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας τούτουδrsquo αἴτιος οὑτοσὶ Πολύmicroνις ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν ἀρίστην τροφὴν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳτοῖς παισὶ παρασκευασάmicroενος ἀλλὰ περὶ microὲν τούτων αὐτοὶ διαλύεσθε

585E πρὸς αὑτούς ὦ ξένε τὸν δὲ Λῦσιν ἡmicroῖν εἰ θέmicroις ἀκοῦσαι πότερον ἄρακινεῖς ἐκ τοῦ τάφου καὶ microετοικίζεις εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἢ καταmicroένειν ἐνταῦθαπαρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἐάσεις εὐmicroενέσι καὶ φίλοις ὅταν ἐκεῖ γενώmicroεθα συνοίκοιςχρησόmicroενονrsquo

καὶ ὁ Θεάνωρ ἐπιmicroειδιάσας lsquoἔοικενrsquo ἔφη lsquoΛῦσις ὦ Σιmicromicroία φιλοχω-ρεῖν οὐδενὸς τῶν καλῶν ἐνδεὴς γεγονὼς διrsquo Ἐπαmicroεινώνδαν ἔστι γάρτι γιγνόmicroενον ἰδίᾳ περὶ τὰς ταφὰς τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ὅσιον οὗ microὴ τυ-χόντες οὐ δοκοῦmicroεν ἀπέχειν τὸ microακαριστὸν καὶ οἰκεῖον τέλος ὡς οὖνἔγνωmicroεν ἐκ τῶν ὀνείρων τὴν Λύσιδος τελευτήν (διαγιγνώσκοmicroεν δὲ ση-

585F microείῳ τινὶ φαινοmicroένῳ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἴτε τεθνηκότος εἴτε ζῶντος εἴ-δωλόν ἐστιν) ἔννοια πολλοῖς ἐπεισῆλθεν ὡς ἐπὶ ξένης ὁ Λῦσις ἄλλωςκεκήδευται καὶ κινητέος ἐστὶν ἡmicroῖν ὅπως ἐκεῖ microεταλάχῃ τῶν νοmicroιζοmicroέ-νων τοιαύτῃ δὲ διανοίᾳ παραγενόmicroενος καὶ πρὸς τὸν τάφον εὐθὺς ὑπὸτῶν ἐγχωρίων ὁδηγηθεὶς ἑσπέρας ἤδη χοὰς ἐχεόmicroην ἀνακαλούmicroενοςτὴν Λύσιδος ψυχὴν κατελθεῖν ἀποθεσπίσουσαν ὡς χρὴ ταῦτα πράσ-σειν προϊούσης δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς εἶδον microὲν οὐδέν ἀκοῦσαι δὲ φωνῆς ἔδοξατὰ ἀκίνητα microὴ κινεῖν ὁσίως γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων κεκηδεῦσθαι τὸ Λύσι-δος σῶmicroα τὴν δὲ ψυχὴν ἤδη κεκριmicroένην ἀφεῖσθαι πρὸς ἄλλην γένεσιν

586A ἄλλῳ δαίmicroονι συλλαχοῦσαν καὶ microέντοι καὶ συmicroβαλὼν ἕωθεν Ἐπαmicroει-νώνδᾳ | καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἀκούσας ᾧ θάψειε Λῦσιν ἐπέγνων ὅτι καλῶςἄχρι τῶν ἀπορρήτων πεπαιδευmicroένος ὑπrsquo ἐκείνου τἀνδρὸς εἴη καὶ χρῷ-το ταὐτῷ δαίmicroονι πρὸς τὸν βίον εἰ microὴ κακὸς ἐγὼ τεκmicroήρασθαι τῷ πλῷτὸν κυβερνήτην Μυρίαι microὲν γὰρ ἀτραποὶ βίων ὀλίγαι δrsquo ἃς δαίmicroονεςἀνθρώπους ἄγουσινrsquo ὁ microὲν οὖν Θεάνωρ ταῦτrsquo εἰπὼν τῷ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδᾳπροσέβλεψεν οἷον ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἀναθεώmicroενος αὐτοῦ τὴν φύσιν τὸ εἶδος17 Ἐν τούτῳ δrsquo ὁ microὲν ἰατρὸς προσελθὼν περιέλυσε τοῦ Σιmicromicroίου τὸν

586B ἐπίδεσmicroον ὡς θεραπεύσων τὸ σῶmicroα Φυλλίδας δrsquo ἐπεισελθὼν microεθrsquo Ἱπ-ποσθενείδου καὶ κελεύσας ἐmicroὲ καὶ Χάρωνα καὶ Θεόκριτον ἐξαναστῆ-ναι προσῆγεν εἴς τινα γωνίαν τοῦ περιστύλου σφόδρα τεταραγmicroένοςὡς διεφαίνετο τῷ προσώπῳ κἀmicroοῦ lsquomicroή τι καινότερον ὦ Φυλλίδα προσ-πέπτωκενrsquo εἰπόντος lsquoἐmicroοὶ microὲν οὐδένrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαινόν ὦ Καφισία καὶ γὰρπροῄδειν καὶ προύλεγον ὑmicroῖν τὴν Ἱπποσθενείδου microαλακίαν δεόmicroενοςmicroὴ ἀνακοινοῦσθαι microηδὲ παραλαmicroβάνειν εἰς τὴν πρᾶξινrsquo

ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τὸν λόγον ἡmicroῶν ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquomicroὴ λέγε πρὸςθεῶνrsquo ἔφη lsquoΦυλλίδα ταῦτα microηδὲ τὴν προπέτειαν εὐτολmicroίαν οἰόmicroενοςἀνατρέψῃς καὶ ἡmicroᾶς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀλλrsquo ἔασον ἀσφαλῶς εἴπερ εἵmicroαρ-

Translation 47

and we are asking our guest to let us train ourselves properly by povertyto acquire this virtuersquo16 When my brother had finished Simmias nodded some two or threetimes150 lsquoA great manrsquo he said lsquoa great man is Epaminondas and Polym-nis here is responsible because he has given his children the best upbring-ing in philosophy right from the start But you must se le this issue be-tween yourselves sir151 [585E] As to Lysis if we are allowed to hear areyou moving him from his grave and se ling him in Italy or will you lethim stay here with us so that he can have our company as friends andwellwishers when we pass to the other sidersquo152

lsquoSimmiasrsquo said Theanor smiling at him lsquoLysis I fancy is at home wherehe is and thanks to Epaminondas he lacks no honour There is a privateobservance at Pythagoreansrsquo burials and if we do not receive it we thinkwe do not have our proper blessed end When we learned from dreams ofLysisrsquo end (we can tell from a certain sign in dreams [585F] whether thevision is of a dead or a living person)153 many formed the notion that Lysishad been buried in a foreign land without our rites and ought to be movedso as to have his due portion in the other world154 It was with this in mindthat I came here and was at once guided to the tomb by the local people Itwas evening I poured a libation and summoned Lysisrsquo soul to return andreveal how I should go about this In the course of the night I saw nothingbut I seemed to hear a voice bidding me lsquonot move the unmoveablersquo155 Ly-sisrsquo body (the voice declared) had been buried with due rites by his friendsand his soul had already been judged and released to another birth allot-ted now to another daimon156 In the morning when I met Epaminondas[586A] and heard how he had buried Lysis I realized that he had beenwell instructed by the man himself even in the secrets and had the samedaimon to guide him in life if I am any good at guessing the pilot by thecourse he sets Paths of lives are innumerable but there are only a few bywhich daimones guide humansrsquo Having said this Theanor looked hard atEpaminondas as though studying his characteristics157 afresh17 Meanwhile the doctor had come and loosened Simmiasrsquo bandageprior to making him comfortable Phyllidas [586B] had also come in withHipposthenidas158 He asked me Charon and Theocritus to get up andled us into a corner of the colonnade His face showed that he was deeplydisturbed and when I asked lsquoHas anything new happened Phyllidasrsquohe replied lsquoNothing that was new to me Caphisias I foresaw Hippo-sthenidasrsquo weakness and I told you and begged you not to share our planswith him or involve him in themrsquo

We were aghast at this lsquoFor heavenrsquos sake Phyllidasrsquo said Hippos-thenidas lsquodonrsquot talk like that Donrsquot mistake rashness for courage and ruinus and the city Let the men come home safely if they are fated to do sorsquo

48 Text (17586Cndash 17587A)

586C ται κατελθεῖν τοὺς ἄνδραςrsquo καὶ ὁ Φυλλίδας παροξυνόmicroενος lsquoεἰπέ microοιrsquoφησίν lsquoὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα πόσους οἴει microετέχειν τῶν ἀπορρήτων εἰς τὴνπρᾶξιν ἡmicroῖνrsquo

lsquoἐγὼ microένrsquo εἶπεν lsquoοὐκ ἐλάσσους ἢ τριάκοντα γιγνώσκωrsquolsquoτί οὖνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος ὄντων τὰ πᾶσι δόξαντα microόνος ἀνῄ-

ρηκας καὶ διακεκώλυκας ἐκπέmicroψας ἱππέα πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤδη καθrsquoὁδὸν ὄντας ἀναστρέφειν κελεύσας καὶ microὴ κατατεῖναι σήmicroερον ὅτε τῶν

πρὸς τὴν κάθοδον αὐτοῖς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τὸ αὐτόmicroατον συmicroπαρεσκεύ-ασενrsquo

586D εἰπόντος δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ Φυλλίδου πάντες microὲν διεταράχθηmicroεν ὁ δὲ Χά-ρων τῷ Ἱπποσθενείδᾳ πάνυ σκληρῶς τὴν ὄψιν ἐνερείσας lsquoὦ microοχθηρέrsquoεἶπεν lsquoἄνθρωπε τί δέδρακας ἡmicroᾶςrsquo lsquoοὐδένrsquo ἔφη lsquoδεινόνrsquo ὁ Ἱπποσθενεί-δας lsquoἐὰν ἀνεὶς τὴν τραχύτητα τῆς φωνῆς ἀνδρὸς ἡλικιώτου καὶ πολιὰςπαραπλησίως ἔχοντος λογισmicroῶν microετάσχῃς εἰ microὲν γὰρ εὐψυχίαν φιλο-κίνδυνον ἀποδείξασθαι τοῖς πολίταις καὶ θυmicroὸν ὀλιγωροῦντα τοῦ βίουπροῃρήmicroεθα Φυλλίδα πολὺ τὸ τῆς ἡmicroέρας microῆκος ἔτι καὶ τὴν ἑσπέ-ραν microὴ περιmicroένωmicroεν ἀλλrsquo ἤδη βαδίζωmicroεν ἐπὶ τοὺς τυράννους τὰ ξίφηλαβόντες ἀποκτιννύωmicroεν ἀποθνήσκωmicroεν ἀφειδῶmicroεν ἑαυτῶν εἰ δὲ

586E ταῦτα microὲν οὔτε δρᾶσαι χαλεπὸν οὔτε παθεῖν ἐξελέσθαι δὲ τὰς Θήβαςὅπλων τοσούτων πολεmicroίων περιεχόντων καὶ τὴν Σπαρτιατῶν φρου-ρὰν ἀπώσασθαι δυσὶ νεκροῖς ἢ τρισὶν οὐ ῥᾴδιον (οὐδὲ γὰρ τοσοῦτον εἰςτὰ συmicroπόσια καὶ τὰς ὑποδοχὰς παρεσκεύακε Φυλλίδας ἄκρατον ὥστετοὺς χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους Ἀρχία microεθυσθῆναι δορυφόρους ἀλλὰκἂν ἐκεῖνον ἀνέλωmicroεν ἐφεδρεύει τῇ νυκτὶ νήφων Ἡριππίδας καὶ Ἄρκε-σος) τί σπεύδοmicroεν κατάγειν φίλους καὶ οἰκείους ἄνδρας ἐπὶ προῦπτονὄλεθρον καὶ τοῦτο microηδrsquo ἀγνοούντων τῶν ἐχθρῶν παντάπασι τὴν κά-θοδον διὰ τί γὰρ Θεσπιεῦσι microὲν παρήγγελται τρίτην ἡmicroέραν ταύτην ἐν

586F τοῖς ὅπλοις εἶναι καὶ προσέχειν ὅταν οἱ Σπαρτιατῶν ἡγεmicroόνες καλῶ-σιν Ἀmicroφίθεον δὲ σήmicroερον ὡς πυνθάνοmicroαι microέλλουσιν ἀνακρίναντεςὅταν Ἀρχίας ἐπανέλθῃ διαφθερεῖν οὐ microεγάλα ταῦτα σηmicroεῖα τοῦ microὴλανθάνειν τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐ κράτιστον ἐπισχεῖν χρόνον οὐχὶ πολὺν ἀλλrsquoὅσον ἐξοσιώσασθαι τὰ θεῖα καὶ γὰρ οἱ microάντεις τῇ Δήmicroητρι τὸν βοῦνθύοντες πολὺν θόρυβον καὶ κίνδυνον λέγουσι δηmicroόσιον ἀποσηmicroαίνειντὰ ἔmicroπυρα καὶ τὸ σοὶ πλείστης δεόmicroενον ὦ Χάρων εὐλαβείας ἐχθὲςἐξἀγροῦ microοι συνοδεύων Ὑπατόδωρος ὁ Ἐριάνθους χρηστὸς microὲν ἄλλως

587A καὶ οἰκεῖος ἀνὴρ οὐδὲν δὲ τῶν πρασσοmicroένων συνειδώς | bdquoἔστι σοιldquo φη-σίν bdquoὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα Χάρων ἑταῖρος ἐmicroοὶ δrsquo οὐ πάνυ συνήθης ἐὰν οὖνδοκῇ σοι φράσον αὐτῷ φυλάττεσθαί τινα κίνδυνον ἐξ ἐνυπνίου microάλαδυσχεροῦς καὶ ἀτόπου τῆς γὰρ ἄλλης νυκτὸς ᾤmicroην αὐτοῦ τὴν οἰκίανὠδίνειν ὥσπερ κύουσαν αὐτὸν δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους συναγωνιῶντας εὔ-χεσθαι καὶ κύκλῳ παρεῖναι τὴν δὲ microυκᾶσθαι καὶ ἀφιέναι φωνάς τινας

Translation 49

[586C] Phyllidas was annoyed lsquoTell me Hipposthenidasrsquo he said lsquohowmany people do you suppose share the secrets of our planrsquo

lsquoI know at least thirtyrsquo he saidlsquoThen why when there are so many of us have you alone upset and

frustrated what was unanimously agreed by sending a rider to the menwhen they were already on their way telling them to turn back and not

press on today ndash when chance too has provided most of the condition fortheir returnrsquo

Phyllidasrsquo speech threw us all into confusion [586D] Charon staredhard and fiercely at Hipposthenidas lsquoWretchrsquo he said lsquowhat have youdone to usrsquo lsquoNothing very dreadfulrsquo said Hipposthenidas lsquoif only youwill so en your tone of voice and share the thinking of a man of your ownage who has just as many grey hairs as you If we are determined Phyl-lidas to demonstrate to our fellow-citizens our courage our readiness totake risks and a spirit that recks li le of life therersquos much of the day le letrsquos not wait till evening but pick up our swords and go for the tyrantsletrsquos kill and die and not spare ourselves But while therersquos no difficulty inkilling and dying itrsquos not easy [586E] to rescue Thebes with the hostilearmy all around or to drive out the Spartan garrison at the cost of two orthree dead I donrsquot suppose Phyllidas has provided enough wine for theparty and the entertainment to make Archiasrsquo fi een hundred guards alldrunk Anyway if we kill him Herippidas and Arcesus159 are on nightguard and sober So why are we in a hurry to bring our friends and kins-men home to certain death when even the enemy knows something abouttheir return Why were the Thespians160 ordered [586F] to be in arms twodays ago and hold themselves ready for orders from the Spartan comman-ders161 And I hear they intend to question Amphitheus162 today and puthim to death when Archias comes back Are not these strong signs thatour plan is discovered Would it not be best to wait a while ndash not long butenough to propitiate heaven The seers sacrificing the ox to Demeter163

say that the burnt offerings indicate great trouble and public danger Andtherersquos something that needs particular care on your part Charon on myway back from the country yesterday I had the company of Hypatodorusthe son of Erianthes164 a good man and a connection of mine but know-ing nothing of what is being planned [587A] He said to me ldquoCharon isa friend of yours Hipposthenidas but I am not at all familiar with himplease tell him (if you think it right) to beware of a danger threatened by avery unpleasant and strange dream Last night I dreamed that his housewas groaning as if in labour and he and his friends were standing roundand praying in great anxiety for it the house groaned and u ered inartic-

50 Text (17587Andash 18587F)

ἀνάρθρους τέλος δὲ πῦρ λάmicroψαι πολὺ καὶ δεινὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔνδοθεν ὡς587B τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς πόλεως φλέγεσθαι τὴν δὲ Καδmicroείαν καπνῷ microόνῳ περι-

έχεσθαι τὸ δὲ πῦρ ἄνω microὴ ἐπιπολάζεινldquo ἡ microὲν οὖν ὄψις ὦ Χάρων ἣν ὁἄνθρωπος διεξῆλθε τοιαύτη τις ἦν ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ παραχρῆmicroα κατέδεισακαὶ πολὺ microᾶλλον ἀκούσας σήmicroερον ὡς εἰς τὴν σὴν οἰκίαν οἱ φυγάδεςκαταίρειν microέλλουσιν ἀγωνιῶ microὴ microεγάλων κακῶν ἐmicroπλήσωmicroεν ἡmicroᾶςαὐτοὺς οὐδὲν ἀξιόλογον τοὺς πολεmicroίους δράσαντες ἀλλrsquo ὅσον διατα-ράξαντες τὴν γὰρ πόλιν πρὸς ἡmicroῶν τίθεmicroαι τὴν δὲ Καδmicroείαν ὥσπερἐστὶ πρὸς ἐκείνωνrsquo18 ὑπολαβὼν δrsquo ὁ Θεόκριτος καὶ κατασχὼν τὸν Χάρωνα βουλόmicroενονεἰπεῖν τι πρὸς τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν lsquoἀλλrsquo ἔmicroοιγrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoἀπrsquo οὐδενὸς οὕ-

587C τως οὐδέποτε θαρρῆσαι πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὦ Ἱπποσθενείδα παρέστηκαίπερ ἱεροῖς ἀεὶ χρησαmicroένῳ καλοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν φυγάδων ὡς ἀπὸ τῆςὄψεως ταύτης εἴ γε φῶς microὲν πολὺ καὶ λαmicroπρὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει λέγεις ἐξοἰκίας φίλης ἀνασχεῖν καπνῷ δὲ συmicromicroελανθῆναι τὸ τῶν πολεmicroίων οἰ-κητήριον οὐδὲν οὐδέποτε δακρύων καὶ ταραχῆς φέροντι κρεῖττον ἀσή-microους δὲ φωνὰς ἐκφέρεσθαι παρrsquo ἡmicroῶν ὥστε κἄν εἰ τις ἐπιχειρῇ κατη-γορεῖν περιφώνησιν ἀσαφῆ καὶ τυφλὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἡ πρᾶξις λαβοῦσαmicroόνον ἅmicroα καὶ φανήσεται καὶ κρατήσει δυσιερεῖν δέ γε θύοντας εἰκόςἡ γὰρ ἀρχὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερεῖον οὐ δηmicroόσιον ἀλλὰ τῶν κρατούντων ἐστίνrsquo

587D ἔτι δὲ τοῦ Θεοκρίτου λέγοντος λέγω πρὸς τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν lsquoτίναπρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐξαπέστειλας εἰ γὰρ οὐ πολὺ προείληφε διωξόmicroε-θαrsquo

καὶ ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquoοὐκ οἶδrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία (δεῖ γὰρ ὑmicroῖν τἀλη-θῆ λέγειν) εἰ καταλάβοις ἂν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἵππῳ χρώmicroενον τῶν ἐν Θή-βαις κρατίστῳ γνώριmicroος δrsquo ὑmicroῖν ὁ ἄνθρωπός ἐστι τῶν Μέλωνος ἁρmicroα-τηλατῶν ἐπιστάτης καὶ διὰ Μέλωνα τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀπrsquo ἀρχῆς συνειδώςrsquo

κἀγὼ κατιδὼν τὸν ἄνθρωπον lsquoἆρrsquo οὐ Χλίδωνα λέγειςrsquo εἶπον lsquoὦ Ἱπ-ποσθενείδα τὸν κέλητι τὰ Ἡρά⟨κλε⟩ια νικῶντα πέρυσινrsquo

lsquoἐκεῖνον microὲν οὖν αὐτόνrsquo ἔφησεlsquoκαὶ τίς οὗτοςrsquo ἔφην lsquoἐστὶν ὁ πρὸς ταῖς αὐλείοις θύραις ἐφεστὼς πά-

λαι καὶ προσβλέπων ἡmicroῖνrsquo587E ἐπιστρέψας οὖν ὁ Ἱπποσθενείδας lsquoΧλίδωνrsquo ἔφη lsquoνὴ τὸν Ἡρακλέα

φεῦ microή τι χαλεπώτερον συmicroβέβηκεrsquoκἀκεῖνος ὡς εἶδεν ἡmicroᾶς προσέχοντας αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῆς θύρας ἡσυ-

χῆ προσῆγε τοῦ δrsquo Ἱπποσθενείδου νεύσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ λέγειν κελεύ-σαντος εἰς ἅπαντας lsquoοἶδrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoτοὺς ἄνδρας ἀκριβῶς Ἱπποσθενείδακαί σε microήτε κατrsquo οἶκον εὑρὼν microήτrsquo ἐπrsquo ἀγορᾶς δεῦρο πρὸς τούτους ἐτε-

587F κmicroαιρόmicroην ἥκειν καὶ συνέτεινον εὐθύς ἵνα microηδὲν ἀγνοῆτε τῶν γεγο-νότων ὡς γὰρ ἐκέλευσας τάχει παντὶ χρησάmicroενον ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἀπαν-τῆσαι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἰσῆλθον οἴκαδε ληψόmicroενος τὸν ἵππον αἰτοῦντι

Translation 51

ulate cries and ultimately a terrible great fire blazed up from within it sothat most of the city caught fire though the Cadmea was only envelopedin smoke [587B] the fire not rising so highrdquo That was the vision Charonthat my companion told me I was alarmed at the time but hearing todaythat the exiles are due to lodge in your house I am all the more anxiousthat we may bring disaster on ourselves without doing our enemies anyworthwhile harm beyond causing them some confusion For I interpretthe city as our side and the Cadmea as theirs as indeed it isrsquo

18 Charon was about to say something in reply to Hipposthenidas butTheocritus interrupted and stopped him lsquoFor my partrsquo he said lsquothough Ihave always had [587C] favourable omens from sacrifices on behalf of theexiles Hipposthenidas I have never encountered anything so hearteningfor our plans as this vision You tell me that a great bright light went upfrom a friendly house in the city while the enemiesrsquo base was darkenedby smoke which never produces anything be er than tears and confusionThen the sounds from our side were inarticulate and so even if there is ana empt to denounce us our affair will only produce a vague reverberationand a dim suspicion and will be revealed only in the moment of victoryAs for the bad omens at the sacrifice they are only to be expected for theoffice and the victim belong to those in power not to the peoplersquo

While Theocritus was still speaking I said to Hipposthenidas lsquoWhomdid you [587D] send to the men If he hasnrsquot a big start165 we will try tocatch him uprsquo

lsquoTo tell you the truth Caphisiasrsquo said Hipposthenidas lsquoas I must I donrsquotknow if you could catch him up for he is riding the best horse in ThebesYou all know the man ndash hersquos the head man of Melonrsquos166 charioteers andbecause of Melon he has been conscious of the plan from the beginningrsquo

Then I caught sight of the man lsquoDonrsquot you mean Chlidon167 Hippo-sthenidasrsquo I said lsquolast yearrsquos horse-race winner at the Heraclea168

lsquoThatrsquos the manrsquo he saidlsquoAnd whorsquos thisrsquo I said lsquowho has been standing at the street door look-

ing at us for quite a timersquo[587E] lsquoBy Heraclesrsquo he said turning round lsquoitrsquos Chlidon Oh I wonder ifsomething worse has happenedrsquo

As soon as Chlidon saw that we noticed him he stepped quietly for-ward from the door Hipposthenidas signed to him and told him to speakbefore us allhellip 169 lsquoI know these men perfectly well Hipposthenidasrsquo hesaid lsquoand when I couldnrsquot find you at home or in the agora I guessed thatyou had joined them here [587F] I lost no time in hurrying here so thatyou should all know everything that has happened When you orderedme to make all speed and rendezvous with the men on the mountain I

52 Text (18587Fndash 20588D)

δέ microοι τὸν χαλινὸν οὐκ εἶχεν ἡ γυνὴ δοῦναι ἀλλὰ διέτριβεν ἐν τῷ ταmicroι-είῳ πολὺν χρόνον ὡς δὲ ζητοῦσα καὶ σκευωρουmicroένη τὰ ἔνδον ἱκανῶςἀπολαύσασά microου τέλος ὡmicroολόγησε κεχρηκέναι τῷ γείτονι τὸν χαλινὸνἑσπέρας αἰτησαmicroένης αὐτοῦ τῆς γυναικός ἀγανακτοῦντος δrsquo ἐmicroοῦ καὶκακῶς αὐτὴν λέγοντος τρέπεται πρὸς δυσφηmicroίας ἀποτροπαίους ἐπα-

588A ρωmicroένη κακὰς ⟨microὲν⟩ ὁδοὺς κακὰς δrsquo ἐπανόδους | ἃ νὴ Δία πάντα τρέ-ψειαν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐκείνην οἱ θεοί τέλος δὲ microέχρι πληγῶν προαχθεὶς ὑπrsquoὀργῆς εἶτrsquo ὄχλου γειτόνων καὶ γυναικῶν συνδραmicroόντος αἴσχιστα ποιή-σας καὶ παθὼν microόλις ἀφῖγmicroαι πρὸς ὑmicroᾶς ὅπως ἄλλον ἐκπέmicroπητε πρὸςτοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς ἐmicroοῦ παντάπασιν ἐκστατικῶς ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ κα-κῶς ἔχοντοςrsquo

19 ἡmicroᾶς δέ τις ἔσχεν ἄτοπος microεταβολὴ τοῦ πάθους microικρὸν γὰρ ἔmicro-προσθεν τῷ κεκωλῦσθαι δυσχεραίνοντες πάλιν διὰ τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦκαιροῦ καὶ τὸ τάχος ὡς οὐκ οὔσης ἀναβολῆς εἰς ἀγωνίαν ὑπηγόmicroεθα

588B καὶ φόβον οὐ microὴν ἀλλrsquo ἐγὼ προσαγορεύσας τὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν καὶδεξιωσάmicroενος ἐθάρρυνον ὡς καὶ τῶν θεῶν παρακαλούντων ἐπὶ τὴνπρᾶξιν Ἐκ δὲ τούτου Φυλλίδας microὲν ᾤχετο τῆς ὑποδοχῆς ἐπιmicroελησόmicroε-νος καὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν εὐθὺς ἐνσείσων εἰς τὸν πότον Χάρων δὲ τῆς οἰκίας ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ Θεόκριτος πάλιν πρὸς τὸν Σιmicromicroίαν ἐπανήλθοmicroεν ὅπωςτῷ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδᾳ καιρὸν λαβόντες ἐντύχοιmicroεν20 οἱ δrsquo ἦσαν ἤδη πρόσω ζητήσεως οὐκ ἀγεννοῦς ἀλλrsquo ἧς ὀλίγον ἔmicroπρο-

588C σθεν οἱ περὶ Γαλαξίδωρον καὶ Φειδόλαον ἥψαντο διαποροῦντες τίνοςοὐσίας καὶ δυνάmicroεως εἴη τὸ Σωκράτους λεγόmicroενον δαιmicroόνιον ἃ microὲνοὖν πρὸς τὸν Γαλαξιδώρου λόγον ἀντεῖπεν ὁ Σιmicromicroίας οὐκ ἠκούσαmicroεναὐτὸς δὲ Σωκράτη microὲν ἔφη περὶ τούτων ἐρόmicroενός ποτε microὴ τυχεῖν ἀπο-κρίσεως διὸ microηδrsquo αὖθις ἐρέσθαι πολλάκις δrsquo αὐτῷ παραγενέσθαι τοὺςmicroὲν διrsquo ὄψεως ἐντυχεῖν θείῳ τινὶ λέγοντας ἀλαζόνας ἡγουmicroένῳ τοῖς δrsquoἀκοῦσαί τινος φωνῆς φάσκουσι προσέχοντι τὸν νοῦν καὶ διαπυνθανο-microένῳ microετὰ σπουδῆς lsquoὅθεν ἡmicroῖν παρίστατο σκοπουmicroένοις ἰδίᾳ πρὸς ἀλ-

588D λήλους ὑπονοεῖν microήποτε τὸ Σωκράτους δαιmicroόνιον οὐκ ὄψις ἀλλὰ φω-νῆς τινος αἴσθησις ἢ λόγου νόησις εἴη συνάπτοντος ἀτόπῳ τινὶ τρόπῳπρὸς αὐτόν ὥσπερ καὶ καθrsquo ὕπνον οὐκ ἔστι φωνή λόγων δέ τινων δό-ξας καὶ νοήσεις λαmicroβάνοντες οἴονται φθεγγοmicroένων ἀκούειν ἀλλὰ τοῖςmicroὲν ὡς ἀληθῶς ὄναρ ἡ τοιαύτη σύνεσις γίγνεται διrsquo ἡσυχίαν καὶ γαλή-νην τοῦ σώmicroατος ὅταν καθεύδωσι ⟨microᾶλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩ microόλιςἐπήκοον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχὴν τῶν κρειττόνων καὶ πεπνιγmicroένοι γε θορύβῳτῶν παθῶν καὶ περιαγωγῇ τῶν χρειῶν εἰσακοῦσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν τὴνδιάνοιαν οὐ δύνανται τοῖς δηλουmicroένοις

Translation 53

went home to fetch the horse But when I asked for the bridle my wifecouldnrsquot give it me She stayed a long time in the storehouse and when170

she had fooled me long enough pretending to search for it and check thecontents of the store she finally confessed that she had lend the bridle toour neighbour the evening before at his wifersquos request I was angry andsaid some bad things about her she resorted to cursing me quite abom-inably wishing me a bad journey and a bad return [588A] May the godsvisit as much on her In the end I was provoked to strike her in angerand a crowd of neighbours and their wives gathered around us What Idid then and what I suffered was an absolute disgrace and Irsquove only justmanaged to get to you so that you can send someone else out to the menbecause Irsquom quite beside myself for the moment and in a very bad wayrsquo19 We now experienced an extraordinary change of feeling A li le be-fore we had felt frustrated by the obstacles now the urgency of the situ-ation and the speed of events brought us once again to an agony of fearThere was no pu ing things off [588B] I spoke to Hipposthenidas andclasped him by the hand to give him heart the gods too (I said) were urg-ing us to act Phyllidas then departed to see to the reception of his guestsand to contrive to get Archias drinking at once Charon ltwent to see togthis househellip171 Theocritus and I returned to Simmias to find some oppor-tunity to talk to Epaminondas20 They were now deep into a grand subject the one on which Galaxi-dorus and Phidolaus had lately touched they were discussing the essenceand power [588C] of what was called Socratesrsquo daimonion We did not hearSimmiasrsquo reply to Galaxidorus He said however that he had himself onceasked Socrates about the ma er but not had an answer and therefore hadnot asked again But he had o en (he said) been present when Socratesdismissed as impostors people who said they had encountered some di-vine being in a vision but paid careful a ention and made eager inquiryof any who claimed to have heard a voice lsquoSo when we discussed it pri-vately among ourselves we came to suspect that Socratesrsquo daimonion wasnot a vision but the perception of a voice [588D] or the apprehension ofa thought which made contact with him in some extraordinary way justas in sleep there is no voice but people get impressions or apprehensionsof words and think they hear people speaking For some however suchunderstanding actually occurs in dreams ltsince they have be er percep-tiongt172 when they are asleep because of the quiet and calm of the bodyltwhereas when awakegt they have difficulty in subjecting their mind to thehigher power and stifled as they are by the tumult of emotions and thedistraction of wants are incapable of listening or addressing their mindsto the things shown to them

54 Text (20588Dndash 20589C)

Σωκράτει δrsquo ὁ νοῦς καθαρὸς ὢν καὶ ἀπαθής τῷ σώmicroατι microη⟨δαmicroῶς588E εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων χάριν καταmicroιγνὺς αὑτόν εὐαφὴς ἦν καὶ

λεπτὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ προσπεσόντος ὀξέως microεταβαλεῖν τὸ δὲ προσπῖπτον οὐφθόγγον ἀλλὰ λόγον ἄν τις εἰκάσειε δαίmicroονος ἄνευ φωνῆς ἐφαπτόmicroε-νον αὐτῷ τῷ δηλουmicroένῳ τοῦ νοοῦντος πληγῇ γὰρ ἡ φωνὴ προσέοικετῆς ψυχῆς διrsquo ὤτων βίᾳ τὸν λόγον εἰσδεχοmicroένης ὅταν ἀλλήλοις ἐντυγ-χάνωmicroεν ὁ δὲ τοῦ κρείττονος νοῦς ἄγει τὴν εὐφυᾶ ψυχὴν ἐπιθιγγά-νων τῷ νοηθέντι πληγῆς microὴ δεοmicroένην ἡ δrsquo ἐνδίδωσιν αὐτῷ χαλῶντι

588F καὶ συντείνοντι τὰς ὁρmicroὰς οὐ βιαίως ⟨ὡς⟩ ὑπὸ παθῶν ἀντιτεινόντωνἀλλrsquo εὐστρόφους καὶ microαλακὰς ὥσπερ ἡνίας ἐνδοῦσα

οὐ δεῖ δὲ θαυmicroάζειν ὁρῶντας τοῦτο microὲν ὑπὸ microικροῖς οἴαξι microεγάλωνπεριαγωγὰς ὁλκάδων τοῦτο δὲ τροχῶν κεραmicroεικῶν δίνησιν ἄκρας πα-ραψαύσει χειρὸς ὁmicroαλῶς περιφεροmicroένων ἄψυχα microὲν γὰρ ἀλλrsquo ὅmicroωςτροχαλὰ ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ὑπὸ λειότητος ἐνδίδωσι πρὸς τὸ κινοῦν ῥο-πῆς γενοmicroένης ψυχὴ δrsquo ἀνθρώπου microυρίαις ὁρmicroαῖς οἷον ὕσπληξιν ἐν-τεταmicroένη microακρῷ πάντων ὀργάνων εὐστροφώτατόν ἐστιν ἄν τις κατὰ

589A λόγον ἅπτηται ῥοπὴν λαβοῦσα πρὸς τὸ νοηθὲν κινεῖσθαι | ἐνταῦθαγὰρ εἰς τὸ νοοῦν αἱ τῶν παθῶν καὶ ὁρmicroῶν κατατείνουσιν ἀρχαί τού-του δὲ σεισθέντος ἑλκόmicroεναι σπῶσι καὶ συντείνουσι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ᾗκαὶ microάλιστα τὸ νοηθὲν ἡλίκην ἔχει ῥώmicroην καταmicroαθεῖν δίδωσιν ὀστᾶγὰρ ἀναίσθητα καὶ νεῦρα καὶ σάρκες ὑγρῶν περίπλεαι καὶ βαρὺς ὁἐκ τούτων ὄγκος ἡσυχάζων καὶ κείmicroενος ἅmicroα τῷ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν νῷ τιβαλέσθαι καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ κινῆσαι τὴν ὁρmicroὴν ὅλος ἀναστὰς καὶ συντα-θεὶς πᾶσι τοῖς microέρεσιν οἷον ἐπτερωmicroένος φέρεται πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ

589B δὲ τῆς κινήσεως καὶ συνεντάσεως καὶ παραστάσεως τρόπος χαλεπὸςἢ παντελῶς ἄπορος συνοφθῆναι καθrsquo ὃν ἡ ψυχὴ νοήσασα ἐφέλκεταιταῖς ὁρmicroαῖς τὸν ὄγκον ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς ἐννοηθεὶς κινεῖλόγος ἀπραγmicroόνως οὕτως οὐκ ἂν οἶmicroαι δυσπείστως ἔχοιmicroεν ὑπὸ νοῦκρείσσονος νοῦν καὶ ⟨ψυχὴν⟩ ψυχῆς θειοτέρας ἄγεσθαι θύραθεν ἐφα-πτοmicroένης ἣν πέφυκεν ἐπαφὴν λόγος ἴσχειν πρὸς λόγον daggerὥσπερ φῶςἀνταύγειανdagger

τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὰς microὲν ἀλλήλων νοήσεις οἷον ὑπὸ σκότῳ διὰ φωνῆςψηλαφῶντες γνωρίζοmicroεν αἱ δὲ τῶν δαιmicroόνων φέγγος ἔχουσαι τοῖς δε-

589C χοmicroένοις ἐλλάmicroπουσιν οὐ δεόmicroεναι ῥηmicroάτων οὐδrsquo ὀνοmicroάτων οἷς χρώ-microενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ ἄνθρωποι συmicroβόλοις εἴδωλα τῶν νοουmicroένωνκαὶ εἰκόνας ὁρῶσιν αὐτὰ δrsquo οὐ γιγνώσκουσι πλὴν οἷς ἔπεστιν ἴδιόν τικαὶ δαιmicroόνιον ὥσπερ εἴρηται φέγγος καίτοι τὸ περὶ τὴν φωνὴν γιγνό-

Translation 55

lsquoSocratesrsquo intellect on the other hand was pure and untrammelled notinvolving itself in the body except173 to a small extent [588E] for neces-sary purposes it was therefore sensitive and delicate enough to respondquickly to whatever impinged upon it And that it may be supposed wasnot a sound but the thought of a daimon making contact voicelessly withthe thinking mind by its bare meaning174 Voice is like a blow to the soulwhich receives the thought by force through the ears whenever we con-verse with one another The intellect of the higher being on the otherhand guides the gi ed soul which needs no blow touching it with itsthought and that soul surrenders its impulses to this intellect which re-laxes or tightens them not violently ltasgt175 [588F] against the resistanceof passions but yielding176 as it were its so and pliable reins

lsquoThere is no need to wonder at this when we see on the one hand hugemerchantmen turned round by small tillers and on the other the revolu-tion of the po errsquos wheel that turns so smoothly at the touch of a fingertipThese things though lifeless are so contrived as to run easily and theirsmoothness enables them to yield to the motive force once the inclinationis given The human mind likewise is strung as it were with the stringsof countless impulses and is much the most easily guided of machinestouch it by reason and it accepts the pressure to move as the idea directs[589A] In us you see the origins of emotions and impulses lead back tothe intelligence once this is disturbed there is a tug upon them and theyin turn exert a pull and a tension upon the man This above all is how theidea lets us understand what great power it has For bones and sinewsand moisture-laden flesh have no sensation and the mass made of themso heavy when at rest and inert rises up all of it becomes tense in all itsparts and takes off for action as though on wings the moment177 the soulforms a conception in the intellect and rouses its impulse to respond to itNow178 how the mode of movement tension and excitation [589B] bywhich the soul having formed its thought draws the mass a er it by itsimpulses is difficult or indeed impossible to understand But as the con-ception of a thought even without a voice179 does in fact easily move thebody so we should be ready to believe that an intellect may be guided bysuperior intellect and a mind by a more divine mind which makes con-tact with it from outside with the form of contact which is natural betweenthought and thought a sort of effulgence [light] as it were180

lsquoFor in truth while we understand the thoughts of others by groping forthem in the dark as it were by the spoken word the thoughts of daimonesby contrast have brilliance and shine on those who can receive181 themwith no need of the verbs and nouns182 [589C] which humans use as sym-bols among themselves to discern images and pictures of their thoughtsthe thoughts themselves remaining unrecognized except by these onwhom

56 Text (20589Cndash 21590B)

microενον ἔστιν ᾗ παραmicroυθεῖται τοὺς ἀπιστοῦντας ὁ γὰρ ἀὴρ φθόγγοιςἐνάρθροις τυπωθεὶς καὶ γενόmicroενος διrsquo ὅλου λόγος καὶ φωνὴ πρὸς τὴνψυχὴν τοῦ ἀκροωmicroένου περαίνει τὴν νόησιν ὥστε ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξι-ον εἰ καὶ κατrsquo αὐτὸ τὸ νοηθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩ ὁ ἀὴρ τρεπόmicroενοςδιrsquo εὐπάθειαν ἐνσηmicroαίνεται τοῖς θείοις καὶ περιττοῖς ἀνδράσι τὸν τοῦνοήσαντος λόγον ὥσπερ γὰρ αἱ πληγαὶ τῶν ⟨ὑπορυττ⟩όντων ἀσπίσι

589D χαλκαῖς ἁλίσκονται διὰ τὴν ἀντήχησιν ὅταν ἐκ βάθους ἀναφερόmicroεναιπροσπέσωσι τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων ἀδήλως διεκθέουσαι λανθάνουσιν οὕτως οἱτῶν δαιmicroόνων λόγοι διὰ πάντων φερόmicroενοι microόνοις ἐνηχοῦσι τοῖς ἀθό-ρυβον ἦθος καὶ νήνεmicroον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχήν οὓς δὴ καὶ ἱεροὺς καὶ δαι-microονίους ἀνθρώπους καλοῦmicroεν

οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ καταδαρθοῦσιν οἴονται τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀνθρώποις ἐπιθει-άζειν εἰ δrsquo ἐγρηγορότας καὶ καθεστῶτας ἐν τῷ φρονεῖν ὁmicroοίως κινεῖθαυmicroαστὸν ἡγοῦνται καὶ ἄπιστον ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις οἴοιτο τὸν microουσικὸνἀνειmicroένῃ τῇ λύρᾳ χρώmicroενον ὅταν συστῇ τοῖς τόνοις ἢ καθαρmicroοσθῇ

589E microὴ ἅπτεσθαι microηδὲ χρῆσθαι τὸ γὰρ αἴτιον οὐ συνορῶσι τὴν ἐν αὑτοῖςἀναρmicroοστίαν καὶ ταραχήν ἧς ἀπήλλακτο Σωκράτης ὁ ἑταῖρος ἡmicroῶνὥσπερ ὁ δοθεὶς ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος αὐτοῦ τῷ πατρὶ χρησmicroὸς ἀπεθέσπι-σεν ἐᾶν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ὅ τι ἂν ἐπὶ νοῦν ἴῃ πράττειν καὶ microὴ βιά-ζεσθαι microηδὲ παράγειν ἀλλrsquo ἐφιέναι τὴν ὁρmicroὴν τοῦ παιδός εὐχόmicroενονὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ Διὶ Ἀγοραίῳ καὶ Μούσαις τὰ δrsquo ἄλλα microὴ πολυπραγmicroονεῖν

589F περὶ Σωκράτους ὡς κρείττονα δήπουθεν ἔχοντος ἐν αὑτῷ microυρίων δι-δασκάλων καὶ παιδαγωγῶν ἡγεmicroόνα πρὸς τὸν βίονrsquo

21 lsquoἩmicroῖν microέν ὦ Φειδόλαε καὶ ζῶντος Σωκράτους καὶ τεθνηκότος οὕ-τως ἐννοεῖν περὶ τοῦ δαιmicroονίου παρίσταται τῶν κληδόνας ἢ πταρmicroοὺςἤ τι τοιοῦτον ⟨εἰσαγόντων⟩ καταφρονοῦσιν ἃ δὲ Τιmicroάρχου τοῦ Χαιρω-νέως ἠκούσαmicroεν ὑπὲρ τούτου διεξιόντος οὐκ οἶδα microὴ microύθοις ⟨ὁmicroοιότερrsquoἢ⟩ λόγοις ὄντα σιωπᾶν ἄmicroεινονrsquo

lsquomicroηδαmicroῶςrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Θεόκριτος lsquoἀλλὰ δίελθrsquo αὐτά καὶ γὰρ εἰ microὴ λίανἀκριβῶς ἀλλrsquo ἔστιν ὅπη ψαύει τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ τὸ microυθῶδες πρότερον

590A δὲ τίς ἦν οὗτος ὁ Τίmicroαρχος φράσον | οὐ γὰρ ἔγνων τὸν ἄνθρωπονrsquolsquoεἰκότως γrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ Σιmicromicroίας lsquoὦ Θεόκριτε νέος γὰρ ὢν κοmicroιδῇ ⟨κατέ-

στρεψε τὸν βίον⟩ καὶ Σωκράτους δεηθεὶς ταφῆναι παρὰ Λαmicroπροκλέατὸν Σωκράτους υἱόν ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς πρότερον ἡmicroέραις αὐτοῦ τεθνηκόταφίλον καὶ ἡλικιώτην γενόmicroενον οὗτος οὖν ποθῶν γνῶναι τὸ Σωκρά-τους δαιmicroόνιον ἣν ἔχει δύναmicroιν ἅτε δὴ νέος οὐκ ἀγεννὴς ἄρτι γεγευ-

590B microένος φιλοσοφίας ἐmicroοὶ καὶ Κέβητι κοινωσάmicroενος microόνοις εἰς Τροφωνί-

Translation 57

as I said there shines some special daemonic brilliance The phenomenonof speech in some ways offers the unbeliever some reassurance Air moul-ded by articulate sound and wholly converted into word and speech con-veys the thought to the hearerrsquos mind So why183 should we be surprisedif the air because of its plasticity is changed in accordance with whatthoughts184 the higher beings185 have and so impresses the meaning of thethinker on the minds of divine and exceptional men Think how the noisemade by sappers in a tunnel is detected by bronze shields186 because ofthe resonance produced [589D] when the sounds are carried up from thedepths and strike the shields though they pass through everything else187

undetected In the same way the thoughts of daimones pass everywherebut echo only in the ears of those who have an untroubled personality188

and whose soul is tranquil lsquoholyrsquo and lsquodaemonicrsquo individuals as we callthem

lsquoMost people however believe that it is only in sleep that the lsquodaemonicrsquopower inspires humans That it should move189 them in the same waywhen awake and of sound mind they find surprising and incredible Butthat is like thinking that a musician uses his lyre only when it is unstrungand does not touch or use it when it has been adjusted and tuned Theydo not see that the cause is [589E] the tunelessness and confusion withinthemselves190 Our friend Socrates was completely free of this as the oraclegiven to his father when he was a child foretold191 It told the father tolet Socrates do whatever came into his mind and not to force or divertthe boyrsquos impulses but give them their head he should pray for Socratesto Zeus Agoraios and the Muses and otherwise not bother about him ndash[589F] because (I suppose) he had within himself a guide for life be erthan any number of teachers and tutors21 lsquoSuch were the thoughts which occurred to us Phidolaus about thedaimonion both during Socratesrsquo lifetime and a er his death We despisedthose who ltadducedgt192 chance words or sneezes or anything like that Asfor the account of this which we heard from Timarchus of Chaeronea193 itis ltmore likegt myth than rational argument194 and perhaps it is best leunsaidrsquo

lsquoNot at allrsquo said Theocritus lsquotell us about it Myth too does in somedegree touch on truth even if not very precisely But first tell us who thisTimarchus was [590A] for I donrsquot know himrsquo

lsquoNaturally youdonrsquot Theocritusrsquo said Simmias lsquosince he ltdiedgt195 quiteyoung and asked Socrates to let him be buried next to Socratesrsquo son Lam-procles196 his friend and contemporary who died ltnot manygt197 days be-fore him Timarchus had a strong desire to know the power of Socratesrsquodaimonion ndash he was a spirited youth who had just got his teeth into phi-losophy ndash and (not consulting anyone except Cebes and me) he descended

58 Text (21590Bndash 22590F)

ου κατῆλθε δράσας τὰ νοmicroιζόmicroενα περὶ τὸ microαντεῖον ἐmicromicroείνας δὲ δύονύκτας κάτω καὶ microίαν ἡmicroέραν τῶν πολλῶν ἀπεγνωκότων αὐτὸν ἤδηκαὶ τῶν οἰκείων ὀδυροmicroένων πρωὶ microάλα φαιδρὸς ἀνῆλθε προσκυνή-σας δὲ τὸν θεόν ὡς πρῶτον διέφυγε τὸν ὄχλον διηγεῖτο ἡmicroῖν θαυmicroάσιαπολλὰ καὶ ἰδεῖν καὶ ἀκοῦσαι

22 ἔφη δὲ καταβὰς εἰς τὸ microαντεῖον περιτυχεῖν σκότῳ πολλῷ τὸ πρῶ-τον εἶτrsquo ἐπευξάmicroενος κεῖσθαι πολὺν χρόνον οὐ microάλα συmicroφρονῶν ἐν-αργῶς εἴτrsquo ἐγρήγορεν εἴτrsquo ὀνειροπολεῖ πλὴν δόξαι γε τῆς κεφαλῆς ἅmicroαψόφῳ προσπεσόντι πληγείσης τὰς ῥαφὰς διαστάσας microεθιέναι τὴν ψυ-χήν ὡς δrsquo ἀναχωροῦσα κατεmicroίγνυτο πρὸς ἀέρα διαυγῆ καὶ καθαρὸν

590C ἀσmicroένη πρῶτον microὲν ἀναπνεῦσαι τότε δοκεῖν διὰ χρόνου συχνοῦ συ-στελλοmicroένην τέως καὶ microείζονα γίγνεσθαι τῆς πρότερον ὥσπερ ἱστίονἐκπεταννύmicroενον ἔπειτα κατακούειν ἀmicroαυρῶς ῥοίζου τινὸς ὑπὲρ κε-φαλῆς περιελαυνοmicroένου φωνὴν ἡδεῖαν ἱέντος ἀναβλέψας δὲ τὴν microὲνγῆν οὐδαmicroοῦ καθορᾶν νήσους δὲ λαmicroποmicroένας microαλακῷ πυρὶ κατrsquo ἀλ-λήλων ἐξαmicroειβούσας ⟨δrsquo⟩ ἄλλην ἄλλοτε χρόαν ὥσπερ βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειντῷ φωτὶ ποικιλλοmicroένῳ κατὰ τὰς microεταβολάς φαίνεσθαι δὲ πλήθει microὲνἀναρίθmicroους microεγέθει δrsquo ὑπερφυεῖς οὐκ ἴσας δὲ πάσας ἀλλrsquo ὁmicroοίως κυ-κλοτερεῖς οἴεσθαι δὲ ταύταις τὸν αἰθέρα κύκλῳ φεροmicroέναις ὑπορροι-ζεῖν ⟨ἐmicromicroελῶς⟩ εἶναι γὰρ ὁmicroολογουmicroένην τῇ τῆς κινήσεως λειότητι

590D τὴν πραότητα τῆς φωνῆς ἐκείνης ἐκ πασῶν συνηρmicroοσmicroένης διὰ microέσουδrsquo αὐτῶν θάλασσαν ἢ λίmicroνην ὑποκεχύσθαι τοῖς χρώmicroασι διαλάmicroπου-σαν διὰ τῆς γλαυκότητος ἐπιmicroιγνυmicroένοις καὶ τῶν νήσων ὀλίγας microὲν⟨δι⟩εκπλεῖν κατὰ πόρον καὶ διακοmicroίζεσθαι πέραν τοῦ ῥεύmicroατος ἄλλαςδὲ πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩ἐφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θαλάττης ῥοῇ καὶ αὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroένης εἶναι δὲ τῆς θαλάσσης πῆ microὲν πολὺ βάθος κατὰνότον microάλιστα ⟨πῆ⟩ δrsquo ἀραιὰ τενάγη καὶ βραχέα πολλαχῆ δὲ καὶ ὑπερ-χεῖσθαι καὶ ἀπολείπειν αὖθις οὐ microεγάλας ἐκβολὰς λαmicroβάνουσαν καὶ

590E τῆς χρόας τὸ microὲν ἄκρατον καὶ πελάγιον τὸ δrsquo οὐ καθαρὸν ἀλλὰ συγκε-χυmicroένον καὶ λιmicroνῶδες τῶν δὲ ῥοθίων τὰς νήσους ἅmicroα περιγινοmicroέναςἐπανάγειν οὐ microὴν εἰς ταὐτὸ τῇ ἀρχῇ συνάπτειν τὸ πέρας οὐδὲ ποιεῖνκύκλον ἀλλrsquo ἡσυχῆ παραλλάσσειν τὰς ἐπιβολὰς ἕλικα ποιούσας microίανἐν τῷ περιστρέφεσθαι ταύτην δὲ πρὸς τὸ microέσον microάλιστα τοῦ περιέχον-

590F τος καὶ microέγιστον ἐγκεκλίσθαι τὴν θάλασσαν ὀλίγῳ τῶν ὀκτὼ microερῶντοῦ παντὸς ἔλαττον ὡς αὐτῷ κατεφαίνετο δύο δrsquo αὐτὴν ἔχειν ἀναστο-microώσεις πυρὸς ἐmicroβάλλοντας ἐναντίους ποταmicroοὺς δεχοmicroένας ὥστrsquo ἐπὶπλεῖστον ἀνακοπτοmicroένην κοχλάζειν καὶ ἀπολευκαίνεσθαι τὴν γλαυ-κότητα

ταῦτα microὲν οὖν ὁρᾶν τερπόmicroενος τῇ θέᾳ κάτω δrsquo ἀπιδόντι φαίνε-σθαι χάσmicroα microέγα στρογγύλον οἷον ἐκτετmicroηmicroένης σφαίρας φοβερὸν δὲδεινῶς καὶ βαθύ πολλοῦ σκότους πλῆρες οὐχ ἡσυχάζοντος ἀλλrsquo ἐκτα-

Translation 59

into the cave of Trophonius198 first performing the regular rituals of theoracle [590B] He stayed down there two nights and a day most peopledespaired of him and his relations were already mourning when he reap-peared early in the morning very cheerful prostrated himself before thegod and (as soon as he could escape the crowd) told us of many marvelshe had seen and heard199

22 lsquoHe said that a er descending into the cave of the oracle he firstfound himself in deep darkness Then he prayed and lay there for a longtime with no clear consciousness of whether he was awake or dreamingIt seemed to him however that there was a sudden noise and at the sametime a blow on his head the sutures of his skull opened200 and let his soulout It le joyfully to blend into the pure bright air and seemed then firstto relax [590C] at long last a er its former confinement201 and become big-ger202 than before like a sail being unfurled Then he dimly heard a kindof whirring going round and round above his head making a pleasantsound When he looked up he could not see the earth anywhere Islandsshining upon one another with a so glow and203 constantly changinghue dyed204 the light as it were so that it varied as they changed Theyseemed innumerable and huge in size not all equal but all alike roundHe fancied that the heaven made a ltmelodiousgt205 sound in response totheir revolutions for the so ness of the sound produced by the harmony[590D] of them all corresponded to the smoothness of their motion In be-tween them lay a sea or lake gleaming with colours that blended with itsgreyness A few of the islands sailed out along a channel and were carriedto the other side of the stream but many others were borne along ltwiththe flow of the seagt which itself moved more or less ltin a circular trackgt206

In some parts of the sea principally towards the south there were greatdepths elsewhere there were small patches of shallows207 in many ar-eas it flooded and again ebbed but not making any great outflow208 Incolour part was the pure hue of the open sea [590E] part was pollutedturbid and swampy As the islands surmounted the surges they turnedback not however making the end of their movement coincide with itsstarting-point nor completing a circle but changing position a li le so asto produce a single spiral in their revolution209 This210 sea was inclined(as it seemed to Timarchus) at a li le less than eight parts of the whole tothe central and widest part of the surrounding space211 [590F] It had twoopenings receiving rivers of fire which emptied into it from opposite di-rections so that a large extent of it was lashed and broken into foam andits greyness turned to white water212

lsquoTimarchus watched all this with delight But when he looked downthere came into view a huge round gulf as though a sphere had been exca-vated from it213 very terrible and deep full of a darkness that was not still

60 Text (22590Fndash 22591E)

ραττοmicroένου καὶ ἀνακλύζοντος πολλάκις ὅθεν ἀκούεσθαι microυρίας microὲνὠρυγὰς καὶ στεναγmicroοὺς ζῴων microυρίων δὲ κλαυθmicroὸν βρεφῶν καὶ microεmicroι-γmicroένους ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν ὀδυρmicroούς ψόφους δὲ παντοδαποὺς καὶ

591A θορύβους ἐκ βάθους πόρρωθεν ἀmicroυδροὺς ἀναπεmicroποmicroένους | οἷς οὐ microε-τρίως αὐτὸς ἐκπεπλῆχθαι χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος εἰπεῖν τινα πρὸς αὐτὸνοὐχ ὁρώmicroενον bdquoὦ Τίmicroαρχε τί ποθεῖς πυθέσθαιldquo

φράσαι δrsquo αὐτὸν ὅτι bdquoπάντα τί γὰρ οὐ θαυmicroάσιονldquo bdquoἀλλrsquo ἡmicroῖνldquo φά-ναι bdquoτῶν ἄνω microέτεστι microικρόν ἄλλων γὰρ θεῶν ἐκεῖνα τὴν δὲ Φερσε-φόνης microοῖραν ἣν ἡmicroεῖς διέποmicroεν τῶν τεττάρων microίαν οὖσαν ὡς ἡ Στὺξὁρίζει βουλοmicroένῳ σοι σκοπεῖν πάρεστινldquo

ἐροmicroένου δrsquo αὐτοῦ τίς ἡ Στύξ ἐστιν bdquoὁδὸς εἰς Ἅιδουldquo φάναι bdquoκαὶ πρό-εισιν ⟨ἐξ⟩ ἐναντίας αὐτῇ σχίζουσα τῇ κορυφῇ τὸ φῶς ἀνατείνουσα δrsquoὡς ὁρᾷς ἐκ τοῦ Ἅιδου κάτωθεν ᾗ ψαύει περιφεροmicroένη καὶ τοῦ φωτός

591B ἀφορίζει τὴν ἐσχάτην microερίδα τῶν ὅλων τέσσαρες δrsquo εἰσὶν ἀρχαὶ πάν-των ζωῆς microὲν ἡ πρώτη κινήσεως δrsquo ἡ δευτέρα γενέσεως δrsquo ἡ τρίτη φθο-ρᾶς δrsquo ἡ τελευταία συνδεῖ δὲ τῇ microὲν δευτέρᾳ τὴν πρώτην Μονὰς κατὰτὸ ἀόρατον τὴν δὲ δευτέραν τῇ τρίτῃ Νοῦς καθrsquo ἥλιον τὴν δὲ τρίτηνπρὸς τετάρτην Φύσις κατὰ σελήνην τῶν δὲ συνδέσmicroων ἑκάστου Μοῖρακλειδοῦχος Ἀνάγκης θυγάτηρ κάθηταιτοῦ microὲν πρώτου Ἄτροπος τοῦ δὲ

591C δευτέρου Κλωθώ τοῦ δὲ πρὸς σελήνην Λάχεσις περὶ ἣν ἡ καmicroπὴ τῆςγενέσεως αἱ microὲν γὰρ ἄλλαι νῆσοι θεοὺς ἔχουσι σελήνη δὲ δαιmicroόνωνἐπιχθονίων οὖσα φεύγει τὴν Στύγα microικρὸν ὑπερφέρουσα λαmicroβάνεταιδrsquo ἅπαξ ἐν microέτροις δευτέροις ἑκατὸν ἑβδοmicroήκοντα ἑπτά καὶ τῆς Στυ-γὸς ἐπιφεροmicroένης αἱ ψυχαὶ βοῶσι δειmicroαίνουσαι πολλὰς γὰρ ὁ Ἅιδηςἀφαρπάζει περιολισθανούσας ἄλλας δrsquo ἀνακοmicroίζεται κάτωθεν ἡ σε-λήνη προσνηχοmicroένας αἷς εἰς καιρὸν ἡ τῆς γενέσεως τελευτὴ συνέπεσεπλὴν ὅσαι microιαραὶ καὶ ἀκάθαρτοι ταύτας δrsquo ἀστράπτουσα καὶ microυκω-microένη φοβερὸν οὐκ ἐᾷ πελάζειν ἀλλὰ θρηνοῦσαι τὸν ἑαυτῶν πότmicroονἀποσφαλλόmicroεναι φέρονται κάτω πάλιν ἐπrsquo ἄλλην γένεσιν ὡς ὁρᾷςldquo

591D bdquoἀλλrsquo οὐδὲν ὁρῶldquo τὸν Τίmicroαρχον εἰπεῖν bdquoἢ πολλοὺς ἀστέρας περὶ τὸχάσmicroα παλλοmicroένους ἑτέρους δὲ καταδυοmicroένους εἰς αὐτό τοὺς δrsquo ᾄτ-τοντας αὖ κάτωθενldquo

bdquoαὐτοὺς ἄραldquo φάναι bdquoτοὺς δαίmicroονας ὁρῶν ἀγνοεῖς ἔχει γὰρ ὧδε ψυ-χὴ πᾶσα νοῦ microετέσχεν ἄλογος δὲ καὶ ἄνους οὐκ ἔστιν ἀλλrsquo ὅσον ἂναὐτῆς σαρκὶ microιχθῇ καὶ πάθεσιν ἀλλοιούmicroενον τρέπεται καθrsquo ἡδονὰςκαὶ ἀλγηδόνας εἰς τὸ ἄλογον microίγνυται δrsquo οὐ πᾶσα τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπονἀλλrsquo αἱ ⟨microὲν⟩ ὅλαι κατέδυσαν εἰς σῶmicroα καὶ διrsquo ὅλων ἀνακραθεῖσαι τὸ

591E σύmicroπαν ὑπὸ παθῶν διαφέρονται κατὰ τὸν βίον αἱ δὲ πῆ microὲν ἀνεκρά-θησαν πῆ δrsquo ἔλιπον ἔξω τὸ καθαρώτατον οὐκ ἐπισπώmicroενον ἀλλrsquo οἷονἀκρόπλουν ἐπιψαῦον ἐκ κεφαλῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καθάπερ ἐν βυθῷ ⟨δι-

Translation 61

but turbulent214 and continually welling up From this were to be heardinnumerable howls and groans of animals the weeping of innumerableinfants the mingled mourning of men and women and all kinds of noisesand dim tumult rising out of the distant depths [591A] by which he wasgreatly disturbed A er a time someone (whom he could not see) spoketo him and said ldquoTimarchus what do you wish to knowrdquo

ldquoEverythingrdquo he replied ldquofor what is not worthy of wonderrdquo ldquoWellrdquosaid the voice ldquowe215 have li le to do with what is above that belongs toother gods But if you wish you can view the Portion of Persephone216

which we administer which is one of the four portions and is as Styx de-limits itrdquo217

ldquoWhat is Styxrdquo asked Timarchus ldquoThe road to Hadesrdquo the voice re-plied ldquoit starts on the opposite side218 and the extreme tip of it divides thelight It stretches up as you see from Hades below and the point where inits revolution it touches the light marks the boundary of the last divisionof the universe [591B] There are four Principles of all things the first isthat of Life the second that of Motion the third that of Becoming and thefourth that of Decay The first is bonded to the second by the Monad in theInvisible the second to the third by Intellect in the sun and the third to thefourth by Nature in the moon219 A Fate daughter of Necessity sits holdingthe keys of each of these bonds Atropos has the first Clotho the secondand Lachesis the bond in the moon where the turning-point of Becomingis found220 [591C] The other islands have gods but the moon belongs toterrestrial daimones221 and she avoids Styx by rising a li le above it thoughshe is caught once in every 177 second measures222 As Styx approachesthe souls cry out in terror Many slip and Hades snatches them whileothers are hauled up from below by the moon as they swim towards herThese are they for whom the end of Becoming has come opportunely Thefoul and unclean are the exception the moon does not let them come nearbut flashes and roars at them horribly They lament their fate tumble awayand are carried down to another birth as you seerdquo

ldquoBut I donrsquot see anythingrdquo [591D] said Timarchus ldquoexcept a lot of starsmoving up and down around the gulf others plunging into it and othersdarting up again from belowrdquo

ldquoThenrdquo he said ldquoyou see the daimones themselves but you do not rec-ognize them This is how it is every soul has its share of Intellect thereis none which is without reason or Intellect But whatever part of the soulcombines with flesh and passions is changed by pleasures and pains andbecomes irrational Not every soul is combined in the same way Someare wholly sunk in the body wholly mixed223 with it and entirely at themercy of their passion throughout life Others are mixed to some extent[591E] but to some extent leave their purest element outside This is not

62 Text (22591Endash 22592C)

κτύου⟩ δεδυκότος ἄρτηmicroα κορυφαῖον ὀρθουmicroένης περὶ αὐτὸ τῆς ψυχῆςἀνέχον ὅσον ὑπακούει καὶ οὐ κρατεῖται τοῖς πάθεσιν τὸ microὲν οὖν ὑπο-βρύχιον ἐν τῷ σώmicroατι φερόmicroενον ψυχὴ λέγεται τὸ δὲ φθορᾶς λειφθὲνοἱ πολλοὶ νοῦν καλοῦντες ἐντὸς εἶναι νοmicroίζουσιν αὑτῶν ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖςἐσόπτροις τὰ φαινόmicroενα κατrsquo ἀνταύγειαν οἱ δrsquo ὀρθῶς ὑπονοοῦντεςὡς ἐκτὸς ὄντα δαίmicroονα προσαγορεύουσι τοὺς microὲν οὖν ἀποσβέννυσθαι

591F δοκοῦντας ἀστέρας ὦ Τίmicroαρχεldquo φάναι bdquoτὰς εἰς σῶmicroα καταδυοmicroέναςὅλας ψυχὰς ὁρᾶν νόmicroιζε τοὺς δrsquo οἷον ἀναλάmicroποντας πάλιν καὶ ἀνα-φαινοmicroένους κάτωθεν ἀχλύν τινα καὶ ζόφον ὥσπερ πηλὸν ἀποσειο-microένους τὰς ἐκ τῶν σωmicroάτων ἐπαναπλεούσας microετὰ τὸν θάνατον οἱ δrsquoἄνω διαφερόmicroενοι δαίmicroονές εἰσι τῶν νοῦν ἔχειν λεγοmicroένων ἀνθρώπωνπειράθητι δὲ κατιδεῖν ἑκάστου τὸν σύνδεσmicroον ᾗ τῇ ψυχῇ συmicroπέφυκεldquo

ταῦτrsquo ἀκούσας αὐτὸς ἀκριβέστερονπροσέχειν καὶ θεᾶσθαι τῶν ἀστέ-592A ρων ἀποσαλεύοντας τοὺς microὲν ἧττον τοὺς δὲ microᾶλλον | ὥσπερ τοὺς τὰ

δίκτυα διασηmicroαίνοντας ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ φελλοὺς ὁρῶmicroεν ἐπιφεροmicroέ-νους ἐνίους δὲ τοῖς κλωθοmicroένοις ἀτράκτοις ὁmicroοίως ἕλικα τεταραγmicroέ-νην καὶ ἀνώmicroαλον ἕλκοντας οὐ δυναmicroένους καταστῆσαι τὴν κίνησινἐπrsquo εὐθείας λέγειν δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοὺς microὲν εὐθεῖαν καὶ τεταγmicroένηνκίνησιν ἔχοντας εὐηνίοις ψυχαῖς χρῆσθαι διὰ τροφὴν καὶ παίδευσινἀστείαν οὐκ ἄγαν σκληρὸν καὶ ἄγριον παρεχοmicroέναις τὸ ἄλογον τοὺςδrsquo ἄνω καὶ κάτω πολλάκις ἀνωmicroάλως καὶ τεταραγmicroένως ἐγκλίνοντας

592B οἷον ἐκ δεσmicroοῦ σπαραττοmicroένους δυσπειθέσι καὶ ἀναγώγοις διrsquo ἀπαι-δευσίαν ζυγοmicroαχεῖν ἤθεσι πῆ microὲν κρατοῦντας καὶ περιάγοντας ἐπὶ δε-ξιάν πῆ δὲ καmicroπτοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν παθῶν καὶ συνεφελκοmicroένους τοῖςἁmicroαρτήmicroασιν εἶτα πάλιν ἀντιτείνοντας καὶ βιαζοmicroένους τὸν microὲν γὰρσύνδεσmicroον οἷα χαλινὸν τῷ ἀλόγῳ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐmicroβεβληmicroένον ὅταν ἀν-τισπάσῃ τὴν λεγοmicroένην microεταmicroέλειαν ἐπάγειν ταῖς ἁmicroαρτίαις καὶ τὴνἐπὶ ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ὅσαι παράνοmicroοι καὶ ἀκρατεῖς αἰσχύνην ἀλγηδόνα

592C καὶ πληγὴν οὖσαν ἐνθένδε τῆς ψυχῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ κρατοῦντος καὶ ἄρχον-τος ἐπιστοmicroιζοmicroένης microέχρι ἂν οὕτω κολαζοmicroένη πειθήνιος γένηται καὶσυνήθης ὥσπερ θρέmicromicroα πρᾶον ἄνευ πληγῆς καὶ ἀλγηδόνος ὑπὸ συmicro-βόλων ὀξέως καὶ σηmicroείων αἰσθανοmicroένη τοῦ δαίmicroονος

bdquoαὗται microὲν οὖν ὀψέ ποτε καὶ βραδέως ἄγονται καὶ καθίστανται πρὸςτὸ δέον ἐκ δὲ τῶν εὐηνίων ἐκείνων ⟨καὶ⟩ κατηκόων εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆςκαὶ γενέσεως τοῦ οἰκείου δαίmicroονος καὶ τὸ microαντικόν ἐστι καὶ θεοκλυ-τούmicroενον γένος ὧν τὴν Ἑρmicroοδώρου τοῦ Κλαζοmicroενίου ψυχὴν ἀκήκοαςδήπουθεν ὡς ἀπολείπουσα παντάπασι τὸ σῶmicroα νύκτωρ καὶ microεθrsquo ἡmicroέ-

Translation 63

dragged down by it but floats as it were keeping contact with the manby his head like an a achment on top of lta netgt224 sunk in deep waterThe soul straightens itself around it and it holds up as much of the soul asis obedient and not under the domination of the passions The part sub-merged in the body225 is called the soul the part that survives destructionis commonly called Intellect and people believe it to be within themselvesjust as they believe reflections to be in mirrors Those who have the rightidea of it however call it daimon regarding it as outside themselves Thestars which seem to be being extinguished Timarchusrdquo he went on ldquoyoushould understand [591F] as souls being wholly submerged in the bodythose that light up again as it were and appear from below shaking offthe mire of darkness and mist as those making the voyage up from theirbodies a er death Those that are moving around226 above are the daimonesof men who are said to possess Intellect227 Try to catch a sight of the bondin each of them to see how it is joined to the soulrdquo

lsquoWhen he heard this Timarchus (as he told us) paid closer a ention andsaw the stars tossing up and down some more and some less violently[592A] like the movement we see of corks marking nets in the sea Somehowever described a confused and irregular spiral228 like a spindle as thethread is spun being unable to steady their motion and keep to a straightpath The Voice explained that those who displayed a straight controlledmotion had souls made responsive to guidance thanks to good nurture andeducation souls which therefore delivered their irrational element in nottoo stubborn or savage a condition Those that swerved up and down inan irregular and confused way as though jerked about [592B] at the endof a tether were struggling against a personality rendered disobedient anduncontrollable by lack of education sometimes they prevailed and guidedtheir course to the right229 sometimes they were deflected by passions anddragged along by misdeeds only to try once again to resist and enforcetheir control The bond you see was like a curb put on the irrational el-ement in the soul when the daimon pulls on it it induces what is calledrepentance for misdeeds and shame for illicit and uncontrolled pleasuresThis shame is a painful wound felt because the soul is from this point230 be-ing checked by its controlling and ruling power and it continues to be felt[592C] until this chastisement makes the soul accustomed and responsiveto the rein like a well-broken animal needing no blow or pain but quicklybecoming aware of the daimon through symbols and signs

ldquoThese soulsrdquo the Voice went on ldquoare guided and se led in the waythey should be though slowly and late in the day But it is from those whichare responsive and obedient to their own daimon from the start from birthin fact that the race of prophets and divine men comes Among theseyou have doubtless heard of the soul of Hermodorus of Clazomenae231

64 Text (22592Dndash 24593B)

592D ραν ἐπλανᾶτο πολὺν τόπον εἶτrsquo αὖθις ἐπανῄει πολλοῖς τῶν microακρὰνλεγοmicroένων καὶ πραττοmicroένων ἐντυχοῦσα καὶ παραγενοmicroένη microέχρι οὗτὸ σῶmicroα τῆς γυναικὸς προδούσης λαβόντες οἱ ἐχθροὶ ψυχῆς ἔρηmicroον οἴ-κοι κατέπρησαν τοῦτο microὲν οὖν οὐκ ἀληθές ἐστιν οὐ γὰρ ἐξέβαινεν ἡψυχὴ τοῦ σώmicroατος ὑπείκουσα δrsquo ἀεὶ καὶ χαλῶσα τῷ δαίmicroονι τὸν σύνδε-σmicroον ἐδίδου περιδροmicroὴν καὶ περιφοίτησιν ὥστε πολλὰ συνορῶντα καὶκατακούοντα τῶν ἐκτὸς εἰσαγγέλλειν οἱ δrsquo ἀφανίσαντες τὸ σῶmicroα κοι-microωmicroένου microέχρι νῦν δίκην ἐν τῷ ταρτάρῳ τίνουσι ταῦτα δrsquo εἴσῃldquo φάναι

592E bdquoσαφέστερον ὦ νεανία τρίτῳ microηνί νῦν δrsquo ἄπιθιldquo

παυσαmicroένης δὲ τῆς φωνῆς βούλεσθαι microὲν αὑτὸν ὁ Τίmicroαρχος ἔφη θε-άσασθαι περιστρέφοντα τίς ὁ φθεγγόmicroενος εἴη σφόδρα δὲ τὴν κεφα-λὴν αὖθις ἀλγήσας καθάπερ βίᾳ συmicroπιεσθεῖσαν οὐδὲν ἔτι γιγνώσκεινοὐδrsquo αἰσθάνεσθαι τῶν καθrsquo ἑαυτόν εἶτα microέντοι microετὰ microικρὸν ἀνενεγκὼνὁρᾶν αὑτὸν ἐν Τροφωνίου παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον οὗπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατεκλί-θη κείmicroενον

592F 23 ὁ microὲν οὖν Τιmicroάρχου microῦθος οὗτος ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἐλθὼν Ἀθήναζε τρίτῳ microη-νὶ κατὰ τὴν γενοmicroένην φωνὴν ἐτελεύτησεν ἡmicroεῖς δὲ Σωκράτει θαυ-microάζοντες ἀπηγγέλλοmicroεν ἐmicroέmicroψατο Σωκράτης ἡmicroᾶς ὅτι microὴ ζῶντος ἔτιτοῦ Τιmicroάρχου διήλθοmicroεν αὐτοῦ γὰρ ἂν ἡδέως ἐκείνου πυθέσθαι καὶπροσανακρῖναι σαφέστερονrsquo

lsquoἈπέχεις ὦ Θεόκριτε microετὰ τοῦ λόγου τὸν microῦθον ἀλλrsquo ὅρα microὴ καὶ τὸνξένον ἡmicroῖν παρακλητέον ἐπὶ τὴν ζήτησιν οἰκεία γὰρ πάνυ καὶ προσή-κουσα θείοις ἀνδράσιrsquo

lsquoτί δrsquorsquo εἶπεν lsquoἘπαmicroεινώνδας οὐ συmicroβάλλεται γνώmicroην ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶνἀναγόmicroενος ἡmicroῖνrsquo

καὶ ὁ πατὴρ microειδιάσας lsquoτοιοῦτονrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸ ἦθος ὦ ξένε τὸ τούτουσιωπηλὸν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς λόγους εὐλαβές ἄπληστον δὲ τοῦ microανθάνεινκαὶ ἀκροᾶσθαι διὸ καὶ Σπίνθαρος ὁ Ταραντῖνος οὐκ ὀλίγον αὐτῷ συν-διατρίψας ἐνταῦθα χρόνον ἀεὶ δήπου λέγει microηδενί πω τῶν καθrsquo ἑαυτὸν

593A ἀνθρώπων ἐντετυχηκέναι | microήτε πλείονα γιγνώσκοντι microήτrsquo ἐλάσσοναφθεγγοmicroένῳ σὺ οὖν ἃ φρονεῖς αὐτὸς δίελθε περὶ τῶν εἰρηmicroένωνrsquo24 lsquoἘγὼ τοίνυνrsquo ἔφη lsquoτὸν microὲν Τιmicroάρχου λόγον ὥσπερ ἱερὸν καὶ ἄσυλονἀνακεῖσθαί φηmicroι τῷ θεῷ χρῆναι θαυmicroάζω δrsquo εἰ τοῖς ὑπὸ Σιmicromicroίου λε-γοmicroένοις αὐτοῦ δυσπιστήσουσί τινες κύκνους microὲν γὰρ ἱεροὺς καὶ δρά-κοντας καὶ κύνας καὶ ἵππους ὀνοmicroάζοντες ἀνθρώπους δὲ θείους εἶναικαὶ θεοφιλεῖς ἀπιστοῦντες καὶ ταῦτα τὸν θεὸν οὐ φίλορνιν ἀλλὰ φι-

593B λάνθρωπον ἡγούmicroενοι καθάπερ οὖν ἀνὴρ φίλιππος οὐ πάντων ὁmicroοί-ως ἐπιmicroελεῖται τῶν ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους ἀλλrsquo ἀεί τινrsquo ἄριστον ἐξαιρῶνκαὶ ἀποκρίνων καθrsquo αὑτὸν ἀσκεῖ καὶ τρέφει καὶ ἀγαπᾷ διαφερόντως⟨οὕτω⟩ καὶ ἡmicroῶν οἱ ὑπὲρ ἡmicroᾶς τοὺς βελτίστους οἷον ἐξ ἀγέλης χαρά-

Translation 65

It used to leave his body completely at night and by day and wander farand wide returning again [592D] a er encountering and witnessing manythings done and said in distant places until his wife betrayed him and hisenemies found the body abandoned by the soul in his house and burntit This account however is not quite true the soul did not depart from thebody it merely eased and loosened its bond to the daimon and let the dai-mon travel and wander around so that it could report back the many thingsit saw and heard in the world outside Those who destroyed the body asHermodorus slept are even now paying the penalty in Tartarus You willknow these things [592E] be er young manrdquo the Voice continued ldquotwomonths from now For the present you may gordquo

lsquoWhen the Voice had ceased Timarchus said he wanted to turn roundand see who the speaker was But he again felt a violent pain in his headas though it was forcibly crushed and he had no further understanding orsense of his situation But a er a li le while he recovered consciousnessand saw that he was lying in the cave of Trophonius just by the entrancewhere he had originally lain down23 lsquoWell that is Timarchusrsquo story He died as the Voice had said twomonths a er his return to Athens [592F] We marvelled and told Socratesand he blamed us for not having told him about it while Timarchus wasstill alive because he would have liked to hear it from him and questionhim in more detail

lsquoSo Theocritus there is your myth and there is your argument Butmaybe we should ask our guest to join our investigation for it is one thatis very proper and fi ing for godly menrsquo

lsquoButrsquo said the stranger lsquowhy doesnrsquot Epaminondas contribute his viewseeing that he has had the same training as we haversquo

My father smiled lsquoThat is his personality sirrsquo he said lsquotaciturn andcautious in speech but insatiable in learning and listening Spintharus ofTarentum232 who spent quite a long time with him here says that he neveryet met any man of his time [593A] who knew more or said less So tellus what you yourself think about what has been saidrsquo

24 lsquoMy opinionrsquo said Theanor lsquois that Timarchusrsquo account should bededicated to the god as sacred and inviolable But as to what Simmias hassaid on his own behalf I should be surprised if any should disbelieve it orbe prepared to call swans snakes dogs and horses lsquosacredrsquo233 without be-lieving that there are men who are godly and loved by the gods ndash and thatthough they think god to be lsquolover of mankindrsquo not lsquolover of birdsrsquo Andjust as a horse-lover [593B] does not take equal care of all the specimensof the same breed234 but always singles out and selects one that is besttrains it by itself fosters it and specially cherishes it so those above us put

66 Text (24593Bndash 24593F)

ξαντες ἰδίας τινὸς καὶ περιττῆς παιδαγωγίας ἀξιοῦσι οὐχ ὑφrsquo ἡνίαςοὐδὲ ῥυτήρων ἀλλὰ λόγῳ διὰ συmicroβόλων εὐθύνοντες ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶἀγελαῖοι παντάπασιν ἀπείρως ἔχουσιν οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ κύνες τῶνθηρατικῶν σηmicroείων οὐδrsquoοἱ πολλοὶ ἵπποι τῶν ἱππικῶν συνιᾶσιν ἀλλrsquoοἱ microεmicroαθηκότες εὐθὺς ἀπὸ σιγmicroοῦ τοῦ τυχόντος ἢ ποππυσmicroοῦ τὸ προ-

593C σταττόmicroενον αἰσθανόmicroενοι ῥᾳδίως εἰς ὃ δεῖ καθίστανται φαίνεται δὲγιγνώσκων καὶ Ὅmicroηρος ἣν λέγοmicroεν διαφορὰν ἡmicroεῖς τῶν γὰρ microάντεωνοἰωνοπόλους τινὰς καλεῖ καὶ ἱερεῖς ἑτέρους δὲ τῶν θεῶν αὐτῶν διαλε-γοmicroένων συνιέντας καὶ συmicroφρονοῦντας ἀποσηmicroαίνειν οἴεται τὸ microέλ-λον ἐν οἷς λέγει

bdquoτῶν δrsquo Ἕλενος Πριάmicroοιο φίλος παῖς ξύνθετο θυmicroῷβουλήν ἥ ῥα θεοῖσιν ἐφήνδανε microητιόωσιldquo

καίbdquoὣς γὰρ ἐγὼν ὄπrsquo ἄκουσα θεῶν ⟨αἰει⟩ γενετάωνldquo ὥσπερ γὰρ τῶν βα-

σιλέων καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν τὴν διάνοιαν οἱ microὲν ἐκτὸς αἰσθάνονται καὶγιγνώσκουσι πυρσοῖς τισι καὶ κηρύγmicroασι καὶ ὑπὸ σαλπίγγων τοῖς δὲπιστοῖς καὶ συνήθεσιν αὐτοὶ φράζουσιν οὕτω τὸ θεῖον ὀλίγοις ἐντυγ-

593D χάνει διrsquo αὑτοῦ καὶ σπανίως τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς σηmicroεῖα δίδωσιν ἐξ ὧν ἡλεγοmicroένη microαντικὴ συνέστηκε θεοὶ microὲν γὰρ οὖν ὀλίγων ἀνθρώπων κο-σmicroοῦσι βίον οὓς ἂν ἄκρως microακαρίους τε καὶ θείους ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀπερ-γάσασθαι βουληθῶσιν αἱ δrsquo ἀπηλλαγmicroέναι γενέσεως ψυχαὶ καὶ σχο-λάζουσαι τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπὸ σώmicroατος οἷον ἐλεύθεραι πάmicroπαν ἀφειmicroέναιδαίmicroονές εἰσιν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιmicroελεῖς καθrsquo Ἡσίοδον ὡς γὰρ ἀθλητὰςκαταλύσαντας ἄσκησιν ὑπὸ γήρως οὐ τελέως ἀπολείπει τὸ φιλότιmicroονκαὶ φιλοσώmicroατον ἀλλrsquo ἑτέρους ἀσκοῦντας ὁρῶντες ἥδονται καὶ παρα-

593E καλοῦσι καὶ συmicroπαραθέουσιν οὕτως οἱ πεπαυmicroένοι τῶν περὶ τὸν βίονἀγώνων διrsquo ἀρετὴν ψυχῆς γενόmicroενοι δαίmicroονες οὐ παντελῶς ἀτιmicroάζου-σι τὰ ἐνταῦθα πράγmicroατα καὶ λόγους καὶ σπουδάς ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐπὶ ταὐτὸγυmicroναζοmicroένοις τέλος εὐmicroενεῖς ὄντες καὶ συmicroφιλοτιmicroούmicroενοι πρὸς τὴνἀρετὴν ἐγκελεύονται καὶ συνεξορmicroῶσιν ὅταν ἐγγὺς ἤδη τῆς ἐλπίδοςἁmicroιλλωmicroένους καὶ ψαύοντας ὁρῶσιν

593F οὐ γὰρ οἷς ἔτυχε συmicroφέρεται τὸ δαιmicroόνιον ἀλλrsquo οἷον ἐπὶ τῶν νηχο-microένων ἐν θαλάττῃ τοὺς microὲν πελαγίους ἔτι καὶ πρόσω τῆς γῆς φεροmicroέ-νους οἱ ἐπὶ γῆς ἑστῶτες σιωπῇ θεῶνται microόνον τοὺς δrsquo ἐγγὺς ἤδη παρα-θέοντες καὶ παρεmicroβαίνοντες ἅmicroα καὶ χειρὶ καὶ φωνῇ βοηθοῦντες ἀνα-σῴζουσιν οὗτος ὦ τοῦ δαιmicroονίου ὁ τρόπος ⟨microεθίησιν⟩ ἡmicroᾶς βαπτι-ζοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν πραγmicroάτων καὶ σώmicroατα πολλὰ καθάπερ ὀχήmicroαταmicroεταλαmicroβάνοντας αὐτοὺς ἐξαmicroιλλᾶσθαι καὶ microακροθυmicroεῖν διrsquo οἰκείαςπειρωmicroένους ἀρετῆς σῴζεσθαι καὶ τυγχάνειν λιmicroένος ἥτις δrsquo ἂν ἤδηδιὰ microυρίων γενέσεων ἠγωνισmicroένη microακροὺς ἀγῶνας εὖ καὶ προθύmicroως

Translation 67

their brand as it were on the best of the herd and think that these deservesome particular and special guidance controlling them not by reins or hal-ters but by reason through the medium of secret signs which are entirelyunknown to the many and the common herd A er all most dogs donrsquot un-derstand the hunterrsquos signals most horses donrsquot understand the trainerrsquosonly those who have learned immediately perceive the command that isbeing given by a casual whistle or a clacking of the tongue235 [593C] andeasily come to order Homer clearly understands the distinction we aremaking He calls some prophets augurs and priests while believing thatothers understand and are conscious of the talk of the gods themselves andso give warning of the future He says

ldquoThen Priamrsquos dear son Helenus understoodThe plans the gods in counsel had approvedrdquo

and againldquoFor so I heard the voice of the immortal godsrdquo236 The outside world

perceives and knows the intention of kings and generals by beacons andproclamations and trumpet-calls while to their loyal associates they de-clare it themselves Similarly237 the divine power [593D] converses di-rectly with few men and rarely while to the many it gives signs out ofwhich is constituted what is called lsquodivinationrsquo The gods honour the livesof a few men whom they wish to make supremely blessed and truly godlybut souls which have done with Becoming238 are free from concern withthe body and are le as it were to range free ndash these are as Hesiod tellsus239 the daimones that take care of humans Athletes who have given uptraining because of age are not altogether abandoned by the spirit of com-petitiveness and concern for the body they enjoy seeing others trainingthey encourage them and run beside them [593E] So those who haveretired from the contests of life and because of the excellence of their soulhave become daimones do not altogether spurn the affairs arguments andenthusiasms of this world but feel well-disposed to those in training forthe same goal and encourage and urge them on in their quest for virtuewhen they see that their striving has brought them within touching dis-tance of their hopes

lsquoThe daemonic power indeed does not aid all and sundry [593F]Think how spectators on shore watch in silence swimmers who are stillout at sea and far from land but once they come close run down andwade into the water helping by hand and voice to bring them to safetyThishellip240 is the way of the daemonic power it ltleavesgt241 us when weare swamped by circumstances passing from body to body ndash from boat toboat as it were ndash to struggle and suffer in our efforts to save ourselves byour own virtue and come safely into port But if a soul has fought its longfight well and enthusiastically through countless births and now its cycle

68 Text (24594Andash 26594E)

594A ψυχὴ τῆς περιόδου συmicroπεραινοmicroένης κινδυνεύουσα | καὶ φιλοτιmicroου-microένη περὶ τὴν ἔκβασιν ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ ⟨τοῖς⟩ ἄνω προσφέρηται ταύτῃτὸν οἰκεῖον οὐ νεmicroεσᾷ δαίmicroονα βοηθεῖν ὁ θεὸς ἀλλrsquo ἀφίησι τῷ προθυ-microουmicroένῳ προθυmicroεῖται δrsquo ἄλλος ἄλλην ἀνασῴζειν ἐγκελευόmicroενος ἡ δὲσυνακούει διὰ τὸ πλησιάζειν καὶ σῴζεται microὴ πειθοmicroένη δέ ἀπολιπόν-τος τοῦ δαίmicroονος οὐκ εὐτυχῶς ἀπαλλάσσειrsquo25 Τούτων εἰρηmicroένων ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας ἀποβλέψας εἰς ἐmicroέ lsquoσοὶ microένrsquoεἶπεν lsquoὦ Καφισία σχεδὸν ὥρα βαδίζειν εἰς τὸ γυmicroνάσιον ἤδη καὶ microὴ

594B ἀπολείπειν τοὺς συνήθεις ἡmicroεῖς δὲ Θεάνορος ἐπιmicroελησόmicroεθα διαλύ-σαντες ὅταν δοκῇ τὴν συνουσίανrsquo

κἀγώ lsquoταῦτrsquorsquo ἔφην lsquoπράττωmicroεν ἀλλὰ microικρὸν οἶmicroαί τι microετrsquo ἐmicroοῦ καὶΓαλαξιδώρου βούλεταί σοι διαλεχθῆναι ὁ Θεόκριτος οὑτοσίrsquo

lsquoἀγαθῇ τύχῃrsquo εἶπε lsquoδιαλεγέσθωrsquo καὶ προῆγεν ἀναστὰς εἰς τὸ ἐπι-κάmicroπειον τῆς στοᾶς καὶ ἡmicroεῖς περισχόντες αὐτὸν ἐπεχειροῦmicroεν πα-ρακαλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἡmicroέραν ἔφη πάνυ σαφῶς εἰδέναιτῆς καθόδου τῶν φυγάδων καὶ συντετάχθαι microετὰ Γοργίδου τοῖς φίλοιςπρὸς τὸν καιρόν ἀποκτενεῖν δὲ τῶν πολιτῶν ἄκριτον οὐδένα microὴ microε-

594C γάλης ἀνάγκης γενοmicroένης ἄλλως δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἁρmicroόζειν τὸΘηβαίων εἶναί τινας ἀναιτίους καὶ καθαροὺς τῶν πεπραγmicroένων ⟨οἳ⟩microᾶλλον ἕξουσιν ἀνυπόπτως ⟨πρὸς⟩ τὸν δῆmicroον ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ βελτίστουπαραινοῦντες ἐδόκει ταῦθrsquo ἡmicroῖν κἀκεῖνος microὲν ἀνεχώρησεν αὖθις ὡςτοὺς περὶ Σιmicromicroίαν ἡmicroεῖς δὲ καταβάντες εἰς τὸ γυmicroνάσιον ἐνετυγχάνο-microεν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ διαλαmicroβάνων ἄλλος ἄλλον ἐν τῷ συmicroπαλαίειν τὰmicroὲν ἐπυνθάνετο τὰ δrsquo ἔφραζε καὶ συνετάττετο πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἑω-ρῶmicroεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον ἀληλιmicromicroένους ἀπιόντας

594D ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ὁ γὰρ Φυλλίδας δεδιὼς microὴ τὸν Ἀmicroφίθεον προανέλωσινεὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Λυσανορίδου προποmicroπῆς τὸν Ἀρχίαν δεξάmicroενος καὶ πε-ρὶ τῆς ⟨⟩ γυναικός ἧς ἐπιθυmicroῶν ἐτύγχανεν εἰς ἐλπίδας ἐmicroβαλὼν ὡςἀφιξοmicroένης εἰς τὸν πότον ἔπεισε πρὸς ῥᾳθυmicroίαν καὶ ἄνεσιν τραπέσθαιmicroετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων αὐτῷ συνακολασταίνειν

26 Ὀψὲ δrsquo ⟨ἦν⟩ ἤδη τό τε ψῦχος ἐπέτεινε πνεύmicroατος γενοmicroένου καὶδιὰ τοῦτο τῶν πολλῶν τάχιον εἰς τὰς οἰκίας ἀνακεχωρηκότων ἡmicroεῖςmicroὲν τοὺς περὶ Δαmicroοκλείδαν καὶ Πελοπίδαν καὶ Θεόποmicroπον ἐντυχόντες

594E ἀνελαmicroβάνοmicroεν ἄλλοι δrsquo ἄλλους ἐσχίσθησαν γὰρ εὐθὺς ὑπερβαλόν-τες τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα καὶ παρέσχεν αὐτοῖς ὁ χειmicroὼν τὰ πρόσωπα συγ-κεκαλυmicromicroένοις ἀδεῶς διελθεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἐνίοις δrsquo ἐπήστραψε δεξιὸνἄνευ βροντῆς εἰσιοῦσι διὰ τῶν πυλῶν καὶ τὸ σηmicroεῖον ἐδόκει καλὸνπρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ δόξαν ὡς λαmicroπρῶν ἀκινδύνων δὲ τῶν πράξεωνἐσοmicroένων

Translation 69

complete draws near the upper region ever in danger [594A] and strivingwith much sweat to secure its landing242 ndash then god does not grudge itsdaimon the chance to help it but lets it do so if it so wishes and one wishesto save one soul and another another by cries of encouragement and thesoul can hear (for it is close by now) and is saved or if it does not heedand the daimon deserts it it comes to no happy endrsquo25 At the end of this speech Epaminondas looked at me lsquoItrsquos nearly timefor you to go to the gymnasium Caphisiasrsquo he said lsquoand not desert yourcomrades [594B] We will choose the time to break off this conversationand then we will look a er Theanorrsquo

lsquoLetrsquos do thatrsquo I said lsquobut here is Theocritus wanting I think to havesome talk with you with Galaxidorus and myself presentrsquo

lsquoGood luck to himrsquo he said lsquolet him have itrsquo He got up and led us outto the angle of the colonnade We gathered round him and tried to urgehim to take part in the plan He said that he was well aware of the day ofthe exilesrsquo return and he and Gorgidas had made arrangements with theirfriends to meet the situation but he would not kill any citizen withouttrial except in case of great necessity [594C] moreover it was right for thegeneral population of Thebes that there should be some persons withoutresponsibility or involvement in the affair who could be less suspect tothe people243 and be known to have the highest moral grounds for theiradvice We approved this Epaminondas then returned to Simmias andthe rest while we244 went down to the gymnasium and met our friendsWrestling with different partners we were all able to ask questions giveexplanations and organize ourselves for the action We saw Archias andPhilippus245 also anoint themselves and go off to the dinner Phyllidas infact [594D] being afraid they might kill Amphitheus246 before we couldact had intercepted Archias as soon as he had returned from escortingLysanoridas247 and instilled into him some hope that thehellip248 woman withwhom he was in love would be coming to the drinking party He had thuspersuaded him to relax and be comfortable with his usual companions indebauchery26 It was late now and ge ing colder and a wind had arisen Most peo-ple therefore had gone home quickly We249 fell in with Damoclidas250

Pelopidas and Theopompus251 and took them along with us Others didthe same for others of the exiles they had separated immediately [594E]a er crossing Cithaeron252 and the stormy weather enabled them to wrapup and hide their faces so as to pass through the city without fear Someas they entered the gate had seen a flash of lightning on the right unac-companied by thunder253 This was a good sign of safety and of glory ouractions would be famous but free of danger

70 Text (27594Endash 27595D)

27 ὡς οὖν ἅπαντες ἔνδον ἦmicroεν πεντήκοντα δυεῖν δέοντες ἤδη τοῦ Θεο-κρίτου καθrsquo ἑαυτὸν ἐν οἰκίσκῳ τινὶ σφαγιαζοmicroένου πολὺς ἦν τῆς θύραςἀραγmicroός καὶ microετὰ microικρὸν ἧκέ τις ἀγγέλλων ὑπηρέτας τοῦ Ἀρχίου δύοκόπτειν τὴν αὔλειον ἀπεσταλmicroένους σπουδῇ πρὸς Χάρωνα καὶ κελεύ-

594F ειν ἀνοίγειν καὶ ἀγανακτεῖν βράδιον ὑπακουόντων θορυβηθεὶς οὖν ὁΧάρων ἐκείνοις microὲν εὐθὺς ἀνοιγνύναι προσέταξεν αὐτὸς δrsquo ἀπαντή-σας ἔχων στέφανον ὡς τεθυκὼς καὶ πίνων ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν ὑπηρετῶνὅ τι βούλοιντο λέγει δrsquo ἅτερος lsquoἈρχίας καὶ Φίλιππος ἔπεmicroψαν ἡmicroᾶς κε-λεύοντες ὡς τάχιστά σrsquo ἥκειν πρὸς αὐτούςrsquo ἐροmicroένου δὲ τοῦ Χάρωνοςτίς ἡ σπουδὴ τῆς τηνικαῦτα microεταπέmicroψεως αὐτοῦ καὶ microή τι καινότερονlsquoοὐδὲν ἴσmicroενrsquo ὁ ὑπηρέτης ἔφη rsquoπλέον ἀλλὰ τί λέγωmicroεν αὐτοῖςrsquo lsquoὅτι νὴΔίrsquorsquo εἶπεν ὁ Χάρων lsquoθεὶς τὸν στέφανον ἤδη καὶ λαβὼν τὸ ἱmicroάτιον ἕπο-microαι microεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν γὰρ τηνικαῦτα βαδίζων διαταράξω τινὰς ὡς ἀγόmicroενοςrsquo

595A lsquoοὕτωςrsquo ἔφη lsquoποίει | καὶ γὰρ ἡmicroᾶς δεῖ τοῖς ὑπὸ πόλιν φρουροῖς κοmicroί-σαι τι πρόσταγmicroα παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντωνrsquo

ἐκεῖνοι microὲν οὖν ᾤχοντο τοῦ δὲ Χάρωνος εἰσελθόντος πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς καὶταῦτα φράσαντος ἔκπληξις ἅπαντας ἔσχεν οἰοmicroένους microεmicroηνῦσθαι καὶτὸν Ἱπποσθενείδαν ὑπενόουν οἱ πλεῖστοι κωλῦσαι microὲν ἐπιχειρήσαντατὴν κάθοδον διὰ τοῦ Χλίδωνος ἐπεὶ δrsquo ἀπέτυχε καὶ συνῆπτε τῷ και-ρῷ τὸ δεινόν ἐξενηνοχέναι πιθανὸν εἶναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπὸ δέους οὐγὰρ ἀφίκετο microετὰ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀλλrsquo ὅλως ἐδόκει πονη-ρὸς γεγονέναι καὶ παλίmicroβολος οὐ microὴν ἀλλὰ τόν γε Χάρωνα πάντες

595B ᾠόmicroεθα χρῆναι βαδίζειν καὶ ὑπακούειν τοῖς ἄρχουσι καλούmicroενον ὁ δὲκελεύσας τὸν υἱὸν ἐλθεῖν κάλλιστον ὄντα Θηβαίων ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε παῖ-δα καὶ φιλοπονώτατον περὶ τὰ γυmicroνάσια πεντεκαιδεκέτη microὲν σχεδὸνπολὺ δὲ ῥώmicroῃ καὶ microεγέθει διαφέροντα τῶν ὁmicroηλίκων lsquoοὗτοςrsquo εἶπεν lsquoὦἄνδρες ἐmicroοὶ microόνος ἐστὶ καὶ ἀγαπητός ὥσπερ ἴστε τοῦτον ὑmicroῖν παρα-δίδωmicroι πρὸς θεῶν ἅπασι πρὸς δαιmicroόνων ἐπισκήπτων εἰ φανείην ἐγὼπονηρὸς περὶ ὑmicroᾶς ἀποκτείνατε microὴ φείσησθrsquo ἡmicroῶν τὸ δὲ λοιπόν ὦ

595C ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον ἀντιτάξασθε microὴ πρόησθε τὰσώmicroατα διαφθεῖραι τοῖς ἐχθίστοις ἀνάνδρως καὶ ἀκλεῶς ἀλλrsquo ἀmicroύνα-σθε τὰς ψυχὰς ἀηττήτους τῇ πατρίδι φυλάττοντεςrsquo ταῦτα τοῦ Χάρωνοςλέγοντος τὸ microὲν φρόνηmicroα καὶ τὴν καλοκἀγαθίαν ἐθαυmicroάζοmicroεν πρὸςδὲ τὴν ὑποψίαν ἠγανακτοῦmicroεν καὶ ἀπάγειν ἐκελεύοmicroεν τὸν παῖδα

lsquoτὸ δrsquo ὅλονrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Πελοπίδας lsquoοὐδrsquo εὖ βεβουλεῦσθαι δοκεῖς ἡmicroῖνὦ Χάρων microὴ microεταστησάmicroενος εἰς οἰκίαν ἑτέραν τὸν υἱόν τί γὰρ αὐτὸνδεῖ κινδυνεύειν microεθrsquo ἡmicroῶν ἐγκαταλαmicroβανόmicroενον καὶ νῦν ἐκπεmicroπτέ-ος ἵνrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἐάν τι πάσχωmicroεν εὐγενὴς ὑποτρέφηται τιmicroωρὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς

595D τυράννουςrsquo lsquoοὐκ ἔστινrsquo εἶπεν ὁ Χάρων lsquoἀλλrsquo αὐτοῦ παραmicroενεῖ καὶ κιν-δυνεύσει microεθrsquo ὑmicroῶν οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτῳ καλὸν ὑποχείριον γενέσθαι τοῖς

Translation 71

27 When we were all in the house254 forty-eight of us and while The-ocritus was sacrificing privately in a separate room there was a great ham-mering on the door Very soon someone came to tell us that two officers ofArchias were knocking at the street-door on an urgent errand to Charon[594F] they were telling the servants to open up and were angry at theirslowness in obeying Charon was greatly alarmed He gave orders to openup at once and himself went to meet the visitors wearing a wreath asthough he had sacrificed and was now drinking He asked the officerswhat they wanted lsquoArchias and Philippus sent usrsquo said one of them lsquowithorders for you to go to them as soon as possiblersquo Charon asked what wasthe urgency in sending for him at such an hour and whether there wasany fresh news lsquoWe know no morersquo replied the officer lsquobut what are weto tell themrsquo Tell themrsquo said Charon lsquothat Irsquom following you as soon as Ihave taken off my garland and got my cloak255 if I go with you at this timeof night I shall cause a disturbance people will think I am being arrestedrsquo

lsquoDo as you sayrsquo said the officer [595A] lsquowe have also to deliver someorder from the authorities to the guard in the lower townrsquo

So they went their way and Charon came back to us and told us whathad happened We were all appalled We thought we had been betrayedand most suspected Hipposthenidas he had tried to prevent the returnby sending Chlidon256 and when he had failed and the moment of dan-ger had come it was only too plausible257 that he should have revealedthe plan out of fear In fact he had not come to the house with the restand was generally thought to have been a disloyal and unreliable charac-ter None the less we all agreed that Charon should go [595B] and obeythe authoritiesrsquo orders He then sent for his son He was the most beauti-ful boy in Thebes Archedamus and the keenest athlete in the gymnasiaabout fi een years old but much stronger and taller than his contempo-raries lsquoThis gentlemanrsquo said Charon lsquois my beloved only child I entrusthim to your hands and I enjoin you all by all the powers of heaven if Ishould prove traitor to you to kill him and not spare us And now mybrave friends prepare to face whatever happens258 Do not hand your livesto your bi erest enemies like craven cowards [595C] Defend yourselveskeep your hearts unconquered for your countryrsquos sakersquo We marvelled atCharonrsquos spirit and nobility as he said this but we were grieved at his sus-picions of us and told him to take the boy away

lsquoAltogether Charonrsquo said Pelopidas lsquowe think you made a wrong deci-sion in not moving your son to another house Why need he run risks bybeing caught with us Even now he should be sent away so that he cangrow up to avenge us nobly on the tyrantsrsquo lsquoImpossiblersquo said Charon lsquoheshall stay here [595D] and run the risk with you It is not right for him tooto be under our enemiesrsquo sway My boy be brave beyond your age this is

72 Text (27595Dndash 29596B)

ἐχθροῖς ἀλλὰ τόλmicroα παρrsquo ἡλικίαν ὦ παῖ γευόmicroενος ἄθλων ἀναγκαί-ων καὶ κινδύνευε microετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν πολιτῶν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίαςκαὶ ἀρετῆς πολλὴ δrsquo ἐλπὶς ἔτι λείπεται καί πού τις ἐφορᾷ θεῶν ἡmicroᾶςἀγωνιζοmicroένους περὶ τῶν δικαίωνrsquo28 Δάκρυα πολλοῖς ἐπῆλθεν ἡmicroῶν ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε πρὸς τοὺς λόγουςτἀνδρός αὐτὸς δrsquo ἄδακρυς καὶ ἄτεγκτος ἐγχειρίσας Πελοπίδᾳ τὸν υἱὸνἐχώρει διὰ θυρῶν δεξιούmicroενος ἕκαστον ἡmicroῶν καὶ παραθαρρύνων ἔτιδὲ microᾶλλον ἂν ἠγάσω τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν φαιδρότητα καὶ τὸ ἀδεὲς

595E πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον ὥσπερ τοῦ Νεοπτολέmicroου microήτrsquo ὠχριάσαντος microήτrsquoἐκπλαγέντος ἀλλrsquo ἕλκοντος τὸ ξίφος τοῦ Πελοπίδου καὶ καταmicroανθά-νοντος ἐν τούτῳ Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος εἷς τῶν φίλων παρῆνπρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ξίφος ἔχων καὶ θώρακα σιδηροῦν ὑπενδεδυmicroένος καὶ πυθό-microενος τὴν Χάρωνος ὑπrsquo Ἀρχίου microετάπεmicroψιν ᾐτιᾶτο τὴν microέλλησιν ἡmicroῶνκαὶ παρώξυνεν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας βαδίζειν φθήσεσθαι γὰρ ἐmicroπεσόν-τας αὐτοῖς εἰ δὲ microή βέλτιον εἶναι προελθόντας ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ συmicroπλέκε-σθαι πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀσυντάκτους καὶ σποράδας ἢ microένειν ἐν οἰκίσκῳ

595F καθείρξαντας αὑτοὺς ὥσπερ σmicroῆνος ἐξαιρεθησοmicroένους ὑπὸ τῶν πο-λεmicroίων ἐνῆγε δὲ καὶ ὁ microάντις Θεόκριτος ὡς τῶν ἱερῶν σωτηρίων καὶκαλῶν καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐχεγγύων αὐτῷ γεγονότων

29 ὁπλιζοmicroένων δrsquo ἡmicroῶν καὶ συνταττοmicroένων αὖθις ἀφικνεῖται Χάρωνἱλαρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ microειδιῶν καὶ προσβλέπων εἰς ἡmicroᾶς θαρρεῖν ἐκέ-λευεν ὡς δεινοῦ microηδενὸς ὄντος ἀλλὰ τῆς πράξεως ὁδῷ βαδιζούσης

596A lsquoὁ γὰρ Ἀρχίαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ ὁ Φίλιππος ὡς ἤκουσαν ἥκειν ἐmicroὲ κεκληmicroέ-νον | ἤδη βαρεῖς ὑπὸ τῆς microέθης ὄντες καὶ συνεκλελυmicroένοι τοῖς σώmicroασιτὰς ψυχάς microόλις διαναστάντες ἔξω προῆλθον ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας εἰπόντοςδὲ τοῦ Ἀρχίου bdquoφυγάδας ὦ Χάρων ἀκούοmicroεν ἐν τῇ πόλει κρύπτεσθαιπαρεισελθόνταςldquo οὐ microετρίως ἐγὼ διαταραχθείς bdquoποῦ δrsquoldquo εἶπον bdquoεἶναιλέγονται καὶ τίνεςldquo bdquoἀγνοοῦmicroενldquo ὁ Ἀρχίας εἶπε bdquoκαί σε τούτου χάρινἐλθεῖν ἐκελεύσαmicroεν εἰ δή τι τυγχάνοις σαφέστερον ἀκηκοώςldquo κἀγὼmicroικρὸν ὥσπερ ἐκ πληγῆς ἀναφέρων τὴν διάνοιαν ἐλογιζόmicroην λόγονεἶναι τὴν microήνυσιν οὐ βέβαιον οὐδrsquo ὑπὸ τῶν συνειδότων ἐξενηνέχθαι

596B τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐδενός οὐ γὰρ ⟨ἂν⟩ ἀγνοεῖν τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτούς εἴ τις εἰ-δὼς ἀκριβῶς ἐmicroήνυεν ἄλλως δrsquo ὑποψίαν ἢ λόγον ἄσηmicroον ἐν τῇ πόλειπεριφερόmicroενον ἥκειν εἰς ἐκείνους εἶπον οὖν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτι bdquoζῶντοςmicroὲν Ἀνδροκλείδου πολλάκις ἐπίσταmicroαι φήmicroας τοιαύτας ῥυείσας διακε-νῆς καὶ λόγους ψευδεῖς ἐνοχλήσαντας ἡmicroῖν νυνὶ δrsquoldquo ἔφην bdquoοὐδὲν ἀκή-κοα τοιοῦτον ὦ Ἀρχία σκέψοmicroαι δὲ τὸν λόγον εἰ κελεύεις κἂν πύθω-microαί τι φροντίδος ἄξιον ὑmicroᾶς οὐ λήσεταιldquo

bdquoπάνυ microὲν οὖνldquo ὁ Φυλλίδας εἶπε bdquomicroηδέν ὦ Χάρων ἀδιερεύνητονmicroηδrsquo ἄπυστον ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀπολίπῃς τί γὰρ κωλύει microηδενὸς καταφρο-

Translation 73

your first taste of fights that have to be fought Face danger at the side ofmany brave citizens for freedom and for honour There is still good hopeand surely some god watches over us when we fight in a just causersquo

28 Many of us burst into tears Archedamus at Charonrsquos words buthe himself remained dry-eyed and unmoved He handed his son overto Pelopidas and walked out through the door taking each of us by thehand and giving us encouragement You would have admired even morethe boyrsquos radiance and fearlessness in the face of danger [595E] LikeNeoptolemus259 he neither paled nor showed fear He drew Pelopidasrsquosword and examined it closely Meanwhile Cephisodorus260 the son ofDiogeiton one of our friends arrived to join us wearing a sword andan iron corselet under his clothes When he heard of Charonrsquos summonsto Archias he reproached us for delay and urged us to make our moveagainst the houses at once we should thus anticipate their a ack or ifnot it was be er to go forward and engage a disorganized and sca eredfoe261 in the open than to stay shut up in a building [595F] to be smokedout by the enemy like a swarm of bees262 Theocritus the diviner urged thiscourse too his sacrifices had been auspicious and favourable and guaran-teed our safety29 While we were arming and ge ing ready Charon returned cheerfuland smiling He looked at us and bade us be of good heart There wasnothing to fear things were going according to plan

lsquoArchias and Philippusrsquo he said263 [596A] lsquowere already far gone indrink when they heard that I had come in accordance with their summonsTheir minds were as paralysed as their bodies They could hardly standup but they came to the door ldquoWe hear Charonrdquo said Archias ldquothatsome exiles have slipped into the city and are in hidingrdquo I was much dis-turbed ldquoWhere are they said to be and who are theyrdquo I asked ldquoWe donrsquotknowrdquo said Archias ldquoand that is why we asked you to come in case youhave heard something more definiterdquo I was a li le while recovering mythoughts from the blow as it were but I reckoned that their informationwas only unreliable talk [596B] and that none of the conspirators hadrevealed the plot they would have known the houses I thought if the in-formation had come from anyone with exact knowledge Some suspicionor vague rumour circulating in the city must have reached their ears So Ireplied ldquoWhile Androclidas264 was alive I know there was o en a streamof such idle rumours and false stories which were a nuisance to us but Irsquoveheard nothing like that now Archias If you wish I will inquire into thestory and if I learn anything that warrants concern you shall hear of itrdquo

ldquoJust sordquo said Phyllidas ldquodonrsquot let anything pass without question orinquiry in this connection Charon Whatrsquos wrong with treating nothing as

74 Text (29596Cndash 31597A)

596C νεῖν ἀλλὰ πάντα φυλάττεσθαι καὶ προσέχειν καλὸν γὰρ ἡ πρόνοια καὶτὸ ἀσφαλέςldquo ἅmicroα δὲ τὸν Ἀρχίαν ὑπολαβὼν ἀπῆγεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἐν ᾧπίνοντες τυγχάνουσιν ἀλλὰ microὴ microέλλωmicroεν ἄνδρεςrsquo ἔφη lsquoπροσευξάmicroε-νοι δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξίωmicroενrsquo

ταῦτα τοῦ Χάρωνος εἰπόντος εὐχόmicroεθα τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ παρεκαλοῦ-microεν ἀλλήλους30 Ὥρα microὲν οὖν ἦν καθrsquo ἣν ἅνθρωποι microάλιστα περὶ δεῖπνόν εἰσι τὸδὲ πνεῦmicroα microᾶλλον ἐπιτεῖνον ἤδη νιφετὸν ὑπεκίνει ψεκάδι λεπτῇ microεmicroι-γmicroένον ὥστε πολλὴν ἐρηmicroίαν εἶναι διὰ τῶν στενωπῶν διεξιοῦσιν οἱmicroὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν Λεοντιάδαν καὶ τὸν Ὑπάταν ταχθέντες ἐγγὺς ἀλλή-

596D λων οἰκοῦντας ἐν ἱmicroατίοις ἐξῄεσαν ἔχοντες οὐδὲν ἕτερον τῶν ὅπλωνἢ microάχαιραν ἕκαστος (ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἦν καὶ Πελοπίδας καὶ Δαmicroοκλείδαςκαὶ Κηφισόδωρος) Χάρων δὲ καὶ Μέλων καὶ οἱ microετrsquo αὐτῶν ἐπιτίθεσθαιτοῖς περὶ Ἀρχίαν microέλλοντες ἡmicroιθωράκια ἐνδεδυmicroένοι καὶ στεφάνουςδασεῖς ἔχοντες οἱ microὲν ἐλάτης οἱ δὲ πεύκης ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ χιτώνια τῶν γυ-ναικ⟨εί⟩ων ἀmicroπεχόmicroενοι microεθύοντας ἀποmicroιmicroούmicroενοι κώmicroῳ χρωmicroένουςmicroετὰ γυναικῶν

ἡ δὲ χείρων ὦ Ἀρχέδαmicroε τύχη καὶ τὰς τῶν πολεmicroίων microαλακίας καὶἀγνοίας ταῖς ἡmicroετέραις ἐπανισοῦσα τόλmicroαις καὶ παρασκευαῖς καὶ κα-

596E θάπερ δρᾶmicroα τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡmicroῶν ἀπrsquo ἀρχῆς διαποικίλλουσα κινδυνώ-δεσιν ἐπεισοδίοις εἰς αὐτὸ συνέδραmicroε τὸ ἔργον ὀξὺν ἐπιφέρουσα καὶδεινὸν ἀνελπίστου περιπετείας ἀγῶνα τοῦ γὰρ Χάρωνος ὡς ἀνέπεισετοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον ἀναχωρήσαντος οἴκαδε καὶ διασκευά-ζοντος ἡmicroᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἧκεν ἐνθένδε παρrsquo ὑmicroῶν ἐπιστολὴ παρrsquo Ἀρ-χίου τοῦ ἱεροφάντου πρὸς Ἀρχίαν ἐκεῖνον ὄντα φίλον αὐτῷ καὶ ξένονὡς ἔοικεν ἐξαγγέλλουσα τὴν κάθοδον καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν φυγά-

596F δων καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν εἰς ἣν παρεληλύθεισαν καὶ τοὺς συmicroπράττονταςαὐτοῖς ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῇ microέθῃ κατακεκλασmicroένος ὁ Ἀρχίας καὶ τῇ προσ-δοκίᾳ τῶν γυναικῶν ἀνεπτοηmicroένος ἐδέξατο microὲν τὴν ἐπιστολήν τοῦ δὲγραmicromicroατοφόρου φήσαντος ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων αὐτῷ γεγράφθαι lsquoτὰσπουδαῖα τοίνυν εἰς αὔριονrsquo ἔφη καὶ τὴν microὲν ἐπιστολὴν ὑπέθηκεν ὑπὸτὸ προσκεφάλαιον αἰτήσας δὲ ποτήριον ἐκέλευσεν ἐγχεῖν καὶ τὸν Φυλ-λίδαν ἐξέπεmicroπε συνεχῶς ἐπὶ θύρας σκεψόmicroενον εἰ τὰ γύναια πρόσεισι31 τοιαύτης δὲ τὸν πότον ἐλπίδος διαπαιδαγωγησάσης προσmicroίξαντεςἡmicroεῖς καὶ διὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν εὐθὺς ὠσάmicroενοι πρὸς τὸν ἀνδρῶνα microικρὸν

597A ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις ἔστηmicroεν ἐφορῶντες τῶν κατακειmicroένων ἕκαστον | ἡmicroὲν οὖν τῶν στεφάνων καὶ τῆς ἐσθῆτος ὄψις παραλογιζοmicroένη τὴν ἐπι-δηmicroίαν ἡmicroῶν σιγὴν ἐποίησεν ἐπεὶ δὲ πρῶτος ὁ Μέλων ὥρmicroησε διὰ microέ-σου τὴν χεῖρα τῇ λαβῇ τοῦ ξίφους ἐπιβεβληκώς Καβίριχος ὁ κυαmicroευτὸςἄρχων τοῦ βραχίονος αὐτὸν παραπορευόmicroενον ἀντισπάσας ἀνεβόη-σεν lsquoοὐ Μέλων οὗτος ὦ Φυλλίδαrsquo τούτου microὲν οὖν ἐξέκρουσε τὴν ἐπι-βουλὴν ἅmicroα τὸ ξίφος ἀνέλκων διανιστάmicroενον δὲ χαλεπῶς τὸν Ἀρχίαν

Translation 75

beneath notice [596C] but keeping a watchful eye on all things Foresightand security are an excellent thingrdquo With this he supported Archias backinto the house where they are now drinking Let us not delay friendsrsquoCharon concluded lsquobut pray to the gods and set forthrsquo

When he had spoken we said our prayers to the gods and tried to giveone another courage30 It was now time when people are mostly at dinner The wind was ris-ing and bringing a mixture of snow and light rain So the streets weredeserted as we passed through them The party detailed to deal withLeontiadas and Hypatas265 who lived near each other went in cloaksarmed only with a dagger each [596D] Pelopidas Damoclidas andCephisodorus were in this group Charon Melon and their companionswho were due to a ack Archiasrsquo party wore breastplates and had thickgarlands of fir or pine and some of them had put on womenrsquos dressespretending that it was a party of drunken revellers with their women266

But bad fortune Archedamus which both evened the odds betweenthe enemyrsquos indolence and ignorance and our daring and preparednessand had from the start varied the drama of our plot [596E] with scenesof danger now accompanied us to the very moment of action produc-ing the sudden dangerous crisis of a quite unexpected turn of events267

Charon having convinced Archias and Philippus had returned home andwas preparing us for action when there came a le er from Athens ad-dressed by Archias the hierophant to the other Archias who was his friendand guest268 reporting (presumably)269 the return and [596F] conspiracyof the exiles the house to which they had gone and their collaboratorsArchias was now completely sha ered by drink270 and excited by the ex-pectation of the women He took the le er but when the courier said itwas about a serious piece of business271 he merely said lsquoSerious businesstomorrowrsquo put the le er under his pillow called for a cup and ordered itto be filled and sent Phyllidas repeatedly to the door to see if the womenwere coming31 These hopes kept them happily drinking until we joined the party Wepushed straight past the servants into the dining-room but paused for amoment at the door observing each of the diners [597A] The sight ofour garlands and our clothes misled them as to the nature of our visit andproduced a silence Melon was the first to plunge in hand on sword-hiltCabirichus the archon-by-lot272 caught him by the arm as he passed himand cried out lsquoPhyllidas isnrsquot this Melonrsquo Melon shook him off and at thesame time drew his sword Archias made an effort to rise but Melon ran athim and struck and struck again till he had killed him As to Philippus he

76 Text (31597Andash 32597F)

ἐπιδραmicroὼν οὐκ ἀνῆκε παίων ἕως ἀπέκτεινε τὸν δὲ Φίλιππον ἔτρωσε597B microὲν Χάρων παρὰ τὸν τράχηλον ἀmicroυνόmicroενον δὲ τοῖς παρακειmicroένοις ἐκ-

πώmicroασιν ὁ Λυσίθεος ἀπὸ τῆς κλίνης χαmicroαὶ καταβαλὼν ἀνεῖλε τὸν δὲΚαβίριχον ἡmicroεῖς κατεπραΰνοmicroεν ἀξιοῦντες microὴ τοῖς τυράννοις βοηθεῖνἀλλὰ τὴν πατρίδα συνελευθεροῦν ἱερὸν ὄντα καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς καθωσιω-microένον ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ὡς δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸν οἶνον οὐκ ἦν εὐπαρακόmicroιστος τῷλογισmicroῷ πρὸς τὸ συmicroφέρον ἀλλὰ microετέωρος καὶ τεταραγmicroένος ἀνίστα-το καὶ τὸ δόρυ προεβάλλετο κατrsquo αἰχmicroήν ὅπερ ἐξ ἔθους ἀεὶ φοροῦσιν οἱπαρrsquo ἡmicroῖν ἄρχοντες ἐγὼ microὲν ἐκ microέσου διαλαβὼν τὸ δόρυ καὶ microετεωρί-

597C σας ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἐβόων ἀφεῖναι καὶ σῴζειν ἑαυτόν εἰ δὲ microή πεπλήξε-σθαι Θεόποmicroπος δὲ παραστὰς ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ τῷ ξίφει πατάξας αὐτόνlsquoἐνταῦθrsquorsquo ἔφη lsquoκεῖσο microετὰ τούτων οὓς ἐκολάκευες microὴ γὰρ ἐν ἐλευθέ-ραις στεφανώσαιο ταῖς Θήβαις microηδὲ θύσειας ἔτι τοῖς θεοῖς ἐφrsquo ὧν κα-τηράσω πολλὰ τῇ πατρίδι πολλάκις ὑπὲρ τῶν πολεmicroίων εὐχόmicroενοςrsquoπεσόντος δὲ τοῦ Καβιρίχου τὸ microὲν ἱερὸν δόρυ Θεόκριτος παρὼν ἀνήρ-πασεν ἐκ τοῦ φόνου τῶν δὲ θεραπόντων ὀλίγους τολmicroήσαντας ἀmicroύ-νασθαι διεφθείραmicroεν ἡmicroεῖς τοὺς δrsquo ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντας εἰς τὸν ἀνδρῶνακατεκλείσαmicroεν οὐ βουλόmicroενοι διαπεσόντας ἐξαγγεῖλαι τὰ πεπραγmicroέ-να πρὶν εἰδέναι καὶ τὰ τῶν ἑταίρων εἰ καλῶς κεχώρηκεν

597D 32 Ἐπράχθη δὲ κἀκεῖνα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἔκοψαν οἱ περὶ Πελοπίδαντοῦ Λεοντιάδου τὴν αὔλειον ἡσυχῆ προσελθόντες καὶ πρὸς τὸν ὑπα-κούσαντα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἔφασαν ἥκειν Ἀθήνηθεν γράmicromicroατα τῷ Λεοντι-άδᾳ παρὰ Καλλιστράτου κοmicroίζοντες ὡς δrsquo ἀπαγγείλας καὶ κελευσθεὶςἀνοῖξαι τὸν microοχλὸν ἀφεῖλε καὶ microικρὸν ἐνέδωκε τὴν θύραν ἐmicroπεσόν-τες ἀθρόοι καὶ ἀνατρέψαντες τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἵεντο δρόmicroῳ διὰ τῆς αὐ-λῆς ἐπὶ τὸν θάλαmicroον ὁ δrsquo εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐξενεχθεὶς τῇ ὑπο-

597E νοίᾳ καὶ σπασάmicroενος τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ὥρmicroησε πρὸς ἄmicroυναν ἄδικος microὲνἀνὴρ καὶ τυραννικὸς εὔρωστος δὲ τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα ῥωmicroαλέοςοὐ microὴν ἔγνω γε τὸν λύχνον καταβαλεῖν καὶ διὰ σκότους συmicromicroῖξαι τοῖςἐπιφεροmicroένοις ἀλλrsquo ἐν φωτὶ καθορώmicroενος ὑπὸ τούτων ἅmicroα τῆς θύραςἀνοιγοmicroένης παίει τὸν Κηφισόδωρον εἰς τὸν λαγόνα καὶ δευτέρῳ τῷΠελοπίδᾳ συmicroπεσὼν microέγα βοῶν ἀνεκαλεῖτο τοὺς θεράποντας ἀλλrsquoἐκείνους microὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν Σαmicroίδαν ἀνεῖργον οὐ παρακινδυνεύοντας εἰςχεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἀνδράσιν ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ κατrsquo ἀλκὴν

597F διαφέρουσιν ἀγὼν δrsquo ἦν τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ πρὸς τὸν Λεοντιάδαν καὶ διαξι-φισmicroὸς ἐν ταῖς θύραις τοῦ θαλάmicroου στεναῖς οὔσαις καὶ τοῦ Κηφισοδώ-ρου πεπτωκότος ἐν microέσαις αὐταῖς καὶ θνήσκοντος ὥστε microὴ δύνασθαιτοὺς ἄλλους προσβοηθεῖν τέλος δrsquo ὁ ἡmicroέτερος λαβὼν microὲν εἰς τὴν κε-φαλὴν οὐ microέγα τραῦmicroα δοὺς δὲ πολλὰ καὶ καταβαλὼν τὸν Λεοντιάδανἐπέσφαξε θερmicroῷ τῷ Κηφισοδώρῳ καὶ γὰρ εἶδε πίπτοντα τὸν ἐχθρὸνὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ τὴν δεξιὰν ἐνέβαλε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀσπα-

Translation 77

was wounded in the neck by Charon and then when he tried to defendhimself with the drinking-cups that were at hand [597B] Lysitheus273

threw him off the couch on to the floor and finished him off Cabirichus wetried to calm down pointing out that he ought not to help the tyrants butought to help to liberate his country seeing that he was a sacred personconsecrated to the gods on her behalf But thanks to the wine he wasincapable of being induced by argument to understand his interests hegot to his feet in high excitement and confusion and brandished the pointof the spear which our archons always carried by custom I seized the spearby the sha raised it above his head274 and shouted to him to let go andsave himself or else be struck down [597C] Theopompus275 came up onthe right struck him with his sword and cried out lsquoLie there with the menwhose toady you were God forbid that you should wear your garlandin a free Thebes or sacrifice any more to the gods in whose presence youso o en cursed your country by praying for its enemiesrsquo A er Cabirichushad fallen Theocritus who was near by snatched the sacred spear out ofthe blood A few of the servants ventured to a empt resistance we killedthem Those who stayed quiet we locked in the dining-room not wantingthem to slip through and spread the news before we knew [597D] whetherour friends had been successful32 That business too had been done in the following way Pelopidasrsquoparty had quietly approached Leontiadasrsquo street door and told the ser-vant who answered that they had come from Athens with a le er for himfrom Callistratus276 The man gave the message and was ordered to openup As soon as he had removed the bar and opened the door a li le theyall rushed in together threw the man to the floor and ran through thecourtyard to the bedroom Leontiadas guessed the truth at once drewhis sword [597E] and set about defending himself He was an unjust andtyrannical person but he had a stout heart and a powerful arm But he didnot think of knocking over the lamp and confronting his a ackers in thedark Instead in full view of them all the instant the door was openedhe wounded Cephisodorus in the thigh Next he fell on the second manPelopidas and shouted to summon the servants They however were heldback by Samidasrsquo277 party and did not risk coming to blows with distin-guished citizens who were also outstanding fighters The struggle wasbetween Pelopidas and Leontiadas They crossed swords [597F] in thenarrow doorway of the bedroom where Cephisodorus had fallen and laydying in the middle of the entrance so that the others could not join in Inthe end our man received a slight wound in the head but he gave manyand finally felled Leontiadas and killed him over Cephisodorusrsquo still liv-ing body Indeed Cephisodorus saw the enemy fall gave his right handto Pelopidas said a word of greeting to the others and breathed his last a

78 Text (32597Fndash 34598E)

σάmicroενος ἅmicrorsquo ἵλεως ἐξέπνευσε γενόmicroενοι δrsquo ἀπὸ τούτων ἐπὶ τὸν Ὑπά-ταν τρέπονται καὶ τῶν θυρῶν ὁmicroοίως αὐτοῖς ἀνοιχθεισῶν φεύγοντατὸν Ὑπάταν ὑπὲρ τέγους τινὸς εἰς τοὺς γείτονας ἀποσφάττουσιν

598A 33 | Ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πρὸς ἡmicroᾶς ἠπείγοντο καὶ συmicroβάλλουσιν ἡmicroῖν ἔξωθενπαρὰ τὴν πολύστυλον ἀσπασάmicroενοι δrsquo ἀλλήλους καὶ συλλαλήσαντεςἐχωροῦmicroεν ἐπὶ τὸ δεσmicroωτήριον ἐκκαλέσας ⟨δὲ τὸν⟩ ἐπὶ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ὁΦυλλίδας lsquoἈρχίαςrsquo ἔφη lsquoκαὶ Φίλιππος κελεύουσί σε ταχέως ἄγειν ἐπrsquoαὐτοὺς Ἀmicroφίθεονrsquo ὁ δrsquo ὁρῶν καὶ τῆς ὥρας τὴν ἀτοπίαν καὶ τὸ microὴ κα-θεστηκότα λαλεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Φυλλίδαν ἀλλὰ θερmicroὸν ὄντα τῷ ἀγῶνικαὶ microετέωρον ὑπειδόmicroενος τὸ πλάσmicroα lsquoπότrsquorsquo ἔλεγεν lsquoὦ Φυλλίδα τηνι-

598B καῦτα microετεπέmicroψαντο δεσmicroώτην οἱ πολέmicroαρχοι πότε δὲ διὰ σοῦ τί δὲκοmicroίζεις παράσηmicroονrsquo ἅmicroα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ ξυστὸν ἱππικὸν ἔχων διῆ-κε τῶν πλευρῶν καὶ κατέβαλε πονηρὸν ἄνθρωπον ᾧ καὶ microεθrsquo ἡmicroέρανἐπενέβησαν καὶ προσέπτυσαν οὐκ ὀλίγαι γυναῖκες ἡmicroεῖς δὲ τὰς θύραςτῆς εἱρκτῆς κατασχίσαντες ἐκαλοῦmicroεν ὀνοmicroαστὶ πρῶτον microὲν τὸν Ἀmicro-φίθεον εἶτα τῶν ἄλλων πρὸς ὃν ἕκαστος ἐπιτηδείως εἶχεν οἱ δὲ τὴνφωνὴν γνωρίζοντες ἀνεπήδων ἐκ τῶν χαmicroευνῶν ἄσmicroενοι τὰς ἁλύσειςἐφέλκοντες οἱ δὲ τοὺς πόδας ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ δεδεmicroένοι τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγον-

598C τες ἐβόων δεόmicroενοι microὴ ἀπολειφθῆναι λυοmicroένων δὲ τούτων ἤδη πολλοὶπροσεφέροντο τῶν ἐγγὺς οἰκούντων αἰσθανόmicroενοι τὰ πραττόmicroενα καὶχαίροντες αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ὡς ἑκάστη περὶ τοῦ προσήκοντος ἤκουσενοὐκ ἐmicromicroένουσαι τοῖς Βοιωτῶν ἔθεσιν ἐξέτρεχον πρὸς ἀλλήλας καὶ δι-επυνθάνοντο παρὰ τῶν ἀπαντώντων αἱ δrsquo ἀνευροῦσαι πατέρας ἢ ἄν-δρας αὑτῶν ἠκολούθουν οὐδεὶς δrsquo ἐκώλυε ῥοπὴ γὰρ ἦν microεγάλη πρὸςτοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ὁ παρrsquo αὐτῶν ἔλεος καὶ δάκρυα καὶ δεήσεις σω-φρόνων γυναικῶν

34 Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν πραγmicroάτων ὄντων πυθόmicroενος τὸν Ἐπαmicroεινώνδαν598D ἐγὼ καὶ τὸν Γοργίδαν ἤδη microετὰ τῶν φίλων συναθροίζεσθαι

περὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἐπορευόmicroην πρὸς αὐτούς ἧκον δὲ πολλοὶκαὶ ἀγαθοὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ὁmicroοῦ καὶ συνέρρεον ἀεὶ πλείονες ὡς δrsquo ἀπήγ-γειλα καθrsquo ἕκαστον αὐτοῖς τὰ πεπραγmicroένα καὶ παρεκάλουν βοηθεῖνἐλθόντας εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν ἅmicroα πάντες εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐκή-ρυττον τοὺς πολίτας τοῖς δὲ τότrsquo ὄχλοις τῶν συνισταmicroένων ὅπλα πα-ρεῖχον αἵ τε στοαὶ πλήρεις οὖσαι παντοδαπῶν λαφύρων καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐγ-γὺς οἰκούντων ἐργαστήρια microαχαιροποιῶν ἧκε δὲ καὶ Ἱπποσθενείδαςmicroετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκετῶν τοὺς ἐπιδεδηmicroηκότας κατὰ τύχην πρὸς

598E τὰ Ἡράκλεια σαλπικτὰς παραλαmicroβάνων εὐθέως δrsquoοἱ microὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγο-ρᾶς ἐσήmicroαινον οἱ δὲ κατrsquo ἄλλους τόπους πανταχόθεν ἐκταράττοντεςτοὺς ὑπεναντίους ὡς πάντων ἀφεστώτων οἱ microὲν οὖν λακωνίζοντες τὴν Καδmicroείαν ἔφευγον ἐπισπασάmicroενοι καὶ τοὺς ἐκκρίτους λεγοmicroένουςεἰωθότας δὲ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν κάτω νυκτερεύειν οἱ δrsquo ἄνω τούτων microὲν

Translation 79

happy man Next they turned to Hypatas here too the door was openedto them and they cut Hypatas down as he tried to escape over the roof tohis neighbours33 [598A] From there they made haste to join us and met us outsidethe Long Colonnade278 A er greeting one another and talking togetherwe proceeded to the prison Phyllidas called the prison governor out andsaid lsquoArchias and Philippus order you to deliver Amphitheus to them im-mediatelyrsquo In view of the unusual hour and the fact that Phyllidas wasnot speaking in a very collected manner but was heated and excited byhis fight the governor saw through the trick lsquoAnd when have [598B] thepolemarchs ever sent for a prisoner at this hour Phyllidasrsquo he said lsquoandwhen did they ever use you as the messenger What token of your author-ity have you gotrsquo lsquoltThisrsquo said Phyllidasgt279 and as he spoke he drovethe cavalry lance which he had with him through his opponentrsquos side andlaid the vile creature low many women trampled and spat on him nextmorning We forced open the door of the prison and called the prisonersby name ndash Amphitheus first then any others with whom any of us wasconnected When they recognized our voices some leapt joyfully out oftheir beds dragging their chains with them while others whose feet wereheld in the stocks stretched out their arms and shouted begging not tobe le behind While they were being freed [598C] many of the peopleliving nearby came to join us hearing what was happening and delightedby it The women too when they heard about their relatives abandonedtheir usual Boeotian ways280 ran out to visit one another and questionedanyone they met Those who found fathers or husbands went with themand no one stopped them All who met them were greatly moved both bypity and by the tears and prayers of these honest women34 This was the state of affairs when I learned that Epaminondas andGorgidas were assembling with their friends [598D] at the sanctuary ofAthena281 I made my way there to join them as did many good citizensthe numbers constantly growing When I had reported in detail whathad been done and urged them to go to the agora to support us theyall instantly set about summoning the citizens to liberate themselves Thecrowds of supporters that then gathered were supplied with weapons fromthe colonnades which were full of spoils of war of every kind and fromthe workshops of the sword-makers who lived nearby Hipposthenidasnow came on the scene with his friends and servants bringing with them[598E] the trumpeters who happened to be in town for the Festival of Her-acles282 Some of these sounded a call in the agora others in other placescausing alarm to the enemy on every side and making him think the wholepopulation was in revolt The supporters of the Spartans fledhellip lttogt283 theCadmea taking with them also the so-called special guard284 who regu-

80 Text (34598Endash 34598F)

ἀτάκτως καὶ τεθορυβηmicroένως ἐπιχεοmicroένων ἡmicroᾶς δὲ περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰνἀφορῶντες οὐδενὸς microέρους ἡσυχάζοντος ἀλλὰ πανταχόθεν ψόφωνκαὶ θορύβων ἀναφεροmicroένων καταβαίνειν microὲν οὐ διενοοῦντο καίπερ

598F περὶ πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες ἐκπεπληγmicroένοι δὲ τὸνκίνδυνον ἄλλως προυφασίζοντο Λυσανορίδαν περιmicroένειν dagger γὰρ ἡτῆς ἡmicroέρας ἐκείνης διὸ καὶ τοῦτον microὲν ὕστερον ὡς πυνθανόmicroεθα χρή-microασιν οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐζηmicroίωσαν τῶν Λακεδαιmicroονίων οἱ γέροντες Ἡριπ-πίδαν δὲ καὶ Ἄρκεσον ἀπέκτειναν εὐθὺς ἐν Κορίνθῳ λαβόντες τὴν δὲΚαδmicroείαν ὑπόσπονδον παραδόντες ἡmicroῖν ἀπήλλαττον microετὰ τῶν στρα-τιωτῶν

Translation 81

larly spent the night at the foot of the citadel Those on the citadel itselfconfronted by this disorderly and confused influx and seeing us in theagora ndash no peace anywhere sounds of tumult reaching them from everyside ndash had no thought of coming down [598F] though they were aboutfi een hundred strong285 Appalled by the danger they could only makethe excuse that they were waiting for Lysanoridas286 hellip that day287 Forthat reason as we learned later the Spartan gerousia ltfinedgt Lysanoridasltheavilygt288 and put Herippidas and Arcesus289 to death when they cap-tured them at Corinth They surrendered the Cadmea to us under a truceand began to withdraw with all their forces

Notes on the Translation1 The Athenian who starts the introductory dialogue by questioning Caphisias about

the liberation of Thebes is probably identical with Archedemus of Pelekes men-tioned in Aeschin or 3139 as having made himself unpopular by his pro-Thebansentiments On chronological grounds he is probably to be distinguished from theArchedemus who was leader of the popular party in Athens in 406 (Xen Hell 172)[RP]

2 The narrator Epaminondasrsquo younger brother [RN]3 For the use of the picture-simile see now H -L 2002 1ndash2 [N]4 Reading uncertain P has τοὺς δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ⟩

microέρους ἀγῶνας W 1992 has τοὺς δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις ⟨καταδήλους γιγνοmicroέ-νους ἐπὶ⟩ microέρους ἀγῶνας παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθηκόντως [with καθηκόντως replac-ing the transmi ed καθορῶντα] καιρῷ καὶ πάθει microεmicroιγmicroένου λογισmicroοῦ (ldquoyet byvirtue of their causes the particular contests of virtue against chance occurrences andthe acts of intelligent bravery in the face of fearful conditions ⟨become clear cases of⟩rationality suitably blended with opportunity and emotionrdquo) [R] H reads τοῦ δ᾿ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ τοῖς ⟨ἐπὶ⟩ microέρους ⟨ἴδιον ἕκαστον microυρίους⟩ ἀγῶνας followingK [N]

5 Pindar Isthmians 12 Already quoted (also in a prefatory section of a dialogue) byPlato Phaedrus 227b [R]

6 There were numerous Theban embassies to Athens a er the pro-Spartan oligarchicregime had been overthrown (see eg Xen Hell 5462 Diod 15254 ) but we donot know anything about Caphisias in one of these embassies [N]

7 Cf Pindar Ol 6152 ἀρχαῖον ὄνειδος hellip Βοιωτίαν ὗν already quoted by Plat Symp182b Phaedo 64b Alluded to by Plut at De E 6387D De Herod mal 31864D ndash TextP rsquos conjecture δοκεῖ κἂν ἀνεγείρειν (instead of the corrupt δοκεῖν ἀνεγείρειν ofthe manuscripts) is nearer to the paradosis than H rsquos δόξειεν ἂν ἐγείρειν [R]

8 No lacuna is indicated in E but Simmias and Cebes must be mentioned in this context(H reads microαραινόmicroενον ⟨Σιmicromicroίας microὲν γὰρ καὶ Κέβης⟩ παρὰ Σωκράτη hellip) [R]On Simmias see below n 23 [N]

9 On the relationship between Caphisiasrsquo family and Lysis (the Pythagorean exile whotaught Epaminondas and whose tomb his disciple Theanor visits) see below n 64[RN]

10 The Athenians mentioned in these lines are historical characters whose Theban sym-pathies were well-a ested Much friendly feeling between Athens and Thebes wentback to 4043 when many Athenian refugees from the Spartan-backed regime of thelsquoThirty Tyrantsrsquo in Athens lived in Thebes the liberation movement started fromthere Thrasybulus of Collytus and Archinus were leading figures in that movement(for Archinusrsquo role see Dem or 24135 where a son Myronides is mentioned) Thrasy-bulus was lsquotrusted in Thebes like no otherrsquo (Aeschin or 3138) and his nephew Thra-son brother of the Lysitheides of De Genio was Theban proxenos (ibid) The greatadmiral Conon destroyed the Spartan fleet at Cnidus in 394 and his son Timotheus(frequently elected general from 378 onwards) continued the anti-Spartan effort Onpolitical groups (hetaireiai) of the kind here mentioned see S H ACommen-tary on Thucydides vol III (Oxford 2008) 917ndash20 [RP]

11 Ersquos οἰκείαν ἔχον is clearly corrupt S adopts M rsquos conjecture οἰκεῖονἔχειν but οἰκεῖον ἂν ἔχειν might be er explain the paradosis [R]

Notes on the Translation 83

12 Archias is one of the Theban polemarchs (ie military commanders) at the time ofthe story in which he plays a large part as collaborator with the Spartans Leontiadashad long been prominent as a leader of the pro-Spartan faction in Theban politics (HellOxy XVII1 referring to the year 395) in 382 he was one of the polemarchs lockedin conflict with his bi er political enemy Ismenias (see n 19 below) who was also apolemarch (XenHell 5225) and used his position to support and perhaps provoke(see following note) the Spartan seizure of the Cadmea [RP]Text Λεοντιάδας seems the best form of his name (also adopted by H ) in XenHell 5225 (and in Hell Oxy XVII1) it is Λεοντιάδης E here gives Λεοντίδης mssof Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas (5 6 11) have Λεοντίδας in Plutarchrsquos Agesilaus (23) mss varybetween Λεοντιάδης and Λεοντίδας [R]

13 Phoebidas was the Spartan commander who was supposed to lead Spartan troops toOlynthus but seized the Cadmea instead whether through persuasion by Leontiadas(Xen Hell 5225ndash36 Plut Pel 5) or in fulfilment of a secret Spartan policy (Diod15202 cf Plut Ages 241) [RP]

14 The Cadmea is the Theban acropolis its name being derived from themythical founderof Thebes Cadmus [N]

15 Melon is a prominent Theban exile who returns in the course of the story (see PlutPelopidas 8 11 12 Agesilaus 24) In Xenophonrsquos account (Xen Hell 542ndash7) he is theleading spirit Xenophon whose hatred of the great Theban leaders Pelopidas andEpaminondas is well known never even mentions Pelopidas in this context [RP]

16 Next to Epaminondas (on whom see below n 30) Pelopidas is the most prominentTheban political and military leader of these times A fuller account of the eventssummarized here is in Plut Pelopidas 5 It differs considerably from Xenophonrsquos (seeabove n 15) and stresses Pelopidasrsquo role at the expense of Melonrsquos See P below pp 113 121ndash22 [R]

17 Olynthus was an important city on the Northern Greek Chalcidice peninsula whichhad established a powerful confederacy Two nearby cities Acanthus and Apolloniapersuaded Sparta to send a force to check the dangerous growth of Olynthian power(Xen Hell 5211ndash24) [P]

18 Lysanoridas is one of the Spartan governors installed on the Cadmea (the other twowere Herippidas and Arkesos see below n 159) He was fined and exiled a er theliberation of Thebes see Plut Pelopidas 13 [RN] Z (on Pelopidas 13) reads hisname as Λυσανδρίδας (cf Theopompus FGrHist 115 fr 240) [RN]

19 At the time of the seizure of the Cadmea Ismenias (or Hismenias see E DL on Plut De exilio 16606F) the leader of the anti-Spartan faction in Thebes waspolemarch along with the pro-Spartan Leontiadas (see n 12 above) with whom hehad been in bi er conflict for many years (Hell Oxy XVII1 referring to the year 395cf ibid XVIII) Xenophon (Hell 5235) has him tried and executed at Thebes beforea court drawn from members of the Peloponnesian League Plutarch (Pel 53) merelyspeaks of his being carried off to Sparta and there killed [RP]

20 Gorgidas was a former Theban hipparch (ie cavalry commander 578C) a moderatewho did not go into exile but kept in touch with those who did He was also one of theBoeotarchs (ie leading officials of the Boeotian confederacy) in 37978 (according toPlut Pel 142 but for the modern controversy on this issue see R J B Boiotia andthe Boiotian League Alberta 1994 150 n 78) organizer of the so-called lsquosacred bandrsquoand a close friend of Epaminondas See Plut Pelopidas 12 14 18ndash19 [RP]

21 Accepting Sievekingrsquos κατάλυσιν for Ersquos ἅλωσιν cf Plut Praec reip ger 10804Fand Pelopidas 62 [R]

22 lsquoTyrantsrsquo is the collective label given here (following 4th c usage Xen Hell 541ndash2)to the pro-Spartan oligarchs Archias (first mentioned in 30596C see below n 265)Leontiadas and Philippus (see below n 245) [NP]

84 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

23 Simmias is a former disciple of Socrates (and together with Cebes Socratesrsquo mostimportant dialogue partner in Platorsquos Phaedo) now returned to Thebes he will be theprincipal speaker in the discussion on the daimonion [RN]

24 In Plato Phaedo 78a Socrates recommends Cebes Simmiasrsquo companion to seek menof wisdom throughout the world This hint seems to have given rise to the inclusionof Simmias in stories of Plato and others travelling to Egypt and elsewhere to consortwith wise men see below 578F Simmiasrsquo illness recalls both Socrates in prison (bothneed medical a ention) and also Theages (Plato Rep 6496b) who is held to philos-ophy by the lsquocurbrsquo of illness which Socrates compares to his own compulsion theδαιmicroόνιον σηmicroεῖον [R]

25 Pherenicus was one of the Thebans in exile at Athens (Plut Pel 53) At the time of therecovery of Thebes he led the larger group of exiles who waited on the borders readyto be summoned if the smaller group succeeded in killing the pro-Spartan leaders(Plut Pel 81 cf 121 and 577A below where his involvement is anticipated) [RP]

26 Charon is a leading conspirator who makes his house available to the exiles hisson also plays a part His role is also described in Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas (73 wherethe offer of his house has been made earlier than in the De Genio passage 83ndash4 9396ndash105 112 131 255ndash14) and briefly mentioned by Xenophon (Hell 543 lsquoa cer-tain Charonrsquo) [RP]

27 The number twelve is also given in Plutarch Pelopidas 83 while Xenophon (Hell 541and 3) mentions only seven (against Thebes) [R]

28 Cithaeron is the mountain range separating Boeotia in the south from A ica [N]29 The mantis Theocritus is a key figure in the dialogue who interprets signs and has

his own links with Socrates (see De gen Socr 10580E) through his fellow mantis Eu-thyphro Later (Pelopidas 223) he saves the Thebans from making a human sacrificebefore the ba le of Leuctra [R]

30 As the victor of the ba le of Leuctra and chief architect of Theban supremacy (short-lived though it was) in Greece Epaminondas is the most important Theban politicianand general of that epoch Plutarch devoted a biography to him which is unfortu-nately lost He is also a key figure in this dialogue holding back from active partic-ipation in the conspiracy but sympathetic to it He is presented as a devotee of thePythagorean Lysis and as a real philosopher It is remarkable to see how Epaminon-dasmdasha er being introduced as the pious disciple of one Pythagorean (Lysis 8579DE16585E)mdashis then shown in spirited debate with another (Theanor 13582Endash15585D)and unequivocally carrying victory in this debate With this Epaminondas seems infact to be making a critique of the life-style of a wealthy Pythagorean who thinks thatmoney is an appropriate reward for looking a er his fellow Pythagorean Lysis It maybe that Plutarch has some pretentious people of his own time in his sight here [RN]

31 H wrongly inserted ⟨οὐχ⟩ before ὑπὸ τῶν νόmicroων ἀγόmicroενος There is nocontradiction in being naturally law-abiding [R]

32 The long lacuna in this passage (67 le ers in E) has not yet been convincingly filledWe take τίνα as interrogative But if the length of the lacuna is correctly indicated inE there must be more missing [R]

33 The lacuna contains Theocritusrsquo reply [R]34 The lacuna (22 le ers in E 56 in B) can only be filled by guesswork (25594B shows

what the general sense should be) We translate microηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ⟨ἀποκτενεῖνὑπισχνεῖται microὴ microεγάλης γε γενοmicroένης ἀνάγκης⟩ ἄκριτον [R]

35 The text here proposed (ἀλλὰ χωρὶς αἵmicroατος ἀλλὰ καὶ αἵmicroατος E) is inspired byE (ἀλλὰ καὶ αἵmicroατος ⟨ἄτερ⟩) [R]

36 On Pherenicus see above n 25 [R]37 Eumolpidas and Samidas are two otherwise unknown participants in the conspiracy

[R]

Notes on the Translation 85

38 Galaxidorus plays an important part in the discussion (on his role and character seenow W 2003 64ndash67 and 93ndash106) He is a historical character one of those The-bans who were said to have accepted Persian money from Timocrates in 395ndash4 (aswere Androclidas see below n 263 and Ismenias) to foment war with Sparta (XenHell 351) Despite his anti-Spartan record the dialogue supposes that he has beenliving quietly in Spartan-dominated Thebes [RP]

39 Reading διακρούων (E ) and supplementing εἶπεν Ἀρχίαν ὁρῶ in the lacunakeeps closer to the paradosis (διακούων ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος ἐγγὺς γάρ καὶ Λυσανο-ρίδαν E) H reads διέκρουσεν [proposed by B and accepted by S -

] ὁ Γαλαξίδωρος ἐγγὺς γὰρ ⟨Ἀρχίαν ἤγγειλε [proposed by E ]⟩ καὶ Λυ-σανορίδαν [R]

40 On Lysanoridas see above n 18 [R]41 The lsquoAmphionrsquo in Thebes is also mentioned by Xenophon Hell 548 where it serves

as a place of muster for released prisoners during the events of 379 and Arrian Anab186 where troops going from the Cadmea to the rest of the city pass by it The wallsof Thebes had supposedly been built by Amphion and Zethus twin sons of Zeus andAntiope and Theban equivalents to the Dioscuri their importance in the city is shownby the Theban oath lsquoby the two godsrsquo (Arist Ach 905 with commentators) The lsquoAm-phionrsquo is therefore generally (but see R S in RE Va 1934 sv Thebai 1446)associated (though the formation is linguistically surprising) with the lsquotomb of Am-phionrsquo which tragic poets treat as a conspicuous Theban landmark Aeschylus locatesit outside the Northern gates (Sept 528) and Euripides implies that it was of someheight or sited on an elevation (Eur Suppl 663 ἔνερθε σεmicroνῶν microνηmicroάτων Ἀmicroφί-ονος) The lsquotomb of Zethusrsquo of Eur Phoen 145 was the same monument if as isplausible the later a ested tradition (Σ Eur Phoen145 Paus 9174) that the twinbrothers shared a tomb goes back to the fi h century Pausanias speaks without pre-cise location of a lsquomound of earth of no great sizersquo as their common tomb (9174) hesurely supposed this to be the same monument as that known to the poets whetherit was or not A flat-topped hillock (once λόφος τοῦ Ταλάρου apparently now re-named Amphion) of c 65 by 45 metres about 50 metres north of the Cadmea has longbeen identified as the Amphion (so eg S 1985 25 and 273ndash4 with refer-ences and pl 4 and map A cf the plan in R B Blue Guide Greece 6th rev edLondon 2001) The identification gained greatly in plausibility with the discovery ontop of the hillock of an early or middle Helladic mud-brick tumulus (T S Arkhaiologikon Deltion 27b 1972 307ndash8 ib 28b 1973 248ndash52 CM A AnArchaeology of Ancestors Lanham 1995) such a tumulus when partly buried could wellhave been Pausaniasrsquo lsquomound of no great sizersquo and have given the name Amphion tothe whole hillock See also P below p 130 [P]

42 Phyllidas is a very important figure in the story being both secretary to Archias (andthe polemarchs) and a conspirator According Plut Pel 74 (but not Xen Hell 542)he secured the role of secretary in order to further the conspiracy [RP]

43 If W rsquo γραmicromicroατεύοντα were right the sense would be lsquowhom you know tohave been clerk to the polemarchs at the timersquo [R]

44 We translate ⟨συνειδὼς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας microέλλοντας⟩ ἥξειν on the lines ofW rsquo supplement [R]

45 We translate P rsquo ⟨ἔχω λέγειν⟩ [R]46 The long lacuna (107 le ers in E) covers the return of Theocritus to the group who

now move on and approach Simmiasrsquo house but without going in [R]47 Phidolaus of Haliartus (a Boeotian town about 20 km west of Thebes) is not otherwise

known [RN]48 Amphitheus is an imprisoned Theban patriot to be released when the coup succeeds

He was probably named inHell Oxy XVII1 with Ismenias and Androclidas as one ofthe leaders of the anti-Spartan faction in Thebes in 395 (the papyrus gives Antitheos

86 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

a name not otherwise a ested in Boeotia) he supposedly took Persian money at thattime (cf n 38 above and n 264 below) to foment war against Sparta (Plut Lys 273Paus 398 where he is called lsquoAmphithemisrsquo) [RP]

49 As the mother of the great hero Heracles Alcmena would also be the ancestress ofboth the royal houses of Sparta who were descended from Heracles hence Agesilausrsquointerest in her tomb [N]

50 Agesilaus was Spartan king from 400 to 36059 He tried to maintain the supremacywhich Sparta had won in the wake of the Peloponnesian War but ultimately failed[N]

51 If this has a basis in fact (but see F B Relighting the Souls Stu gart 1998 75 n2) Agesilaus will have removed Alcmenarsquos remains in 394 It was believed that shehad lived there with Rhadamanthys (identified with Aleos) a er the death of Am-phitryon (Plut Lysander 289 Apollodorus 2411 = 270) There was a quite differentaccount (Antoninus Liberalis 33 citing Pherecydes) according to which she was senta er death to Rhadamanthys in the Isles of the Blessed and a stone was put in hercoffin instead (cf Plut Romulus 287) (See in general P 1909 120 124ndash6 and RP below pp 130ndash1) [RP]

52 On the basis of the lsquoPherecydesrsquo account (see above n 52) W supplied⟨λίθος ἀντὶ τοῦ⟩ σώmicroατος and H adopts C rsquos ⟨ἐν τῷ microνήmicroατι λίθος microὲν ἀντὶτοῦ⟩ σώmicroατος This seems an unacceptable conflation of two quite different versionsW suggested οὐ ⟨δέν τι λείψανον⟩ but it might be eg ⟨λείψανα microέν τινα⟩(ldquoltsome remainsgt of a bodyrdquo) [R]

53 The lacuna a er συmicroπεπηγυῖαν has been variously filled ⟨ἐπάνω δὲ⟩ (lsquoaboversquo) B - ⟨ἔmicroπροσθεν δὲ⟩ (lsquoin front ofrsquo) E D L but it may be vaguer

eg ⟨ἐγγὺς δὲ⟩ or ⟨οὐ πόρρω δὲ⟩ lsquonearrsquo or lsquonot far fromrsquo This discovery is discussedin the context of other similar stories by W S Buumlcherfunde in der Glaubenswerbungder Antike Hypomnemata 24 (Gouml ingen 1970) 69ndash70 [R]

54 Agesilaus had good relations with Pharaoh Nectanebis I who ruled from 380 (or 378)but the event here mentioned must be earlier perhaps in the context of the help an-other Egyptian king Nephereus Nepherites I gave to the Spartans as early as 396(Diod 14794) [R]

55 The lake mentioned here is Lake Copais in central Boeotia Haliartus stood its southshore This flood is not mentioned elsewhere [RP]

56 Aleos was another name for Rhadamanthys (Plut Lysander 289 see above n 51) [R]57 The story of how Dirce maltreated Antiope mother of the Theban founder heroes Am-

phion and Zethus and was in the end savagely killed by them was told by Euripidesin Antiope In the common tradition the twins threw her body or ashes into a famousTheban spring (mentioned five times in Pindar) which therea er bore her name (EurAntiope F 223109ndash114 141ndash144 K Apollod 344 [55] Hyginus Fab 7) A se-cret tomb of Dirce and rituals associated with it are mentioned only in this passage ofDe Genio (see P 1909 463) the positive force apparently ascribed to the heroinedespite her very negative characterisation in myth is not unexampled but we do notknow what explanation if any was offered Similar secrecy is supposed in Oedipusrsquoinstructions to Theseus in Soph OC 1518ndash1539 never to reveal his tomb except on hisdeathbed to his heir it is possible that traditions about secret tombs were preservedby the Athenian lsquoking archonsrsquo the notional successors to king Theseus The Thebanritual was performed by the new and old hipparchs at the moment of transfer of of-fice for such Theban transition rites cf P below p 130 n 5 A Theban hipparchis mentioned leading cavalry by Hdt 9692 nothing else is known about the officebefore the Hellenistic period [P]

58 The long lacuna here (157 le ers in E) must at least contain the statement that thesecret will not be easily discovered [R]

59 This Plato is not known from other sources On Gorgidas see above n 20 [R]

Notes on the Translation 87

60 The lacuna (28 le ers in E) will have contained something like lsquonor performing any ofthe traditional ritesrsquo [R]

61 H who very clearly set out the debt ofDe genio to Platorsquos Phaedo (1895 2149ndash151)saw that this scene is modelled on Phaedo 60bndash61c where Socrates sits on his bed totalk The situation is parodied in Lucian Philopseudes 6 where Eucrates is in bed withthe gout see now W 2003 33ndash5 [R]

62 Thales of Miletus is one of the famous Seven Wise Men of Old [N]63 Cf Plut Banquet of the Seven Wise Men 2147B [R]64 The Pythagorean Lysis (VS 46) became the teacher of Epaminondas a er he had to

leave Italy (see below n 124) On Lysis see Diog Laert 87 [N]65 Vitex agnus castus is a shrub (related to willow) sacred to Hera and associated with

chastity it was used as material for beds by women at the Thesmophoria (L D A ische Feste Berlin 1956 56) [R]

66 Polymnis the father of Caphisias and Epaminondas makes his own appearance inthe story in 8579D [N]

67 R replaced the transmi ed ἅ (referring to γράmicromicroατα) by ὅν (referring to the justmentioned πίναξ) surely Agesilaus took the tablet and not just the writing on it [R]

68 This envoy of King Agesilaus is not otherwise known [RN]69 Chonouphis of Memphis is said (Plut De Iside 20354D) to have been the teacher of

the Greek mathematician and astronomer Eudoxus of Cnidus His name is genuinelyEgyptian (see J G G Plutarch De Iside et Osiride Cardiff 1970 ad loc) Thestory of Platorsquos journey to Egypt is a common feature in ancient lives of the philoso-pher Strabo (17806) reports that guides still pointed out the house where he andEudoxus stayed at Heliopolis For the tradition in general see R 1976 64ndash5who takes a somewhat sceptical view J B Eos ou Platon et lrsquoOrient (Brussels 1945)15 who is more enthusiastic and the sober summary in G 1975 21ndash2 Plutarch(Solon 28) has the information that Plato financed his journey by dealing in olive oil[R]

70 S proposed to fill this lacuna (of 10 le ers in E) by reading ⟨ᾧ πολλὰ⟩ τότεwhich H adopts τότε (instead of the transmi ed ποτέ) may be right but ᾧ πολλὰis shorter than the space (10 le ers) indicated in E and thus hardly the right solution[R]

71 This alleged fellow student of Plato and Eudoxus in Egypt is otherwise unknown[RN]

72 This Proteus is first mentioned as the king of Egypt who reigned during the times ofthe Trojan War by Herodotus (2112ndash120) [N]

73 Behind ldquoHeracles the son of Amphitryonrdquo lies another Herodotean reminiscence in243ndash45 Herodotus distinguishes very carefully between the Egyptian god Heraclesand the (human) Greek hero Heracles whom Herodotus always calls ldquoson of Am-phitryonrdquo (thus in 2432 444 1461 and 6532 in 21454 he calls him the son ofAlcmena without naming the father) and never ldquoson of Zeusrdquo [N]

74 Caria is the south-western coastal region of Asia Minor [N]75 Apollorsquos ldquohorned altarrdquo on the island of Delos was a famous place of worship and a

kind of landmark [N] The story outlined here comes from Eratosthenesrsquo Platonicusas reported by Theo of Smyrna (p 2 H ) Plutarch refers to it again (De E 6386E)with the interpretation (Eratosthenesrsquo) that the oracle intended to exhort the Greeksto the study of mathematics J F The Delphic Oracle (Berkeley 1978) 333argues that though the oracle could have originated as a straightforward response toa cultic enquiry it was more probably invented for the sake of the story about PlatoElsewhere (Plut Quaest conv 82718E Marcellus 149) the point is that mechanicalconstructions are not legitimate in geometry In our passage there is a further twistthe godrsquos true intention was to encourage peaceful pursuits The basic texts on the

88 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

problem are given in I T Greek Mathematical Works I (CambridgeMass 1951)256ndash309 [RP]

76 Reading ᾗ (W ) τὸ (H ) for the mss reading ἣ τῷ and taking τὸ microήκειδιπλάσιον as lsquosimply doublingrsquo (v E ad loc) But the sense is difficult W -

cuts the knot by proposing ᾗ τὸ τριχῆ διαστατὸν διπλασιάζεται lsquoby whicha three-dimensional object is doubledrsquo In any case the solution referred to is that saidto be due to Hippocrates of Chios if two proportionals x and y are found between aand 2a such that a x x y y 2a then x 3= 2a3 See Euclid 1133 and corollary[R]

77 Helicon of Cyzicus was a friend of Plato and a pupil of Eudoxus (⟨Plat⟩ epist 13360c)and of Isocrates He is also mentioned Plut Dion 196 De cohibenda ira 16463C [R]

78 This moral is presumably Plutarchrsquos addition In most versions the Deliansrsquo troublewas a plague here it seems more general and the words παῦλαν τῶν παρόντωνκακῶν (579B) allude to Plat Rep 5473d [R]

79 The dreams and the visions may be distinct at 13583B (with S rsquos correctionsee ad loc) Theanor tells us that the divine power lsquohad clearly revealedrsquo Lysisrsquo death[R]

80 The Ismenus is a river running through Thebes from North to South its name is con-nected with a son of Apollo and the Nereid Melie [N]

81 On Galaxidorus see above n 38 [N]82 If καὶ after πολιτικοῖς ἀνδράσι is not deleted it might suggest that all πολιτικοὶ ἄν-

δρες (and not only those who have ldquoto deal with a wilful and disorderly populationrdquo)would find it useful to employ religious superstition as a restraining instrument butperhaps Galaxidorus does indeed think this in which case καὶ must be kept [R]

83 This view of religion has been common since the early sophists see eg the famousfragment from the Sisyphus of Critias (TrGF I no 43 F 19) and G 1969 243ndash4Cf also Polybius 6566ndash12 with W rsquos note [RP]

84 The word play ἀσχήmicroων σχηmicroατισmicroός is difficult to translate but very conspicu-ous [R]

85 Reading with B (a er A ) ἐπαναφέρει τὴν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχήν in-stead of the transmi ed ἐπαναφέρει τῆς τῶν πράξεων ἀρχῆς which S (andH ) tried to emend by adopting P rsquo ⟨περὶ⟩ τῆς τῶν πράξεων ἀρχῆς [R]

86 Meletus is one of the notorious accusers of Socrates (besides Anytus and Lycon) whois the foremost addressee in Platorsquos Apology [RN]

87 A reference to the charge of lsquonot recognizing the gods the city recognizes but intro-ducing new daimoniarsquo (Plat Apol 24b 8 Xen Mem 111) a charge which no doubtmade use of the daimonion phenomenon See eg T C B N D S Socrates on Trial (Oxford 1989) 30ndash37 [R]

88 Besides the famous Pythagoras of Samus (about 570 ndash 480 BC) and Empedocles ofAcragas (about 490 ndash 430 BC) the names of other early philosophers may be missinghere (see eg the supplement ⟨καὶ τῶν microετrsquo αὐτοῦ γενοmicroένην καὶ δὴ καὶ παρrsquo⟩ ofthe 39ndash29 le er lacuna proposed by E and D L which H puts into thetext) Pherecydes is a possibility [R]

89 We translate the transmi ed ὥσπερ πρός but note W rsquos αὖ περί (lsquoaccus-tomed it again to show sense in respect of factsrsquo) [R]

90 See Iliad 10279 and Odyssey 13301 [R]91 The quotation makes use of Iliad 2095 but considerably changes its context [R]92 Euthyphron is the main disputant in Platorsquos Euthyphro perhaps also mentioned in

Cratylus 396d [R]93 The Σύmicroβολον is apparently a crossroads north-east of the Athenian Agora see

J 1931 178 Andocidesrsquo house (situated near the Agora as well vis-agrave-vis theStoa Basileios see J 1931 353) is mentioned in Andocidesrsquo own narrative of theHermae affair (or 162 see also Plut Alcib 212) [RN]

Notes on the Translation 89

94 Socratesrsquo self-concentration (cf Plat Symp 174dndash175c 220c) is here (as never in Platoor Xenophon) associated with the daimonion The location of lsquoBox-makersrsquo Streetrsquo isnot known [R]

95 Supplementing ἆνεκαλεῖτο φάσκων αὑτῷ (following A ) [R]96 This is one of the regular ways of describing the phenomenon cf Plat Theaet 151a

Apol 31d Euthyphro 3b [R]97 This aulos-player is otherwise unknown [R]98 This is one of only two mentions (the second is in 21590A but see above n 8) of

Simmiasrsquo Theban companion Cebes (on him see above n 24 and 25) [N]99 For lsquoStatuariesrsquo Streetrsquo see Plat Symp 215a (see also J 1931 171 and J T

Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen Tuumlbingen 1971 395) The source of the fol-lowing story is unknown H D B Plutarchrsquos theological writings and early Christianliterature Studia ad Corpus Hellenisticum NT III (Leiden 1975) 257 discusses fea-tures which it shares with various miracle-stories (eye-witness account precise dateand place the pigs ⟨cf eg Mark 511ndash13⟩ and the discomfiture of the unbelievers)[R]

100 Adopting W rsquos supplement ⟨ἡmicroᾶς ἅmicroα καὶ⟩ (as also H does) Schose W rsquo ⟨ἡmicroᾶς σφόδρα⟩ [R]

101 H rsquos microαντικῆς (instead of the transmi ed ἀνάγκης) is surely necessary [R]102 For sneezes as omens see J 2008 130ndash1 and P on Cic Div 284 The

earliest mention of such a sneeze in Greek literature is Hom Od 17541 See alsoXen Anab 329 ⟨Aristot⟩ Probl 337 and Catullus 45 (with commentators) [RP]

103 On κληδόνες see again J 2008 130ndash1 [P]104 Adopting V A rsquos supplement οὐχ οἷόν τε microικρὸν ὂν (as also H does) [R]105 Terpsion of Megara a friend of the Megarian philosopher Euclides is known from

Plat Theaetetus 142a and Phaedo 59c [R]106 No lacuna is indicated a er δοκοῦmicroεν in MSS but W is probably right to

mark one here The sense required is something like lsquoit would be the mark of an in-ferior or superstitious mindrsquo eg ⟨φαυλοτέρου γὰρ ἂν ἦν τινος καὶ δεισιδαίmicroονος⟩[R]

107 Supplementing τό⟨νον καὶ ἰσχὺν⟩ (cf De prof in virt 1283B τό⟨νον⟩ was alreadyproposed by R ) S supplemented τό⟨νον ἀmicroετάστρεπτον⟩ adopted byH [R]

108 Socratesrsquo prediction of disaster in Sicily is mentioned in [Plat] Theages 129c and inPlut Nicias 139 Alcibiades 175 [R]

109 Pyrilampes is Platorsquos stepfather friend of Pericles and father of the famously beautifulDemos (Plat Gorgias 481d with D rsquo note) see J K D Athenian PropertiedFamilies (Oxford 1971) 329ndash30 (no 8792 VIII) [R]

110 Allusions to Socratesrsquo bravery in the Delian campaign (424 BC) can be found alreadyin Plato (Apol 28e Laches 181b Symp 220e) but there is more detail in the latertradition (Cic Div 1123 Epist Socrat 19) the place where the warning is givenis said by Cicero to be at a trivium (lsquocrossroadsrsquo) and in the Epistle to be a διάβασις(lsquocrossingrsquo perhaps of a river) [R]

111 Unintelligible In Thuc 4967 we are told of three escape routes the beaten Atheniansfollowed to Delium and the sea over Parnes (see the next note) and lsquoother ways takenby individualsrsquo W (following E D L ) reads ἐπὶ Ὠρωπίας ieto the sea at Oropus H proposed ἐπὶ Ῥείτους meaning the salt springs markingthe boundary of Eleusis but this seems too remote ER D once suggested ἐπὶ τῆςσχιστῆς lsquoto the crossroadsrsquo translating Cicerorsquos (see above n 110) trivium It is best toconfess ignorance Socratesrsquo valour was questioned eg by Herodicus of Babylon (inAthen 5215cndash216c) who speaks of τὴν ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ πεπλασmicroένην ἀνδραγαθίανBut see also A P ldquoSokrates als Soldatrdquo Antike und Abendland 45 (1999) 1ndash35 [R]

112 Parnes is a mountain range separating A ica from Boeotia in the east as Cithaeron(see above n 28) does in the west [N]

90 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

113 From Euripidesrsquoplay Autolycus (fr 28222 K ) [R]114 Accepting the supplements in the Teubner text [R]115 For the analogy with reading see Porph De abst 241 Synesius De insomniis 133A

Text The transmi ed τῷ ἱστορικῷ (retained by H ) is most likely a later insertedexplanatory gloss and should be removed W rsquos τῶν ἱστορικῶν (adopted byS ) is not convincing [R]

116 Retaining the transmi ed τὸ before δαιmicroόνιον S rsquos deletion of the article(adopted by S and H ) seems unjustified [R]

117 Ie Socrates being a trained philosopher would have grasped the difference betweenthe real agent (lsquothe daimonionrsquo) and the mere instrument (lsquoa sneezersquo) [R]

118 B rsquo insertion of ὅν a er ξένον (adopted by S and H ) is unnec-essary [R]

119 Adopting R rsquos καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων as emendation of the corrupt καὶ daggerσυν-εστώτωνdagger φίλων as also H does [R]

120 Ismenodorus and Melissus both possibly further participants of the conspiracy arenot mentioned elsewhere while Bacchylidas is possibly one of the seven Boeotarchsat the time of the ba le of Leuctra (see Paus 9137) [RN]

121 Simmiasrsquo words are a reflection of the Homeric greeting (eg Od 1170) τίς πόθενεἰς ἀνδρῶν πόθι τοι πόλις ἠδὲ τοκῆες

122 Croton a Greek colony founded at the end of the 8th century BC on the Southern coastof Southern Italy was between 570 and 460 a stronghold of the Pythagorean sect [N]

123 This comparison also occurs in a Stoic discussion of benefits SenecaDe beneficiis 21732321ndash4 In 2173 the comparison is acribed to Chrysippus in 2182 the discussionthe ldquorulesrdquo of giving and receiving are connected with the name of Hecato (see also2214) [R]

124 Plutarchrsquos account of the Pythagoreans diverges a good deal from those depend-ing on Aristoxenus and Dicaearchus and known to us mainly from Iamblichusrsquo VitaPythagorea For the background see esp B 1962 176ndash187 212ndash13 In particu-lar (1) Plutarch sets the final catastrophe at Metapontum (see n 125) not Croton (2)he says nothing about Philolaus (on whom see below n 127) though in one (perhapsmuddled) version it is Philolaus who goes to Thebes to pay honour to Lysis (Olym-piodorus In Phaedonem 8 N ) The failure to mention Philolaus at all is the moresurprising because (according to Platorsquos Phaedo 61e) Simmias and Cebes were pupilsof his at Thebes However Plutarch has his chronology to consider Philolaus hadceased to teach in Thebes before 399 so how could he have come to Lysisrsquo tomb ifLysis was still alive to teach Epaminondas [R]

125 Metapontum is a Greek colony (with alleged mythical origins going back to the Iliadichero Nestor) on the coast of the Gulf of Tarentum [N]

126 Cylon was the leader of the anti-Pythagorean party at Croton see Diod 10111Iamblichus Vita Pyth 248ndash249 [N]

127 Philolaus is a prominent Pythagorean from Croton (about 470 ndash a er 399 BC VS 44)later at Tarentum and according to Plat Phaedo 61de as teacher of Simmias and Cebesat Boeotian Thebes [N]

128 Lucania is the region of Southern Italy adjacent to the Gulf of Tarentum [R]129 The famous teacher of rhetoric in the last decades of the 5th century BC hailing from

Leontini (in Eastern Sicily between CataneCatania and Syracuse) [N]130 Gorgiasrsquo visit to Greece was in 427 nearly fi y years before the events here related if

however Lysis arrived in Thebes when he was still young and lived there till old thechronology might be just about possible [RP]

131 Arcesus is unknown the transmi ed form of the name is perhaps a mistake (or cor-ruption) for Archytas (so ER D suggested) Aresas (a Lucanian for whom seeIambl Vita Pyth 265 T 1965 48) or Archippus Lysisrsquo fellow-survivor in someaccounts (B 1962 212) [R]

Notes on the Translation 91

132 S rsquos (CQ 6 1956 87) correction (τὸ δαιmicroόνιον Λύσιδος instead of τὸ Λύσιδοςδαιmicroόνιον) is important δαιmicroόνιον does not mean lsquo(someonersquos) ghostrsquo nor do wehear something about ldquole deacutemon de Lysisrdquo (as H retaining the transmi ed word-ing translates) elsewhere in this work [R]

133 Reading προὐπεφήνει (pluperfect of προφαίνω) instead of the transmi ed προϋπέ-φαινε see R 1954 61 S (CQ 6 1956 87) defended προϋπέφαινε butπροϋποφαίνω is apart from this Plutarch passage not earlier a ested than the 4th

century AD [R]134 A quotation from Hom Od 927 [R]135 Retaining Ersquos microόνῃ a er ταύτῃ (as H does too S rsquos microόνον was conjectured

by H ) [R]136 Retaining τὴν πενίαν (which S deletes followed by H ) a er προδίδωσι

and deleting πενίαν a er πάτριον The metaphor is from the tempering of iron incold water rather than from a dye [R]

137 See Plut Nicias 286 a shield displayed at Syracuse and supposed to have belongedto Nicias (the Athenian general who was captured and executed by the Syracusansa er the disastrous end of the Sicilian Expedition) was richly ornamented with goldand purple [R]

138 Miletus an important Greek city on the west coast of Asia Minor was famous for itswoollen garments [N]

139 Jason was tyrant of the Thessalian city Pherae between 380 and 370 BC he succeededin establishing a kind of supremacy over all of Thessaly and was recognized as ταγός(ldquorulerrdquo) of the whole region about 371 [N] On the episode related here cf AelianVH 119 and Plutarch himself in Regum et Imperatorum Apophthegmata Epaminondas13193B The story is chronologically out of place here since it belongs to the (later)period of Epaminondasrsquo power in Thebes [R]

140 But γνώριmicroοι may mean lsquonotablesrsquo rather than lsquoacquaintancesrsquo [R]141 The supplement ⟨ἄτοπον εἶπεν ὁ Ἐπαmicroεινώνδας⟩ (made by B a er W -

had already inserted ἄτοπον) is necessary [R] The argumentative clash be-tween Epaminondas and Theanor in these chapters is most interestingly describedIn its first part (13582Endash14584B) is dominated by long statements given by Theanorand Epaminondas in the shorter second part (14584Bndash584D) Theanor seems to get theupper hand but in the third part (14584Dndash15585D) the turn tides and now Theanorhas to listen (and agree) to a detailed argument by Epaminondas All in all thePythagoreanrsquos picture in this dialogue is rather ambivalent (and perhaps even con-tains a touch of satire given that he is introduced in 578E as ἀκολουθίας πλήθει καὶκατασκευῇ σοβαρόν ldquoan impressive figure with a large and well-equipped group ofa endantsrdquo where σοβαρός could also mean something like ldquopompousrdquo or ldquoswag-geringrdquo) He is presented as a respect-inspiring elder philosopher who then howevercannot prevail in an argument against the much younger Epaminondas His speechon divine inspiration and daimones in a later part of the dialogue (24593Andash594A) issomething like the last word of this dialogue on the ma er but curiously evokes noresponse at all from the other participants and thus the degree of authority Plutarchwanted to give it remains very questionable (see S below p 166) it takesno account of the philosophical or theological issues raised by Simmias or in theTimarchus myth the demonology it gives is not specifically Pythagorean (as Dshows below p 144) and it seems to be presented in a pretentiously rhetorical style[RN]

142 Reading αἳ ⟨γενόmicroεναι microὲν⟩ ἐκ κενῶν δοξῶν (αἳ microὲν ἐκ was already conjectured byP ) instead of Ersquos αἱ ἕνεκεν (αἳ ἕνεκα B ) κενῶν δοξῶν which does notgo well together with the following ἰσχὺν δὲ λαβοῦσαι κτλ [R]

143 Following W and reading πρῶτον εἶπε τῆς ἐγκρατείας κτλ (E has πρῶρονεἰπὲ τῆς) see R 1954 61 S and H adopt K rsquos πρῶτον ἐπὶτῆς ἐγκρατείας [R]

92 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

144 Deleting ἀσκήσεως which a er ἄσκησιν ἢ microᾶλλον ἔργον καὶ ἀπόδειξιν does notmake very much sense (see again R 1954 61) all three accusatives have theircomplement in the preceding genitive τῆς ἐγκρατείας (as the translation tries to makeclear) Thus ἀσκήσεως was inserted by someone who did not understand this [R]

145 Adopting W rsquos ἥνπερ ἐπιδείκνυσθε instead of Ersquos ᾗπερ ἐφείλκυσθε[R]

146 Keeping Ersquos γυmicroναζόmicroενοι and deleting the following καὶ (H reads γυmicroναζόmicroενοιwithout deleting καὶ) Alternatively read γυmicroνασάmicroενοι (proposed by R ) andtake it as meaning lsquohaving taken physical exercisersquo [R]

147 Reading δικαιοσύνης (instead of Ersquos δικαιοσύνῃ) as ἄσκησις is construed with suchgenitives in the preceding sentences as well [R]

148 Keeping Ersquos ἐνδέδωκε (as also H does) B has ἐνδέδοται which S changedinto δέδεται(adopted by S ) [R]

149 Adopting R rsquos τῶν ἀγώνων (instead of Ersquos τῶν ἀνθρώπων which S andH retain) [R]

150 Reading (with W ) διελθόντος ὁ Σιmicromicroίας ὅσον (instead of Ersquos διελθόντοςὅσον ὁ Σιmicromicroίας) This makes the deletion of ὅσον (proposed by R and adoptedby S and H ) unnecessary [R]

151 Ie you and Epaminondas must come to terms [R]152 Ie when we die and are buried near him [R]153 The dead do not blink or cast a shadow (Quaest Gr 39300C see alsoDe sera 24564C)

[R]154 We take ἐκεῖ to mean ldquoin the other worldrdquo here but it is possible that it means ldquoin Italy

among the Pythagoreans thererdquo Varro ordered that he should be buried Pythagoriomore in leaves of myrtle olive and black poplar (Plin NH 3546) Diog Laert 810forbids cypress coffins Iambl Vita Pyth 85 knows of lengthy ἀκούσmicroατα relatingto burials O R La religion de la Citeacute Platonicienne (Ecole franccedilaise drsquoAthegravenesTravaux et Meacutemoires VI) (Paris 1945) 125 suggested that Platorsquos burial rules in Laws947bndashe are based on Pythagorean practice [R]

155 Proverbial Zenobius 155 adds ὅτι microὴ δεῖ κινεῖν microήτε βωmicroοὺς microήτε τάφους ἢ ἡρῷαcf HesiodWD 750 with W rsquos note [R]

156 Lysisrsquo soul is now ready for a new birth (it is evidently not perfect enough to haveescaped the cycle of becoming) and it has a new guiding daimon its old daimon isnow assigned to Epaminondas (see the next sentence) [R]

157 τὸ εἶδος is clearly a gloss on τὴν φύσιν (for this sense of φύσις see LSJ sv II 2) andmust therefore be deleted [R]

158 On Phyllidas see above n 42 Hipposthenidasrsquo timidity (and his initiative on accountof it) is briefly described in Plut Pelopidas 85ndash6 as well [N]

159 Herippidas and Arcesus are the two remaining Spartan commanders (while the thirdLysanoridas had gone to Haliartus see above n 18) Plut Pel 133 calls them alllsquoharmostsrsquo wheras Xen Hell 5410 and 13 speaks of one harmost only (and impliessee n 285 below) a smaller garrison [RP]Herippidasrsquo name is not totally certain in this passage E gives κριππίδας and in34598F Ἑρmicroιππίδαν which form is also found in the manuscripts of Pelopidas 133Xenophon however in his Hellenica has always the form Herippidas (it is also foundin Diod 14384 and Plut Ages 113ndash4) [R]

160 Thespiae is a Boeotian town about 15 km east of Thebes [N]161 This detail is not in Pelopidas and Xenophon (Hell 5410) says that the Spartan sent

to Thespiae for help a er the coup [R]162 On Amphitheus see above n 48 [R]163 There was a temple for Demeter Thesmophoros up on the Cadmea on the sacrifice

mentioned here see R P below p 130 (with n 5) [R]164 Hypatodorus is not otherwise known His dream is perhaps modelled on Xenophonrsquos

dream (Anab 3111) of a thunderbolt falling on his fatherrsquos house [R]

Notes on the Translation 93

165 Adopting R rsquos προείληφε (as also H does) instead of Ersquos προείληφας [R]166 On Melon see above n 15 [N]167 Chlidonrsquos part in the affair is described also in Plut Pelopidas 87ndash8 [R]168 The MSS give Ἡραῖα but there is no evidence for a great festival of Hera at Thebes

whereas the Heraclea were a famous and very great occasion [R]169 The MSS mark a long lacuna here (45 le ers in E) but the sense appears complete

and we can hardly guess what if anything is missing P rsquo ⟨ὡς τοῦ πράγmicroατοςmicroετέχοντας⟩ means lsquobecause they were privy to the affairrsquo [R]

170 W rsquo transposition of δὲ from before ζητοῦσα to behind ἱκανῶς (adopted byS and H ) is not necessary as the translation shows [R]

171 The long lacuna indicated here (52 le ers in E) cannot be filled with any certaintyThe supplement assumed by A would mean lsquoto make the necessary preparationsto receive the exilesrsquo (lsquoet Charon pour tener sa maison preste agrave recevoir les bannisrsquo)The genitive τῆς οἰκίας suggests that the Greek ought be eg ⟨ἐπιmicroελησόmicroενος ὡςδεξόmicroενος τοὺς φυγάδας⟩ [R]

172 We translate on the lines of P rsquo supplement ⟨microᾶλλλον ἀκούουσιν ὕπαρ δὲ⟩This takes microόλις as in effect a negation An alternative (R 1954 62ndash3) is to placethe lacuna a er τῶν κρειττόνων and supply there (eg) ⟨οἳ τῶν microεθrsquo ἡmicroέραν ἐmicro-πλησθέντες ταραχῶν⟩ (lsquowho being filled with the turmoils of the dayrsquo) microόλις nowmeans lsquowith difficultyrsquo The sense is altered the contrast is now between Socrateswho can receive these messages in waking hours and the rest of us who can with dif-ficulty do so even in sleep because though our body is at peace our minds are stilldisturbed cf Pl Rep 9571c [R]

173 Supplementing microη⟨δαmicroῶς εἰ microὴ⟩ microικρὰ instead of deleting (with the Basle edition of1542) Ersquos microὴ before microικρά see R 1954 63 [R]

174 On the possible sources for this concept see the Introduction above p 9 [R]175 Reading βιαίως (E) ⟨ὡς⟩ which makes R rsquos βιαίους (adopted by S and

H ) unnecessary [R]176 Reading ἐνδοῦσα instead of ἐνδούσας (E) [R]177 Retaining Ersquos ἅmicroα τῷ W rsquo insertion of δὲ (adopted by S and H )

seems unnecessary [R]178 EB have οὐδrsquo ὁ W εἰ δrsquo ὁ (adopted by H ) but E who conjectured

ὁ δὲ is right The argument must be that the mechanism by which the soul moves thebody is unknown but the fact that it does so is certain and the process does not entailspeech we cannot therefore doubt the possibility of soul moving soul [R]

179 Following E D L (who conjecture ἀλλrsquo εἰ σῶmicroα microὲν δίχα φωνῆς) andreading ἀλλrsquo ὡς σῶmicroα καὶ δίχα φωνῆς (ἀλλrsquo [then erasure of one or two le ers] σωmicroάλα δίχα φωνῆς E ἀλλrsquo ἐν ὅσῳ microάλα δίχα φωνῆς B) W already con-jectured ἀλλrsquo οἷον σῶmicroα H adopts K rsquos ἀλλrsquo εἴσω microάλα δίχα φωνῆς[R]

180 The words ὥσπερ φῶς ἀνταύγειαν are obscure They are usually taken as if ὥσπερφῶς πρὸς ἀνταύγειαν stood there lsquoas light relates to reflectionrsquo ie one is to an-other as a light is to its reflection But ἀνταύγεια may also mean lsquoeffulgencersquo and Ihave chosen to treat φῶς as a (correct) gloss on ἀνταύγειαν in this sense The lightmetaphor continues in the following explanatory sentence [R]

181 Reading (with W ) τοῖς δεχοmicroένοις (δυναmicroένοις E) ἐλλάmicroπουσιν whichmakes W rsquo δυναmicroένοις ⟨ἰδεῖν⟩ unnecessary H adopts H rsquos τοῖςδαιmicroονίοις for τοῖς δυναmicroένοις [R]

182 Or perhaps lsquoexpressions or names of thingsrsquo [R]183 Reading ὥστε ⟨τί⟩ θαυmicroάζειν ἄξιον while S and H adopt A rsquos ὤστε

θαυmicroάζειν ⟨οὐκ⟩ ἄξιον [R]184 Reading (with V A ) κατrsquo αὐτὸ τὸ νοηθὲν (as also H does κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ

νοηθὲν E in which W deleted τοῦτο followed by S ) [R]

94 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

185 Reading τῶν κρει⟨ττόνων⟩ which agrees be er with the le ers ἀmicroει (followed bya lacuna of four or five le ers) in E than δαι⟨microόνων⟩ conjectured by W(and adopted by S ) H follows T who supplements ἀmicroει⟨νόνων⟩But ἀmicroείνονες is not found with the meaning lsquosupernatural beings daimonesrsquo whileκρείττονες is [R]

186 For this see Herodotus 42002ndash3 and Aeneas Tacticus 37 [R]187 Retaining Ersquos τῶν δrsquo ἄλλων (as H also does) W rsquo τὰ δrsquo ἄλλrsquo is unneces-

sary [R]188 Reading (with E) ἀθόρυβον ἦθος H rsquos insertion of τὸ before ἦθος does not seem

necessary [R]189 Reading κινεῖ with B (κινοῦσι E) [R]190 Reading ἐν αὑτοῖς with B (as H also does ἐν αὐτοῖς E) [R]191 This story is not known from other sources [R]192 Supplementing εἰσαγόντων S adopts W rsquoπαραγόντων H B -

rsquo εἰρηκότων [R]193 Timarchus is undoubtedly (see Introd) an invented character His name may have

been suggested by [Plat] Theages 124a where an Athenian Timarchus goes out onan adventure which ends in his death despite a warning from Socrates or possiblyby Callimachus epigr 10 P where a philosopher Timarchus is now among theblessed dead His career is fictitious in the common tradition all Socratesrsquo sons sur-vive their father (see Phaedo 116a13) whereas Plutarch makes the eldest Lamproclespredecease Timarchus and Timarchus predecease Socrates [R]

194 But Theanor (593A) calls it λόγος For the distinction cf De sera 18561B and PlatGorgias 523a (with D rsquo note) [R]

195 D rsquos supplement (⟨κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον⟩) is adequate the sense is clear [R]196 On Socratesrsquo eldest son Lamprocles (mentioned Xen Mem 221 Aristoxenus fr 54ab

W Ael VH 1215 Diog Laert 226 29) see above n 193 [N]197 Supplementing ⟨οὐ πολλ⟩αῖς (αἷς E ⟨ὀλίγ⟩αις editio Basileensis S H )

[R]198 Plutarch wrote a special work (unfortunately not preserved) on the Oracle of Tropho-

nius at Lebadeia (no 181 in the so-called lsquoLamprias Cataloguersquo On the descent intothe cave of Trophonios) and his brother Lamprias was a priest at the oracle (cf De de-fectu 38431C) Pausaniasrsquo uniquely elaborate account of the process of consultation(939 see eg W K C G The Greeks and their Gods London 1950 223ndash232and in detail P B Trophonios de Leacutebadeacutee Leiden 2003) shows it to have beenmore elaborate more flexible and open to auto-suggestion (ldquothere is no single wayin which they are taught about the future but one person may see another hear helliprdquo)and above all more terrifying than any other whence its suitability for Timarchusrsquostartling vision [RP]

199 Cf Pausan 93914 (lsquothey are obliged to dedicate a wri en account on a tablet ofall they have individually heard or seenrsquo) and Clearchus fr 9 W (the vision ofCleonymus who discloses when he woke lsquoall he has seen and heardrsquo) [R]

200 The sutures of the skull (cf Plat Timaeus 76a) close in infancy they are here regardedas the passage of exit of the soul I do not know an ancient parallel but for Tennyson(In memoriam xliv) they are the lsquodoorwaysrsquo of the head and lsquothe living babe forgetsthe time before the sutures of the skull are closedrsquo [R]J H ldquoLe mythe de Timarque chez Plutarque et la structure de lrsquoextaserdquo REG 881975 [105-120] 110ndash115 draws a ention to some parallels he found in Shaman andHindu lore [N]

201 All the conjectures (συστελλοmicroένην E στεινοmicroένην E στενουmicroένηνD πνιγοmicroένην P E has τεινοmicroένην) make the same point the soul hasbeen confined and hemmed in and now expands [R]

Notes on the Translation 95

202 Reading microείζονα (instead of πλείονα which ndash as S remarks in his apparatusndash ldquoparum intellegiturrdquo) [R]

203 Supplementing δrsquo a er ἐξαmicroειβούσας (V A proposed καταλλήλως ⟨δrsquo⟩ ἐξα-microειβούσας) [R]

204 Reading with V A ὥσπερ βαφὴν ⟨ἐπ⟩άγειν (ὥσπερ βαφὴν ἄγειν E) [R]205 Supplementing ἐmicromicroελῶς (λιγυρῶς W adopted by S and H ) E

has a lacuna of seven le ers here [R]206 The translation implies a conjectural supplement of the two lacunae found here (of 10

and 43 le ers respectively in E) by the words (tentatively put into the text) πολλὰς ⟨συν⟩εφέλκεσθαι τῇ ⟨τῆς θαλάσσης ῥοῇ καὶ αυτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφερο-microένης V A proposed πολλὰς ⟨τούτῳ συν⟩εφέλκεσθαι τῆ⟨ς θαλάσσης καὶαὐτῆς κύκλῳ⟩ σχεδὸν ὑποφεροmicroένης V A rsquos second supplement is furtheraugmented by E D L who add ὁmicroαλῶς καὶ λείως a er αὐτῆς and this(as well as V A rsquos first supplement) is adopted by H [R]

207 This part of the description is rather obscure On the view adopted here (see Introd)the sea is the whole celestial sphere and not (as V A held) simply the MilkyWay It is therefore not easy to explain these variations of depth E D Ladduce the Stoic view ([Plut] Placita 215) that the stars do not move in one plane butlsquoone in front of another in height and depthrsquo [R]

208 Plutarch may here have in mind Plat Phaedo 113a though ἐκβολή there has a differentmeaning [R]

209 This way of describing planetary movements is standard eg Plat Timaeus 36b 38b39b [R]

210 Reading ταύτην instead of τούτων (cf V ) [R]211 This again is rather obscure The angle presumably represents the inclination of the

ecliptic to the equator If Timarchus is looking upwards at a hemisphere (and Plutarchstresses that all this is how it seemed to Timarchus) we may take τοῦ παντός as de-scribing a span of 180deg and the angle intended as a li le less than 860 of this ie 24degwhich is what we expect The microέρη are lsquosixtiethsrsquo Plutarch avoids the technical termἑξηκοντάδες (for it see eg Strab 257 p 113ndash4 C) [R]

212 This does seem to describe the Milky Way [R]213 Timarchus now looks down where it seems as if a huge chasm has been scooped

out This chasm is (or includes) the earth itself whence arise the howls and groans ofhuman suffering as we know it in this life [R]

214 ἐκταραττοmicroένου gives an etymology of Τάρταρος also known from Crates (StephByz sv Τάρταρος cf Serv Aen 6577) but not the only etymology current (PlutarchDe primo frigido 9948F ⟨cf Lyd De mensibus 4159⟩ derives it from ταρταρίζειν lsquotrem-blingrsquo from cold) [R]

215 The voice is that of a daimon on the moon (cf 591C) [R]216 For the identification of Persephone (daughter of Demeter wife of Hades and queen of

the underworld in Greek myth) with the moon seeDe facie 27942Dndash943C andHymnOrph 2911 Q [R]

217 Already R wanted to replace ὡς by ὧν another possibility is ἣν (lsquowhich is oneof the four portions and which Styx delimitsrsquo) Styx (ie the earthrsquos shadow) is a sortof frontier between Hades (the earth) and Persephonersquos realm of the moon [R]

218 This is obscure ⟨to me⟩ lsquodiametrically opposite from herersquo (W ) [R]219 See Introd (p 10) and esp D 1996 212ndash6 [R]220 The symbolic use of the three Moirai derives from Platorsquos Myth of Er (Rep 10617c)

Plutarch uses it also in De facie 30945C (see C rsquo notes) Cf D below pp194ndash7 The lsquoturning-pointrsquo (καmicroπή) may have been suggested by Plato Phaedo 72b[Plutarch uses the word in a different sense (lsquospringrsquo) in Cons ad uxorem 10611F andDe anima fr 17722 S ] [R]

96 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

221 The expression δαίmicroονες ἐπιχθόνιοι is taken from HesiodWD 122 [R]222 The lsquosecond measuresrsquo must be periods of 24 hours In Plat Tim 42b lsquodaysrsquo and

lsquonightsrsquo are said to be τὰ πρῶτα microέρη τῶν χρόνων The νυχθήmicroερον may thereforebe lsquosecondrsquo Alternatively (L 1933 57 n 5) the solar year or the lunar monthis regarded as lsquofirstrsquo [R]

223 Reading ἀνακραθεῖσαι with W (ἀναταραχθεῖσαι E) [R]224 C proposed adding δικτύου (lsquonetrsquo) if so this must come before δεδυκότος (to

avoid hiatus) It may well be right D P wanted to put δικτύου into the textinstead of ἄρτηmicroα [R]

225 Cf Plat Phaedrus 248a [R]226 Retaining Ersquos διαφερόmicroενοι (as H also does while S adopts P rsquo dele-

tion of δια-) [R]227 A revaluation of the common expression νοῦν ἔχειν (lsquoto have good sensersquo) [R]228 V A rsquos ἕλικα τεταραγmicroένην (as in S rsquos Teubner text) for ἐγκαταταρα-

γmicroένην must be right [R]229 Cf Plat Rep 10614c Phaedrus 247b [R]230 Retaining Ersquos ἐνθένδε (as H also does while S adopts H rsquos ἔνδο-

θεν) [R]231 The hero of the story now told is called Hermotimus in Aristotle (Met A 3984b 19

Protrepticus fr 61 R = B 110 D ) and in later authors (see E R Psyche[engl transl] London 1925 ix n 111ndash2 E R D The Greeks and the IrrationalBerkeley 1951 141 W on Tertullian De anima 44) but he is Hermodorus also inProclus in Rempublicam 211324 K [R]

232 Spintharus of Tarentum (his praise of Epaminondas is mentioned also in Plut De aud339B) is perhaps the father of Aristoxenus (but see F W Die Schule des AristotelesHe 2 Aristoxenos Basel 1967 (2 Aufl) 47) He knew Socrates (Aristoxenus fr 54aW ) but there is no other evidence for his visit to Thebes [R]

233 On swans as holy birds see O K Die antike Tierwelt (Leipzig 1909) vol 2214ndash9on snakes vol 2286 288ndash90 on dogs vol 1136ndash43 on horses vol 1246ndash53 [R]

234 Reading τῶν ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ γένους (τῶν ὑπrsquo αὐτὸ γένος E τῶν ὑπὸ τὸ γένος W - τῶν ὑπὸ ταὐτὸ γένος B ) [R]

235 One might consider reading τι προσταττόmicroενον (τὸ προσταττόmicroενον E) [R]236 The quotations are Hom Il 744ndash5 and 753 In [Plut] De vita et poesi Homeri 212

Il 753 is used to show that Helenus was αὐτήκοος θείας φωνῆς and to makeit plausible that Socrates ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦ δαιmicroονίου φωνῆς ἐmicroαντεύετο Unless thisauthor is dependent on Plutarch there must be a common source See H adloc [R]

237 A rather similar analogy between earthly monarchs and god is developed in [Aristotle]De mundo 6 [R]

238 Ie those who have finally escaped from the cycle of reincarnation which Theanor(as a Pythagorean) takes for granted [R]

239 SeeWD 122ndash126 [R]240 The supplement of this lacuna (10 le ers in E) is unsure H adopts W rsquo

ὦ ⟨φίλοι καί⟩ but we cannot tell whether Theanor addresses Simmias or lsquomy friendsrsquoor lsquoTheocritusrsquo (because Theocritus encouraged Simmias to relate the myth) [R]

241 Reading microεθίησιν as supplement of this short lacuna (6 le ers in E) H adoptsB rsquo ἐᾷ γάρ (already A proposed ἐᾷ microὲν γάρ) [R]

242 The picture of the soul fighting to ldquosecure its landingrdquo (φιλοτιmicroουmicroένη περὶ τὴν ἔκβα-σιν) contains a Homeric reminiscence in Hom Od 5410 Odysseus almost despairsabout finding a place to land on the Phaeacian shore (ἔκβασις οὔ πῃ φαίνεθrsquo ἁλὸςπολιοῖο θύραζε) For the text (⟨τοῖς⟩ ἄνω προσφέρηται) see E D L adloc [R]

Notes on the Translation 97

243 The translation accepts R rsquos ⟨πρὸς⟩ (which S and H adopt as well) Butἀνύποπτος could mean lsquounsuspectingrsquo and we might also read ἕξουσιν ἀνύποπτοντὸν δῆmicroον [R]

244 Ie Caphisias and those with him [R]245 Already Xenophon (Hell 542) names Philippus as one of the leading pro-Spartan

oligarchs in Thebes according to Plut Pelopidas 52 it was Philippus who togetherwith Archias and Leontiadas persuaded the Spartan Phoibidas to occupy the Cadmea(in Pelopidas 74 Philippus is called polemarchos together with Archias) In De genioPhilippus (who is mentioned here for the first time) becomes prominent only in thelast part of the tale [N]

246 On Amphitheus see above n 48 [N]247 In 4577A Archias and Lysanoridas (on whom see above n 18) had come down from

the Cadmea while Caphisias Theocritus and Galaxidorus were on their way to Sim-miasrsquo house In 5578A Theocritus reported that Lysanoridas had set out for Haliartusto close Alcmenarsquos tomb again [R]

248 The supplement for this lacuna (7 le ers in E) is uncertain B proposed⟨ὑπάνδρου⟩ which H adopts cf Plut Pel 94 (Φυλλίδας κατηγγελκὼς τοῖςπερὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν πότον καὶ γύναια τῶν ὑπάνδρων) P rsquos supplement γαmicroετῆςalso means lsquomarriedrsquo For Xenophon the women promised to Archiasrsquo party werehigh-grade courtesans (Xen Hell 544ndash6) [RP]

249 Ie Caphisiasrsquo party [R]250 Damoclidas is a conspirator mentioned also in Plut Pel 82 and 111 he was a

Boeotarch in 371 (Paus 9136) [RN]251 Theopompus is a conspirator mentioned also in Plut Pel 82 [R]252 Adopting H rsquos ὑπερβαλόντες (ὑπερβάλλοντες E) [R]253 This is a detail not found in Pelopidas for the portent cf eg Il 2353 [R]254 This is the house of Charon who had volunteered (see 2576D) to take the conspirators

returning from Athens into his house [N] The following incident including Charonrsquosoffering of his son as hostage is also recounted in Plut Pelopidas 9 [P]

255 The translation includes θεὶς ἱmicroὰτιον in Charonrsquos speech (as also in S E D L and H ) while P makes them part of Charonrsquos actions [R]

256 On Hipposthenidas and Chlidon see above 17586Andash18588A [N]257 Reading πιθανὸν εἶναι ( πιθανὸν ὄντα E) as ὑπενόουν should be construed with an

infinitive and not with a participle [R]258 Reading πρὸς τὸ συmicroπεσούmicroενον (συmicroπόσιον E συmicroπεσόν R which S -

and H adopt) Or perhaps read συmicroπῖπτον (cf Xen Cyr 8516 ἐν ταῖςπορείαις πρὸς τὸ συmicroπῖπτον ἀεὶ διατάττων ἐπορεύετο) [R]

259 This harks back to Hom Od 11526ndash530 where Odysseus relates how fearlessly (incontrast to many other Greek leaders) Neoptolemos entered the Wooden Horse [R]

260 Adopting W rsquo Κηφισόδωρος ⟨ὁ⟩ Διο⟨γεί⟩τονος (Κηφισοδώρῳ Διότονος E)The conspirator Cephisodorus is also mentioned in Pelopidas 117ndash8 [R]

261 Reading πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀσυντάκτους (R 1954 63) which H adoptsE has πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀσυντάκτους from which M (followed by S )deleted ἀλλήλους [R]

262 For this image cf Plut De audiendo 942C [R]263 The account in Plut Pelopidas 105 is slightly different Charon told the truth to οἱ περὶ

Πελοπίδαν and invented a reassuring fiction for the other conspirators [P]264 Androclidas had long been a leader of the anti-Spartan faction at Thebes (Hell Oxy

XVII1 XVIII Xen Hell 351 4 all referring to 395ndash4 5231 36 Plut Lysander 83271 Pel 51) A er the Spartans occupied the Cadmea he fled to Athens but wasslain there by assassins sent by Leontiadas (Plut Pel 53 63) [RNP]

265 Hypatas is (besides Archias Philippus and Leontiadas) another leader of the pro-Spartan faction at Thebes (see Xen Hell 737 Plut Pel 1119) [R]

98 D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath

266 Xenophon says that different stories circulated in his day some saying that the con-spirators who a acked Archiasrsquo party entered disguised as women others as komastsPlutarchrsquos version (similarly Pelopidas 111) combines the two On the popular storymotif of lsquowarriors disguised as womenrsquo see R J B Boiotia and the Boiotian League(Alberta 1994) 73 B 1976 suggested that a late 4th c amphora-rhyton foundin 1949 at Panagjurischte illustrated the assault for dissent see J G FestinatSenex (Oxford 1988) 44ndash49 [P]

267 Cf Pelopidas 106 [R]268 Cf Pelopidas 107ndash9 the story is also related inQuaest conv 13619D Nepos Pelopidas

32ndash3 (but with Archinus for Archias) For the proverb quoted here see AppendixProverbiorum 258 (= CPG 1404) in the (Doric) form ἐν ἀοῖ τὰ σπουδαῖα [R]

269 Caphisias of course can only guess the contents of the le er There is some inconsis-tency here since in the De genio version (contrast Pelopidas 73) Charon has only just(ie earlier on this same day) offered his house to the conspirators and this could nothave been known to the correspondent in Athens [R]

270 C rsquos κατακεκλυσmicroένος (lsquodrowned in drinkrsquo lsquohalf seas overrsquo) is a ractive but Ersquosκατακεκλασmicroένος may do [R]

271 Reading (with H inspired by Pel 108) ὑπέρ τινων σπουδαίων (ὑπὲρ τῶνσπουδαίων E from which C deleted τῶν followed by S and H ) [R]

272 Nothing is known about this magistracy beyond the religious functions (sacrificeand prayer) and appurtenances (crown sacred spear) mentioned in what followsCabirichus is otherwise unknown [RP]

273 Lysitheus is named here for the first time he is probably one of the returning exiles[R]

274 Or lsquoabove my headrsquo [R]275 On Theopompus see above n 251 [R]276 Callistratus of Aphidna was a prominent Athenian politician unfriendly to Thebes

(see [Dem] or 5927 Plut Praec ger reip 14810F) and a considerable orator (seeXen Hell 6239 33 10) We cannot say if the episode of the le er has any historicalauthority [R]

277 On Samidas see above n 37 [R]278 The lsquoLong Colonnadersquo is perhaps the στοὰ microεγάλη in the agora erected in commem-

oration of the victory over the Athenians at Delium (Diod 12705 cf perhaps XenHell 5229) [RP]

279 There is no lacuna indicated in MSS but something like this must be missing [R]280 Boeotian ladies are usually modest and restrained See Plut Cons ad uxorem 7610BC

and cf [Dicaearchus] GGM 1103 M = Herakleides ὁ Κριτικός 117ndash20 p 80ndash83P (they even covered their whole face except the eyes) [R]

281 This is either the temple of Athena Onkaia south or south-west of the Cadmea orthat of Athena Ismenias (or Pronaia) south-east of the Cadmea See P belowp 131 with n 8 [R]

282 For this see above n 168 (on 18587D) [R]283 Presumably they fled from the lower city to the Cadmea (lacuna of 21 le ers in E) [R]284 Adopting W rsquo ἐκκρίτους (κρείττους E which H retains) [R]285 This figure is given also in Pelopidas 124 and Diodorus Siculus 15253 but Xen Hell

5411 says that the defenders felt themselves to be too few to resist [P]286 On Lysanoridas see above n 18 and 159 [R]287 The lacuna (17 le ers in E) in this place makes the sense unsure either lsquohe was away

(at Haliartus see 574A) that dayrsquo or lsquohe was expected to return that dayrsquo [R]288 Accepting Brsquos ⟨οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐζηmicroίωσαν⟩ as a good conjecture (E has a lacuna of 19

le ers here) [R]289 On Herippidas and Arcesus see above n 159 On the fate of the three Spartan com-

manders see also Plut Pel 133 [R]

C Essays

Between Athens Sparta and Persia the HistoricalSignificance of the Liberation of Thebes in 379

George Cawkwell

The Liberation of Thebes from Spartan control was one of the crucial mo-ments of the fourth century With the defeat of Athens in the Pelopon-nesian War Sparta had become the unchallenged master of Greece butthe events of the night in midwinter 3798 which provide the se ing ofPlutarchrsquos dialogue De genio Socratis changed all that The Spartan garri-son was expelled from the Cadmea and the rise of Theban power began In371 on the ba lefield of Leuctra the Thebans at a stroke set Sparta on the de-fensive for the rest of her history while Thebes became the leading militarypower of Greece It was only the intervention of Macedon that deposedher Much was at stake as those philosophically minded discussed the dai-mon of Socrates and the conspirators set about their murderous plans

The rise of Thebes in the 370s and the 360s1 was due primarily in theview of Ephorus (Diod 15392) to three men who feature in the De genioPelopidas Gorgidas and Epaminondas The part of Epaminondas in theliberation as Plutarch describes it was minor he had declined actively totake a hand in an action that might damage innocent citizens (594B) thoughhe said that he and Gorgidas had known the expected date of the exilesrsquoreturn and when the uprising was under way both men had assembledwith their friends ready to assist the cause (598C D)2 Elsewhere Plutarchmade plain his high esteem for Epaminondas (Timoleon 36 Philopoemen 3)and if one can accept that Pausaniasrsquo account of the career of Epaminon-das (913ndash156) is an epitome of Plutarchrsquos (lost) Life3 he rounded off his ac-count by citing the elegiac verses on the statue of Epaminondas in Thebeswhere it was proclaimed that it was due to him that lsquoall Hellas is indepen-dent and in freedomrsquo So Plutarchrsquos silence in the De genio is challengingPelopidasrsquo part is fully recounted (596C 597DndashF) but Plutarch drops nohint of their future partnership nor of Pelopidasrsquo large share in the north-ern extension of Theban power Gorgidas who had been a Hipparch be-fore 382 (578BC) was the founder of the Sacred Band (Pelopidas 18) and

1 B 2003 is a valuable handbook to the period Similarly the Cambridge AncientHistory VI2 (Cambridge 1994)

2 Cf C 19723 Cf L P De Plutarchi Epaminonda (diss Jena 1912) and Z 1951 896

102 George Cawkwell

his minor part in the liberation is adequately described (594B 598C)4 Thefailure to point the contrast between the Epaminondas of 3798 and theEpaminondas of 371 and later is surprising

Of course it may be simply that Plutarch chanced to tell it all that waybut one inevitably wonders whether he was reflecting whatever source hehad concerning the liberation His model for the whole dialogue is Pla-tonic and just as it is vain to look to PlatorsquosDialogues for reliable factual in-formation so one might hesitate to give great credit to Plutarchrsquos accountof that historic night if it were not that the De genio chimes with barelya dissonant note with the account of the liberation in the Life of PelopidasThere are furthermore very few Thebans named of whom we do not hearin other sources and there is only one historical fact which is anachronisticviz Jason of Pheraersquos tenure of the office of ταγός of Thessaly (583F)5 Sothe account of the liberation is not fiction but history The philosophicaldialogue may or may not have taken place on that night but the historicalaccount is to be taken seriously

Whence then did Plutarch derive it The likely enough guess is thathe drew on the Hellenica of Callisthenes of Olynthus (FGrHist 124) a workcovering in ten books the thirty years between the Peace of Antalcidas andthe outbreak of the Sacred War This must have been a full work and it ishighly likely that his account of the liberation of Thebes was full Thereare other candidates of course like the shadowy Daimachus of Plataea(FGrHist 65) and Aristophanes lsquothe Boeotianrsquo whom Plutarch used in theDe Herodoti Malignitate (FGrHist 379) but no ma er What is clear is thatPlutarch did not use Xenophonrsquos Hellenica The two accounts differ in de-tail and there is one very striking difference Xenophon spoke of sevenconspirators (541) Plutarch of twelve (576C cf Pelopidas 8) andXenophonmakes no mention at all of Pelopidasrsquo part in the action This is consistentwith Xenophonrsquos treatment of both Pelopidas and Epaminondas The for-mer does not appear in the Hellenica apart from the embassy to the GreatKing in 367 which Xenophon treated as shabby and disgraceful (7133ndash38)The la er is not named in connection with Leuctra and makes his first ap-pearance during the second Theban campaign in the Peloponnese (7141)Xenophonrsquos silences about Pelopidas and Epaminondas were deliberateand scandalous Plutarch was not deceived Wherever it was he founda full account of that dramatic night what he says and does not say is

4 H S ldquoGorgidasrdquo RE 72 (1912) 1619ndash20 for what is known of Gorgidas5 Eumolpidas and Samidas (577A) Phidolaus of Haliartus (577D) Ismenodorus and

Melissus (582D) are otherwise una ested There is no other evidence to support the claimsthat Timotheus the son of Conon was sympathetic to Boeotia (575F) nor that Callistratuswas connected with Leontiadas (597D) though there is nothing inherently improbable ineither case Jason however did not become ταγός of Thessaly until the later 370s (cf XenHell 6118) and 583F is in error

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 103

seriously to be considered a ma er not of historiography but it wouldseem of fact

The career of Epaminondas is indeed poorly a ested before he appearscentre-stage in the Peace Conference at Sparta in 371 where he met Agesi-lausrsquo demand for the dissolution of the Boeotian Federation with a demandthat the Spartans let the Perioecic peoples go and then he had the Thebansrefuse to join in a treaty that returned them to submission Twenty dayslater he fought and won the ba le of Leuctra a cataclysmic victory hisfirst appearance in a military role as Boeotarch The De genio shows hewas not an active participant in 3798 he knew about the plo ed libera-tion but tried to dissuade the plo ers (576E F 594B) he and Gorgidas hadtheir friends ready to give support when the dirty work had been done (594B) but he would not initiate the violence This all fits with his abstainingfrom action in the years down to 371 and the reason Epaminondas gavefor his abstinence viz that lsquounless there was great necessity he would notkill any of his fellow-citizens without trialrsquo (594 B) is consistent with his at-titude at the height of his power and glory According to Diodorus (1557)when the Thebans a er Leuctra campaigned against Orchomenus oncethe chief obstacle to Theban domination of Boeotia and still at least dissi-dent and they intended to enslave the city Epaminondas dissuaded themsaying that lsquothose aiming to have the leadership of the Greeksrsquo should notso behave The Orchomenians Diodorus declares were then made lsquoal-liesrsquo and in the same mood the Phocians were made lsquofriendsrsquo of Thebesbut on terms hardly suitable to lsquothose aiming to have the leadership of theGreeksrsquo for they were able to refuse to join the army of Epaminondas on itsway to se le the affairs of the Peloponnese in the ba le of Mantineia theydeclared that their treaty with Thebes obliged them to lend military aid inthe case of an a ack on Thebes but said nothing about campaigns againstothers (Xen Hell 754) In comparable spirit Epaminondas was later totreat with moderation lsquothe best menrsquo of Achaea (ibid 7142) The criticismmade of him by Theocritus the diviner in 3798 (576DE) foreshadows theenmity he aroused at the height of his career6 Epaminondas was in shorta credit to philosophy if not to Realpolitik The De genio makes a usefulcontribution to our understanding of this great man

The main historical question however that naturally poses itself toreaders of the De genio concerns the division in Theban politics betweenLeontiadas and Archias on the one hand and on the other the liberatorsand previously Ismenias and Androclidas in other words between theLaconisers and their opponents

First one must ask whether it was a struggle between democrats andoligarchs the sort of stasis with which we are familiar from all over the

6 Cf C 1972 266ndash8

104 George Cawkwell

pages of Thucydides and especially his analysis of stasis (382) Effortsto unite Boeotia were already underway in the late sixth century as theunsuccessful Theban effort to coerce Plataea in 519 shows (Hdt 61085Thuc 3685) and Herodotus (9151) speaks of Boeotarchs in 479 How-ever the full Boeotian constitution may not have been in place by that dateto judge by what the Thebans are made by Thucydides (362) to claim inanswer to the charge of Medism during Xerxesrsquo invasion Perhaps theyspoke tongue in cheek but they went on to say that things were differenta er the Persians withdrew and the city τοὺς νόmicroους ἔλαβε there hav-ing been been previously neither ὀλιγαρχία ἰσόνοmicroος nor δηmicroοκρατίαbut a δυναστεία ὀλίγων By the middle of the century we are on firmerground A er victory in the ba le of Oenophyta in 457 the Athenians es-tablished some sort of control over all of Boeotia save Thebes (Diod 1183cf [Xen] Ath Pol311) and there would seem to have been some kind ofdemocracy in Thebes in this period (Ar Pol 1302 b 29) Ten years lateran Athenian force was defeated at Coronea (Thuc 1113) The Athenianscompletely withdrew from Boeotia and the Boeotian Confederacy as wesee it described in Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (XIX Chambers) was securely es-tablished (Thuc 3625) It was a decisive point in the rise of Boeotia whichthe Theban commander at the ba le of Delium in 424 used to inspire theBoeotian army (Thuc 4926) and the firm establishment of the federalconstitution hardly le room for much in the way of democracy Each ofthe lsquodivisionsrsquo (microέρη) sent one hundred and sixty councillors to the Fed-eral Council si ing in Thebes which decided affairs It is not surely tobe excluded that individual cities had a popular assembly but if they didit must have been largely unemployed Yet the political division whichhad come on the Boeotians according to the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (XIX1Chambers) lsquonot many yearsrsquo before the outbreak of hostilities in 395 andwhich set Ismenias in conflict with Leontiadas had no constitutional effectas far as we can see The charges made against Ismenias a er his arrest in382 (Xen Hell 5235) appear to have nothing to do with a clash of oli-garchy and democracy and everything to do with Spartan policy towardsPersia It was according toHellenica Oxyrhynchia (XX1) a division amongstthe βέλτιστοι καὶ γνωριmicroώτατοι τῶν πολιτῶν The federal constitutioncontinued until the Kingrsquos Peace of 386 when Agesilaus required its disso-lution and Thebes was made into what we see in the De genio a separatecity with three Polemarchs as its senior magistrates

It is true that there was some sort of assembly in Thebes which is al-luded to by Plutarch in his Life of Pelopidas (12) It had been assembledthe morning a er the liberation and indeed elected on Plutarchrsquos account

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 105

(Pel 1317) three Boeotarchs Whenever exactly the Boeotarchy was rein-stated the seizure of Plataea by the Thebans in 373 was led by a Boeotarchwho led the Thebans directly from the assembly with their weapons inhand (Paus 916 and 7) The whole trick depending on Plataean pre-sumption that the assembly would be longdrawn ndash ἠπίσταντο γὰρ τοὺςΘηβαίους ⟨ὡς⟩ πανδηmicroεὶ καὶ ἅmicroα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εἰώθεσαν βουλεύεσθαι(Paus 915) There is a decree of the Boeotians honouring a Carthaginian(Rhodes and Osborne no 43) which is headed ἔδοξε τotildeι δάmicroοι Its dateis unsure but under 364 Diodorus 1578 has Epaminondas speaking in anassembly8 and the δῆmicroος then passing a decree just as was to happen at thetime of the Revolt of Thebes in 335 (Arr Anab 172 Diod 1791) So thereis no doubt that Thebes was some sort of democracy a er 379 HoweverPausaniasrsquo account of the assembly of 373 suggests that this democracywas as restricted a er the Kingrsquos Peace as it had been in 395 as describedby the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia only those with a certain property qualifi-cation were eligible for the lsquofour councilsrsquo (XIX2 Chambers) there was aproclamation that lsquoeach Theban should take his weapons with him to theassemblyrsquo (Paus 916) It would seem then that there was no change inthis regard between 395 and 373 and there is no reason to suppose thatthe liberation brought an outburst of democratic fervour The factional ri-valry of that period was not the struggle of δῆmicroος and ὀλίγοι so commonin Greek states

In 379 Thebes was in the grip of what Thucydides termed a δυναστείαὀλίγων Three years before the Boeotians had like the Athenians sent anembassy to Olynthus and it was believed that the Olynthians had passed adecree to send embassies accompanying the Athenians and Boeotians ontheir return home to make alliances (Xen Hell 5215) For the Spartansthis was a serious situation They had used the Kingrsquos Peace to requirethe dissolution of the Chalcidic League just as they had done to affect thebreak-up of the Boeotian confederacy Such insubordination was not tobe tolerated They sent out an army northwards and as it passed Thebesthe Theban Laconisers persuaded the Spartans to occupy the Cadmea andstop the rot So Leontiadas and Archias took control and a reign of terrorbegan In fear three hundred Thebans fled to Athens the situation brieflydelineated in De genio (575F ndash 576A) One of the leaders of those opposedto Leontiadas Ismenias was arrested and judicially murdered (Xen Hell5231 35ndash36) The other Androclidas thought in Thebes to be the leaderof the exiles and a likely source of plo ing (595B) was assassinated byan agent of Leontiadas (Plut Pel 63) Amphitheus named by Plutarchelsewhere (Lysander 27) as political partner of Androclidas was on the

7 Buckler is prominent among those who accept Plutarchrsquos account Cf B 2003215

8 Aeschin or 2105 quoted a remark of Epaminondas in an assembly

106 George Cawkwell

very night of the liberation expected to be taken from prison questionedand put to death (577D 586E) Clearly there were a good many othersincarcerated (598E)

If this was not a version of the usual struggle of democrats against oli-garchs why were Leontiadas and his gang so submissive to Spartan domi-nation Plainly the Liberators sought to secure liberty (cf 595D) Why didthe δυναστεία ὀλίγων desire otherwise It might have been a mixture offear and prudence but it is to be noted that on Xenophonrsquos account (Hell5226) the whole idea of the Spartans occupying the Cadmea originatedwith Leontiadas Why was he so minded Of course he may simply havewanted to be in power himself but the accusations made against Ismenias(Xen Hell 5236) suggest that there may have been a serious issue of pol-icy These accusations were lsquothat Ismenias took the side of the Barbarianthat he had become ξένος to the Persian for no good purpose for Greecethat he had had a share of the money sent by the King and that he andAndroclidas were principally responsible for all the turmoil in Greecersquo

There runs through the history ofGreece in the fourth century a melan-choly river of folly viz the Panhellenist dream of the union of Greece ina war against Persia which would stop the Greeks quarrelling amongstthemselves and allow them to exploit the wealth of Asia The chief advo-cate of this idea was Isocrates and the man who chiefly sought to realiseit King Agesilaus of Sparta9 When he went to Asia in 396 his campaignwas to be lsquoagainst Asiarsquo (Xen Hell 342) just as in 394 when about toobey the summons to return to Greece and defend Sparta he promisedthe Greeks of Asia that when he could he would return to carry on withthe grand campaign from which he had been prevented by the turmoil inGreece (Xen Hell 423 and 4 cf 4141) The Kingrsquos Peace of 386 formallyended such ambitions but it did not end his hatred of Persia according tohis friend and admirer Xenophon (cf Ages 77) By the time Agesilausdied in 359 Panhellenism for Spartans was an extinct idea In Thebes asfar as we know it had never been alive When Agesilaus was se ing outon his great campaign lsquoagainst Asiarsquo in 396 he sought lsquoto make sacrificesin Aulis where Agamemnon made sacrifice when he was sailing againstTroyrsquo The Boeotarchs intervened and violently prevented it (Xen Hell344) Admi edly Panhellenism was largely a ma er not of action butof talk and we do not have any samples of Theban oratory as we have ofAthenian but there is no hint anywhere of Theban policy being affectedby the desire to punish Persia Indeed in 344 when the Great King ap-pealed to the Greek states for help in the reconquest of Egypt the Thebanssent a force of a thousand hoplites to assist (Diod 1644) and in 335 whenduring the Theban Revolt Alexander called for individuals to submit the

9 Cf G L C The Greek Wars (Oxford 2005) 6

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 107

Thebans countered calling for volunteers from Alexanderrsquos army lsquoto joinwith the Great King and the Thebans to free the Greeks and overthrow thetyrant of Hellashelliprsquo (Diod 1795) thus displaying the clear good sense thatDemosthenes (1034) had sought for in vain in Athenian policy

What suggests that the division between Leontiadas and Ismenias mayhave been at least sharpened by serious difference over the question of re-lations with Persia is the part played by an earlier Leontiadas presumablya direct ancestor probably grandfather to the leading villain of the De ge-nio in the defence of Thermopylae in 480 For all Herodotusrsquo malignitas itseems that although the δυναστεία ὀλίγων had given earth and water toXerxes four hundred Thebans under the command of Leontiadas foughtand as a punishment were branded by the Persians lsquobeginning with theirGeneralrsquo (Hdt 72332) It is not inconceivable that hostility to the Barbar-ian was cherished in that family Ismenias Leontiadasrsquo chief opponenthad accepted from the King an invitation to become ξένος an offer Agesi-laus had no doubt ostentatiously rebuffed (Xen Ages 83) It would notbe surprising if Ismeniasrsquo policy had caused serious division in the state

In the fi h century the centripetal forces of Boeotia seeking to establishthe Boeotian Federation were strongly pro-Spartan the centrifugal forcesanti-Spartan and therefore sympathetic to Athens A er the end of thePeloponnesian War this was abruptly reversed In the preliminary discus-sions of Sparta and her allies about the terms of a se lement with Athensthe Boeotian representative like the Corinthian spoke against any se le-ment and demanded the destruction of Athens (Xen Hell 2219 cf 358)and the enslavement of the populace (Isoc 1431) yet within a very shorttime the city of Thebes was offering refuge to the Athenian exiles (XenHell 241 etc) then supporting their return (Justin 59 etc) and refusingto heed Spartarsquos call for help in dealing with the liberation of Athens Thiswas a dramatic change from Thebesrsquo earnest support of Sparta in the Dece-lean War and their strenuous participation in the war in Ionia and schol-ars have largely concurred with the view10 that Thebes was moved to suchdissidence by Spartarsquos domination both in the Peloponnese and in centralGreece (cf Diodorus 14177 and 822)

The dramatic change in Theban policy in 404 can be readily understoodBut it is equally to be considered why Spartan policy towards Athens wasso unexpectedly lenient Sparta regarded walls round cities as a sourceof trouble They had tried to prevent the building of the Themistocleanring a er the Persians withdrew (Thuc 1902) just as they prevented thewalling of cities in the Peloponnese (Xen Hell 527) In 411 it was feared inAthens that Athensrsquo walls would be demolished (Thuc 8913) and Critiasthe hard-line oligarch of 404 was believed to want A ica lsquoto be reduced to

10 Cf P C ldquoLa Politique Theacutebaine de 404 agrave 396 av JCrdquo REG 31 (1918) 315ndash43

108 George Cawkwell

sheep-grazing emptied of the herd of menrsquo (Philost V Soph 116 = VS88 A1) Why then a er all the bi erness of the Peloponnesian War didSparta let Athens off so lightly Theramenes returned to Athens from whathe represented as his successful negotiations at Sparta a greatly popularman (Diod 1441) But the Spartans were not so Why did they let theAthenians keep the city wallsThe answer is probably that Sparta was afraid of Thebes and Theban ambi-tions11 Indeed one of the Thirty at Athens went to Sparta a er the returnof Theramenes to the Piraeus and bade them campaign in support of theThirty lsquosaying slanderouslyrsquo according to Lysias (1258) lsquothat the city willbelong to the Boeotians rsquo Now Thebes had certainly irritated the Spar-tans by claiming a tithe of the spoils of war (Xen Hell 4321 Plut Lys274) but that and other minor incidents were not enough to make Spartafear the Boeotians One of these incidents is suggestive In 42019 the Boeo-tians took over the Spartan foundation Heraclea and the Spartans were an-gry with them for doing so (Thuc 5521) What business had Boeotia withthis place The answer is to be found in Xenophonrsquos explanation of Jasonof Pherae destroying the fortification in 371 (Hell 6427) Heraclea con-trolled the route from Central Greece northwards Perhaps as early as 420Boeotian ambitions envisaged the expansion northwards of the 360s andSparta in the person of Lysander sought to prevent them The measureof Lysanderrsquos efforts is to be found in the mixed army of Central Greekswhich he took to fight Thebes in the ba le of Haliartus in 395 (Hell 356)Agesilaus in the 380s sought in the Kingrsquos Peace to keep Boeotia disunited

TheTheban decision to seek an alliancewith Olynthus (Xen Hell 5215)was an open challenge to Spartan domination This was followed by aproclamation that no Theban was to join the campaign against the Olyn-thians (ibid 5227) This was the policy of Ismenias and Androclidasclearly a challenge to the Kingrsquos Peace and Leontiadas to maintain thePeace struck The tyranny depicted in the De genio was established Ofcourse given the nature of the evidence it is not to be denied that Leon-tiadas may have been solely concerned to secure for himself a position ofpower It is equally not to be denied that he thought that the maintenanceof the Kingrsquos Peace was the best or rather the only way to secure peacefor Thebes Judgement of Leontiadas however depends on unanswerablequestions concerning the Kingrsquos Peace12 Was the proclamation forbiddingany Theban to join in the campaign against Olynthus (Xen Hell 5227) acontravention of the Kingrsquos Peace Had Ismenias thereby gone too far

11 Cf G E M S C The Origins of the Peloponnesian War (London 1972) 34312 Xenophon has done his best to obscure the nature of the Kingrsquos Peace Cf C

ldquoThe Kingrsquos Peacerdquo CQ 31 (1981) [69ndash83] 78 where the possibility is raised that in forbid-ding lsquovolunteersrsquo joining the Spartan campaign against Olynthus Thebes was in breach ofthe Peace

Between Athens Sparta and Persia 109

The Thebans were not popular For a start they were too well fed (cfAristophanes Ach 860ndash84 Pax 1003ndash5 The Athenians pinned on them thelabel lsquoBoeotian swinersquo (according to Plutarch De esu carnium 16) whichPindar the Boeotian passed on (Ol VI90) perhaps tongue in cheek13 but asPlutarch shows it concerned Theban eating not Theban thinking Epho-rus would claim (FGrHist 70 F 119) that the leaders of Thebes neglectededucation (cf Diod 15792) save in the period of Epaminondas14 buthe neglected to explain how and why the Pythagorean Lysis of Tarentum(VS 44) became the teacher of Epaminondas he had died some time beforeEpaminondas rose to prominence and power (cf 578D 583B etc) Thetwo Thebans Simmias and Cebes familiar to us from Platorsquos Phaedo arepart of the philosophical circle pictured in the De genio and all in all it isclear that Thebes in the early Fourth Century was no philosophical back-water15 Perhaps Plutarch meant to proclaim through his dialogues thatThebes was a place of intellectual importance Elsewhere in the De malig-nitate Herodoti (864D ndash 867B) Plutarch berated Herodotus for his treatmentof the Thebans at Thermopylae and his a ack seems just though it is not tobe discussed here Overall what is undeniable is Theban military virtueThe history of the fourth century makes that abundantly clear as does thevalour displayed on the night of the liberation Plutarch had reason to beproud

13 For lsquoBoeotian swinersquo see SC B in H B J B (edd) Boiotika(Munich 1989) 67ndash8

14 Cf P S A Historical Commentary on Diodorus Siculus Book 15 (Oxford 1998)10

15 Cf N H D Thebes in the Fi h Century (London 1982) Chapter 5 lsquoPhilosophy inThebesrsquo

The liberation of Thebesin Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidaslowast

Christopher Pelling

1 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext

The liberation of Thebes in 379 offers a particularly rich opportunityto investigate Plutarchrsquos narrative technique for this is the most elaborateinstance where we find the same episode recounted in a moral essay theDe genio and in a biography the Pelopidas

As the present volume makes clear the De genio a racts a good deal ofscholarly interest does for instance Plutarch side with Epaminondas inthis essay That view is taken by Daniel Babut1 Aristoula Georgiadou2

and Frederick Brenk3 and already a generation ago in the standard com-mentary by Corlu4 If so it would be a paradox as Epaminondas theperson who decides to stay out of the Liberation is something of an ab-sent presence in this narrative but that would not be the only paradox inPlutarch Is there a moral for Plutarchrsquos own generation and if so what is itndash political quietism on the model of Epaminondas or the search for a newequivalent of liberation or simply an invitation to any readers to consulttheir own conscience What are we to make of the problems of reading anysigns whether it be the obscure writings found at the tomb of Alcmene(577EndashF) or the various omens that a end the conspiracy itself Is there

lowast This is a lightly adapted version of a paper that was given at a conference in Rethymnoin May 2005 the original version is included in the volume of that conference The Unity ofPlutarchrsquos Work lsquoMoraliarsquo Themes in the lsquoLivesrsquo Features of the lsquoLivesrsquo in the lsquoMoraliarsquo editedby Anastasios N (de Gruyter 2008) I am most grateful to Professor Nand to de Gruyter for their permission to republish the material here

1 B 1969 344ndash6 B 1984 72ndash3 = B 1994 426ndash72 A G ldquoVita activa and vita contemplativa Plutarchrsquos De Genio Socratis and

Euripidesrsquo Antioperdquo in I G B S (edd) Teoria e Prassi Politica nelle opere diPlutarco (Naples 1995) 187ndash200 ead Πράξεις and λόγοι the Liberation of the Cadmeiain Plutarchrsquos de Genio (abstract) in ΕΡΕΤΗΡΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΤΑΙΡΕΙΑΣ ΒΟΙΩΤΙΚΩΝ ΜΕΛΕΤΩΝSecond International Congress Levadeia 1992 (Athens 1995) 1129ndash30 G 1996

3 B 1996 B 20024 Thus for C 1970 20 ldquoEacutepaminondas incarne lrsquoideacuteal plutarcheacuteen de lrsquounion de la

philosophie et la politiquerdquo Cf also B 1988 and D 1984 576ndash7 thoughD also brings out Plutarchrsquos appreciation of the virtue and nerve of the active plo ers(583) H 1988 374ndash8 gives a balanced view

112 Christopher Pelling

a metatextual significance of such problematic semiotics for the readingof Plutarchrsquos own text and the drawing of any lessons perhaps includingpolitical lessons That is the subject of a subtle article by Philip Hardie(1996)5 What does the pervasive Platonic intertextuality add to it all Is itjust a clever and playful bonding with an accomplished reader or mightPlutarch be providing his own counterpart of Plato in a way that interlockswith the a empts of the characters in the text to explore a counterpart tothe Platonic Socrates Not all these issues will be explored in this chapterbut some light may fall on them if we concentrate on narrative itself andthe contrast of Life and essay

The Platonic intertextuality will provide the essential background forthis discussion There is a vast amount of this in the essay and other as-pects of this are explored elsewhere in this volume questions of souls dip-ping up and down in the manner of Timaeus questions of how a myth ofrebirth works in the manner of Republic 10 and so on6 But it is the Phaedothat is particularly relevant There are several particular echoes right atthe beginning the discussion of whether there is time to talk and whetherthose present are willing to listen (575DndashE sim Phaedo 58cndashd) and the intro-duction of lsquoSimmiasrsquo the man of Thebes who was so important in Phaedoand is now the host here There is some wryness too in the way he is intro-duced He has lsquobeen away for a long time in foreign parts and had travelledamong strange peoplesrsquo (576C 578A) exactly as the Socrates of Phaedo hadencouraged his interlocutors to do (78a where Socrates was in fact talkingto Cebes ndash but Cebes is not forgo en here either 580E 590E) Now Simmiashas arrived home lsquofull of all sorts of myths and barbarian storiesrsquo Peoplekeep visiting him at his home not unlike the way they visited Socratesin prison but Simmias has a rather different reason for not being able toroam around for he has suffered a nasty ailment of the leg and can onlylie on his couch That is most convenient as it means Simmias cannot in-volve himself in the action himself and Plutarch therefore sidesteps theissue whether he would be an active participant like Pelopidas or a philo-sophical bystander like Epaminondas the question cannot arise for himBut this participant who was closest to the Platonic Socrates shows a fur-ther wry Socratic touch for does not the Phaedo itself end with a Socrateson his couch as the hemlock gradually strikes at his ndash legs There is evena lsquofasteningrsquo here as well the ἐπίδεσmicroος that has just been removed from

5 On this theme cf also B 1984 63ndash5 = B 1994 417ndash9 also D 1988 580ndash1B 1996 45

6 For a treatment of some of these issues see V 1977 93ndash5 105ndash14 K D ldquoPlutarch und das Daimonion des Sokrates (Plut de genio SocratisKap 20ndash24)rdquoMnemosyne37 (1984) 376ndash92 and B 1996 See also Deuse below p 193 with n 67

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 113

Simmiasrsquo leg (589A) ndash a blander equivalent of the fe er removed fromSocratesrsquo leg at Phaedo 59e7

The mild divergences between Plutarchrsquos two accounts have been wellstudied by others most recently and thoroughly byGeorgiadou 1997 HereI shall give a broader comparison of Life and essay under three headingsthat have become familiar from narratological theory duration focalisa-tion and voice One recurrent question will be what we might call the in-tertwining of lsquothemersquo and lsquoeventrsquo how far the various issues of conscienceand political activism are affected by and affect the events of this stirringstory Ziegler thought the intertwining of theme and event inDe geniowassuperficial and contrived a shallow imitation of their thorough integrationin the Phaedo8 Perhaps we can be a li le more generous

2 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas

First duration The version in the Life is quite expansive by Life standardsbut is still only seven chapters long The essay is developing the narrativeall through the work a er the dialogue introduction it starts with the ar-rival of the news that the plo ers are on the way from Athens and at theend it goes through to the moment when the Spartan garrison withdrawsThe Life version might take twenty minutes to read aloud the essay versionwould require more like two hours and is ge ing close to an equivalentin duration to the length in real time that the events would take (so in theterms made familiar by Bal9 the lsquostoryrsquo becomes equivalent in extent to thelsquofabularsquo) That is especially so as the back-narrative is given in very com-pressed form at the beginning in 575Fndash6B lsquowe all know already howhelliprsquoand then there is a quickening of pace at the end once the action itself fi-nally starts at 596DndashE the time in between that taken by the discussion asthe conspiracy develops is pre y well exactly the time that the discussionif real would have taken That lsquoisochronicrsquo equivalence of duration is notunusual in Plutarch (compare for instance De Pythiae Oraculis where theconversation occupies the time it would take to climb the hill at Delphi)and it is very much on the pa ern of a Platonic dialogue including thePlatonic dialogue that has the most important indeed cataclysmic actioninterwoven with it the Phaedo

This point of duration has several effects The first of course is that

7 For these and other Platonic echoes cf esp H 1895 148ndash51 C 1970 93ndash58 Z 1964 204 = 1951 841 (lsquoThemarsquo and lsquoHandlungrsquo) cf the similar verdict of

H 1895 151 V 1977 93 states uncompromisingly that ldquole sujet veacuteritable cenrsquoest pas le deacutemon de Socrate crsquoest la libeacuteration de Thegravebesrdquo though she has a more nuancedview on p 95 For a more sympathetic treatment of the interweaving of the philosophywith the narrative see esp D 1984

9 B 1985

114 Christopher Pelling

this is extremely mimetic almost the extreme case of narrative mimesisThe longueur the agonising waiting that a ends even such exciting andswi -moving events as these is caught by the way the participants talkalmost literally to pass the time rather as the Spartan partisan Archiasliked philosophical conversation to distract others from his disgraceful ac-tions (576C) so the conspirators too seem to be talking as much to distractthemselves as to buoy up their spirits or to provide the suspicious with anexcuse for their gathering When we come to the interaction of theme andaction this is not just a ploy of Plutarch himself to inject a factitious liter-ary lsquounityrsquo it characterises too for instance when the conversation turnsto how a momentary inspiration allowed Socrates to escape mortal dangerat the hands of not coincidentally the Thebans (581DndashE of Delium with ahint of Platorsquos Symposium) At times like this a mind dri s easily into preoc-cupation with mortal danger and dwelling here on divine inspiration maybe wishful thinking but is psychologically just right It is something of acontrary counterpart of the Phaedo itself where it is so natural for Socratesand his friends to talk of immortality

Not that the main point of the discussion is to illuminate the momenttense though it is The forward movement of the essay is carried not bythe action but by the discussion of Socratesrsquo daimonion and the moments ofaction or of news punctuate it even serve as panel-dividers to separate thediscussion We might compare the Amatorius another dialogue peculiarlyrich in Platonic reminiscence where the debate is interwoven with andaffected by the news coming from Thespiae of Ismenodorarsquos doings (754E756A 771D) It is a mirror-image of the phenomenon familiar from manyLives though not Pelopidas itself where the narrative action is divided intopanels by lsquodigressionsrsquo (what used to be called lsquoeidologyrsquo) digressions thatthemselves have something of the manner of theMoralia take for instancethe discussion of divine inspiration at Coriolanus 32 or of the way manticsigns work at Pericles 6 both Moralia-like topics which happen to overlapclosely with the themes of De genio Socratis

There is more to it still though and this brings us on to the interlockingof theme and event Some interaction is exactly what we should expectin that Coriolanus case for instance the lsquoHomericrsquo texture of the digres-sion has an interesting interplay with the lsquoAchilleanrsquo figure we have so farseen in that Life and the lsquoOdysseanrsquo crisis of powerful womenfolk that heis about to face In De genio the most obvious interaction is the way thatreflections and actions affect one another just as the charactersrsquo thoughtschange under the pressure of events so also their thought-processes drivetheir actions Thus the texture of the discussion becomes different oncethe tingling-nerved Hipposthenidas has told how among other things hefound the dream of Hypatodorus so frightening that he decided to abortthe whole affair (587AndashB) Not merely does Hipposthenidas himself illus-

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 115

trate the point made earlier that one has to have the right mindset if oneis to receive divine guidance and interpret it aright this is also the pointwhere dreams and visions are dropped as appropriate vehicles for inspi-ration and Simmias moves the discussion on to a new level by talking of asort of (perhaps wordless) lsquovoicersquo that Socrates always found much morereliable (588DndashE) So the alarming lsquoeventsrsquo of that night do affect the waythe lsquothemersquo of inspiration is viewed

What is difficult is to find this interaction going the other way The par-ticipantsrsquo determination to act may certainly be driven by their moral andphilosophical convictions but if they are looking for divine inspiration toguide their actions now they do not seem to find it once the narrative ofevents begins and it is good planning and good luck that carries the day10

Or so at least it seems yet this is a question to which we shall return (be-low p 125)

It is easy to represent this sort of narrative or dialogue dynamic as apurely artistic ma er just as we did a paragraph ago in asserting the the-matic unity ofCoriolanus But the comparison with Plato suggests a furtherpoint A Platonic dialogue is not merely an airing of philosophical issuesbut an indication of the right way to do philosophy through discussiondialectic and testing rather than by simple exposition The Phaedo illus-trates how to act and (more important) how to think in a moment of crisisin the presence of imminent and unjust death Cannot we make the samemove with Plutarch too and see him as exploring the way that events arenot merely conditioned by but also affect the way the participants thinkabout the biggest issues (Though in the Phaedo it is true the more ba-sic point is that Socratesrsquo stable insight is not unse led or revised by theimminence of death) A cultured and insightful response to the presentinvolves applying onersquos knowledge of and reflection on the paradigmaticpast and it also affects how we read and interpret the past and we cansee that in the thought-processes of the participants themselves The im-pact of the present crisis means that some approaches are dropped andothers become more a ractive And if that is true of an Artemidorus anda Galaxidorus and a Simmias might there not be a moral for Plutarchrsquosown readers too and the ways they should think about the biggest moraldilemmas

10 Thus B 1984 53 and 1988 esp 384ndash93 = 1994 407 and esp 432ndash41 cf H1996 132 ldquo[t]he success of the action depends entirely on the intelligent plans of the con-spirators and on the corresponding failure of the enemy to satisfactorily analyse eventsrdquo ndasha sort of sign-reading to be sure but not on the daemonic level M R ldquoThe purposeand unity of Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratisrdquo GRBS 18 (1977) 257ndash73 by contrast claimed thatldquothe narrative sections hellip show how daimonic guidance manifests itself in the real worldrdquo(258)

116 Christopher Pelling

3 Internal and external links

Underlying this question of duration is one extremely obvious differencebetween the two narratives the Pelopidas narrative is only a small sectionof a Life whereas theDe genio narrative is together with its accompanyingdiscussion the whole thing The natural inference from this would be thatwhen we talk of the links between the particular lsquoeventsrsquo of the narrativeand the wider lsquothemesrsquo then in the Life we shall be looking outside theseseven chapters talking of links with other parts of Pelopidasrsquo story ndash andindeed Marcellusrsquo story too for these are pairs not just individual LivesIf it were a web-site a link would connect with a later or an earlier screenexcept that perhaps we would not realise there was a link at all until wereached that later screen and recognised the point of contact11 In the Degenio we will at least begin by looking internally within the narrative itselfthe web-site might scroll us to another part of the same screen but it wouldstill be within this episode itself12

We shall soon want to complicate that contrast of lsquoexternalrsquo and lsquointer-nalrsquo link-building but still it works reasonably well as a first bid In Pelo-pidas we certainly find those links that go outside the episodersquos frame Inparticular echoes of the Cadmea come back at the end of the Life and comeback twice in a way that is typical of Plutarchrsquos closural technique13 Pelo-pidasrsquo final move against Alexander of Pherae in the ba le that takes hislife is strikingly described as an action of τυραννοκτονία (Pel 347) this isnot the most natural word for a pitched ba le against a force that happensto be led by a tyrant especially as the tyrant does not even get killed but itis one that highlights the similarity with the liberation The most strikingelement of that similarity is the readiness of Pelopidas to take a personalrisk seen in the bedroom struggle with Leontiadas (138ndash9) and again inhis thrusting into the front line against the tyrant Alexander (328ndash9) ineach case in the service of freedom This is identifiably the same personacting in a similar way

11 Cf G 1980 56 on Proustrsquos Recherche du Temps Perdu lsquothis is the most persistentfunction of recalls in the Recherche to modify the meaning of past occurrences a er theevent either by making significant what was not so originally or by refuting a first inter-pretation and replacing it with a new onersquo We will discuss later whether such lsquorecallsrsquo inPelopidas do in fact replace an initial interpretation with a new one

12 This is not the same distinction as between lsquointernalrsquo and lsquoexternalrsquo analep-sisprolepsis in narratology (a) because an analepsis or prolepsis is typically an explicitrecall or anticipation of an event whereas here the lsquolinksrsquo are a ma er of implicit sugges-tion through thematic pa erning (lsquorecallsrsquo as G 1980 puts it see n 12) and (b)because I here use lsquointernalrsquo to mean lsquointernal to the episodersquo rather than lsquointernal to thewhole workrsquo

13 On PelndashMarc in particular C B R P ldquoRoman heroes and Greek culturerdquo in MG J B (edd) Philosophia Togata I (Oxford 1989) [199ndash232] 207ndash8 more gener-ally P 1997 esp 240ndash2 = 2002 373ndash6

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 117

Once again though this is not simply an artistic ma er of lsquounityrsquo oreven of unified characterisation the parallels are thought-provoking in away that is important to the moralism too In the second case the onethat brings his death it is clear that Plutarch disapproves of Pelopidasrsquoaction That picks up the elaborate discussion in the proem of the follyof a commander exposing himself to this sort of danger (1ndash2) that too isthe theme that establishes the link with Marcellus who similarly meets arash death and this duly figures as the culminating issue in the synkriticepilogue as well as in the proem (Marc 33(3))

Should we therefore infer that it was a bad idea the first time round aswell that Pelopidas should have kept his distance (something that wouldalign the Life more closely with the BabutndashBrenkndashGeorgiadou reading ofthe essay incidentally praising Epaminondas as the detached non-violentmore Socratic figure of the pair) What makes that more difficult to be-lieve at least in the case of the Life is the second final contact The lastchapter of the work goes on to cover events a er Pelopidasrsquo death wherehis killer Alexander of Pherae is murdered by his disgruntled wife Thebein a similar sequence of tyrant-killing fervour secret plo ing nervous coldfeet and a final decisive steeling of the nerve for an act of bedroom blood-iness (35) This is not the only case where a Life goes on past the principalrsquosdeath to trace posthumous vengeance and makes this central to a Lifersquossignificance I have discussed this elsewhere14 It looks too as if Plutarchis working hard on the tradition to link Thebersquos vengeance with Pelopidashimself In Plutarch what inspires Thebe now is her memory of meetingPelopidas during his captivity at a time when he again showed rashnessas well as courage in his plain speaking to his captor Alexander (Pel 355sim285ndash10) yet that does not figure in any of the several possible motivationsthat Xenophon airs for Thebersquos murder of her husband (Hell 6435ndash7) stillless in the cruder version we find in Roman authors that Thebe was simplymotivated by jealousy of a concubine (Cic Off 225 Val Max 913 ext 3)In the Life Thebe is clearly a good person doing a good thing that makesit easier to believe that Pelopidasrsquo own bedroom killing and the liberationwas a good thing too even if it was less of a good thing to be so precipitatein fighting in the front line

So the differing consequences of similar behaviour need not entail anyfinal revision of the initial surely positive judgement we make on Pelop-idas in the Life but this sort of lsquoexternalrsquo link of the liberation with laterevents still deeply affects the way we take the moralism Perhaps the up-shot is how very difficult it is to make such moral differentiation of appar-ently similar motives or perhaps how striking a fact of human nature itis that the same human characteristic can generate acts that are so good ndash

14 P 1997

118 Christopher Pelling

Cadmea the killing of Alexander ndash and so disastrous ndash Pelopidasrsquo deathBut the fundamental point remains we have to build the bigger context ofthe manrsquos whole career if we are to interpret the liberation episode and wecannot take it simply on its own

What about the essay side of that initial straightforward contrast of ex-ternal and internal link-building Even in De genio do we in fact take theCadmea episode simply on its own The strongly phrased proem must berelevant here Archedamus there inveighs against allowing the perspec-tive of later events to distort onersquos moral evaluation of the actions that leadto them It is he says an unsophisticated reading of history that simplyjudges events on the basis of outcome and ignores lsquocausesrsquo lsquooriginsrsquo orlsquomotivesrsquo aitiai

A I remember Caphisias that I once heard a painter use rather an apt im-age to describe people who look at pictures He said that a layman with no knowledgeof the art was like a man addressing a whole crowd at once whereas the sophisticatedconnoisseur was more like someone greeting every person he met individually Lay-men you see have an inexact and merely general view of works of art while those whojudge detail by detail let nothing whether well or badly executed pass unobserved orwithout comment It is much the same I fancy with real events For the lazy-minded itsatisfies curiosity to learn the basic facts and the outcome of the affair but the devotee ofhonour and beauty who views the achievement of the great Art (as it were) of Virtuetakes pleasure rather in the detail because ndash since the outcome (τέλος) has much incommon with Fortune while the part of the ma er ltconcerned withgt motives (αἰτίαι)and ltthe action itselfgt involves conflicts between virtue and circumstance ndash he can thereobserve instances of intelligent daring in the face of danger where rational calculationis mixed with moments of crisis and emotion So please regard us as viewers of thissort tell us the story of the whole action from the beginning and ltsharegt with us thediscussions which ltwe heargt took place ltthen in yourgt presence bearing in mind thatI should not have hesitated even to go to Thebes for this if I were not already thoughtby the Athenians to be too pro-Boeotian

(De genio Socratis 575AndashD)

So the cultured and discriminating reader says Archedamus will realisethat events are o en directed by chance and therefore very different out-comes can mask very similar origins (aitiai) And Plutarch clearly thoughtthat lsquoArchedamusrsquo was right about this he says something very similarwhen contrasting the different outcomes of Alexanderrsquos and Crassusrsquo Par-thian campaigns (Crass 37(4)4) That might encourage us to concentrateon the events of 379 without being distracted by later lsquoconsequencesrsquoand so far that chimes with our initial expectation that evaluation in the es-say should be lsquointernalrsquo based on the events themselves Yet it is immedi-ately more complicated for the proem is also saying that even if differentstory-pa erns spring from similar aitiai one can still find inspiring pointsof parallel in those lsquostruggles of virtue against contingencyrsquo and lsquothought-ful daring in times of dangerrsquo ndash and that implies a process of comparisonIt is just that if we bring other events into contact with this sequence it

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 119

will not be those that were causally linked with it in what followed it willbe other occasions where motives and mindsets and drives were similarwhatever their consequences

In particular of course the whole topic of the dialogue makes us museon how similar the lsquooriginsrsquo in the participantsrsquo minds in 379 are to theinspiration that guided Socrates a generation or so earlier for the Platonicintertextuality is here crucial Whatever else that intertext may suggestthe particular recall of the Phaedomust recall the circumstances of Socratesrsquodeath The difficulty is to know what we should make of that comparisonof the two sequences Should we follow Babut and Georgiadou in findinga further alignment of Socrates to Epaminondas as both refuse to get in-volved in the hard real-life exchanges of politics Or is it rather a reminderof the dangers that any conscience-driven activity can bring something af-ter Platorsquos manner of anticipating Socratesrsquo trial towards the end of Gorgiasand in Alcibiadesrsquo lsquodefencersquo speech in Symposium At the end of this chap-ter I shall suggest that it might be a mistake to decide too firmly in eitherdirection

Perhaps too we should develop a further lsquointertextrsquo as there is a lesswidely noticed series of parallels here with the killing of Julius Caesaron the Ides of March There too we have the indications that the newsis spreading (596AndashB sim Brut 154) and the conspirators jump to a pre-cipitate conclusion that all is lost there is the decisive message which thevictim decides not to read (596EndashF sim Pel 107ndash10 sim Caes 65) there is thesick man who cannot be involved but wishes well (578CndashD sim Brut 11)there is the participantsrsquo nervousness as the crisis approaches (Brut 15)there are the suspicions that the plot has become known (586F 595A simPel 98 sim Brut 154) there are the conspirators who are philosophicallyalert and commi ed there is the awareness of a deep moral issue centringon the risk of the civil bloodshed that may ensue and the concern of theconspirators to limit the killing as far as possible (576Fndash7A Brut 194ndash5202 Ant 133) there is the intervention of a sympathiser who pretends tobe pleading for his condemned brother (576DndashE sim Brut 173 Caes 665)there is the heated (θερmicroοίν) and radiant reaction as the killers summontheir fellow-citizens to liberty (598AndashD sim Caes 673) Perhaps such simi-larities simply suggest that there are only so many ways of killing a tyrantand only so many ways of describing it but the killing of Caesar was suchan epoch-making story that it is not extravagant to suspect that the paral-lel is expressive Yet once again it is unclear what it is expressive of otherthan the simple suggestion that the issues at stake and the dilemmas theypose recur time and time again and in the most momentous ways yet justas with Socrates the parallel does not make moral judgement any easierespecially as moral judgement on Caesarrsquos assassination was notoriouslyso difficult

120 Christopher Pelling

For the moment let us simply note that even in the self-contained nar-rative of the De genio one can never take a single episode wholly on itsown As we saw that is really the suggestion of the proem itself suggest-ing that one ought to look for parallel aitiai in different sequences withoutbeing misled by different outcomes In both Lives andMoralia then com-parison is basic to the judgements that one makes Even the sort of com-parison is not wholly different not at least if we still apply that distinctionbetween lsquooriginsrsquo and lsquooutcomesrsquo for even the comparison in the Lifewithlater events does not look to anything that is an outcome (or at least a di-rect outcome one that is seen as such) of the Cadmea liberation but ratherto separate sequences ones that are connected by the way Pelopidas orThebe behaves ndash in short by the lsquooriginsrsquo by the mindset and mentalitythat drives on the nobly inspired individuals as they grapple for freedomSo in both Life and essay we are comparing similar aitiai and allowing thatcomparison to affect our moral judgement

It is still true that the sustained intertext of reading X against anotherrsquoswork Y is a good deal more elaborate in De genio than we typically havein the Lives Perhaps even in the Liveswe occasionally find such sustainedintertextuality for instance in reading Alcibiades against Symposium or theend of Cato minor against Phaedo itself but it does not usually become sopervasive through a text as it does here in De genio But even if there is notthat sustained reading against another authorrsquos Y there is still somethingsimilar in the Parallel Lives for we may certainly find a pervasive readingof one personrsquos Life against anotherrsquos even if that is usually another Lifeproduced by Plutarch himself Evidently that is true here in the compari-son withMarcellus but as so o en in Plutarch the formal synkrisis is onlythe part of it and the informal comparison with Epaminondas is just asimportant (esp Pel 3ndash4 254) Here there was presumably some implicitrelationship to Plutarchrsquos own Epaminondas the flagship opening Life of theseries Plutarch will be suggesting a comparison of these two very differ-ent Boeotian models of how to apply philosophy to politics So this hasbrought us back to a similar project to one found in De genio with its lurk-ing presence of Epaminondas spotlighting the issue of paideia and practicalpolitics even if once again the two Lives of Epaminondas and Pelopidas ex-plore that issue over the canvas not of a single episode but of both menrsquoswhole lives

Finally one particularly intriguing question does the essay show a sim-ilar awareness of other writings of Plutarch himself Do we recall that thissame author can produce works of a very different texture rather as wedo in Pericles where a er discussing divination he adds that lsquothis is moresuitable for another sort of workrsquo (Per 65) ndash and we know full well thatPlutarch himself could write it may indeed go on to write it Unfortu-

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 121

nately we do not know when De genio was wri en15 nor whether it pre-dates or postdates Pelopidas but it might well make a difference to ourreading if Plutarch were already embarked on the Lives or even some Lives(the Caesars or some of the other free-standing ones) and the original au-dience knew it ndash and therefore knew too that Plutarch himself in othermoods and modes would be describing and evaluating these issues in awider narrative context one that could hardly avoid being more outcome-conscious If that is so Archedamusrsquo warning in the proem could soundas a warning about any project of using history to provide raw material formoral inquiry including that project on which an audience would knowPlutarch himself had embarked

4 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas

Let us move on rather more swi ly to the category that has been exploitedmost assiduously in theoretical narratology that of lsquofocalisationrsquo Againwe may start with a simple contrast and see if it works What we wouldexpect to find would be the Life focalising through Pelopidas himself see-ing things through his eyes just as we would expect it to concentrate onhis actions The essay might be less predictable but at least the princi-pal narrator is one of the conspirators (in fact it is Epaminondasrsquo brotherCaphisias) so it is likely to be a partisan point of view not just that ofa mere messenger nor even the more detached narratorial viewpoint ofPlutarch himself

In some ways again that initial crude contrast works quite well butrather less well than we would expect Pelopidas certainly figures morein the Life ndash the conspirators can be described as lsquoPelopidasrsquo partyrsquo for in-stance τοῖςπερὶ Πελοπίδαν (91 and 10 evidently a genuine plural here16)in the Life Charon gives a full report to lsquoPelopidasrsquo partyrsquo οἱ περὶ τὸνΠελοπίδαν again (105 this time less clearly a genuine plural) and a fic-tional report to others but in the essay everyone is told the truth (595Fndash6C)(So this is indeed a ma er of focalisation not just narrative lsquofocusrsquo it is not

15 C P J ldquoTowards a chronology of Plutarchrsquos worksrdquo JRS 56 (1966) [61ndash74] 70 (reprin B S [ed] Essays on Plutarchrsquos Lives Oxford 1995 [95ndash123] 115) against Z1964 205 = 1951 842 Plutarchrsquos close knowledge of the history in De genio (however hemay decide to tweak or supplement it) and some elements of clear contact with the nar-rative details of Pelopidas do not demonstrate a closeness of composition date whateverhis sources in Pelopidas Plutarch was doubtless familiar with accounts of this particularepisode throughout his life On that source-question see esp G 1997 15ndash28 notjust Xenophon clearly for Xenophon omits Pelopidas from his liberation account at Hell541ndash12 something that can only be deliberate S 1997 127

16 On the familiar later Greek idiom whereby lsquoοἱ περὶ Xrsquo can be but need not be a simpleperiphrasis for lsquoXrsquo see esp S L R ldquoNoch einmal Aischylos Niobe Fr 162 N2 (278 M)rdquoZPE 38 (1980) 47ndash56 (ldquo1 Die Bedeutung von οἱ περὶ Τάνταλονrdquo)

122 Christopher Pelling

simply a ma er of who is centre-stage it also makes the reader know whatPelopidas knew and hear the successive reports as he heard them Whenthis Pelopidas-perspective is momentarily disturbed Plutarch is careful toadd lsquoas was later discoveredrsquo 107) Still the deployment of narrative detailis not always as neat and simple as that For instance when Charon offershis teenage son as a sort of hostage for his friends to kill if he Charonlets himself and his comrades down who finds this so appalling that heprotests It is Pelopidas ndash but not in the Life in the essay (595C) in theLife it is lsquoeveryonersquo (911ndash12) And when Pelopidas has his own moment ofphysical glory killing Leontiadas in hand-to-hand combat it is the essayrather than the Life that has more details

The essay has some interesting features too as that partisan focalisationis in some ways more in some ways less fulfilled than we might expect Itis more fulfilled in that Caphisias not merely tells the story as he viewsit now in retrospect he also tells it in the way the story would have un-folded to him at the time There is very li le here for instance on thearrangements for the party at Archiasrsquo house with the conspirators set upto arrive in womenrsquos clothing and give the lustful pro-Spartans a night toremember The Life goes into detail here drawing on Xenophon (and withan additional intertext incidentally in Herodotus 520 one that is alreadysensed in Xenophon) and in terms of sensational narrative that is a naturalhigh-spot ndash but Caphisias even though he could have told us about it inview of what he knows now was not an observer of the party-arrangementsthen and limits himself to what he then knew at first hand We only hearwhat Charon discovered of the preliminaries at Archiasrsquo house as he re-ports back to Simmiasrsquo party (596A) and so we learn that a rumour wasseeping out at the point when the conspirators heard of it too In narrato-logical terms the lsquonarrating selfrsquo becomes assimilated to the lsquoexperiencingselfrsquo and the primary focaliser Caphisias turns himself into a secondaryfocaliser as well17 involving an internal analepsis as he recalls those ear-lier details or should we perhaps say remembering the brief initial scene-se ing that the primary focaliser lsquoPlutarchrsquo first introduces Caphisias as asecondary focaliser who goes on to use himself as a tertiary focaliser Theeffect is complex anyway and the Caphisias focalisation is strong

On the other hand the focalisation is less intense in that it is not partic-ularly ideologically partisan or rather that any partisan elements are notespecially interesting Everyone accepts that the pro-Spartans are villainsIf there is an interesting issue it is not that but what one does about it andthat brings us back to the question of right and wrong between Epaminon-

17 Cf G 1980 198ndash9 discussing a similar case in Proust he terms such suppres-sion of information paralipsis ldquosince the narrator in order to limit himself to the informa-tion held by the hero at the moment of the action had to suppress all the information heacquired later information which very o en is vitalrdquo Cf N 1990 370ndash1

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 123

das and the rest should one adopt a more Socrates-like quietist positionand stay out of it or should one grasp the ne le and the dagger Caphisiasrsquocharacterisation does ma er here As Epaminondasrsquo brother he sees hispoint of view and indeed articulates it particularly clearly one should notexecute people without trial except in the most extreme necessity and itwould be be er to have people who had kept aloof to carry conviction inthe post-bloodshed se lement (594BndashC) But it is also clear that Caphisiashimself disagrees with his brother and he is involved in the action evenif not especially prominently at the end Just as Simmiasrsquo affliction allowshim to preside without taking sides so Caphisiasrsquo position allows him tobe as close as possible to a non-partisan on that most interesting issue ofall not whether the tyrants are evil but what to do about it

5 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas

In a case such as this focalisation18 connects inextricably with another ofGene ersquos narratological categories lsquovoicersquo and here the dialogue struc-ture of De genio is significant In many ways this is a narrative within adialogue and a dialogue within a narrative again very much in Platonicfashion It starts as an lsquoextra-diegeticrsquo19 dialogue between Archedamusand Caphisias and Archedamus sets up Caphisias to speak (De PythiaeOraculis and Amatorius are again parallel here so isDe Cohibenda Ira) Thisproem incidentally is not without a hint of the inter-state bad feeling thatfollowed for Archedamus says that he would even have been preparedto go to Thebes to hear the story if it had not been for the suspicion thatthis would trigger in Athens (575D above p 118) This is just a er hehas been arguing that we should judge aitiai without an eye to outcomes

18 I am conscious that in the previous paragraph I am using lsquofocalisationrsquo in a broadsense one involving a itudes as well as pure cognition in other words the lsquohowrsquo in lsquohowone seesrsquo is one that involves response and feeling as well as recognition This I think isinevitable for emotion and cognition are inextricably connected onersquos emotional perspec-tive not merely builds on onersquos perceptions it also conditions what one notices and howone notices it Hence emotional perspectives (what S C ldquoCharacters and narra-tors filter center slant and interest-focusrdquo Poetics Today 72 1986 [189ndash204] 197ndash8 termedlsquoslantrsquo) in this case the possibilities of a partisan stance are thoroughly relevant to lsquohow oneseesrsquo On the inextricability of emotion ideology and focalisation see Shl R -K Narrative Fiction Contemporary Poetics (London 1983) 80ndash2 and in a classical context espe-cially D P F (ldquoDeviant focalization in Vergilrsquos Aeneidrdquo PCPS 1990 216 42ndash63 reprin id Roman Constructions Oxford 2000 40ndash63) though he is treating much more intricateissues (and I find his word lsquodeviantrsquo misleading in many of his cases of embedded focali-sation lsquocomplexrsquo lsquopolyvalentrsquo or lsquoblurredrsquo would be be er) By now quite evidently I amtouching on theoretical issues too large to treat properly here I also avoid discussion ofthe relative merits of G rsquos (1980) and B rsquos (1985) slightly different terminologies butmy sympathies are with G for the reasons given by N 1990 and succinctly TC B R Thucydides Narrative and Explanation (Oxford 1998) 294ndash6

19 For this unlovely term G 1980 228ndash9

124 Christopher Pelling

and consequences yet perhaps it is more difficult to forget consequencesa er all just as Archedamus found it impossible to ignore all that laterhistory that centred on the increasing Theban domination of Greece Andcertainly that dialogue introduction points as similar Platonic introduc-tions do to the way that the events and discussions described were onesthat were talked about years later and in Athens as well as Thebes Thiswas no ordinary day and it was not ndash as if the audience did not know hisalready ndash a Liberation that failed

Once Caphisias gets underway it is again striking how his narrative soreadily becomes dramatic dialogue That is not just true of the philosophi-cal dialogue and the exchange of elaborate views but also of the momentsof action too as when Charon and Archias come face to face (595Fndash6C)lsquoThere are exiles in the cityrsquo says Archias lsquoWherersquo says Charon lsquoI donot knowrsquo says Archias lsquothatrsquos why I called you herersquo So thatrsquos all rightCharon thinks lsquoThere used to be lots of these rumoursrsquo he says lsquobut Ihavenrsquot heard anything ndash Irsquoll look into it thoughrsquo lsquoGood idearsquo says thescribe Phyllidas who is in on the plothellip This is a dialogue within a narra-tive (Charonrsquos) within a dialogue (Charon and the others) within a narra-tive (Caphisias) within a dialogue (Caphisias Archedamus and the others)Even in the Life there is some dialogue here (101ndash4) but only two speechesPlutarch uses direct speech in the Lives very rarely ndash indeed its rarity makesits use here dramatically arresting too ndash but the version inDe genio remainsfar more elaborate That links too with the other dialogues that are em-bedded in the narrative throughout the essay including the one that doesnot happen that which Socrates would so much have liked to have withthe recently-dead Timarchus (592F)

One aspect of this technique is indeed lsquodramaticrsquo the dialogue is asstriking as the visual scene-se ing lsquoJust as in a dramarsquo indeed the for-tune (tyche) of the action lsquoelaborated our enterprise with perilous scenes hellipand brought a sharp and terrifying conflict one involving an unexpectedreversalrsquo (peripeteia 596DndashE) True there was drama already in Xenophonrsquosaccount where it is surely no coincidence that he does not have twelve as-sailants as in Plutarch but precisely seven ndash against Thebes (Hell 543)20

but Plutarch makes it evenmore theatrical That is not all though through-out the essay the dialogue texture is also peculiarly suitable for raising is-sues ndash raising them not necessarily se ling them This is not the place todebate how far the discussion se les issues of demonology or of divine in-tervention in mortal affairs though it is worth recalling that earlier pointthat it is hard to find inspiration on the Socratic model in action once we getto the narrative crisis nor has there been any clear indication of daimones inaction (a point made by Babut) Yet that too is problematic I suggested ear-

20 This is well brought out by S 1997

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 125

lier that it was good planning and good luck that brought success (p 115)ndash but is it Or is the point that all those lucky coincidences and so-nearly-went-wrongs suggest divine intervention but of a different sort Whenthings could so easily have gone wrong a er Hipposthenidasrsquo failure ofnerve is Caphisias right to infer that lsquothe gods are encouraging us towardsthe deedrsquo (588B) ndash or was it indeed just coincidence and is Caphisias in-dulging in that brand of wishful thinking that Simmias immediately goeson to discuss (588C) We cannot know It is so characteristic of dialoguesto leave loose ends alternative views that need not be wholly integratedor wholly decided between or among the notion of divine guidance is sig-nificantly absent from the narrative in the Life for in Lives interpretation istypically more clear-cut The form of the essay allows lsquovoicersquo to be givento discordant views and in literature as in life the most civilised and in-sightful of people have sometimes to realise that they cannot be sure whichview is the be er

Perhaps this is the be er way to look at the Epaminondas issue too andthe dialogue airs but does not decide the question whether his quietism isright But there is an extra twist for what makes Epaminondas so enig-matic is that he has so li le voice at least on this issue He waxes eloquenton the virtues of poverty in turning down even acceptable wealth (andit is not clear he is right there either21) but others speak for him when itcomes to his non-involvement in the conspiracy (576Fndash7A 594BndashC) a non-involvement that is slightly more total in the De genio than in the Life22

His taciturnity is indeed most striking and is itself the object of comment(592Fndash3A) One thing he does express is his fear that the bloodshed mayget out of hand (577A) but does it The essay ends with jubilation notwith widespread slaying23 and even if Xenophon suggests there was acertain amount of score-se ling (Hell 5412) that is not an emphasis thatPlutarch himself gave even in Pelopidas Epaminondasrsquo high-principledstance against lsquokilling any fellow-citizen without trial except in the pres-

21 582Cndash586A pace eg D 1984 576ndash7 he is questionable both in interpreting therequest for Lysisrsquo bones as if it was an insulting a empt to buy off people who did notresent their penury (the gentlemanly language of the Crotoniate Theanor did not deservesuch a put-down) and also in treating the possibility of funds with such disdain lsquoIt is justas if you came offering arms to a city that you thought was at war and then discovered itwas at peacersquo says Epaminondas (584A) and the analogy is closer than he thinks for hiscolleagues do see themselves as at war with the Spartan occupying force and funds areuseful in warfare Plutarch knew very well that to be too philosophical at a time of crisismay compromise a higher principle the good of onersquos city (Phoc 326ndash7)

22 He is active and bellicose at Pel 122 (lsquoin armsrsquo) and stirs up anti-Spartan subversive-ness at Pel 74ndash5 In De genio he is simply waiting at the end (598C)

23 B 1984 56 = 1994 410 B 1988 421ndash2 = 1994 230ndash1 and B 2002 108put weight on the fate of Cabirichus at 597BndashC not the most glorious moment of the libera-tion it is true but not I think enough to demonstrate that lsquoEpameinondas had been lucidlyclairvoyantrsquo (B )

126 Christopher Pelling

ence of grave necessityrsquo (594B) is all very well but is this not lsquograve ne-cessityrsquo Epaminondas only manages to occupy the high moral ground byassuming without argument that this is the high moral ground And canone should one forget the glory that this brought to Thebes Should oneignore all that followed Leuctra and so on Or should we put more weightas Brenk does on the internecine Greek bloodshed that followed in latercenturies (579A 579CndashD) and think that this rather validates Epaminon-dasrsquo viewpoint Yet perhaps both of those views fall into the trap of lsquojudg-ing events by their outcomesrsquo It is all very difficult but whether or notPelopidas had already been wri en with its enthusiastic praise of the deed(one incidentally that dwells on its consequences so lsquooutcomesrsquo are rele-vant a er all 134ndash7) Plutarchrsquos first readers could hardly have laid asidetheir awareness that the natural reading of events ndash especially the readingthat was natural for this Boeotian author Plutarch to take ndash was that thiswas a glorious action one where the risk of bloodshed was thoroughlyworth taking24 That a er all is Archedamusrsquo assumption in the proem

So Epaminondasrsquo stance is not dismissed out of hand and here we mayagree with Babut Brenk and Georgiadou but it is not clearly validatedeither The dialogue form allows both positions to be aired and the readeris involved in weighing both points of view ndash in a further dialogue if youlike a more Bakhtinian dialogic sort of dialogue in which the reader con-verses with the text That dialogic dialogue may even be one we see in adifferent form in the Life as well especially if we remember that the readerwould have read Epaminondas too and would have seen the other possi-ble viewpoint As so o en in both Moralia and Lives we may see peoplewrestling with the past and finding it relevant but difficult to read just asPlutarchrsquos own readers would ndash and perhaps that is the lsquomessage for hisown generationrsquo and perhaps for ours too We are coming back to a po-sition similar to that urged by Philip Hardie in his paper on the semioticsof this lsquoSign of Socratesrsquo (1996) where he stressed the difficulty of readingsigns and the correlated difficulty of reading historical texts25

24 Or as Z put it ldquoer wollte einer der glaumlnzendsten boiotischen Ruhmestaten einDenkmal setzen und zugleich indem er seine Helden im Augenblick der houmlchsten Span-nung ruhigen Gemuumltes uumlber die schwierigsten philosophischen Fragen diskutieren lieszligdem Vorurteil der boiotischen Ungeistigkeit entgegentretenrdquo (1964 204 = 1951 841) Andbrilliant and glorious in memory it surely was if B 1976 is right it even mostunusually for a historical event figured in artistic as well as literary representations

25 I argue this more fully in C B R P ldquoPlutarchrsquos SocratesrdquoHermathena 179 (2005)105ndash39 where I also suggest that this emphasis fits well with the way Plutarch treatsSocrates in his other works (cf also H 1988) the difficulty of reading and un-derstanding Socrates is a recurrent theme

The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas 127

6 Lessons for today

One final point could hardly escape the audience at the conference in 2005where this paper was first given26 at a time when the debate over Amer-ican and British intervention in Iraq was raging Many of these issues in-evitably sounded all too contemporary to that audience When is it rightto take direct murderous action to overthrow a tyrant When is it be erto keep a thoughtful reflective detachment feeling that civil bloodshedcan so easily get out of hand How far should the educated ethically con-cerned patriot feel not merely a licence but an obligation to take a moralstance on issues as profound as these Yet is that moral stance best takenby a course of risky bloody action How reliable a guide can religiousconviction be in issues like this ndash or does it depend on having the rightreligious mindset in the first place Plutarchrsquos deepest moral concerns re-main concerns for us timeless ones not simply parochial preoccupationsof imperial Chaeronea The Plutarch which Georgiadou and Brenk foundin the 1990s validating Epaminondasrsquo detachment and concern to avoidbloodshed is one that prefigures what one might call the European liberalconsensus on the events of 2003 disapproving of the uncompromising de-cisiveness of American policy Liberals are usually Epaminondases now Iam one myself If I paint a more equivocal Plutarch allowing voice to bothsides and not plumping one way or another in one way that is simply af-firming that issues like this are very difficult and gauging the right lessonsfrom history is as hard as gauging the right ethical principles to apply Butthere is also a sympathy for the men of action even for the politicianswho cannot allow themselves the luxury of saying lsquoit is too early to tellrsquoand have to take agonising decisions anyway under the pressure of eventswhen in those terms of the proem one can only see the aitiai and can onlygrope nervously forwards towards the unseeable consequences Judgingin the light of outcomes is indeed the privilege of history and of biographyit is knowing what to do with those past judgments how to apply them tothe new crisis that is both intractable and unavoidable He knew a thingor two did Plutarch

26 See above n lowast

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena1

Robert Parker

The De genio is the unique source for the story of how king Agesilaus ofSparta a empted to fetch the remains of Heraclesrsquo mother Alcmena fromHaliartus to Sparta During the conversation at Simmiasrsquo house the seerTheocritus naturally interested in such ma ers asks a Haliartian whohappens to be present Phidolaus lsquowhat was found and in general whatwas the appearance of Alcmenarsquos tomb when it was opened in your coun-try ndash if that is you were present yourself when Agesilaus sent and re-moved the remains to Spartarsquo Phidolaus replies lsquoI wasnrsquot present andthanks to my indignation and complaints to my fellow-citizens I was leout by themrsquo (577E)2 Despite his indignation at the whole procedure hegoes on to describe the finds The first find or non-find is obscured by alacuna in the text it was ltsome remainsgt of a body or ltno remainsgt of abody or even lta stone instead ofgt a body if the last suggestion is right amyth about the miraculous disappearance of Alcmenarsquos body known fromThebes was also influential at Haliartus3 The certain finds were lsquoa bronzebracelet of no great size and two po ery jars containing earth compressedand hardened like stone by the passage of timersquo also somewhere in the re-gion of the tomb (there is another short lacuna) lsquoa bronze tablet with muchwriting on it wonderfully ancient This writing appeared clearly whenthe bronze was washed but it allowed nothing to be made out becausethe form of the characters was peculiar and foreign very like the Egyptian(577F)rsquo

Phidolaus then tells how Agesilaus sent a copy of the bronze tablet tothe king of Egypt (unfortunately unnamed) for transmission to lsquothe priestsrsquoto see if they could decipher it (577F) He suggests that Simmias who wasin Egypt at the time and in contact with the priests on ma ers of philos-ophy might be able to report on the outcome But lsquoas for the people ofHaliartus they think that the great dearth and overflowing of the lake wasnot fortuitous but was a visitation of wrath come upon them for allow-

1 Cf S 1958 80ndash832 The Greek can equally well be translated lsquodespite my indignation and complaintsrsquo

in which case we would have to suppose that Phidolaus resented exclusion from an in-teresting spectacle But the rendering adopted in this volume which implies that he hadprotested vigorously against the violation of a tomb surely gives be er sense

3 See below pp 131ndash33

130 Robert Parker

ing the tomb to be dug uprsquo Theocritus adds that the Spartans too seemto have incurred divine anger Lysanoridas has just been consulting himabout omens and has now gone off to Haliartus lsquoto fill in the grave againand offer libations to Alcmena and Aleus in accordance with some oraclethough he does not know who Aleus was (577Fndash578B)rsquo He goes on to sug-gest that on his return Lysanoridas may try to seek out the tomb of Dirceat which the outgoing and incoming Theban hipparchs meet for a secretnigh ime ritual when the transfer of office between them takes place theyalone know its location4 We should perhaps suppose that Lysanoridashopes to capture for the Spartans benefits that should properly fall to theThebans from offerings brought to the hidden tomb he is suspected at allevents of intending to meddle with sacred ma ers that are no concern ofhis

The theme of lsquohijacked ritesrsquo becomes explicit later in the dialogue whenHipposthenidas reports nervously on the omens reported by lsquothe seerssacrificing the ox to Demeterrsquo (evidently an occasion sufficiently famil-iar for this casual allusion to suffice) (586F)5 Theocritus bursts out thatevil omens can only be expected when rituals are performed by usurpers(587C) Early in the dialogue a conversation is mentioned between the quis-ling Theban Archias the Spartan Lysanoridas and the Theban patriot The-ocritus (577B) It occurred lsquowhen they turned off the road a li le belowthe Amphionrsquo apparently the supposed place of burial of the mythicalbuilders of Thebesrsquo walls Amphion and Zethus6 The Thebes of Plutarchrsquosday it should be noted was in large part unoccupied7 and his topographyis likely to be more literary and symbolic than realistic The glancing allu-sion via the Amphion to the builders of the famous walls may be more thana touch of local colour given that at the dramatic date ofDe genio the wallswere subject to a lawless occupation Just before the crucial appeal to theTheban citizenry to accept the proferred liberty Epaminondas Gorgidasand their friends assemble at the lsquosanctuary of Athenarsquo (598D) probably to

4 See note 57 on the translation above p 865 S 1981 166ndash8 acutely argues from the reference to lsquoofficersquo in 587C that this

otherwise unknown sacrifice was offered in connection with the inauguration of the newannual board of magistrates we know from Xen Hell 544 that the conspiracy occurredwhen one yearrsquos polemarchs were about to leave office This would fit well with the un-usually important civic role that Demeter had at Thebes the sanctuary of Demeter Thes-mophoros was apparently on the Cadmea and it was here that omens occurred in relationboth to the ba le of Leuctra and the arrival of Alexander (Paus 965ndash6) thither too weresent spoils from Leuctra (Paus 9165)

6 See note 41 on the translation above p 857 Paus 8332 Dio 7 121 cf D J M Euripides Phoenissae (Cambridge

1994) 647ndash650 (lsquoThe poetic topography of Thebesrsquo with bibliography also on its actualtopography)

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 131

be understood as the shrine of Athena Onka associated with Cadmus andwell-known from tragedy8 another aptly-chosen location therefore

I revert to the bronze tablet excavated on Agesilausrsquo orders When Sim-mias rejoins the conversation and is appealed to he replies that he knowsnothing of the tablet from Alcmenarsquos tomb but he does know of manywritings sent from Agesilaus by the Spartan Agetoridas via the king (iepharaoh) to the prophet Chonouphis at Memphis When deciphered byChonouphis a er three daysrsquo study they turned out to contain instructionsfrom Heracles (who had learnt the Egyptian language used in the age ofProteus) to lsquohold a competition in honour of the Musesrsquo the godrsquos (ie Her-aclesrsquo) advice to the Greeks Chonouphis interpreted was to live in peaceand harmony

The De genio says no more on the issue except in the sense that thewhole narrative of the Spartan loss of the Cadmea suggests that Lysanori-dasrsquo a empts at propitiation were vain But from a passage in the Life ofLysander (284ndash5) we see that Lysanoridasrsquo ignorance about Aleus is due tolack of knowledge of local traditions Plutarch is discussing the topogra-phy of the Haliartus region in the context of Lysanderrsquos campaign there of395 Near the spring Kissousa he writes grows the Cretan styrax whichthe Haliartians take as proof of the Cretan Rhadamanthysrsquo residence inthe region lsquoAnd they show his tomb calling it that of Aleus9 (καὶ τάφοναὐτοῦ δεικνύουσιν Ἀλέου (Ziegler Ἀλεᾶ codd) καλοῦντες) The monu-ment of Alcmena is nearby For it was here as they say that she was buriedhaving married Rhadamanthys a er the death of Amphitryonrsquo The tra-dition that Rhadamanthys lived in Boeotia in exile and married Alcmenaoccurs elsewhere too10 This stage in the Cretan herorsquos career follows noobvious mythological logic it might be a secondary product of a mythwhereby Alcmenarsquos body was snatched away during her funeral in order

8 Cf S 1981 129ndash33 in Aeschylusrsquo Septem there are repeated allusions whichstress Athena Onkarsquos role as protectress of the city (164 487 501) and a commentator onEuripides (Σ Phoen 1062) quotes two hexameter lines supposedly inscribed on her temple(which they refer to as a νηός) describing its foundation by Cadmus Pausanias (9122)credits her only with a statue and altar in the open air but other places known to him inThebes where Athena was honoured are even less well endowed (9102 9117 9173) forpossible explanations of the literary allusions to Theban lsquotemplesrsquo of Athena (Soph OT20ndash21 lsquotwin templesrsquo Eur Phoen 1372 lsquothe house of Pallasrsquo Σ Eur Phoen 1062 above)see S loc cit Aeschylus seems to place Athena Onka lsquobefore the cityrsquo thoughnear the gates (Sept 164 501) but Pausanias it has been argued is still at the southern endof the Cadmea when he reaches her for different proposed locations (south west from theCadmea at the southern end of the Cadmea) see S 1985 185 with figs 51 and52 Only archaeological discoveries can advance the issue

9 S rsquos suggestion (1981 9) that the phrase should be rendered lsquoand they showa tomb there calling it that of Aleusrsquo removes the puzzling identification of Aleus andRhadamanthys but makes Plutarchrsquos sequence of thought very inconsequential

10 Apollod 270[411] 36[12] (doubtless the source for Tzetzes on Lyc Alex 50) wholocates it at Ocaleae near Haliartus (Strabo 9226 410)

132 Robert Parker

for her to live with Rhadamanthys on the Islands of the Blessed ndash fit destinyfor the mother of the greatest hero11 However that may be two tombs inthe Haliartus region were at a certain point identified as belonging to thecouple though only apparently by violence to an existing tradition whichassigned one of them to lsquoAleusrsquo

Agesilausrsquo a empt to move the remains of Alcmena recalls several sim-ilar stories12 To take only cases to which sources assign an approximatedate the Spartans during their sixth century war against Tegea supposedlybrought the bones of Orestes from Tegea to Sparta Cimon in the 470s ()those of Theseus from Scyrus to Athens Hagnon in 437 those of Rhesusfrom Troy to the new se lement at Amphipolis the Messenians those ofAristomenes from Rhodes probably at or shortly a er the re-foundationof Messene in 36913 The remains of Minos were supposedly handed backvoluntarily as it seems by the Acragantines to the Cretans when Theronwas tyrant in the early 5th century14 But none of these cases provides anexact parallel to that of Agesilaus and Alcmena In every instance exceptthe last the bone transferal occurred on the instructions of an oracle Age-silaus had no such legitimation for his action at all events not in the ac-count given of it by Plutarch which treats it as an unsanctioned impietyIt duly proves a failure and on oracular advice Lysanoridas hurries off tolsquofill in the grave againrsquo15 and appease Alcmena and Aleus In this regardthe closest parallel is a mysterious Theban story in Pausanias that a erChaeronea king Philip prompted by a dream took the bones of Heraclesrsquomusic-teacher Linus to Macedonia but prompted by another dream laterrestored them16

A further difference is that in all the cases just mentioned and in mosttoo of those which float without firm chronological location17 the hero in

11 lsquoPherecydesrsquo fr 84 F ap Anton Lib 33 cf Anth Pal 313 which describes aCyzican monument of the third c BC

12 Cf M C 199913 Hdt 166ndash68 Plut Cim 85ndash7 Thes 361ndash4 Paus 1172ndash6 337 Polyaen Strat 653

Paus 432314 Diod 4791ndash215 TheDe genio account does not allow him time to fetch back from Sparta the finds from

the excavation as full reparation would have required But there was certainly no lsquotombof Alcmenarsquo shown there

16 9298ndash9 P 1909 194ndash6 treats both the Linus and the Alcmena stories as fictionsdesigned to explain why a site which claimed to be the site of a particular herorsquos buriallacked all visible relics But in neither case does the explanation work Pausanias describesthe restoration of Linusrsquo bones and goes on lsquobut they say that with the course of time thetombstone and all the other markers have disappearedrsquo What then did the Philip storyadd As for Alcmena in De genio the sole source her tomb was lsquorefilledrsquo there were thenstill lsquovisible remainsrsquo

17 So eg the return of the bones of Tisamenus from Helice to Sparta (Paus 718) Arcasfrom Maenalus to Mantinea (Paus 893ndash4) Hippodamia from Midea to Elis (Paus 6207)for suggested dates for these cases see M C 1999 95 n 38 97 nn 43ndash44 The clear-

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 133

question has died abroad and is being brought back to repose in his na-tive soil usually too he is a figure of high importance for the self-image ofthe country to whom he returns Alcmena mother of Heracles was boundto be of interest to any Spartan king Heraclids as they claimed to be andthus her lineal descendants But she was not to the Spartans what Theseuswas to the Athenians or Aristomenes to the Messenians and no-one everclaimed that she had resided in Sparta In this sense the incident resem-bles a empts to suborn enemy heroes by sacrificing to them secretly or thelike though actual bone-removal is not a ested in such cases18 The textunfortunately does not make plain what traditions about Alcmenarsquos burialat Haliartus may have pre-dated Agesilausrsquo interest in the ma er Manydifferent stories were told about Alcmenarsquos post-mortem fate The Megari-ans claimed that she died while travelling and was buried in Megara (Paus1411) the Thebans claimed she died in Thebes and her body disappearedbeing replaced by a stone which was still visible in her sanctuary whilebeing carried out for burial19 But at a certain point there emerged thetradition discussed above which identified two tombs at Haliartus as be-longing to Alcmena and Rhadamanthys Unfortunately we cannot knowwhen one or both tombs were first so explained The simplest view is thatthe identification already existed in c 381 (to take that as the date of Agesi-lausrsquo action) Agesilaus will then have opportunistically exploited Spartancontrol of the region to try to bring his ancestressrsquo remains to Sparta Analternative scenario would have an impressive bronze age tumulus beingdiscovered by chance in c 381 and identified (by a local antiquary by anoracle) as Alcmenarsquos ndash a rash identification given the response it evokedfrom Agesilaus20 No doubt other scenarios are possible too Plutarch wasusing the story primarily for its consequences the grim omens that Age-silausrsquo impiety evoked at the time of the loss of the Cadmea Agesilausrsquooriginal motivation was not his concern and we are le with too li le in-formation to recover it For the religious historian the text promises anddisappoints

All this however is to assume that the incident is historical and that

est counter-case of a hero whose bones are transported away from home is the bringing(unexplained) of Hector to Thebes (S 1981 I 233ndash4)

18 See eg Hdt 5892ndash3 Eur Erechtheus F 37087ndash9 K Plut Sol 91 E K Heroes of A ica (London 1989) 44ndash55 For Theban anxieties about such forms of a ack Paus9174 is striking testimony

19 lsquoPherecydesrsquo (fr 84 F ) ap Anton Lib Met 33 Diod Sic 4586 Paus 9167Plut Rom 287 the last without any specific location

20 M C 1999 95 lsquothe bones were found by accident in what must certainly havebeen a tholos tomb and identified (we are not told how) as those of Alkmenersquo (with anunexplained dating to precisely 382) S 1981 14 speculates that objects discov-ered during the excavation might have encouraged the identification made perhaps by anoracle But in Plutarch the identification seems to precede the excavation

134 Robert Parker

assumption must now be tested In favour of it is the absence of any ob-vious motive for invention The story puts the Spartans in a bad lightbut not so bad as to make it powerfully anti-Spartan contrast for instancethe myth of the daughters of Scedasus who died a er rape by lsquoSpartiateguestsstrangersrsquo21 It has no obvious aetiological purpose22 Though itcertainly contributes valuably to Plutarchrsquos scene-se ing one hesitates tosuppose that he would invent such a story about a historical character forthat purpose alone The disappointing result of the excavation might alsoplead for authenticity In his pre-history of archaeology Alain Schnapp23

contrasts the realism of Plutarchrsquos account a realism which incidentallyshould probably warn against introducing the legendary motif of the dis-appearing body with the quite different manner of the lsquobones of Orestesrsquostory in Herodotus He observes lsquoit does not take too much imagination fortodayrsquos archaeologists to recognize a Mycenaean burialrsquo Even before thediscovery of a large cache of Linear B tablets at Thebes the possibility thatAgesilausrsquo bronze was inscribed in Linear B (or A) had o en been contem-plated24 It is a difficulty however that texts wri en in linear B on bronzeare unknown and even if we make the easy assumption that a clay tabletchanged to bronze in transmission of the story Linear B tablets have noproper place to our knowledge in or near tombs An extensive text wri enin a different pictographic script (Linear A or Cretan hieroglyphic) wouldbe a very surprising find in Boeotia25 The possibility that the lsquorealismrsquo wasinjected by Plutarch should also not be neglected26

Even a believer in the story must baulk at some details particularly

21 Plut Pelopidas 204ndash21122 Against P rsquos theory see n 16 above23 S 1997 54 He comments that lsquoPlutarch like Pausanias was more a entive

than Herodotus to the discoveries revealed by the soil because the spirit of the times in thesecond century AD favoured the collection and interpretation of antiquitiesrsquo But since hedoes not seem to question the historicity of the incident it should also have implicationsfor the fourth century S 1958 82 supposes that Plutarch may have fleshed out askeletal contemporary account with details from his own day

24 Linear A S 1958 81 with earlier references add FW B ldquoEu-doxus von Knidosrsquo Aufenthalt in Aegypten und seine Uebertragung aumlgyptischer Tierfa-belnrdquo Forschungen und Fortschri e 25 (1949) [225ndash230] 225ndash6 Linear B S 198114 S 1997 54 (with reservations)

25 For the few scraps of Linear A from the mainland see T P ldquoThe InscribedBronze lsquoKesselrsquo from Sha Grave IVrdquo in Y D (ed) Briciaka A Tribute to WC Brice(Cretan Studies 9 Amsterdam 2003) [187ndash201] 194 for the distribution of Cretan hiero-glyphic J P O L G J C P Corpus Hieroglyphicorum Inscriptionum Cretae(Eacutetudes Creacutetoises 31 1996) 22 (My thanks to Lisa Bendall for advice on this point)

26 S 1997 54 comments that lsquoPlutarch like Pausanias was more a entive thanHerodotus to the discoveries revealed by the soil because the spirit of the times in thesecond century AD favoured the collection and interpretation of antiquitiesrsquo S1958 82 supposes that Plutarch may have fleshed out a skeletal contemporary accountwith details from his own day

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 135

those relating to Egypt What were the lsquomany writingsrsquo (not just a sin-gle tablet)27 in an arcane script sent by Agesilaus to the pharaoh for deci-pherment Simmias says that he was in Egypt with Plato It is doubtfulwhether Plato ever went to Egypt if he did the ancient tradition suggeststhat he should have been there somewhere between 399 and c 38728 tooearly for the most convincing location of the incident of Alcmenarsquos tombChonouphisrsquo interpretation of the arcane writings above all strains be-lief Heraclesrsquo supposed message to the Greeks about the Muses and peacewas it has been suggested a diplomatic invention on the Egyptian side toturn down a Spartan request for military alliance29 One can accept thatAgesilausrsquo dispatch of the tablet might have occurred in the context of anembassy on ma ers of more immediate concern But Chonouphis wouldhave needed to be well-versed indeed in Greek culture and Greek preoccu-pations to devise such an elegantly oblique evasion If on the other handHeraclesrsquo instruction to lsquohold a competition in honour of the Musesrsquo hasany connection with the famous cult of those goddesses at Thespiae30 it islikely to have been concocted in Boeotia and not in Egypt

The chronology is difficult too Agesilausrsquo best-known association withEgypt which culminated in actual campaigning with the Egyptians c 360against the great king occurred in the last years of his life the terminusa quo for this phase of Spartan-Egyptian relations is usually taken to bethe pro-Theban stance taken by Persia to Spartarsquos outrage in 36731 Theprobably historical visit to Egypt of Eudoxus of Cnidus carrying a let-ter of introduction from Agesilaus to the pharaoh Nectanebo who thenintroduced him to lsquothe priestsrsquo (among whom Chonouphis is sometimesnamed)32 should it is generally agreed belong to this period33 But a datein the 360s is far too late for the dramatic situation of the dialogue and alsofor any Spartan activity at Haliartus Back in 396 Agesilaus had appealedfrom Ephesus to Nepherites I for support against Persia the pharaoh de-clined an alliance but helped with equipment and supplies (Diod 14794)Diodorus claims that the rebel Persian admiral Glos made an alliance with

27 These could of course include the one tablet as is commonly assumed (the discrep-ancy that only Simmiasrsquo account mentions Agetoridas as intermediary can certainly beexplained in terms of the artful interweaving of different narrative perspectives) but canthey be reduced to it

28 R 1976 60 n 129 S 1958 78ndash7930 So tentatively A S Cults of Boeotia II (London 1986) 15731 Xen Hell 7133ndash4032 Sotion ap Diog Laert 887 Eudoxus and Chonouphis Diog Laert 890 (located in

Heliupolis cf Strabo 17229 806) Plut De Is et Os 10 (Memphis)33 So S H Mausolus (Oxford 1982) 117 (lsquoperhaps the 360srsquo) with the sugges-

tion that Mausolus who had ties with both Agesilaus and Eudoxus had a role F L Die Fragmente des Eudoxos von Knidos (Berlin 1966) 139ndash140 puts the introduction preciselyin 3654

136 Robert Parker

both Sparta and the pharaoh Acoris in 38334 There is no great difficultyin the hypothesis that diplomatic contacts between Sparta and Egypt oc-curred at any moment in Agesilausrsquo long life even in the period (from thekingrsquos peace in 386 down to 367) when they were not actively united byhostility to Persia35 All the same there is a suspicious similarity betweenthe story of Eudoxus recommended by Agesilaus to Nectanebo and thenintroduced to Chonouphis and of the bronze tablet sent by Agesilaus toa Pharaoh who forwarded it to Chonouphis Perhaps the former is histor-ical the la er a fiction calqued upon it If so we can abandon the effortto reconcile the Haliartian and the Egyptian ends of the story chronolog-ically The excavation at Haliartus yielded a tablet in a mysterious scriptAn imaginative account was then added (we do not know by whom) ofhow the tablet came to be deciphered

Detached from its Egyptian tailpiece the story becomes easy to placechronologically Or rather it becomes so if we allow that Plutarch got thestory from a source that located it in time and did so correctly36 577Espeaks of the tomb being lsquoopened uprsquo (ἀνοιχθέντος) lsquowhen Agesilaus sentand had the remains removed to Spartarsquo (ὅτε πέmicroψας Ἀγησίλαος εἰςΣπάρτην τὰ λείψανα microετεκόmicroιζε) That language not only does not re-quire but should actually exclude Agesilausrsquo presence at the site of the ex-cavation the object of lsquosentrsquo is not lsquothe remainsrsquo for that point is coveredby lsquohad hellip removedrsquo but lsquoa messagelsquo (unexpressed as o en) sent by himto those on the spot at Haliartus 578F too τοῦ πίνακος ὃν παρrsquo ἡmicroῶνἔλαβεν Ἀγησίλαος τὸν Ἀλκmicroήνης τάφον ἀνασκευασάmicroενος can com-fortably be rendered in a way that leaves Agesilaus seated in Sparta lsquothetablet which Agesilaus obtained from us when he had the tomb of Alcmenadismantledrsquo The campaigns conducted by Agesilaus in Boeotia a er theTheban recovery of the Cadmea in 378 are irrelevant therefore it is per-verse to reverse the sequence of events37 given in the De genio where theAlcmena incident unambiguously precedes the recovery of the Cadmeain order to find a time when Agesilaus was campaigning in Boeotia in per-son There were Spartans in the Haliartus region in 395 when they fought

34 1593ndash5 see P J S rsquos commentary ad loc for views on the reliability of thisclaim

35 For this factor see FK K Die politische Geschichte Aumlgyptens vom 7 bis zum 4Jahrhundert vor der Zeitwende (Berlin 1953) Ch 7 A B Lloyd in The Cambridge AncientHistory VI2 The Fourth Century BC (1994) 345ndash9 For Agesilausrsquo permanent hostility toPersia see C above p 106

36 The other possibility that Plutarch anchored a chronologically imprecise tradition inthe context that suited his dialogue can unfortunately not be ruled out we know nothingat all of the storyrsquos provenance But I proceed on the more optimistic assumption

37 Whether knowingly as S 1958 78 or inadvertently as P 1909 195ndash6assumes P F ldquoLe culte des heacuteros chez les Grecsrdquo Meacutem de lrsquoAcad des Inscriptionset Belles-Le res 42 (1918) 62 speaks vaguely of lsquoone of [Agesilausrsquo] campaigns in Boeotiarsquo

Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena 137

the famous ba le at which Lysander fell38 But Agesilaus was far awayin Asia Minor at the time and the Spartans on the spot will surely havehad li le leisure for practical archaeology during that brief and disastrousincursion Though the campaign of 395 cannot quite be ruled out as a con-text it is probably relevant only in the sense that it might have stimulatedSpartan interest in the antiquities of the area

The political situation presupposed in De genio is one in which Spartais free to intervene in a heavy-handed way but without military force inBoeotian affairs Such was exactly the situation from 382ndash379 but at noother time the period when both Thebes and the rest of Boeotia (Xen Hell5446 49) were in the hands of pro-Spartan juntas R J Buck very reason-ably uses the incident to illustrate how in these years (p 71) lsquothe Spartansapparently exercised direct control when they desiredrsquo39 That is perhapsthe least infirm conclusion that the historian can derive from the fascinat-ing but frustrating incident

38 Xen Hell 3517ndash25 Plut Lys 2839 Boiotia and the Boiotian League (Alberta 1994) 71

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch

John Dillon

1 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophicalupbringing

Plutarch would never I think be regarded as being anywhere close towhat one might term the lsquoNeopythagorean wingrsquo of Middle Platonism ndashthat space inhabited by such figures as Moderatus of Gades Nicomachusof Gerasa and Numenius of Apamea ndash but there is no question on theother hand that he knew a good deal about the Pythagorean traditionand greatly respected what he knew

To begin at the beginning there is the intriguing problem as to what hemeans by his self-portrayal in theE atDelphi (387F) as in his youth (around66ndash7 AD) ldquodevoting myself to mathematics with the greatest enthusiasmalthough I was destined soon to pay all honour to the maxim lsquoNothing inexcessrsquo when I joined the Academyrdquo This sounds very much like a mildlyironic confession of excessive enthusiasm for Pythagorean-style numerol-ogy at some early phase of his intellectual development which is depictedas being somehow lsquooutsidersquo the ambit of lsquothe Academyrsquo ndash which can onlyreally mean the (more) orthodox or main-stream Platonist tradition sincethere was a er all in his day no Platonic Academy in an institutionalsense

This will have been succeeded by a lsquoconversionrsquo to a more moderateand on the whole Peripateticizing Platonism presumably under the influ-ence of his later mentor Ammonius He also however portrays Ammo-nius in this same dialogue (391E) as holding that ldquoin mathematics was con-tained not the least important part of philosophyrdquo which in the contextwould seem once again to imply some interest in Pythagorean number-theory ndash although such an assertion could reasonably be made by any Pla-tonist

All that we can tentatively derive from this piece of information is thatthere would seem to have been a period in Plutarchrsquos youth when he wasexposed to and a racted by Pythagorean number-mysticism How muchof this we may wonder together with interest in other aspects of Pythago-rasrsquo life and teachings (and those of early Pythagoreans such as Archytasor Philolaus) continued into later life

140 John Dillon

If we take our start from the first principles of his metaphysics we cancertainly identify Pythagorean influence if we wish in his postulation of apair of supreme principles the One and the Indefinite Dyad though thereis at the same time nothing un-Platonic about this However at De DefectuOraculorum 428F we find quite a starkly dualist scenario presented whichis compatible with the oldest Pythagorean traditions

ldquoOf the supreme (anoacutetatoacute) principles by which I mean the One and the Indefinite Dyadthe la er being the element underlying all formlessness and disorder has been calledLimitlessness (apeiria) but the nature of the One limits and contains what is void andirrational and indeterminate in Limitlessness gives it shape and renders it in someway tolerant and receptive of definitionrdquo

This pair of principles turns up at various places in Plutarchrsquos works at-tributed to a wide range of authorities including Zoroaster and variouspre-Socratic figures such as Heraclitus Parmenides and Anaxagoras egDeAn Proc 1024Dndash1025DDe Is et Os 370Cndash371A where lsquothe Pythagore-ansrsquo are included Pythagoras is not included in the list in this passage ofthe De An Proc but elsewhere at 1012E we find the information thatlsquoZaratasrsquo (whom Plutarch does not seem to identify with Zoroaster) was ateacher of Pythagoras and called the Indefinite Dyad the mother of Num-ber the One being its father

In the third of the Quaestiones Platonicae agrave propos the analysis of theDivided Line of Republic VI we find at 1001Eff a system of derivationof number and then point line and solid from the Monad and the Dyadwhich while not being a ributed to Pythagoras agrees with the system setout by the Ist Cent BC Neopythagorean Alexander Polyhistor in hisHis-tory of Philosophy (ap Diog Laert 725) except that Alexander describesthe Pythagoreans as deriving the Dyad from the Monad which Plutarchdoes not do How far back such a system goes however is a moot pointit might well be itself derived from the speculations of Old Academicianssuch as Xenocrates with whom Plutarch was well acquainted1

Plutarchrsquos distinctive doctrines on the nature of the soul both WorldSoul and individual soul on the separable intellect (as set out for exampleatDe genio 591Dndash592D) and on daemonology do not seem to owe anythingto the Pythagorean tradition though one cannot be sure that they do notdepend on some Neopythagorean sources not available to us2 There doeshowever seem some warrant for claiming at least a belief in a personaldaimon as distinctive of Pythagoreanism from Plutarchrsquos presentation ofthe doctrine in De genio 585EndashF (see below)

1 Cf eg D 1996 214ndash182 The efforts of Marcel D however in La notion de Daimon dans le pythagorisme

(Paris 1963) to derive a Neopythagorean daemonology from the De genio Socratis seemmuch too optimistic Cf on this FE B In Mist Apparelled Religious Themes inPlutarchrsquos Moralia and Lives (Leiden 1977) 139 n 30 Certainly the Pythagoreans believedin daemons as did everybody else

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch 141

2 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics

In the sphere of ethics on the other hand particularly in his essay De Vir-tute Morali we can discern I think interesting traces of Pythagoreanismwithin the overall framework of a distinctly Peripateticizing expositionbased primarily on Nicomachean Ethics II 5ndash7 First of all whereas Aris-totle speaks of virtue simply as a lsquostate (hexis) in the mean between twoextremesrsquo (1106b36) and expressly denies that it is an activity or a faculty(dynamis 1106a5) Plutarch describes virtue at Virt Mor 444B as lsquoan ac-tivity (kineacutesis) and faculty (dynamis) concerned with the irrational whichdoes away with remissions and over-strainings of impulse (hormeacute) and re-duces each passion to moderation and faultlessnessrsquo This characterizationof virtue as something more active than a hexis is not in itself perhaps dis-tinctively Pythagorean but Plutarch goes on to discuss the precise sensein which virtue is a lsquomeanrsquo and that is more significant Having dismissedthree other senses of lsquomeanrsquo he goes for a distinctively Pythagorean oneas is a ested by its presence in various pseudo-Pythagorica

ldquoBut it is a mean and is said to be so in a sense very like that which obtains in musicalsounds and harmonies For there the mean or meseacute a properlyndashpitched note like theneacuteteacute or the hypateacute escapes the sharpness of the one and the deepness of the otherrdquo

In various Pythagorean treatises we find virtue described as a lsquoharmo-nizingrsquo (harmonia synharmogeacute) of the irrational by the rational soul (eglsquoArchytasrsquo On Law and Justice p 3317 Thesleff lsquoMetoposrsquo On Virtue p19927 lsquoTheagesrsquo On Virtue p 1901ndash14) and Philo of Alexandria whois also open to influence from Neopythagorean sources approves of theconcept (Immut 24 Sacr 37) This then would seem to indicate an over-laying by Plutarch of Neopythagorean influence on a basically Aristoteliansubstratum

Apart from the theory of virtue in general we find in Plutarchrsquos worksinteresting signs of a commitment to vegetarianism which while embrace-able within the spectrum of main-line Platonist doctrine may be regardedas something distinctively Pythagorean At the beginning of his treatiseOn the Eating of Flesh (De esu carnium 993BndashC) we find the following ratherhyperbolic tirade

ldquoCan you really ask what reason Pythagoras had for abstaining from flesh For mypart I rather wonder both by what accident and in what state of soul or mind the firstman who did so touched his mouth to gore and brought his lips to the flesh of a deadcreature he who set forth tables of dead stale bodies and ventured to call food andnourishment the parts that had a li le before bellowed and cried moved and livedHow could his eyes endure the slaughter when throats were slit and hides flayed andlimbs torn from limb How could his nose endure the stench How was it that thepollution did not turn away his taste which made contact with the sores of others andsucked juices and serums from mortal woundsrdquo (trans Helmbold)

The De esu carnium may well be a youthful work and it is certainly com-posed in the diatribe mode References in more mature works however

142 John Dillon

indicate that Plutarch took vegetarianism less seriously in later life so itmay be that this was an enthusiasm of his youth At Symposiaca 87ndash8for instance which portrays a dinner-party at Rome in Plutarchrsquos honourgiven by his friend Sextius Sulla around the turn of the century Plutarchpresents his friend Philinus as being a vegetarian (727B) and by implica-tion not himself In 88 in response to the question lsquoWhy the Pythagoreansused to abstain from fish more strictly than from any other living crea-turersquo Plutarch himself gives an explanation (729Dndash730D) which whileexhibiting considerable knowledge of and sympathy with Pythagoreantraditions defends the sacrifice and consumption of certain land-animalson grounds of ecology ldquoif everyone should abstain from eating chickensalone say or hares in a short time their number would make it impossibleto maintain city life or to reap a harvest (730A)rdquo Fish on the other handpose no threat to us and so the Pythagoreans have no wish to harm them

3 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and ofcontemporary Pythagoreans

This same passage of the Symposiaca affords useful evidence both of Plu-tarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and beliefs and of the exis-tence of contemporary Pythagoreans from whom he could have learnedThere is first of all among the guests the rather mysterious Lucius (spelledLeukios) of Etruscan ancestry ndash and a patriotic Etruscan who claims Pytha-goras as an Etruscan born and bred (727B) ndash who is described as a pupil(matheacuteteacutes) of Moderatus of Gades Moderatus is known to have posed asan lsquoextremersquo Pythagorean3 who according to Porphyry (Vit Pyth 53)a acked the Platonists for appropriating all the finest elements of Pytha-gorean philosophy while leaving the dross to be a ributed to the Pythago-rean School We do not know where Moderatus himself taught (possiblyin Rome) but we also find mention in this passage (728D) of a certain Alex-icrates as a lsquomoderatersquo contemporary Pythagorean teacher who abstainedfrom fish but ldquosometimes used the flesh of other living creatures in mod-erationrdquo Moderatus then is known to Plutarch at least by repute butAlexicrates is probably known to him personally

Plutarch also in this passage and elsewhere exhibits considerable know-ledge both of the life-legend of Pythagoras and of the Pythagorean symbolaA propos of abstaining from fish at 729D we hear the story of Pythagorasrsquoransoming of the catch of fish during his journey from Sybaris to Croton(also mentioned at De cap ex in ut 91C) and the whole of Question 87 is devoted to the discussion of the symbolic meaning of such preceptsas not receiving a swallow in the house always obliterating the mark ofa pot in the ashes and the smoothing out of the bedclothes a er arising

3 On Moderatus see D 1996 344ndash51

Pythagoreanism in Plutarch 143

(727Bndash728C)4 If we turn from this to such a work as the Life of Numawe find also much of interest under both headings A er initially (ch 1)recording serious doubts on the basis of chronology5 as to whether Numacan have been familiar (syneacutetheacutes) with Pythagoras he returns to the ques-tion in ch 8 in connection with Numarsquos religious regulations by means ofwhich he wished to instil due fear of the gods into his citizens

ldquoThis was the chief reason why Numarsquos wisdom and culture were said to have been dueto his intimacy with Pythagoras for in the philosophy of the one and in the politicaldispositions (politeia) of the other religious services and occupations have a large placeIt is said also that the solemnity of his outward demeanour was adopted by him becausehe possessed the same mind-set (dianoia) as did Pythagoras That philosopher indeedis thought to have tamed an eagle which he stopped by certain cries of his and lureddown as it flew over him and also to have revealed his golden thigh as he passedthrough the crowds assembled at the Olympic Games and we have reports of otherdevices and practices of hishelliprdquo (trans Perrin somewhat modified)

Here we can observe Plutarchrsquos familiarity with various of the standard sto-ries about Pythagoras preserved in the later Lives of Porphyry and Iambli-chus Just below he gives evidence of his familiarity with Pythagoreandoctrine in specifying how Numa was in accord with Pythagorean princi-ples in his banning of graven images of the gods and in his prescriptionsfor sacrifice

ldquoFurthermore his (sc Numarsquos) ordinances concerning images are altogether in har-mony with the doctrines of Pythagoras For that philosopher maintained that thefirst principle (to proton) was beyond sense-perception or feeling invisible and un-created6and intelligiblehellip Their sacrifices too were altogether appropriate to thePythagorean mode of worship for most of them involved no bloodshed but were madewith flour drink-offerings and least costly substancesrdquo

For Plutarch then Pythagoras is an enormously revered figure both inrespect of his teachings and of his mode of life but whatever may havebeen the nature of his youthful enthusiasms about which we receive onlycoy hints as we have seen in his mature years he remains firmly a Platon-ist For him as he remarks in an earlier symposiac discussion (8 2 719A)Plato combines the spirit of Socrates with that of Pythagoras and it is thatcombination which in his view makes Plato the supreme philosopher

4 Pythagorean elements in De genio

Against this background we can observe I think something of Plutarchrsquosbroad and deep knowledge of Pythagorean doctrines and history put to

4 He is also quite fond of the precept about not si ing on a peck-measure (khoinix) men-tioned at QC 74703E and four other places

5 It is claimed by some he admits that Pythagoras lived as many as five generationsa er Numa and that Numa had no acquaintance whatever with Greek culture

6 If the true reading here is aktiston a very rare word an alternative is akeacuteraton lsquopureunmixedrsquo

144 John Dillon

use in the De Genio in various ways The visit of the Pythagorean sageTheanor of Croton to Thebes in 379 in search of the body of his formerfriend and colleague Lysis is the occasion for the presentation by Plutarchof a good deal of Pythagorean lore both about friendship and about deathand the a erlife7 as well as some details about the overthrow of the Pytha-gorean regimes in Southern Italy

As regards Pythagorean friendship we see Theanor even in old agejourneying across the Greek world to ensure that his friend Lysis has re-ceived proper burial and in case he has not to bring his body home toCroton In the event he finds that Lysis has received all due honours fromhis host Epaminondas and decides to leave him where he is though af-ter performing a burnt offering and making a libation of milk at his grave(579F) He is also in receipt of an encouraging dream (585EF) which tellshim that Lysisrsquo soul has passed the requisite tests in the a erlife and beenallo ed a new guardian daimon

This brings up the question alluded to above as to the possible Pytha-gorean origins of the belief in a personal daemon of which we receive quitean exposition in the course of Theanorrsquos approving comments on Timar-chusrsquo narrative in the myth (593Dndash594A) This doctrine is tied in with thePythagorean doctrine of a sequence of reincarnations leading at least insome privileged cases to a level of purification which allows the daemonto intervene in a special way and give the soul a helping hand through thesending of inspired dreams and waking visions (of which Socratesrsquo daimo-nion is an instance) These daemons it would seem are themselves puri-fied souls who have gone through the cycle of lives and are now in theposition as it were of wise and benevolent athletic trainers who can givedue encouragement to those in the final stages of their earthly odyssey(593EF)

How far back in the Pythagorean tradition such a doctrine goes we can-not be sure but it certainly basic to the tradition from an early stage thatPythagoras himself was such a privileged soul and of course Empedocleswho was also part of the early tradition felt himself to be such a one sothere is no reason to doubt that it is ancient8

7 We also find agrave propos Theanorrsquos a empt to press a gi of gold on Epaminondas forlooking a er Lysis and Epaminondasrsquo declining of this a nice detail not recorded else-where about Pythagorean ascetic practices (585A) The Pythagoreans it seems to exercisetheir self-control used to have fine feasts prepared for themselves which they would thencontemplate for a while before allowing their servants to enjoy them while they dined onhumbler fare

8 On the other hand other doctrines presented in the myth such as the remarkable fourlevels of reality (591B) or the separable intellect (591E) may not safely be identified asPythagorean notwithstanding Theanorrsquos blanket approval of Timarchusrsquo narrative

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspirationlowast

Stephan Schroumlder

1 Preliminary remarks

Presenting various a empts by the speakers in De genio to explain the dai-monion of Socrates Plutarch enters a field which he has dealt with repeat-edly in his writings As the main question is how Socrates came to receiveinspirations from a higher sphere we have to do with a special form ofdivination (mantike)

An interest in all forms of prophecy runs through all of Plutarchrsquos oeu-vre wherever an occasion presents itself in the Lives as well as in theMoralia Plutarch loves to talk about such things wherever an opportunityoffers He also devotes whole treatises to these topics

Of some of these we know only the titles or small fragments We owethem to a list of Plutarchrsquos writings probably dating from Late Antiquitythe so-called Lamprias Catalogue and to quotations in later authors Inone or two works Plutarch defends the compatibility of believing in div-ination with Academic philosophy (Lamprias Cat 71 and 131 fr 147Sandbach) in another he discusses the question whether to know futureevents in advance is useful (fr 21ndash23 Sandbach) Furthermore he collectedoracles (Lamprias Cat 171) and wrote on the Oracle of Trophonius nearLebadeia (Lamprias Cat 181) which plays an important role also in Degenio While these works are lost we still have ndash besidesDe genio ndash the dia-logues ldquoThe Pythiarsquos propheciesrdquo (De Pythiae oraculis) and ldquoThe decline ofOraclesrdquo (De defectu oraculorum)

Both these dialogues are given a Delphic se ing and deal wholly or inpart with questions concerning the Delphic Oracle in particular Not onlyliterary or philosophic and theoretical interests connected Plutarch withDelphi for many years he held priestly office there1 In this function heappears on the base (found in Delphi) of a statue which the Amphictyonsdedicated to the Emperor Hadrian (Syll3 829A) and in his ldquoTable Talkrdquo

lowast Thanks are due to Fabian B and Hendrik O for critical comments onthe dra of this paper and to O and Henning S for helping me obtain thesecondary literature

1 According toDef or 38431CndashD his brother Lamprias who plays an important role inthat dialogue seems to have held a similar office at the Oracle of Trophonius at Lebadeia

146 Stephan Schroumlder

(722700E) he calls one of the participants in the conversation ldquohis col-league in priestly officerdquo Finally in his essay An seni sit gerenda res publica17792F he claims to have performed sacrifices in the service of PythianApollo and to have participated in processions and cultic dances alreadyfor ldquomany Pythiadsrdquo Plutarch evidently rendered great services to Del-phi the Delphians (together with the citizens of his hometown Chaeronea)honoured him by se ing up a herm the head of which has unfortunatelybeen lost but its sha (together with its verse inscription Syll3 843A) hasbeen found in the excavations

Let us now have a look at the two essays on oracles and then try to relatethe ideas set out in De genio to them

2 The dialogues on the oracles

Neither inDe Pythiae oraculis nor inDe defectu oraculorum does Plutarch ex-pound systematically how oracles function how the Delphic Oracle worksor how we should conceive the process of inspiration Both dialogueshowever discuss questions of detail for which a more exact determinationof how inspiration works is necessary

21 De Pythiae oraculis

The main topic of discussion in De Pythiae oraculis is the lsquoscandalrsquo that thePythiarsquos oracles were said to be no longer expressed in verse This had beendebated already long before Plutarchrsquos time In the essay itself (19403E)the historian Theopompus of Chios (who lived in the fourth century BC) issaid to have taken people to task who talked about the end of verse oracles(FGrHist 115 F 336) On the other hand Cicero in his work on divination(De div 2116) claims that already at the time of King Pyrrhus (ie in theearly third century BC) the Pythia had no longer produced verses

In the picture of the activities of the Delphic Oracle given by ancientliterature sayings in verse (almost always in hexameters) play an importantrole What share however they really had of the pronouncements madeby the Pythiae of earlier times is quite unclear2 Plutarch himself has oneof the participants of the debate express considerable reservations in thisrespect (ch 19) In any case for some people the claim that Delphi hadpassed from verse to prose was reason enough to reject further belief in theoracle or more exactly to question the institutionrsquos powers of inspirationat least for their own times3 This conclusion is formulated in 17402Bonly to be refuted in the core section of the treatise (which begins at this

2 See A 1950 159ndash683 How such a conclusion may be reached is shown by Cicero De div 2117

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 147

point) in a continuous speech by Theon one of the dialoguersquos participantsI shall concentrate on this section of text (which extends until the end of thedialogue) because there is no space to discuss other parts (eg the disputein ch 8 over miraculous phenomena in the godrsquos sanctuary which mightbe interpreted mantically or over the Sibylrsquos oracles in ch 9ndash11) or even togive an overall account of the variety of the dialoguersquos contents

Theonrsquos arguments develop in four phases In the first (ch 18ndash20404A)he doubts whether the difference between conditions of the present andthose of the past is as fundamental as his opponents claim or at least as-sume This and especially the fact that verse and prose coexisted in theoracular sayings of earlier times leads him to question the assumptionthat the form of these sayings entitles us to infer a change in the meansby which they were produced

In a second step (ch 20404Andashch 23) Theon tries to make plausible theview that the form of the sayings goes back not to the god but only to thePythia is therefore independent of divine inspiration and does not allowany conclusions about its nature

According to Theon we should conceive the Pythiarsquos soul as an instru-ment in the hand of the god during the process of divination The proper-ties of the instrument however (he claims) are no less important for de-termining the nature of the thing it produces than the intentions of its userNow the human soul ndash and therefore the Pythiarsquos as well ndash is perpetuallydisturbed by its connection with the body and by its own passions and wehave to conceive the state of mantic excitement (enthousiasmos) as a mixtureof two motions one of which originates with the god the other with thePythia Thus we have to assume that when the Pythia in office is not poet-ically gi ed different oracles are produced from those which come froma real poetess occupying the tripod Now people of earlier times had atendency to express themselves poetically and took every opportunity toindulge this This (Theon concludes) explains the earlier oracular sayingsin verse with this precondition gone it is now prose that is cultivated

In ch 24 Theon enters the third phase of his argument (to ch 28) Tomeet the case that the sceptic may not be willing to accept his earlier trainof thought he changes his premise and starts anew he now wants to showthat even if one holds the god responsible for the form of the sayings (notpreviously assumed) the fatal conclusion that divine inspiration has driedup is not necessary rather a number of good reasons are conceivable thatmay have convinced the god himself to switch to prose

In the times when metrically phrased und poetically stylised speech wasthe dominant fashion it was ndash according to Theon ndash obvious for the godtoo to take care that his oracles conformed to this practice Later how-ever when humanity had largely renounced verse and turned to prose thegod had to consider that prophecies in prose would appear more convinc-

148 Stephan Schroumlder

ing than those in verse Otherwise he would have incurred the reproachthat he intended to cloak his predictions in the vagueness of poetical ex-pression Moreover because some sayings had allegedly been versified af-terwards by unauthorized people and forgers had fabricated particularlyelaborate oracles verse had acquired the bad reputation of something notreally respectable Furthermore poetical form had acquired a bad namebecause of people who made their living by dealing in versified oracles inthe vicinity of sanctuaries of oriental deities and the god did not want tobe associated with such rabble

Thus (Theon continues) there were ndash from the godrsquos perspective ndash goodreasons to distance himself from verse On the other hand poetical formhad something to say for it in earlier times When powerful people putawkward questions to the oracle it was sometimes necessary to obscurethe answers a bit in order to protect the staff of the sanctuary or to makesure that important communications would not get to the wrong peopleFurthermore with these communications being o en very complex versi-fication could provide an important mnemotechnic advantage

Lastly ndash and with this the third phase of Theonrsquos argument concludesndash it would now under the conditions of pax Romana when the oracle isconsulted only in simple everyday ma ers be downright offensive if thePythiarsquos answers were too pretentiously stylised

In his fourth and last step (ch 29ndash30) Theon confesses ndash in case his oppo-nent should still not be convinced ndash the impossibility of a aining certainknowledge in such ma ers but he also points to clear and tangible evi-dence for the continuation of Apolline inspiration at the sanctuary Del-phirsquos enormous upturn in recent times This is necessarily founded on therecognition the Pythiarsquos mantic successes enjoy and as the simple form ofher oracular responses make it impossible to hide ignorance the Pythiaclearly still derives her knowledge from Apollo just as before

This is a very abbreviated account of Theonrsquos discussion4 As we haveseen an analysis of the process of inspiration plays a part only in its sec-ond phase and serves there as one argument among several in the a ackdirected against the sceptics Nevertheless it seems best ndash in view of thispaperrsquos topic ndash to take a closer look at this aspect of the essay first

Theonrsquos account begins with a very generally and abstractly phrasedreflection The human body uses many instruments but is itself an instru-ment of the soul which again is an instrument of the god The use of aninstrument however prevents the user from giving unbiased expressionto his intentions in the intended product because the instrument itself ex-erts influence on this (21404BndashC) A series of analogies follow Of these

4 A more detailed analysis is provided by S 1990 8ndash15 and 22ndash4 There thebeginning of the argumentrsquos last phase is posited a er ch 27 This error is corrected inS 19945 240ndash2

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 149

Theon regards as the most suitable the one according to which the mooncan be conceived as an instrument reflecting the sunrsquos light upon earth andconveying this light to us only in a very much dimmed form If we takeall this together (thus Theon makes his transition from the general to theparticular in 404DndashE) with Heraclitusrsquo remark (VS 22 B 93) that the Del-phic god neither speaks nor conceals but only signifies it seems plausibleto interpret also the Pythia in the sense of this saying as an instrument inthe hand of the god the god reveals his thoughts but in blended form andby using a human soul This soul is never available to him ldquowithout mo-tionrdquo but is always independently active because of its own passions In404F inspiration (indicated by the classic term enthousiasmos also used in7397C) is therefore conceived as a blending of two ldquomotionsrdquo one of whichreaches the soul from outside while the other is intrinsically her own bynature Theon adds an argumentum a minore ad maius to make this expla-nation still more convincing If you cannot use even an inanimate bodydifferently from what its nature allows ndash ie you cannot move a cylinderlike a sphere or a cone like a cube and you cannot play a wind instrumentlike a string instrument and vice versa ndash it is an even stricter rule that asoul can be handled only in accordance with its own intrinsic nature

Where this leads is indicated at the end of the chapter (404Fndash405A) onlyin a rather general way of every soul you may expect only the kind ofactivity that corresponds to its talents and its education Things becomeclearer in ch 23 To express oneself poetically and in verse one has tohave inclination and talent and only under such conditions will one putthe thoughts transmi ed by the god in mantic enthousiasmos in such a formNow inclination and talent for poetical expression were widely currentamong people of earlier times but between then and now they have van-ished Therefore one need not wonder that the Pythiae of old put theirresponses into verse every now and then while the more recent ones haveceased to do so

Theonrsquos reasoning in this passage seems to be composed mainly of twoelements found in the philosophical tradition5

One of them is the idea that the body is an instrument of the soul Thisis first stated in various passages in Plato then in Aristotlersquos Protrepticusand in Neo-Pythagorean Hellenistic texts in later times it is widely at-tested especially in the Neo-Platonists The locus classicus responsible forthe spread of this idea seems to be a passage in the (Platonic or Pseudo-

5 For this see S 1990 25ndash51 Against the view that the core of the theory ofinspiration presented by Theon is of Stoic origin J H ldquoZur InspirationslehrePlutarchs in De Pythiae oraculisrdquo Philologus 137 (1993) 72ndash91 has tried to establish a Pla-tonic derivation In S 19945 I have tried to refute this B (in H D MB Der Platonismus in der Antike vol 62 Stu gart 2002 145ndash7) again puts emphasison Platonic origins

150 Stephan Schroumlder

Platonic) Greater Alcibiades (128endash129e) the first text in which this idea ismore extensively developed

In De Pyth or the idea is expanded into a hierarchy with four levelsthe god is placed above the soul and the instrument (in the proper sense)below the body This four-level construct is found only here while in an-other passage of Plutarch in the Septem sapientium convivium (21163DndashE)a combination of the three highest levels returns with the relationship be-tween body and instrument missing There is a good reason for that Inthe Banquet of the Seven Sages it is emphasized that the body is a willing in-strument for the soul and even more that the soul is a willing instrumentfor the god InDe Pyth or Theon intends to show the opposite The soul isnot least an obstacle because its use diminishes the purity with which thegodrsquos thought is transmi ed to humanity To make this clear Theon has totalk of the ldquoinstrumentrdquo in its everyday sense and expects that the effectsof change wrought by the instrument are accepted as a fundamental factand extended to the other levels especially the two higher ones as well

This is the decisive conceptual element of his whole theory but this the-ory does not come from the tradition of the idea of the instrument In theGreater Alcibiades ndash to say nothing of the fact that the god as the highest levelof Plutarchrsquos model is missing ndash there is no talk of an influence hinderingthe intentions of the user Rather this text (quite in the spirit of the otherPlatonic references) stresses the problematic and unnatural aspects of theconnection between body and soul with the intention of reducing the roleof the body to that of a mere instrument which does not really ma er Thisis also the tendency of almost all other passages in which similar ideas areexpressed while the idea in which Theon is interested is nowhere to befound

The origin of this core idea must be looked for in another area It sur-faces in the passage where Theon mentions ndash as a simile for his view thatthe godrsquos possibilities are restricted by the specific character of the Pythiarsquossoul ndash the geometric bodies sphere cylinder cone and cube each of whichcan be moved only in its own specific way (21404F) This simile has its ori-gin in an argument by which the Stoic philosopher Chrysippus tried topreserve manrsquos responsibility for his actions in spite of his deterministicview of the world Chrysippus located the point at which the individualis affected by external circumstances in notions which approach the indi-vidual and to which he reacts either by ldquoassentrdquo or rejection both assentand rejection are in manrsquos power and not forced on him by external causesChrysippus compared this to the fact that cylinder and cone at first need anexternal impulse but then move each in their specific way though havingundergone the same impulse This argument is a ested by Cicero (De fato42 f = SVF II 974) and Gellius (Noctes A icae 7211 = SVF 1000) Sphere andcube are missing in these passages but they appear together with cylinder

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 151

and cone ndash in a not unrelated context ndash in the pseudo-Aristotelian treatiseOn the world (6398b27ndash9) which is known for its Stoic affiliations Herethe four bodies appear in a comparison intended to show that the god pro-vides one basic impulse a er which the various processes of the worldrun their course according to the nature of things (6398b19ndash27) The con-nection of Theonrsquos theory with such ideas is even clearer than in ch 21 ina passage which has not yet been mentioned because it does not form apart of Theonrsquos great speech but belongs together with ch 21 inasmuchas we are here confronted with a ldquoforeshadowingrdquo of that chapter In ch 7(397B) Theon wanting to exonerate the god from the intermi ently dubi-ous metrical and poetic quality of Delphic oracles in verse states ldquoLet usnot believe that the verses come from the god but that he provides the firstimpulse for motion and that each of the prophetesses moves according toher own naturerdquo

It is clear then that although the salient point of Theonrsquos reasoning isalready expressed when he first talks about the instrument he could notfind this point within the tradition of the idea of the instrument it derivesfrom the Stoic theory of causality and responsibility The lsquoinstrumental-istrsquo phrases with which Theon starts his argument conceal this and theyare perhaps not indispensable if we take into consideration only the aimof his argument Plutarch however may possibly have a ached some im-portance to giving Theonrsquos explanations a Platonic colouring We may alsoassume that he did not expect very much from openly drawing a ention tohis adaptation of a Chrysippan theory that had been much disputed withinits original context The idea that an instrument is not always fully com-patible with the intentions of its user might have derived a certain convinc-ingness from everyday experience And lastly the hierarchy of the tripleuser-instrument-connection offered the option of presenting the god as theone who ndash in spite of everything ndash is still the master of the mantic processand this was Theonrsquos overriding aim6

To what extent is Theonrsquos theory valid And what does it claim to ac-complish It is wholly designed to prove that it is unnecessary to con-clude (as Theonrsquos opponents do) that the cessation of verse oracles meansthe disappearance of divine inspiration Theon demonstrates that we canperfectly well regard the god as the source of inspiration and at the sametime trace the form of the oracles back to the Pythia It is for this purposethat Plutarch has developed this theory ad hoc It neither asks nor answersthe question how inspiration works how the godrsquos thoughts arrive in the

6 It is only in this sense that the soul or the medium is called an ldquoinstrumentrdquo of a godelsewhere as well see in Plutarch (besidesDe gen Socr 20588F) alsoDe sollertia animalium22975A Philo Quis rerum divinarum heres 259 (a passage which J H ldquoVon Gobesessenrdquo RhM 137 (1994) [53ndash65] 63 n 52 connects with De Pyth or) and the passagesin the Neo-Platonic Jamblichus collected in S 1990 41ndash2

152 Stephan Schroumlder

Pythiarsquos soul or what role the Delphic sanctuary plays7 Moreover nei-ther Theon nor Plutarch behaves like a dogmatist What Theon presents isan hypothesis designed to make an a ack against the traditional belief inthe Delphic Oracle appear groundless If the same aim can be reached byabandoning this hypothesis Theon (and Plutarch too) will be well contentThus at the beginning of ch 24 Theon can change his premise without fur-ther ado and show that to infer a drying up of divine inspiration from thevanishing of verse oracles is not necessary even if we lay responsibility forthe oraclesrsquo form at the godrsquos door8

The same a itude to this topic characerizes the treatise as a whole The-on does not insist on the premise of the third phase of his argument (ch24ndash28) either and at the beginning of ch 29 he explicitly concedes that realknowledge of these things is una ainable He then falls back on obviouspoints the external splendour and recent upturn of the Pythian sanctuaryfrom which (he says) we may conclude that inspiration still persists Tobe sure Theon here argues ndash and this is different from the earlier phasesof his reasoning ndash in the mode of positive proof and from his perspec-tive ndash and also from that of the group of people conversing on the steps ofApollorsquos temple ndash this is surely meant seriously though we have to makesome allowances for the rhetorical flourish with which Theon ends his lec-ture presenting as convincing proof something which is no more than amere hint In the end however he still expects that many people may re-main sceptical (ch 30) And Plutarch himself may not have put too muchtrust in Theonrsquos demonstration because he for one could surely not de-ceive himself as to the political reasons for the happy development of theDelphic Oracle which were quite independent of the Pythiarsquos successes inprophecy

The guiding principle and program of this whole inquiry seem to beformulated ndash right at its beginning ndash by Sarapion the Stoic participant inthis dialogue ldquoWe must not want to enter into conflict with the god norabolish providence and the divine together with prophecy but we mustlook for solutions for the apparent obstacles and not abandon our piousand traditional faithrdquo (18402E) Only where no explanation can be foundat all is doubt justified

7 Still it is stated as something obvious that inspiration originates with the god (see egAmatorius 16758E but while theAmatorius ndash following Plato ndash speaks of ldquodivine madnessrdquothere is no trace of that in our treatise) InDe defectu oraculorum this is temporarily lost sightof see below pp 157ndash8

8 See S 1990 68ndash9

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 153

22 De defectu oraculorum

We find a similar basic a itude also in De defectu oraculorum9 In manyrespects however this treatise is quite different Once again our exami-nation must restrict itself to the sections relevant to our present topic

In this dialogue too everything starts with a scandalous situation mostof the Greek oracles have suspended operation This is of course not thecase with Delphi and the well-reputed and much consulted oracles in AsiaMinor at Clarus and Didyma are never mentioned In particular howeverin Plutarchrsquos home region of Boeotia which in classical times boasted animpressive number of sites for prophecy only the Oracle of Trophonius atLebadeia is still active (ch 5)10

A er this the reader of the dialogue gets a remarkable demonstrationhow the dialoguersquos participants together grope their way looking for a re-ligiously satisfying explanation for the stated situation In this way thetreatise is laid out very differently from De Pythiae oraculis from the verybeginning11

The first a empt (not to be taken entirely seriously) to solve the problemis made by an outsider Didymus Planetiades (who is characterized as aranter) in ch 7 Didymus claims that the questions presented to the oraclesanctuaries were of such shamefulness that Pronoia (the personification ofdivine providence for humanity) felt prompted to pack up its oracles anddisappear with them out of the world The other participants howeverregard this as blasphemy and he finds himself bowed out of their circle

Still Didymusrsquo hypothesis leads to a formulation of what makes thedecline of so many oracle sanctuaries so scandalous Prophecy is a giof Pronoia and one must not without good cause believe that the godstake something back which they once granted (7413C) This is stated byPlutarchrsquos brother Lamprias who plays a main role in the dialogue andwho is also the narrator Lamprias entreats the others not to hold the divineresponsible for this development

With Ammoniusrsquos answer the problem turns into a dilemma He seesno way out in what Lamprias has just said If the cause for the vanish-ing of the oracles is not to be sought in the divine we are not very farfrom separating also their origin and existence from it and that meansndash a er what Lamprias has said ndash from Pronoia itself This is intolerableAmmonius himself proposes an explanation which is supposed to makedirect divine intervention plausible without compromising divine perfec-

9 Rich material is presented by A R Plutarco Lacuteeclissi degli oracoli Introduzionetesto critico traduzione e commento (Naples 1995)

10 On the development of oracle sanctuaries from Hellenism to Late Antiquity seeS L ldquoThe Old Greek Oracles in Declinerdquo ANRW 2182 (Berlin New York 1989)1599ndash1649

11 See S 1990 66ndash8

154 Stephan Schroumlder

tion Pronoia (he argues) is always concerned to provide what is sufficientnothing more nothing less However as Greece has suffered a consider-able decline in population since classical times Pronoia has undertakenthe obvious step of abolishing a large part of the oracles that were onceneeded but are now no more (ch 8)

Lamprias however sticks to his conviction that the gods cannot be heldresponsible for such an action and proposes to seek the reasons for it inthis world and in the material and human aspects of the oraclesrsquo operationAt this point however he does not yet tell us how to get a closer view ofthis (ch 9)

Yet another participant in the discussion Cleombrotus proposes a viamedia arguing that we should look to the daimones for the causes With-out these mediators between gods and humans we would in any case ei-ther have to deny any contacts between the divine and human sphere orto involve the divine inappropriately in the circumstances of this worldTherefore (Cleombrotus continues) we should assume that daimones oper-ate the oracle sanctuaries as agents for the gods and that the death of suchdaimones is responsible for the silencing of oracles and their removal toanother place for the loss of prophetic power in the la er case even therenaissance of a sanctuary is conceivable in case the demon returns Withthis proposition Cleombrotus concludes his speech (15418CndashD)

Chs 16ndash37 present a wide-ranging discussion of the question whetherdaimonesmay indeed be mortal and how we may imagine a change of placeby them this need not occupy us here In ch 38 the conversation returnsto questions about prophecy in the proper sense A theory (it is here said)according to which the drying up of oracles is connected with the van-ishing of the associated daimones can command respect only if it also ex-plains by what mechanism the daimones (when present) cause the oraclesto speak Lamprias (who once more has the leading part here) and Am-monius agree that daimones are souls of the dead If souls freed from theirbodies have the ability to foresee the future they cannot have acquiredthis ability (Lamprias argues) a er their death but must have had it al-ways though diminished by the union of soul and body The process ofprophecy (he continues) is tied to an irrational state in which the soul isfree from all bonds to the mind this is enthousiasmos (cf how the term isused De Pyth or 21404F and see above p 151) and it can only occur ifthe body connected with the soul is put into an appropriate state ie anappropriate ldquomixturerdquo This happens o en during sleep and immediatelybefore death It can however also be brought about by suitable exhala-tions of the earth We can only speculate (Lamprias goes on) how theseanathymiaseis operate exactly but the assumption that such an exhalation(a pneuma) plays a role in the particular case of the Delphic Oracle is sup-ported by the legend of the accidental discovery of the prophetic power

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 155

of the place by the herdsman Coretas We must believe that such exhala-tions dry up spring up anew and change place just like springs or mineraldeposits Meteorological or seismic events may also play a role FinallyLamprias underpins this theory by relating a single case pointing to suchconnections In Boeotian Orchomenus the silence of the Oracle of Tiresiascoincided with a pestilence (the assumption here seems to be that the epi-demic had also been caused by exhalations of the earth cf 40432D)

The crucial element (with regard to the original question) of this lectureby Lamprias (ch 39ndash45) viz the explanation of why the oracles driedup does not at all require the daimones introduced by Cleombrotus Theyonly appear at the beginning (39431Dndash432A following 38431BndashC) wheretheir characteristics provide the starting-point for considerations concern-ing the nature of the soul while it is connected with the body A er thatthey disappear from the argument which is built solely upon the idea thata (normally dormant) prophetic ability within the soul of a living humanbeing can be activated by natural causes immanent in this world

It is just this which Ammonius reproaches Lamprias with in ch 46 andhe stresses once again (exactly in accordance with his position in ch 8) thatwe have to assign a role also to the gods especially to the Delphian Apollo

Confronted with these objections Lamprias (in the last speech of thedialogue ch 47ndash52) tries to bring his theory of anathymiaseis and pneumainto harmony both with the mediating role of the daimones and the orig-inating role of the god To the daimones as guards and overseers he at-tributes the task of controlling the composition of the pneuma which pro-vides the Pythia with her divinatory capability just as one elicits soundsfrom a string instrument by means of a plectron Above all reigns the godwho also indicates through signs during the sacrificial ritual preceding theconsultation of the oracle whether this consultation is admissible Thisagain depends not only on the current composition of the pneuma but alsoon the question whether the Pythiarsquos current constitution is right to be putinto enthousiasmos by the pneuma Finally Lamprias adds that the force ofthe pneuma is on the one hand ldquodivinerdquo but on the other ndash like all thingsbetween Earth and Moon ndash not imperishable

Lamprias concludes in ch 52 by exhorting all participants of the con-versation to reflect further on these ma ers adding that he knows verywell that there are points which might provide the basis for arguing thecontrary

The engagement with the theory of inspiration in this treatise is some-what different from that in De Pythiae oraculis It is true that here too aneffort is made to lsquodefusersquo a problematic diagnosis by an explanation thatleaves traditional religious notions untouched on the one hand prophecymust not be separated from the gods on the other the belief in their car-ing for this world must not be compromised by the assumption that they

156 Stephan Schroumlder

would deprive humanity of the support of prophecy which they had oncegranted De Pythiae oraculis however presents the claim that inspirationhas dried up as based upon a certain (observed) situation in De defectuoraculorum the end of inspiration is the situation itself While therefore inDe Pythiae oraculis Theon needs to do no more than explain why Delphihas passed from verse to prose in another way inDe defectu oraculorum theefforts at explanation quickly lead to positive statements about the divina-tory process itself (which might be discussed quite apart from the actualproblem considered here)12 Among these statements is Ammoniusrsquo hy-pothesis (38 431BndashC) that the daimones being nothing but souls freed fromthe connection with a body could enter into contact with souls which arestill within bodies and produce ldquorepresentations of future thingsrdquo in themjust as people in everyday life communicate some things without voiceby writing by looks or by touch (some of this appears again in De genioSocratis 20588DndashE and 589B) In 39431Dndash40432D Lamprias assumes thedivinatory force to be in the human soul itself and thinks that it must beactivated by an exhalation of the earth and freed from control through therational mind by introducing a suitable disposition in the body to which itbelongs In ch 41 we even find conjectures about the physical effects thepneumamight have on the soul

There remains however the question whether Plutarch himself can beshown to adhere to any of these ideas as a firm conviction or doctrine

When Cleombrotus undertakes his a empt to explain the silencing ofthe oracles by the hypothesis that they have been deserted by the daimoneslooking a er them he declares that he is not the first to do so but comesldquoa er many othersrdquo (15418C) The fundamental ideas concerning the dai-mones in ch 13ndash15 very probably derive from Xenocrates13 Platorsquos secondsuccessor as head of the Academy who in the late 4th century integratedthe thoughts which his master had u ered about the daimones as mediatorsbetween gods and men in the Diotima myth of the Symposium (202dndash203a)in his conception of the world turned them into dogma and thus preparedthe way for the philosophic belief in daimones which spread widely in sub-sequent times14 It would certainly be going to far to detect in the mentionof the ldquomanyrdquo in 15418C a reference to Xenocrates15 Nevertheless it seemsprobable ndash in view of the Platonic model (in the Symposium the daimones are

12 See S 1990 67ndash913 See H 1892 81ndash2 The number of relevant fragments is ndash in the now authoritative

edition by Margherita I P (there fr 213 and 222ndash30) ndash still the same as inH Almost all of them come from Plutarch most of them from De defectu oraculorum

14 Of less influence was the roughly contemporary Epinomis which has been transmi edas part of the Corpus Platonicum its author develops the Symposium passage not unlikeXenocrates (984dndash985b)

15 Thus F J De oraculis quid veteres philosophi iudicaverint (Diss Rostock 1909 Borna1910) 26 Surely Xenocrates had no reason yet to look for causes for the silencing of oracles

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 157

responsible inter alia for prophecy) and of the idea of mediation betweengods and men ndash that Xenocrates also a ributed a role in divination to thedaimones In any case this was no original thought in Plutarchrsquos time theNeo-Pythagoreans who according to Diogenes Laertius 832 held this be-lief belong at the latest in Hellenistic times and Stobaeus claims that theStoics defined divination as knowledge concerning the signs coming fromgods or daimones (Eclogae 275b12 p 6716ndash19 Wachsmuth cf Posidoniusfr 108 Edelstein Kidd where daimones in any case play a role concerningdreams)

The conviction then that daimones have responsibility for divinationseems to have been fairly widespread On the other hand it cannot havebeen communis opinio This is shown by the debate in Plutarchrsquos treatiseand by the way in which the unknown man from the Red Sea is presented(21421B) as tracing divination back to daimones and it does not look asif Plutarch himself was convinced of the importance of the daimones fordivination much less for the Delphic Oracle in particular16 Not (primar-ily) because there is nothing about this in De Pyth or what is presentedthere might still be valid if we wanted to introduce a separate lsquolevelrsquo for dai-mones between the god and the Pythia We would simply get a digressionin Theonrsquos argument if he had chosen to speak of daimones17 In fact wefind clear clues for Plutarchrsquos reluctance also within De defectu oraculorumAmmonius who as Plutarchrsquos teacher is always a very authoritative voicewants from the start to look for the cause for the oraclesrsquo silence amongthe gods (ch 8) and in 46435A he clearly signals his unease with the lsquode-monologicalrsquo explanation and its premises Lamprias ndash in the speech inwhich he introduces the divinatory importance of exhalations of the earthndash totally loses sight of the daimones makes them superfluous (at least inview of the main question) by explaining the drying-up of an oracle asthe result of meteorological and geological processes and then ndash havingbeen admonished by Ammonius ndash tries to integrate them the god and thepneuma into a comprehensive conception which causes him no li le trou-ble In this conception the role of the god ndash which of course especially inDelphi had to remain predominant ndash does not become very clear The dai-mones are now allowed to regulate the pneuma which however had beenintroduced in the first place to present a natural cause for the disappear-ance of the divinatory force In the concluding words of the treatise Lam-prias readily concedes that his construct can only be provisional and thatgrave difficulties result from it18 Cleombrotus ndash at the end of his speech ndash

16 This is not contradicted byDe facie in orbe lunae 30944C this passage belongs to a mythwhich has been conceived precisely under this premise which is here regarded as worthyof consideration

17 See S 1990 69ndash7018 D B ldquoLa composition des Dialogues Pythiques de Plutarque et le problegraveme de

158 Stephan Schroumlder

presents the application of demonology to the question raised at the begin-ning as something distinctly hazardous and in ch 16 a controversy eruptsaround certain aspects which goes on until ch 37 without leading to a re-sult that is universally accepted Not least Cleombrotus himself appears ina somewhat doubtful light In 2410AndashB we learn that he is a wide-rangingtraveller in far-away lands collecting material there for a philosophy withtheological orientation Such a man will be particularly ndash indeed exces-sively ndash susceptible to far-fetched lore about daimones19

About the hypothetical character of the remarks on the pneuma the mainpoints have essentially been made The treatise as a whole keeps a cau-tious distance from it and this is all the more interesting because what issaid here overlaps with what may be called the vulgate conception (wella ested since Cicero De div 138) of how at least the Delphic Oracle func-tioned20 It is o en connected with the claim that there was a fissure inthe earth from which the pneuma arose which the Pythia approached andabove which she took her seat Such an opening has not been found andat least until some time ago there was agreement that the geological pre-conditions for such a fissure with real exhalations were lacking this pointhas recently been debated again21 In any case the way in which Lampriasand the others speak about pneuma and anathymiasis demonstrates that onecould speculate about this phenomenon as a material one but not palpablyprove it22 The idea that a pneuma coming out of the earth was the deci-sive means of Delphic inspiration seems to have developed in an interplay(which we cannot now disentangle) of popular belief with philosophy andto have gained considerable influence We may asssume that Plutarch toodid not wholly escape from this influence It is striking that in De Pythor 17402B where the dangerous inference from the end of versificationto the failure of inspiration is stated this failure of inspiration is directlyconceived as the disappearance of the pneuma although the more detailedcircumstances of this will not play any role in what follows In any casePlutarch does not commit himself to the pneuma in De defectu oraculorum

leur uniteacuterdquo Journal des Savants 1992 2 [187ndash234] 223 (= B 1994 [457ndash504] 493) possiblyoverrates the weight to be a ributed to Lampriasrsquo exposition in comparison with the othercontributions to the discussion in this dialogue

19 Nevertheless Cleombrotus is taken quite seriously as is shown ndash against earlier in-terpretations ndash by B 1994b This paper also presents a well-considered and balancedgeneral judgment on the importance of theory about daimones in De defectu oraculorum

20 For references see A 1950 215-3021 Cf J 2008 47ndash5022 See A 1950 221ndash2

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 159

3 De genio Socratis

Let us now considerDe genio Socratis As has been stated at the beginningthe problem of the Socratic daimonion is a very special case of divinationAs far as people knew Socrates was the only one ever to claim a connectionwith such a daimonion and somehow he seemed to conceive it as somethingcoming from outside23

We shall see that Plutarchrsquos handling of this phenomenon is not marked-ly different from the way in which he approaches problems of divinationin the other two treatises discussed above Let us have a closer look atthe relevant chapters their train of thought and the connections betweenthem

The discussion starts in ch 9 with the polemical reaction by Galaxi-dorus (who appears on the stage as a resolute rationalist) to the account(given in ch 8) of the appearance of Theanor who claims to have beeninstigated to his voyage to Thebes by ldquodreams and distinct apparitionsrdquowhich admonished him to perform certain cultic acts at the tomb of Ly-sis Theanor then spent the night at this tomb to find out whether τι δαιmicroόνιον (ldquosomething daemonicrdquo) would dissuade him from his inten-tion to take Lysisrsquo body home In Galaxidorusrsquo eyes such recourse to en-lightenment by the divine is no conduct worthy of a philosopher who isobliged to justify his actions rationally For Galaxidorus a model of this isSocrates

To this the seer Theocritus objects that Socrates always talked of his dai-monion which shows that Socrates too did not refuse to avail himself ofhelp from divine inspiration (9580Bndashend of ch 10) With this we are al-ready in the middle of the main discussion

Galaxidorus does not want to see Socratic rationality diminished andto defend it he chooses to normalise it The daimonion (he claims) was noth-ing special on the contrary Socrates used some form of everyday divina-tion and even this only if he could not reach a decision by rational means(11580Fndash581A) Polymnis at first seems to confirm this assessment relat-ing how Terpsion ascribed a whole system of interpreting sneezes comingfrom others or from oneself to Socrates a er that however he raises theobvious objection that Socrates himself talked of the daimonion and not ofsneezes that a man of such firm resolutions would hardly have let him-self be determined to do or not to do something just by a sneeze andfinally that the contents of his predictions were too important for suchsigns (11581AndashE) Phidolaus agrees and asks Simmias ndash who is not onlythe brightest mind in this circle but also formerly enjoyed intimate fa-

23 In Platorsquos Apology (40a) Socrates himself talks of divination and Xenophon apologet-ically places the daimonion on the same level as everyday sorts of divination practiced byothers (Mem 112ndash9 and Apol 12ndash3)

160 Stephan Schroumlder

miliarity with Socrates ndash to refute Galaxidorusrsquo claims But before Sim-mias starts to speak Galaxidorus justifies himself presenting two argu-ments (12581Fndash582B) to defend the variety of divination which he ad-duced Firstly (he says) nothing militates against the assumption thatgreat events are announced by trivial signs this is o en the case also inmedicine and in observations of the weather by seamen Secondly wedo not perceive the connections of such signs with future events but thisis no reason to reject their use A third argument (12582BndashC) is to bringhis hypothesis into harmony with what Socrates said about himself whenSocrates mentioned his ldquodaimonionrdquo he need not have meant more thanthat such signs are caused by the divine which uses them like instrumentsto indicate things24

One may get the impression that Galaxidorus has painted himself intoa corner25 It was probably not his original intention to defend everydaydivination as he does in his first two arguments His main interest surelywas to show that no great importance should be a ached to the daimonionHis third argument is downright dubious it is really hard to believe thatSocrates used a means of everyday divination and then always claimedthis as his daimonion26

Simmiasrsquo comment is for the time being postponed because the circlenow turns to other topics At the beginning of ch 17 Plutarch removes thenarrator when he returns at the end of ch 19 we are told (20588C) thathe has missed Simmiasrsquo speech (which had been announced in 12581EndashFand 582C) against Galaxidorusrsquo propositions Simmias now is just begin-ning with affirmative statements of his own se ing out how he himselfconceives the daimonion

Thus the reader might think that the refutation of Galaxidorusrsquo hypoth-esis is withheld from him and that something totally new and independentis now starting This however is not the case there is a close connec-tion of thought between chs 9ndash12 on the one hand and Simmiasrsquo speech(20588Cndash21589F) as well as Timarchusrsquo story presented by him(21589Fndash23592F) and Theanorrsquos theory in ch 24 on the other

24 There is only a superficial similarity of this passage with the ldquotheory of the instrumentrdquoin De Pythiae oraculis (see above pp 148ndash9)

25 Cf C 1970 5126 This reasoning looks like a curious exaggeration of what Xenophon says in Mem

113ndash4 Xenophon wants to defend Socrates against the accusation of having wanted tointroduce ldquonew godsrdquo (δαιmicroόνια) For this purpose he compares the practice of Sokrateswith the use of ldquotechnicalrdquo divination by others These people (Xenophon says) surelybelieve that the signs they use derive from the gods but talk of birds and other signs assources for their predictions Socrates on the contrary correctly spoke not of the sign butof the divine behind it The ldquovoicerdquo on which Socrates relied is (differently from the par-allel passage Xen Apol 12ndash3) not mentioned explicitly which suits Xenophonrsquos intentionHe does however not go so far as to identify the daimonion with one of the known kindsof everyday divination this is only done by Galaxidorus

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 161

Galaxidorus has tried to fit the Socratic daimonion into what the theoryof prophecy developed by the Stoics called ldquotechnical divinationrdquo27 Theforms of divination belonging to this domain are based on the interpre-tation of signs in a more or less rational way something which everyonecan learn28 Galaxidorus has objected to an explanation of the daimonionaccording to which Socrates claimed to have an irrational and privilegedeven individual access to divine knowledge No doubt the seer Theocri-tus has such an explanation in mind when he first introduces the daimo-nion into the conversation in 9580Bndash10580C29 He definitely thinks thatSocrates practised what the Stoic system called ldquonaturalrdquo divination

The account given by Simmias in what follows is calculated in contentand structure of the argument to show that an interpretation of the phe-nomenon within the frame of ldquonaturalrdquo divination is perfectly possible andadmissible and that we will prefer such an interpretation in order not toaccuse Socrates (whose modest discretion is brought out in 20588C) of pre-tentiousness With this Galaxidorus is implicitly refuted One of the majorreasons why Plutarch made the direct confrontation between Galaxidorusand Simmias vanish in the ldquogap of the narrativerdquo may have been that hedid not want to diminish the effect of the following lines of reasoning30

It is also well-calculated that Galaxidorusrsquo argument ends in 12582BndashCprecisely with the dubious claim that Socrates could have spoken of thedaimonion even if he actually followed sneezes This remains a difficultyand whoever wants to save ndash or rather not lightly give up ndash the traditionabout Socrates and his good reputation needs to do nothing more than justto present an hypothesis which avoids this difficulty and at the same timeexplains Socratesrsquo direct access to the divine and his privileged position

Simmiasrsquo reasoning is structured in the following wayFirst of all he conjectures ndash in keeping with the a itude to divine rev-

elations exhibited by Socrates in other contexts ndash that Socratesrsquo experienceof the daimonion may not have been totally different from that which wecan make in dreams when we believe we hear something but in realityonly receive the content of a thought without hearing a voice While nor-mal people can have such an experience only in their sleep ndash a er theirsoul has been freed from the chaos of their everyday cares and passionsand a ained a state of peace ndash one may believe that Socrates had such ex-

27 For the division of divination in ldquotechnicalrdquo and ldquonaturalrdquo divination see Fr P Studien zur Mantik in der Philosophie der Antike (Meisenheim am Glan 1976) 57ndash9

28 By referring to Terpsion (11581A) and by stating that Simmias and his friends ldquodidnot think highlyrdquo (21589F) of the representatives of such an explanation of the daimonionPlutarch creates the impression that this explanation was already current among the So-cratics of the 4th century There is no direct evidence for this

29 From the very start Galaxidorus suspects people who talk about direct contact to thedivine of presumption see 9579Fndash580B

30 There is not much sense in speculating what Simmias could have said in this gap

162 Stephan Schroumlder

periences also when awake because of his inner peace and self-commandSocratesrsquo soul (Simmias continues) was accessible to impressions and ablealways to react to outer influences such influences however we mightthink of as coming from a daimon who would have been able to touchSocratesrsquo mind with the mere content of a thought

So far this is a mere hypothesis about the character of the Socratic daimo-nion formulated as a cautious conjecture (20588CndashE) Now Simmias setsout to justify it as such

He tries ndash without explicitly referring to Socrates ndash to demonstrate asplausible that a communication by such a sublime path is conceivable Toachieve this he starts by devaluing communication by voice in compari-son with the purely spiritual one which he has assumed Taking over andaccentuating a phrase from Platorsquos Timaeus (67b) he compares the sound ofthe voice to a ldquoblowrdquo by which the thought is somehow ldquobeatenrdquo into thesoul via the ears Humans need such rough means when they communi-cate with each other a superior being however and a suitably structuredsoul do not need such a ldquoblowrdquo For them the mere touch by the thoughtis sufficient and the soul willingly ndash and without any resistance inducedby the passions ndash submits to the direction which is offered to it This de-scription derives its plausibility at first from basic assumptions made byPlatonizing philosophy but is then supported by a conclusion from theinanimate to the animate if even big ships can be set on another courseand then held to it by small tillers and if the po ers wheel can by virtue ofits form be kept in regular motion by the tip of the finger surely the soulcan be set in motion by the mere touch of a thought A er all the roots ofpassions and impulses reach into the seat of intellectual capability and ifthis is disturbed they too are presently set in motion

When the impulses in turn stir the body in the end it is the thoughtwithin the soul which is responsible for the process The details of howthis happens may not be clear but the fact that the soul is able to set thoseheavy masses in motion (Simmias goes on again using an argumentum amaiore ad minus) entitles us to assert the possibility that the human spiritcan be moved by a superior or more divine spirit or the thoughts of thisspirit respectively

Up to this point the claim seems justified that direct contact between ahuman intellect and that of a daimonworking upon it from outside shouldbe possible The question now naturally arises in what way this might hap-pen This is of course no less impenetrable than the mechanisms whichtransform the thoughts of a mind into the motion of a body and there-fore Simmiasrsquo statements regarding this point (589B τῷ γὰρ ὄντι ndash 589Dἀνθρώπους καλοῦmicroεν) remain extraordinarily vague

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 163

Simmias first says that the daimones ldquoshinerdquo into the souls but this seemsto be a mere metaphor to indicate that direct transmission of thoughts issuperior to communication via the sounds of voices31

A er this Simmias introduces ndash with much reserve ndash the possibility thatlike the voice thoughts also can perhaps be transmi ed through the air thesoul at rest in itself being once again superior in perceptive capacity to thenormal soul

This consideration however is not pursued further rather in 589DndashESimmias once more using the analogy of dreams in sleep which he had al-ready used at the beginning of his speech now formulates a reductio ad ab-surdum of the opposing position and finally concludes with the argumentthat ndash as daemonic inspiration during sleep is accepted by most people ndashonly someone who does not take account of the difference between the soulof Socrates and that of a normal human being can deny the possibility thatSocrates received such inspiration also while being awake

In summary Simmiasrsquo argument is the following Nothing militatesagainst our regarding that which is transmi ed as pure thoughts (not con-verted into sounds) just as they are believed by many to come to us out ofa higher sphere while we are dreaming This purely spiritual influencingof the human mind by a superior one may seem quite plausible consider-ing how the body too is steered by the thoughts of the human mind Thefact that it was just Socrates who received messages from the daimonion canbe explained by the philosophical calm of his soul which made him moresusceptible to such purely mental contacts

Simmias does not seek a comprehensive explanation of how the dai-monion functions His aim is more modest to make it plausible to re-gard the daimonion of which Socrates used to talk and which seemed tohave an effect on his actions as a phenomenon of direct inspiration andnot necessarily ndash as Galaxidorus thinks ndash as an instance of simple lsquotechni-calrsquo divination32 Furthermore Simmias gives reasons why it was Socrateswho received such inspiration while it is denied to others One may re-gard Galaxidorusrsquo scepticism as refuted in view of the problematic conse-quences for the image of Socrates which would spring from it In harmonywith this is Simmiasrsquo remark (at the end of his argument in 21589F) that heand his friends in the Socratic circle had agreed on this account of the dai-monion and rejected the idea that it might belong to lsquotechnicalrsquo divinationThe theory of daimones is not very important here being only a premiseand not the theme of Simmiasrsquo discourse33 The word daimon appears (it

31 See S 1990 15532 To illustrate this one may contrast Simmiasrsquo argument which is consciously set out

as a hypothesis with the dogmatic certainty of Calcidius and Hermias presenting similarideas in the same context (see the translation of their texts in the Appendix below pp 202204ndash207)

33 See B 1969 432

164 Stephan Schroumlder

seems) only three times otherwise Simmias uses the much vaguer daimo-nion or talks of ldquohigher powersrdquo 589B is the only passage which couldnot be phrased as it is (or in a very similar way) under the premise thatinspiration comes from a god here indeed the argument is founded on therelationship between the daemonic soul and the human soul much as inDe def or 38431BndashC

A er this reasoning which Simmias presents on his own account andon that of friends belonging to the circle of Socrates34 he relates (in chs21ndash23) Timarchusrsquo report of what he experienced in the Oracle of Tropho-nius at Lebadeia a er which (in ch 24) Theanor the Pythagorean arrivedfrom Southern Italy also contributes to the discussion35

The myth of Timarchus does not need to be covered here as a wholeas that will be done by W Deuse (see below pp 173ndash5 177ndash8 181ndash83191 194ndash7) I will restrict myself to what is said in it about the relationshipbetween daimon and soul and about divination

Every soul ndash so Timarchus is told in 22591DndashF ndash has its share of reasonbut that part of it with which it gets involved with bodies and passionsis prone to degeneration The degree of this degeneration is in each casedifferent In any case the remaining reasonable part hovers above the partthat has become irrational (it is pointed out to Timarchus that looking moreclosely he may see the connections between the two parts) and tries to pre-vent its drowning and perishing On closer inspection the part hoveringabove is seen to be not an integral part of the respective human being butoutside of it ie the daimon of the person concerned

Timarchus goes on to report (591Fndash592C) that he saw these daimonesgoing up and down like corks which have to keep a net in balance on thesea some of them more than others Some were also moving vehementlyand erratically and the explaining voice told him that those daimoneswhomoved at ease and in a regular way had to control rather docile souls (orirrational parts of souls) while those moving jerkily had great difficultiesin keeping under control souls whose lack of education made them re-calcitrant and disobedient It takes a considerable time (the explanationcontinues) to tame such souls and accustom them to obey the signals oftheir daimon Other souls however have this inclination and ability fromthe beginning and it is to these that humans gi ed for divination belongThe explanations of the voice conclude in 592CndashD with the story of Hermo-

34 I cannot discuss possible sources here There are good surveys of the proposals madeand controversies raised in L 1933 44ndash9 and C 1970 56ndash60

35 On the relationship (which will be some importance in what follows) of these threecontributions to the discussion to each other see D B ldquoLa doctrine deacutemonologiquedans le De Genio Socratis de Plutarque coheacuterence et fonctionrdquo Lacuteinformation li eacuteraire 35(1983) 201ndash5 and K D ldquoPlutarch und das Daimonion des Sokratesrdquo Mnemosyne 38(1984) 376ndash92 with assessments that in part differ from each other and from what is arguedabove

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 165

timus (whom Plutarch erroneously calls ldquoHermodorusrdquo) of Clazomenaewhose soul allegedly used to leave his body (like a shaman) and thus toacquire knowledge of things happening at great distances This story hasto be corrected inasmuch as to talk of a real separation of soul from bodyhere is inadmissible rather the soul remained in the body but kept its dai-mon on a long leash so that he could roam far and wide and have a lot oftales to tell

Here too daimones play a role in the divinatory process and again acalm willingness to be guided undisturbed by passions is a prerequi-site for inspiration by the daimon Thus far Simmiasrsquo considerations andTimarchusrsquo vision go together There are however also important differ-ences In Simmiasrsquo theory there is not a word about a stable and continu-ous connection of Socrates with one particular daimon moreover Simmiasassumed that the inspiring daimon was outside Socratesrsquo soul and personwhile the myth of Timarchus presents it (in one aspect at least) as an in-gredient of the individual soul

Let us now turn to the Pythagorean Theanor It is the aim of his speechto underpin the hypothesis that certain individuals have privileged accessto divine inspiration taking account of the fact that the gods grant theirspecial favour to the best of humans This idea is then connected with the(Pythagorean) doctrine of metempsychosis which already played a part inthe myth of Timarchus (22591C)Daimones (Theanor says) are souls whichhave passed through the whole cycle of rebirths and become free Thesesouls feel sympathy with others who have not yet a ained the same goalbut are very near to it The souls who have made progress but are still in-carnate and still have to make the last steps are supported by the daimonesin question with the permission of the god

Again we find common ground with the other two sections of the textbut also differences In harmony with the myth of Timarchus ndash but withouta corresponding idea in Simmiasrsquo speech ndash Theanor assumes a firm connec-tion between the individual soul and the daimon inspiring it following thepopular conception of an individual protecting daimon36 Like Simmiasbut unlike the revelation of Timarchus he resolutely separates the daimonfrom the inspired soul The prominence of Pythagorean metempsychosisis new in the myth of Timarchus it is not explicitly connected with theproblem of divination and in Simmiasrsquo speech it plays no role at all

Theanor however certainly does not want to correct Simmias Hisspeech begins with an expression of total agreement with what Simmiashas said in his own name Theanorrsquos contribution once more tries to cometo grips with the point that most fuels the doubts of sceptics like Galaxi-dorus why is Socrates allowed to have experiences which are denied toothers Such a claim ndash expressed by Socrates himself ndash was the main stim-

36 Cf B 1969 431ndash4

166 Stephan Schroumlder

ulus for Galaxidorusrsquo polemics and Simmias too tried to deal with it atthe end Theanorrsquos words are suited to confirm Simmiasrsquo reasoning insofaras they lend plausibility to the idea that an excellent and philosophicallypurified soul has privileged access to divine knowledge transmi ed by adaimon Still the thrust of Theanorrsquos thoughts is different it is concernedwith religion and morals not (as Simmias) with physics and psychologyThe main aspects of Simmiasrsquo discourse play no part in Theanorrsquos consid-erations the ideas most stressed by Theanor are not present in Simmiasrsquoreasoning and both speakers reach their goal ndash to explain the special sta-tus of Socrates ndash by different ways On the other hand we may not say thatSimmiasrsquo arguments would become wholly invalid if Theanor were rightMost of what Simmias has said might even be used to develop Theanorrsquostheory further Admi edly the remarks of ch 20 are based on the assump-tion that the daimonesrsquo messages are in principle directed at everyone pro-vided his soul fulfils the relevant requirements37 Still the differences inreceptivitymight find a place within the frameof Theanorrsquos considerationsif one wanted to inquire into the ways and means of transmission whichhe has not got in view at all The other point concerning which difficultiesmight arise is the divinatory dream which for Simmias represents a com-monly shared experience of daemonic messages and is therefore of greatimportance for his argument Theanor tells us nothing about a lsquobasic pro-visionrsquo of dreams provided by daimones to all or most humans to do thiswould surely endanger the logical consistency of his speech The differ-ence however between a divinatory dream and the kind of favour grantedto Socrates by the daimones is surely so great that there is no real incompat-ibility in this respect between the positions of Simmias and Theanor38

The case is similar with the revelation reported by Timarchus It is in-troduced by Simmias in 21589F and concluded in 23592F in such a wayas to suggest the impression that he feels confirmed by it He may indeedwell be because the myth supports the assumption that a few calm soulsfreed from body and passions have access to superhuman knowledge Inti-mately connected with this is an explanation how this superior knowledgecomes into being Differences of detail need not bother Simmias (i) be-cause the mythrsquos conception of daimones suggests an interpretation of thedaimonion which in itself would be quite adequate to make Galaxidorusrsquointerpretation of the daimonion unnecessary and (ii) because Timarchusrsquoaccount has the form of a Platonic myth and not a systematic philosophi-cal demonstration And to overcome his residual doubts Simmias indeedaccepts Theocritusrsquo helpful observation (in 21589F) that also the lsquomythicalrsquomay at least partially lead to the truth Theanor for one sets Timarchusrsquo

37 Thus H 1895 II 160 n 0 (starting as note 2 on p 158)38 The limited importance of the discrepancies is stressed also by L 1933 66ndash7

and C 1970 81

Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration 167

report aside as not criticisable (24593A) but agrees with him in the onemain aspect that of a continuous connection of at least some human be-ings with a daimon

4 Conclusion

Let us in conclusion compare the dialogue about Socratesrsquo daimonionwiththe two treatises on oracles

When Simmias tries to show the superfluity of an hypothesis that mightlead to dangerous consequences his procedure is not unlike that of the de-baters in De defectu oraculorum and especially that of Theon in De Pythiaeoraculis The respect for Socrates and his testimony about himself ndash trans-mi ed in different ways by Plato and Xenophon and vouched for by Sim-mias in this dialogue situation from his own experience ndash plays a role simi-lar to that of the respect for traditional religious ideas in the other two trea-tises The myth stands by itself Theanorrsquos speech introduces a dogmaticelement his contribution to the discussion is phrased more confidentlyand argues less cautiously than Simmiasrsquo Theanor regards metempsy-chosis as incontrovertible fact and he does not show much doubt regard-ing the combination of this doctrine with the idea of the daimones whichhe presents From the beginning however Theanor is characterized asa particularly orthodox Pythagorean (cf also ch 16) and subscribes to atheory which the reader may regard as strongly coloured by his spiritualupbringing Moreover when he has spoken the conversation is broken offAs the scope of his explanations is limited as compared to those of Simmias(Theanor just supplements Simmiasrsquo arguments from his own special per-spective) we may take this breaking-off as meaning that nobody gets theopportunity to raise critical questions There is no reason to think thatPlutarch meant Theanorrsquos words to be the last word in this ma er eventhough he may have harboured much sympathy (though perhaps not asmuch as Simmias) for metempsychosis

The notion of the daimones and their importance for divinatory pro-cesses which is introduced in so roundabout a way in De def or andmeant to provide a starting point for the solution of the problem discussedthere is a simple premise in Simmiasrsquo considerations and does not haveany great significance for his argument There is no talk of a mediatingrole of daimones here nor would it have looked very convincing in connec-tion with the theme under discussion39 Explicit theories and beliefs aboutdaimones are contained in Timarchusrsquo report but here there are also manyother things which do not fit easily with Simmiasrsquo speech while Theanor

39 For a similar reason also the term enthousiasmos which appears in both treatises onoracles is missing in De genio Socratis

168 Stephan Schroumlder

just puts the myth on one side In his speech however the daimones arereally needed the explanation of Socratesrsquo privileged position given in itis actually based on a specific connection of the doctrine of daimones andmetempsychosis

However consideringwhat wehave said about the validity of Theanorrsquosstatements this can hardly be the real reason why daimones are taken ac-count of in our dialogue Soon a er Plutarchrsquos time other treatises werewri en about the daimonion Maximus of Tyrus treated the topic in his dis-courses 8 and 9 Apuleius of Madaura wrote a whole book De deo SocratisBoth authors interpret the daimonion by connecting it with theories aboutdaimones We may therefore assume that this view of the phenomenon waswidespread already in Plutarchrsquos time even though evidence is lacking

There is not much that would indicate a firm opinion of Plutarch regard-ing belief in daimones The belief plays a role in a considerable number ofhis writings which cannot be discussed here but in them too observationscan be made that are similar to those we have made here Moreover thevarious passages exhibit considerable factual differences It is nowadayscommunis opinio that Plutarch was indeed much interested in belief in andtheories about daimones but that he did not go beyond considering ndash in var-ious contexts ndash the existence and importance of such intermediate beingsas a possibility40

We can therefore hardly claim that Plutarch presented either a theoryabout the role of daimones in the process of inspiration of which he wasconvinced himself or a system of doctrines on divination or inspiration ingeneral What we are dealing with in his case is on the one hand a firmbelief in divination as it had always been practised and in the providenceof a god shown by it and on the other a determination to defend this be-lief against a acks as well as possible by presenting hypothetically plausi-ble arguments From the thoughts expressed in the several discussions hekeeps a distance that is well suited to his loyalty to the basic Sceptic ten-dency of the Platonic School With this goes a cautious modesty and waryrestraint in his judgment about things divine and an aversion to a emptsto confront traditional beliefs with all-too-astute criticisms (cf De Pyth or18402E De def or 47435E De sera numinis vindicta 4549Endash550A Amato-rius 13756AndashB)41 It fits well with this that in De genio Socratis he wishesto protect Socrates against interpretations like that of Galaxidorus and tofree him from the suspicion of being pretentious

40 The most important presentation of the opposing view is made by S 1942 cf alsothe judgment by B 1969 435ndash6 Against this see D A R Plutarch (London 1973)75ndash8 D 1996 216ndash24 B 1986 2117ndash30 See also (once more) B 1994b

41 Cf J O ldquoDivination and Academic lsquoScepticismrsquo according to Plutarchrdquo inV S 1996 165ndash94 On Plutarchrsquos basic religious a itude see also B 1969504ndash27

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths

Werner Deuse

1 Preliminary remarks

In Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths the reader will discover himself as aplayer in a universal drama of guilt and atonement success and failure inwhich his future ndash which as he discovers was also his past ndash is significantlyrevealed (before a truly cosmic background) as something now brilliantlybright now threateningly dark This drama is a Tua res agitur transposedfrom the earthly present into the temporal and spatial dimensions of thecosmos from which the reader can hardly escape

Of the three myths which will be discussed here1 two (in De sera undin De facie) are integrated into the course of the presentation so that theyform the grand final act of a series of arguments which are developed inlively discussion Many times announced and full of powerful mythicalimagery they transcend the preceding logos and the reader has the taskof interpreting both the myth by means of the logos (as rational argument)and the logos by means of the myth for Plutarch declines to be a guideand interpreter as the concluding words of De facie show (945D) A er itsmyth (microῦθος)2 has been told by Sulla as the tale (λόγος) of a stranger Sullaremarks ldquoYou and your companions Lamprias may make what you willof the tale (λόγος)rdquo3 InDe sera Plutarch even teases the reader with the de-ceptive hope that he will be enlightened The dialogue ends with the mythitself without further comment on it but shortly before the myth is toldOlympichus remarks (563B a er Plutarch who is one of the participantshas ended his argument) ldquoWe do not applaud lest you imagine we arele ing you off from the myth (microῦθος) on the ground that your argumentsuffices to prove your case No we shall pass judgement only when wehave heard that further recitalrdquo The judgement of the participants how-ever we never learn so that a hint by Plutarch is lacking here as well Inboth cases the myth is neither a mere extra nor just a poetic game which

1 They are treated in monographs by B 1953 and V 19772 920B 940F as translated by H G Plutarch Das Mondgesicht (Zuumlrich 1968)

63 ldquomeinen [ie Sullarsquos] Mythosrdquo differently G 1970 533 For De sera the English quotations are taken from E D L 1959 for De

facie from C 1957 and for De genio from that of Donald R in this volume

170 Werner Deuse

might allow us to neglect the significance of the myth for the whole workor even not to take it seriously on the contrary the reader is called uponto do for himself what was expected of the participants of both dialoguesto continue the discussion and to do this now in the light of the myth

InDe genio on the contrary the myth is situated in the middle of the di-alogue and apparently has ndash at first sight ndash hardly a real connection with itsgeneral theme ie the narrative of the liberation of Thebes but it does havea function within the discussion about the daimonion of Socrates Here toowe may observe that much weight is ascribed to the myth but that an in-terpretation of it in the light of the preceding discussion fails to take placeand must again be supplied by the reader Thus the Pythagorean Theanorwhen called upon to express his opinion does not comment upon the mythitself (which he calls λόγος) at all but simply states (593A) ldquoMy opinion[] is that Timarchusrsquo account (λόγος) should be dedicated to the god assacred and inviolablerdquo ndash a judgement that does not permit us to call indi-vidual assertions of the myth into question or examine them critically

As we have seen the myth being a report or narrative can also be calledlsquologosrsquo so that we might assume that it may not be easy to make a distinc-tion between myth and logos (the la er weighs arguments against eachother and is subject to rational demonstration as well as being severelycritical of all assertions which cannot be verified empirically) especially asin our three mythsndashndashapart from the sublime and dramatic cosmic experi-ences the geography of the Beyond and the daimones as guides thereinndashndashthe structure of the Beyond and dynamic of its processes are given a thor-oughly rational basis The closeness of myth to logos however does notinvalidate the differences and this becomes particularly clear when theparticipants of the dialogues consider whether the myth might in fact beunderstood as a logos Compare Simmiasrsquo words in De genio 589F ldquoAsfor the account of this which we heard from Timarchus of Chaeronea itis ltmore likegt myth than rational argument (λόγοις) and perhaps it isbest le unsaidrdquo to which Theocritus answers ldquoNot at all tell us aboutit Myth too does touch on truth even if not very preciselyrdquo SimilarlyPlutarch (as speaker in the dialogue) remarks in De sera 561B ldquothat [] isshown by an account (λόγος) I recently heard but I fear you would takeit for a myth I confine myself accordingly to probabilities (τῷ εἰκότι)rdquo towhich Olympichus responds ldquoBy no means do so but let us have it toordquoa er which Plutarch proposes ldquoFirst let me complete my account (λόγος)of the probabilities later if you decide let us venture upon the myth ndash ifmyth it isrdquo As the participants of the dialogues vacillate they make it clearthat the dignity of logos may indeed be ascribed to the myth but that themythrsquos approach to knowledge (to lsquotruthrsquo) is apparently so different and of

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 171

such a special kind that the speaker who is going to relate the myth at firsthesitates to tell it or even does not want to tell it at all4

Thus we may say that Plutarch so shapes the myths that they can andshould be interpreted The myths do not primarily spring from an urge forartistic creation and they are not simply a compositional means for the aes-thetic play of the authorrsquos imagination Of course they also serve to lsquocitersquoa tradition of literary style deriving from Plato and to satisfy the demandsof a sophisticated technique of dialogue but this should not be taken asthe decisive reason why Plutarch introduces myths into his writings

Summarily ndash and rather provisionally ndash we can describe the inner rela-tionship between each of the three myths and the argumentative parts ofthe three dialogues as follows

(1) De facie Important topics of the lsquoscientificrsquo part ndash like the moonrsquosearthly nature its size and motion the earthrsquos shadow and the moonrsquoseclipse the explanation of the moonrsquos surface (the ldquoface of the moonrdquo) ndashare again taken up in the myth individual hypotheses and explanationsare accepted rejected extended or interpreted afresh At the end of thelsquoscientificrsquo part (940CndashF) some arguments for the habitability of the moonare presented thus providing a lsquobridgersquo to the conception of the moon asthe place of the souls in the myth

(2) De genio Simmiasrsquo a empt to explain the daimonion of Socrates as aphenomenon of direct contact between the nous of a daimon with the nousof Socrates corresponds with the defining role that the freedom of the nousfrom soul and body and the definition of the nous as daimon have in themyth

(3) De sera The participants of this dialogue discuss the question whyGod allows wrongdoers to suffer just punishment for their deeds only verylate and o en not at all during their lifetime The starting-point of this dis-cussion is an Epicureanrsquos a ack against divine providence (at the begin-ning of the work 548C) divine agency seems sufficiently refuted by thefact that punishments are delayed In the further course of the argumentPlutarch (as one of the participants of the dialogue) ventures the hypothe-sis that the concept of divine providence must be combined with the ideathat the soul continues to exist a er manrsquos death 560F ldquoIt is one and thesame argument then [] that establishes both the providence of God andthe survival of the human soul and it is impossible to upset the one con-tention and let the other standrdquo This paves the way to the myth divinejustice is made complete by the punishment of the souls of wrongdoersin the Beyond and the doctrine of the soul on which the myth is basedis itself founded on the continuing existence of the soul as laid out in thelsquoscientificrsquo part

4 On Plutarchrsquos myths see F 1995 173ndash5 H -L 2002 138ndash44 esp 143E 2003 336ndash9 F 2003 325ndash7

172 Werner Deuse

In the myths we thus (re-)encounter the topics of the dialoguesrsquo argu-ments in the guise of imaginative narrative The story however that isthe core of the myth needs corroboration for when the myth is introducedin order to gain a wider perspective of understanding it becomes neces-sary to give a convincing justification of the particular advantage of thisperspective as against the procedure by rational argument This purposeis served by the introduction of informants who tell the story from theirown immediate experience These guarantors however are never identi-cal with those who relate the myth to the other participants of the dialoguendash a strategy of the author which on the one hand guarantees the credibilityof the story and on the other relieves him from having to take responsibil-ity for details especially for those arising from the free play of imaginationand the delight in experimenting with ideas

In De sera and De facie we even get a third person between the authorand the narrator of the myth functioning as its transmi er InDe sera Thes-pesius (also called Aridaeus) is introduced as a relative and friend of Pro-togenes a well-known acquaintance of the participants of the dialogueThespesius told him and other friends what he had seen in the Beyonda er everybody could see that some quite extraordinary experience had tobe the cause for the radical change in his way of life from a reckless rogueto a good and pious man So the story came to Plutarch through Proto-genes and Plutarch relates it to the other participants of the dialogue

In De genio too the author of the myth is ndash according to the fiction ofthe dialogue ndash a historical person who was closely connected to Socratesand his circle Timarchus a friend of Socratesrsquo son Lamprocles Timarchusdescends into the Oracle of Trophonius to learn something about the daimo-nion of Socrates and he then relates to Simmias and others what he has ex-perienced during his removal into the world beyond and Simmias tells hisstory in De genio Thespesius and Timarchus both report what happenedto them and Plutarch leaves no doubt that these men are to regarded asreliable and trustworthy witnesses the death which was prophesied toTimarchus during this vision has already happened as Simmias remarksand of Thespesiusrsquo surprising change of character we have already heard

The myth related by Sulla inDe facie has its origin with a widely-travel-led stranger who is highly educated in philosophy and natural sciencesthis stranger however does not draw on an immediate and personal expe-rience of the Beyond as the two authors of the other myths do but reportswhat the daimones dwelling on the Isle of Kronos (to the west of Britain)have taught him about the moon when he stayed on this island for thirtyyears Later on the myth will make it clear that the daimones belong to themoon and thence come down to earth to fulfil important tasks It is justsuch daimones that the stranger must have encountered on the Isle of Kro-nos which is described as an earthly paradise there they look a er Kronos

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 173

who sleeps in a deep cave this sleep being the fe ers that Zeus has or-dained for him These informants are of course even more to be believedthan human beings Plutarch seems here to have succeeded in strengthen-ing the grounds for credibility For the same reason he makes Sulla stressonce more (at the very end of his tale) that the stranger has learned all thisfrom the servants of Kronos (945D) ldquo[] and he had the account as hesaid himself from the chamberlains and servitors of Kronosrdquo This proofof course rests wholly on the trustworthiness of the stranger Does not hisreport of the journey to the Isle of Kronos look all too much like the fan-tastic tales of travel romances The Carthaginian Sulla however ndash who ina long preliminary remark (which serves as the introduction to the myth)portrays the strangerrsquos travels and his astonishing thirst for knowledge ndashcan point out that the stranger came to Carthage because Kronos enjoyshigh honours there5 and here he discovered holy books which had long re-mained hidden Who would refuse to believe such an extraordinary manStill some doubts remain How trustworthy is Sulla (who is perhaps toopartial regarding his native Carthage) and how are we to check whetherthe stranger has really lived on the Isle of Kronos especially as apparentlyother travellers6 too have heard of its existence Compared with thatboth the fall of Thespesius and Timarchusrsquo visit in the famous oracularcave ndash each being the prerequisite of their soulsrsquo journeys ndash acquire a verydifferent degree of credibility everything in these prerequisites is verifi-able and very well a ested even Socrates himself would very much haveliked to hear Timarchusrsquo report from himself and to have asked him ques-tions if only he had learnt about it soon enough (592F)

In what follows we will ndash always starting with De genio ndash discuss topicsthat play a part in all three myths Our synopsis of them will bring outwith increasing clarity both common traits and differences and it will fi-nally help us to answer the question whether Plutarchrsquos myths are basedon a uniform and internally consistent conception of the Beyond and of theeschatological conditions of the soul or whether the peculiarities and aimsof each work had priority over his wish to stress the unity of his concept

5 E rsquo textual supplement ⟨τοῦ Κρόνου τιmicroάς⟩ 942C is fairly certain cf C1957 191 n b

6 The motif of the sleeping Kronos surrounded by daimones on an island west of Britainis also found in De defectu oraculorum 419Endash420A There Demetrius of Tarsus (apparentlya historical figure cf Z 1964 36) talks of the Isle of Kronos in connection with ajourney to these islands on an imperial mission There have been (rather unconvincing)a empts to identify this Demetrius with the ldquostrangerrdquo see V 1977 102ndash3 andA 1921 42ndash4

174 Werner Deuse

2 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatologicaltopography

In De genio and De sera humans hovering between life and death ventureinto the world beyond they are presumed dead (either because of a dan-gerous fall as in Thespesiusrsquo case in De sera or because as in Timarchusrsquocase in De genio a return out of the oracular cave is no longer expected)but they are still alive with their bonds to their bodies preserved thoughthey have le the earth In De facie no being crosses the frontier betweenlife and death and a direct experience of separation from the body is notpart of the story

In Timarchusrsquo case external agency leads to the separation of soul andbody a blow on the head accompanied by a loud noise causes the su-tures of the skull to open and release the soul (ψυχή) Thespesius fallson his neck so unfortunately that his consciousness (his organ of thinkingτὸ φρονοῦν 563E) jumps out of his body and he experiences a plungeinto the deep like a helmsman thrown off his ship7 soon a erwards heis li ed up a bit and feels as though he was breathing freely throughouthis whole being ndash Timarchus experiences the same8 ndash and then his gazereaches everywhere as if his soul (ψυχή 563E) had opened like a singleeye Timarchusrsquo experience is different he hears something before helooks up and he looks up because he hears a pleasant whirring abovehis head As Timarchus (when looking up) can no more see the earth butonly shining islands so Thespesius sees nothing of what was before butonly the stars in their mighty size Not only is their beam of light brilliantlycoloured but it also possesses vigorous energy (τόνος) so that Thespesiusrsquosoul using this light as a vehicle can move easily and quickly in every di-rection Thespesius sees very much more of which he does not tell us hemay have seen the sea of stars with its islands coasts and mouths of fieryrivers which Timarchus describes in detail

Timarchus reports that his soul ndash immediately a er leaving the bodybut before breathing its sigh of relief and relaxing while extending ndash blendswith clear and pure air (πρὸς ἀέρα διαυγῆ καὶ καθαρόν 590BC) Thisphase is not related by Thespesius who at once proceeds from breathing towatching but he too mentions the realm of air However it is not he thatis affected by it but the souls of the dying ascending from below whom heobserves undergoing the following change (563F564A) they form a fire-like bubble while the air divides (ie while the air makes room for theascending souls9) then the bubble bursts and the soul in the form of a

7 On this see note a by E D L 1959 2728 De sera 563E ἔδοξεν ἀναπνεῖν (ldquowas breathingrdquo) ὅλος De genio 590C ἀναπνεῦσαι

(ldquoto relaxrdquo) τότε δοκεῖν and what follows in De genio (ldquoand become bigger than beforelike a sail being unfurledrdquo) looks like a commentary on the word ὅλος in De sera

9 ldquoThey made a flamelike bubble as the air was displaced (ἐξισταmicroένου τοῦ ἀέρος) and

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 175

human comes out of it We may therefore say with certainty that for thesouls ndash a er they have le their body and the earth ndash the realm of air isthe first stopping-place on their way This is confirmed by De facie 943Cwhere every soul has to stay in the space between earth and moon for acertain time the good ones ldquoin the gentlest part of the air which they calllsquothe meads of Hadesrsquordquo10 The realm of air itself is apparently divided intoseveral regions where the air is ldquogentlestrdquo the uppermost layer (so wemay assume) is reached and this serves for cleansing the good souls fromremains of corporeal contacts Probably this layer is also alluded to in Desera where two groups are distinguished among the ascending souls ac-cording to their motions (564A) on the one hand those moving aimlessly toand fro on the other hand those moving straight up and probably identicalwith those who seem cheerful to Thespesius being situated ἐν ἄκρῳ11 τοῦπεριέχοντος (564B) and so at the highest point of the space encompassingthe souls ie of the realm of air

Where exactly however are the observers Timarchus and ThespesiusFirst of all there is a remarkable difference between them Timarchus doesnot change his location he may look more closely at things but nowhereis it said that he moves to another place in the Beyond It is differentwith Thespesius Already at the beginning it is said that the starlight al-lows his soul to move quickly and easily in every direction (563F) Thushis relative ndash acting as knowledgeable cicerone of the Beyond ndash leads himon beams of light like wings across a vast distance to a deep abyss thePlace of Lethe (565Endash566A) then across another distance just as vast to an-other deep abyss into which mighty streams plunge as into a mixing bowl(566AndashC) And still he remains in motion an a empt to get nearer to theOracle of Apollo fails continuing on his way he listens to the Sibyl andis finally driven in the opposite direction by the momentum of the moon(566DndashE) His next stop is the site of horrendous punishments which he

then as the bubble gently burst came forth human in form but slight in bulk []rdquo F -2003 115 translates ldquowenn die Lu entwichrdquo and comments (378 n 3 on ch 23)

ldquoIm irdischen Leben war der Seele offenbar Lu beigemischtrdquo This however is contra-dicted by the meaning of ἐξίσταmicroαι and the fact that the souls first have to cross the realmof air During this crossing the souls form the airy bubble as a fiery envelope ie theyclothe themselves in particles of air when touching the air which divides before them (seealso E D L 1959 273 n e) When Timarchus speaks of his soul as blendingwith the clear (translucent διαυγής) air this might be a preliminary stage to or a variantof the forming of the flame- or firelike lsquosoul-bubblersquo

10 ἐν τῷ πραοτάτῳ τοῦ ἀέρος ὃν λειmicroῶνας Ἅιδου καλοῦσι On λειmicroών see C1957 201 n c

11 The majority of the manuscripts transmit κάρῳ from which no sense can be gainedand which in Ambrosianus 859 is corrected to ἄκρῳ τῷ (P ) καθαρῷ is read by P -

(citing the above-mentioned passage from De genio 590BC πρὸς ἀέρα hellip καθαρόν)and E D L 1959 If we choose P rsquos conjecture there are also different lay-ers ie of differing purity should we in this case not expect a comparative or superlative

176 Werner Deuse

has to pass through Even the end of the tale is characterized by changeof places Thespesius wants to turn round but is forbidden to do so sud-denly he finds himself again in his body the change from the other worldinto this being complete (568A)

The series of stops on this way through the Beyond may be interpretedas follows (1) Thespesius is at first where the souls arrive straight a erdeath there he encounters not only the souls of the dying12 but also thosewhose death happened some time ago like the soul of his guide throughthe Beyond13 (2) Then his relative takes him to the Place of Lethe an abyssnear which Thespesiusrsquo soul and the other souls are abandoned by the car-rying force of the light The souls move down towards the abyss and ndashnot daring to fly across it ndash just circle it We may assume that these othersouls14 correspond to those souls (or at least to some of them) whom Thes-pesius has observed during and a er their ascent although this is not saidexplicitly Now the abyss of Lethe is not a dark and dreadful gorge but aplace of Dionysiac joys15 a paradise full of flowers scents laughter playand pleasure It therefore exerts tremendous a raction seducing the soulto remember its existence within the body and thus enticing it to yearn forthe world of becoming This abyss then is an intermediate stop for thesouls on their way back to earth but for Dionysus (and later Semele aswell) it was the place of ascent (566A) Thespesius must not linger hereWe do not learn what happens to the souls circling round this seductiveabyss evidently the scents wa ing out of it have a beneficial effect on themWhether however these souls proceed from the rim into the deep and jointhe banqueters (or are even identical with them) or whether on the con-trary there is a strict distinction between those outside and those insidethe abyss cannot be decided (3) The next stop the Mixing Bowl of theDreams16 another abyss is called the Oracle of Night and Moon by thesoul guide Orpheus (the guide says) came this far while searching for thesoul of his wife though he later talked erroneously of an Oracle of Apolloand Night at Delphi It is from the Oracle of Night and Moon that dreamscome to humans as a mixture of truth and falsehood Here then we havea second connection with earth and Thespesius is now apparently in theregion of the moon This is confirmed by the guidersquos a empt to lead Thes-pesius still higher to show him the Oracle of Apollo this however failsbecause Thespesius is still bound to his body and the beam of the light of

12 563F τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν τελευτώντων13 This is the soul (564BC 564D) of a relative who died when Thespesius was still a child

(564C) he is later called ὁ τοῦ Θεσπεσίου ψυχοπόmicroπος (566B) and ὁ δαίmicroων (566D) bythe narrator

14 565E καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ψυχὰς ἑώρα ταὐτὸ (ie the loss of the force carrying them)πασχούσας ἐκεῖ

15 It is compared to cultic gro os of Bacchus see V 1977 186 with n 516 Cf M P N ldquoKraterrdquo in Id Opuscula selecta III (Lund 1960) 332ndash8 esp 334ndash5

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 177

the Oracle is too bright Thespesius then cannot transcend the sphere ofthe moon he remains there as is shown by his encounter with the Sibylwho ndash wandering in front of the face of the moon ndash tells him the future (ap-parently also the time of his death) The movement of the moon howeverdrives him off in the opposite direction17 (4) The last stop is the terriblespectacle of punishments extending to the circle of hell where the soulsare suitably moulded for their rebirth (567EndashF) We do not learn howeverwhere exactly Thespesius now is At first both Thespesius and his guidewatch the humans being tortured but as Thespesius encounters his crimi-nal father he wants to flee in desperation but his guide has vanished andhe has to follow other dreadful beings pushing him onwards (567A) Thefields of punishment then must be located where the face of the mooncannot be seen and pure (or purified) souls like that of his guide are notallowed to linger

So the narrative leads us from the place where the souls first arrive anddwell provisionally to the starting-point of return to life on earth from theplace of oracles dreams and prophecies ndash which concern life on earth aswell ndash and thus from the moon and its face to its rear side which is (it maybe thought) the place of hellish punishment and of preparation for rebirth

As for Thespesius change of place is decisive so for Timarchus it ischange of perspective of view

(1) Looking up Timarchus at first perceives the world of stars (star cir-cles fixed stars planets the Galaxy) as a multi-coloured sea of light (withislands and currents) which delights him Then looking down he sees abig circular abyss deep and dreadful full of darkness and restlessly mov-ing and from its depths varied wails of living beings sounds of lamentand tumultuous noises can be heard

(2) At this moment a voice (Timarchus will never see the speaker) offersto be his guide and to interpret what he sees This invisible guide howeverwill only be able to enlighten Timarchus adequately about that region ofthe Beyond to which he himself belongs and which he administers togetherwith the other daimones the higher region in which he (and the others ofhis kind) have only li le part is the realm of other gods18 His sphere ofaction (that of Persephone) is the last of four within the hierarchy of theparts of the cosmos the border area of the zone of light up to which Styxthe way into Hades reaches from below with its extreme tip (of shadow)

(3) The explanation of the nature of Styx makes it necessary to explainalso the whole structure of the cosmos to Timarchus ie the hierarchy notonly of the four Principles (Life Motion Becoming Decay) but also of thethree connecting links (Monad Intellect Nature) together with the three

17 For a tentative explanation see below pp 179ndash8018 591A ἄλλων γὰρ θεῶν ἐκεῖνα Perhaps we should understand ldquothe realm of oth-

ers namely godsrdquo compare 591BC ldquoThe other islands have gods (θεούς) but the moonbelongs to terrestrial daimonesrdquo

178 Werner Deuse

associated regions of the cosmos (that of the Invisible of the Sun and ofthe Moon) and the three Moirai (Atropos Clotho Lachesis)

(4) Only now is the exact location of the area in which the guide isactive revealed it is the moon the turning-point of Becoming to whichthe earthly daimones belong while the other islands are inhabited by godsThus we assume that Timarchusrsquo guide is an earthly demon dwelling onthe moon We have returned ndash but not without having learned somethingndash to the starting-point of the guidersquos explanation of the cosmos

(5) Now it is also possible to describe the special relationship betweenStyx and moon in more detail and to regard the border region betweenthese two as the stage on which the future of the soul is decided The guidenow focuses on the fate and nature of the soul he opens Timarchusrsquo eyesfor what he sees but cannot understand without explanation

His following remarks further develop this theme of the soul (a) Inconnection with the (periodically failing) a empt of the moon to escapeStyx a lsquodrama of soulsrsquo unfolds on the one hand the souls who are stillimpure are rejected by the moon tumble back become the prey of Hadesand have to go down again into Becoming on the other hand the soulsfor whom the end of Becoming has arrived are accepted by the moon (b)At first Timarchus does not understand this lsquodrama of soulsrsquo because hesees only stars and their various movements (b1) stars that move up anddown around the abyss (παλλοmicroένους 591D) (b2) stars that plunge intoit (b3) stars that dart up from below (c) Timarchus does not comprehendndash as the guide recognizes ndash that he is watching the daimones themselves (d)Therefore the guide has to explain the structure and nature of the soul ieits participation in Intellect so that Timarchus may recognize its nature asbeing that of a daimon19

The moon and the cosmic region bordering the world of Becoming are atthe centre of Timarchusrsquo experience of the Beyond As the voice instructinghim does not seem to have a body and a fixed place in space so the locationat which Timarchus gets his round view of the heavenly regions remainsoddly indefinite is he on the moon or near to the border region of moonand Styx or directly above the moon One thing seems certain the abyssis below him for he must look down to see it

If we compare this to the Thespesius myth we detect surprising gapsFirst of all regarding spatial dimensions Thespesius has to overcome tre-mendous distances to arrive at the abyss of Lethe and the Mixing Bowlof Dreams Of these two abysses Timarchus tells us nothing and for himspace in all its extension is also totally unimportant when he looks downinto his abyss of darkness We learn nothing of the place of punishmentthat is the climax of Thespesiusrsquo tale perhaps to be located in the moon re-gion because that is the last stage of Thespesiusrsquo journey in the Beyond To

19 This analysis is continued below on pp 181ndash3

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 179

be sure the abyss that terrifies Timarchus sends up wailings and lamentsof men and women but also of countless li le children is this to be theplace of punishment that we know from De sera20

What however is missing in both myths Both are silent about thedwelling place of the good and pure souls This holds true for the pe-riod between the soulrsquos separation from the body and its reincarnation aswell as for the unlimited time of an existence that has surmounted theneed to return into the world of Becoming To be sure there are somehints The voice mentions the impure souls which are rejected by the moonand return into the circle of Becoming and the souls which arrive on themoon having reached the end of Becoming but there follows no descrip-tion where and how they then dwell on the moon In the Thespesius myththe paradise-like abyss of Lethe serves as the starting-point for rebirth thismay refer to the realm of the blessed and describe the form of existence ofthe souls a er their arrival in the Beyond and before their reincarnationbut the negative aspect of the beguilement and seduction of the souls intoassociation with the body is surely the dominant theme in the descriptionof the place

We may perhaps get a complete picture by turning to the myth in Defacie and its topography for here the moon is at the centre of the story

The space between earth and moon has already been described as a re-gion for punishing and purifying the souls Their stay here varies in lengthand there is a plain higher up reserved for the good souls the Meadow ofHades (943C) Only the pure souls reach the moon itself to lead a life therewhich is extremely pleasant but neither blessed nor divine until the Intel-lect separates from the soul (942F) At the same time the moon is a place ofpunishment and reward for the souls that have already become daimonesThere are two ways21 for them the one leading to the side of the moonthat is turned towards heaven the other to that turned towards earth Theside turned towards heaven is called the Elysian Field22 How the soulslive there and whether this is a temporary stay we are not told but as theseparation of soul from Intellect happens on the moon this stay can onlybe temporary

So we get more detailed indications of topography only in De facie buteven they do not help us to locate and understand be er certain placesnamed inDe genio undDe sera We may just try to make a few conjecturesBoth of the abysses inDe sera are so far apart from each other that only the

20 See also von A 1921 28f21 944C C 1957 considers reading καλοῦσι δrsquo αὐτῶν (ldquosc the depths and hol-

lows of the moonrdquo) τὸ microὲν microέγιστον Ἑκάτης microυχόν [] τὰ δὲ δύο microακρὰ ⟨τὰς Πύλας⟩ldquoand the two long ones are called ltlsquothe Gatesrsquogtrdquo

22 Ἠλύσιον πεδίον see C 1957 195 n d but De gen 591A τὴν δὲ Φερσεφόνηςmicroοῖραν (ldquothe portion of Persephonerdquo) is erroneously interpreted by him as ldquoHadesrdquo andnot as ldquoMoonrdquo (see n 216 to the translation)

180 Werner Deuse

Mixing Bowl of the Dreams (the Oracle of Night and Moon) can be thoughtto be near the moon but about thisOracleDe sera stays silent23 Again thegreat distance of the Dionysiac abyss of Lethe from the Mixing Bowl (andthus from the moon) prevents us from connecting this abyss with the Gorgeof Hecate or with the side of the moon turned towards earth though it ishere that an intermediate stay of the souls before returning into the worldof Becoming might at least be conceivable24 The (futile) a empt of theguide to take Thespesius higher towards the light of the Oracle of Apollomight have been launched from the heavenward side of the moon Shortlya er that when Thespesius listening to the Sibylrsquos prophecies is pushedin the opposite direction by the momentum of the moon25 this should takehim to the moonrsquos earthward side which is perhaps identical with the placeof punishment Thespesius visits a er the episode with the Sibyl

Neither of the two abysses to which Thespesius is led can be comparedwith the dark abyss terrifying Timarchus it is through this abyss of horrorthat for the most part the souls ascending from earth and returning toit move There is no lack of dark colours either in Thespesiusrsquo scenario oflsquoascentrsquo or inDe facie Thespesius describes the dismay of some of the soulsand their ldquoinarticulate sounds mingled with outcries as of lamentationand terrorrdquo (564B) Sullarsquos report mentions the wailing and lamenting ofthe souls that are brought to their just punishment in the space betweenearth and moon (944B cf 943C) ldquoAt the same time too with wails ltandgtcries the souls of the chastised then approach through the shadow frombelowrdquo Wailing and weeping of course also fill the place of punishmentin De sera (566E and 567D) and there we also encounter (at the end) themotive of return for Thespesius visits the souls who are being preparedfor their second birth (567E here however there is no more talk of wailingand lamenting although the tortured souls would have good reason forthis) So there is common ground but the abyss in De genio still preservesits peculiarities ndash and its mystery for we would like to separate cleanlywhat here seems to be treated as a single process the up and down of thesouls on the one hand their fear and failure on the other and thirdly theirpunishment The comparison with the other myths makes clear that theseare separate things

The heavenly space above the moon is to be our last topographical prob-lem it is also well suited to lead us to the lsquoanthropologyrsquo We have already

23 We can hardly take the fact that the daimones take care of the oracles on the earth (944C)as an allusion to this Oracle which moreover is not located on earth (564C)

24 According toDe facie 942F the pure souls lead an absolutely easy (though not blessed)life on the moon only just the final phase of this life shortly before the return into theexistence within a body might be reflected in Dionysiac actions ndash but there still remains thedistance problem

25 566E τῇ ῥύmicroῃ τῆς σελήνης εἰς τοὐναντίον [] ἐξεώσθη

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 181

seen that there are allusions to this realm beyond the moon inDe genio andDe sera The voice instructs Timarchus that the islands in the heavenly seaare ruled by gods while the moon is administrated by the daimones stat-ing ldquowe have li le to do with what is above that belongs to other godsrdquo(591A)26 Thespesius too is permi ed to see the stars and their size anddistance from each other at the beginning of his heavenly journey (563EF)but his a empt to look up towards the Oracle of Apollo fails because ofthe excessive brightness of its source of light (566D) In both texts thenthe space above the moon is not really part of the myth the allusions to itonly serve to inform the reader of the restriction of perspective It is all themore astonishing that in the outline of cosmic hierarchy with which thevoice of the guide prefaces his explanations two further spheres above themoon are mentioned (the Invisible and the sun) but have no part at all toplay in what follows This is further proof that Plutarch wants to excludethe Invisible and the sun as topics and alert the reader to this Why thenis the sun so important in De facie There the relationship of Intellect tothe sun is brought up again and again Intellect separates from the soulon the moon and longs for the sun (944E) the sun brings Intellect into ex-istence (943A) and lsquosowsrsquo it on the moon (945C) Why on the contrary isthe topic of the sun avoided in De genio although the distinction betweensoul and Intellect is here at the centre of the anthropology of the myth aswell The answer must be only in De facie can the myth cover all aspectsof the doctrine of the soul and thus also of cosmology for it is to the dai-mones that the stranger owes his knowledge and the daimones can give in-formation about the doctrine of the soul and the hierarchy of the cosmosbecause it is their nature to wander between the worlds27 Timarchus andThespesius however remain fe ered to their earthly existence while ex-periencing the Beyond there is on the one hand a detailed description ofthe ldquobond of the soulrdquo which plays a role also in the tale about the endof Hermodorus (De gen 591Fndash592D) and on the other ndash in De sera ndash theldquocable of the soulrdquo which prevents Thespesius from ascending any higher(566D) Thus the way into the spheres beyond the moon is closed to bothof them The myths of De genio und De sera however gain their impor-tance from their protagonistsrsquo personal experience of the beyond so thatthis has to be at the centre of their stories while a more abstract discus-sion would not carry the conviction of something personally experiencedPlutarch therefore forgoes a presentation of the supra-lunar world in thiscontext

26 See also n 18 above27 Timarchusrsquo guide in the Beyond is a daimon too and therefore able to explain the

structure of the cosmos and although he has only li le contact to the world beyond themoon (see above n 18) he is obviously familiar with it

182 Werner Deuse

3 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of themyths28

Both in De genio and in De facie the whole doctrine of the soul is based ona sharp distinction between soul (ψυχή) and intellect (νοῦς) In De genio591D we read that every soul possesses a share in Intellect and that there isno soul without reason (ἄλογος) or without intellect (ἄνους) this is stated(as the context shows) of the human soul Now it is important that mostpeople regard intellect as residing in themselves while it actually existsoutside of them so those with the right understanding call it δαίmicroων Aneven sharper distinction of soul and intellect is worked out inDe facie heretoo we find the statement (polemically arguing against a widespread mis-understanding) that the intellect is in no way a part (microόριον) of the soul (asthe soul itself is no part of the body) but that it is be er and more divinethan the soul29 During manrsquos ldquosecond deathrdquo (on the moon) the intellect isindeed separated from the soul so that only the soul remains on the moonWe do not however find an identification of Daimon and intellect in thistext it even talks of souls who have become daimones30

We will understand the differences between these very similar conceptsof intellect only if we pay close a ention to the intentions of the respec-tive texts We therefore have to begin with a detailed analysis of De genio591Dndash592C31 The train of thought of this passage can be described as fol-lows

(6) The soul has a share of Intellect When it combines with the body thismeans a turn towards the irrational (ἄλογον) There are various degreesin intensity of the connection of soul and body (a) there are souls whichsink wholly into the body (b) souls which on the one hand combine withthe body up to a certain degree but on the other ldquoto some extent leave theirpurest element outsiderdquo A er this the right definition of soul and Intellect daimon is explained So this section has the function of shi ing the centreof the presentation from the ldquodrama of the soulsrdquo and the observation ofthe stars to the form of existence of the soul within a living manrsquos body andof highlighting the meaning of the term lsquodaimonrsquo

(7) Timarchus is now able to connect the stars he discovered when helooked at the abyss and the motions of which he described (see above nr5b 591D) with souls (a) the stars that are flickering out are the souls sink-ing wholly into the body (b) the stars that are lighting up are the souls

28 See K A ldquoZur Auffassung von Seele und Geist bei Platon Mi elplatonikernPlotinrdquo Hyperboreus 11 (2005) 30ndash59 B 2005 V 1977 123ndash215

29 943A νοῦς γὰρ ψυχῆς ὅσῳ ψυχὴ σώmicroατος ἄmicroεινόν ἐστι καὶ θειότερον30 944C (ψυχαὶ) ἤδη γεγενηmicroέναι δαίmicroονες31 We start where the analysis of 590Cndash591D (above p 178) ended with nr 5d so that

the numbering now resumes with nr 6 There is a good interpretation in D B2002 vol 62 228ndash34 (Baustein 1732)

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 183

re-emerging from the bodies a er death (c) the stars moving above arethe daimones of people distinguished by Intellect32 Section 7 then has thefunction of combining both themes treated hitherto (ie the ldquodrama of thesoulsrdquo and the term daimon) focusing (at last) on the relationship betweendaimon and soul while the soul is still in the body and making this the realtopic of the question about the daimonion of Socrates section 7c providesthe transition

(8) The guide asks Timarchus to have a close look at the bond (σύνδε-σmicroος) of each daimon to its soul Timarchus then observes stars that (a1) toss up and down to a lesser degree those that (a 2) do so to a higherdegree and those that (b) move in confused spirals and do not managea motion in one straight direction Obviously only those souls are herebeing described that have entered a body so that the distinction betweensoul and intellect-daimon is now in the foreground

(9) The motions of the stars reflect the behaviour of the souls within thebody and their strength or weakness vis-agrave-vis their irrational element (orpart τὸ ἄλογον) The bond of the daimon to the soul acts on this irrationalelement like a rein (a) a straight and well-ordered motion shows an eas-ily guidable soul (b) a disordered motion indicates the up and down ofvictory and defeat in the struggle with a disobedient and barely guidableone The distinction (which made sense in section 8) between two vari-ants of the (basically orderly) up-and-down motion of the stars (a 1 and a2 the irrational though pliable element of these souls will not permit to-tally uniform movements of the stars daimones so that varying degrees ofthis up and down movement result) can be neglected here in section 9 be-cause this section is meant to lead us to a special kind of humans with theirοἰκεῖος δαίmicroων namely τὸ microαντικὸν γένος of which Hermodorus ispresented as an example Therefore the distinction here is only between(a) fundamentally orderly and (b) totally disorderly motion33 in connec-tion with the respective nature of the soul With this also the questionof the daimon of Socrates has finally found its answer now that a numberof prerequisites for the right understanding of it have been discussed andexplained

32 In tabular form (591EndashF)ἀστέρες ψυχαί(a) τοὺς microὲν οὖν ἀποσβέννυσθαι δο-

κοῦντας ἀστέρας(a) τὰς εἰς σῶmicroα καταδυοmicroένας ὅλας

ψυχάς(b) τοὺς δrsquo οἷον ἀναλάmicroποντας πάλιν

καὶ ἀναφαινοmicroένους κάτωθεν(b) τὰς ἐκ τῶν σωmicroάτων ἐπαναπλεού-

σας microετὰ τὸν θάνατον(c) οἱ δrsquo ἄνω διαφερόmicroενοι (c) δαίmicroονές εἰσι τῶν νοῦν ἔχειν λεγο-

microένων ἀνθρώπων

33 Cf 592A (= 8b) ἐνίους δὲ hellip ἕλικα τεταραγmicroένην καὶ ἀνώmicroαλον ἕλκοντας and 592AB(= 9b) τοὺς δrsquo ἄνω καὶ κάτω πολλάκις ἀνωmicroάλως καὶ τεταραγmicroένως ἐγκλίνοντας

184 Werner Deuse

The whole passage derives its inner tension from the necessity (on theone hand) to elaborate the intimately connected linking and separation inthe relationship between soul and Intellect and (on the other hand) to de-termine exactly the relationship between soul and Intellect during the twomutually exclusive forms of existence of the soul (during life in the bodyand a er death) The compositional device lies in creating a border regionwith its up and down (the moon) but to equip this up and down with aspecial ambivalence now stressing one strand of the argument (the soula er it has le the body) now the other (the soul in the body) or even let-ting both run side by side (sections 5b and 7) and finally making one ofthem (the soul in the body) the real aim of the argument (sections 6 8ndash9)34

InDe facie as well there are (from 942F onwards) two primary strands ofmotifs connected in such a way that now one and now the other receivesspecial emphasis without the reader noticing this at once There are somesecondary topics as well the significance of which for the development ofthe central argument does not immediately become clear

The discussion (and correction) of the mythological interpretation of themoonrsquos eclipse leads to the description of the border region between earthand moon which is marked by the earthrsquos shadow Now Sulla by describ-ing the soulsrsquo ascent to the moon and their stay on it as well as the separa-tion of Intellect from the soul on it interweaves two main topics from thebeginning (A) the relation between soul and moon (ie the soulrsquos move-ment towards the moon and away from it the soulrsquos existence on it thesoulrsquos dissolution and renewed union with Intellect) (B) the basic anthro-pological conception and the separation of Intellect from the soul Laterhowever the tale focuses on topic B the transition to topic A is then pre-pared by telling us what the main difference is between the two processesof separation taking place on earth and on the moon that on earth is quickand violent that on the moon (ie the separation of Intellect from the soul)is slow and gentle (943B) Taken by itself this description of the mode ofseparation need not necessarily lead to topic A topic B could very well becontinued and brought to an end so that the whole topic would be treatedcoherently and consistently Plutarch chooses another way the topic ofthe separation of intellect from the soul having been le behind topic Acomes into its own occupying a long passage (943Cndash944E) which ndash in con-nection with the question about the substance (οὐσία) of the moon ndash alsodiscusses (on a fundamental level) hypotheses about the mixture of com-

34 How keen Plutarch is on creating a sense of suspense is shown by the fact that thepeculiarity of the crucial motion of the stars around the abyss (section 5 b1 παλλοmicroένουςthis is going to explain the effects on Intellect as daimon on certain distinguished people)cannot be understood either by Timarchus or by the reader because all the stars are de-clared daimones We might say that everything that follows only serves to explain this kindof star

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 185

ponents in the stars (starting from Plato and following the lead given byXenocratesrsquo doctrine as a guide 943Fndash944A) It is only in 944E that the sep-aration of Intellect from the soul turns up again ndash somewhat unexpectedlya er passages on the life and activities of the daimones on the moon ndash withthe very important statement that this separation is brought about by Intel-lectrsquos longing for the ldquoimage in the sunrdquo Very soon the topic of moon andsoul is dominant again (from 944F onwards) and the topic of separationis only briefly and incidentally alluded to35 until finally (945CndashD) withwidening perspective we get a description not only of the interplay of sun(ldquosowingrdquo of Intellect) moon and earth during the genesis of the soul butalso of the function of the three Moirai for sun moon and earth Thus thedemonstration returns to its beginning but now in the cosmological per-spective the role of the lsquoanthropology of sun and moonrsquo has become muchclearer

Why does the separation of soul and Intellect so soon recede into thebackground Why does it not continue to be discussed in connection withthe topic of moon and soul or ndash this could have been an alternative ndash whydid Plutarch not treat these topics one a er the other and bring each ofthem on its own to a neat conclusion There are two important reasonsfor Plutarchrsquos choice (1) To do justice to the complex relationship betweensoul and moon many elements and most of all the connection betweenthese elements had to be taken account of thus there had to be details ofargument that did not allow a direct reference to the second main topicand in which a hint of the separation of Intellect from the soul would be analien element (2) On the other hand these details of argument create theconditions to take up the second main topic again and deepen it for beforethe process of removal of the Intellect from the soul can be described withmore detail it is necessary to discuss both the soulrsquos form of existence onthe moon and the nature of the moon itself The description of the formof the soulrsquos existence on the moon a er separation naturally follows fromthis

We may assume that the strict separation of Intellect and soul is themore important of the two main topics it is central both at the beginningand at the end and is also the prerequisite of the soulrsquos peculiar existence onthe moon for if the Intellect could not remove itself from the soul entirelyie if there were still traces of Intellect preserved in the soul it would beunthinkable that the soul could dissolve itself entirely into the substanceof the moon For however a Platonist might define the soul and its partsor faculties the immortality indestructibility and immateriality of the ra-tional soul and the Intellect36 remains the one prerequisite of the Platonic

35 945A χωρὶς ἑκατέρου (ie without body and Intellect) ibid ἀφεθεῖσαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦνοῦ (ldquofor abandoned by the mindrdquo)

36 Cf in De facie 945C ὁ δὲ νοῦς ἀπαθὴς καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ microικτὸν δὲ καὶ microέσον ἡ

186 Werner Deuse

doctrine of the soul accepted by all The moon receiving Intellect from thesun brings forth new souls (945C) ie it supplies Intellect with souls lack-ing Intellect It is able to do that because the souls dissolve themselves intoit and this makes the moon their basic element (στοιχεῖον 945A) Both theseparation of Intellect from the soul and the combination of Intellect withthe soul happen on the moon Without the moon there could be no gene-sis of the soul but if soul and Intellect were not fundamentally distinct innature in origin and on the ontological scale of values37 the process of thegenesis of man could not even begin38

Let us now look once more at the respective conception of Intellect inthe passages of De genio and De facie that we have discussed Are bothconceptions in harmony with each other Does it at all make sense to pre-suppose or indeed demand a uniform conception A comparison of thepurposes of the respective texts quickly shows that this would mean tocompare things which are not comparable ndash strange as this may soundin view of their basic agreement Since in De genio the Intellect as daimonguides the human from outside its separation from the soul seems just asmuch a given here as in De facie The topic of separation however as weknow it from De facie plays no part here because the fate of the Intellect-daimon a er the soulrsquos ascent to the moon is not so much as discussed inDe genio at all This text is only concerned with the Intellect-daimon duringthe existence of the soul within the body of a living human To be surethere is talk of the soulrsquos ascent a er death and of successful or failed at-tempts by the souls to get to the moon but the lunar existence of this soulcoupled with the Intellect-daimon ndash this must be stressed once again ndash isnot investigated further Having read Sullarsquos myth the reader will be verykeen to put questions to the Timarchus myth which are answered in theSulla myth but the Timarchus myth will have nothing to say Again theSulla myth will be dumb when asked about the identity of Intellect anddaimon We should therefore beware of playing off the statements of thetwo myths against each other

In De sera the guide distinguishes between the faculty of reasoning iethe intellect39 of Thespesius and ldquothe rest of your soulrdquo40 this part of the

ψυχὴ (ldquothe mind is impassible and sovereign but the soul is a mixed and intermediatethingrdquo) on ἀπαθής see De animae procreatione 1026D ἔκ τε τῆς θείας καὶ ἀπαθοῦς ἔκτε τῆς θνητῆς καὶ περὶ τᾶ σώmicroατα παθητῆς microερίδος and 1022E (τὸ γὰρ ἁπλοῦν καὶἀπαθές) on which see C 214 n a of his edition (London 1976) with further pas-sages De genio 591E (here τὸ φθορᾶς λειφθὲν is called νοῦς) and in general AlcinousDidaskalikos 25 p 17721ndash17823 H (W L Paris 1990 48ndash50) on the λογικὴψυχή as ἀθάνατος ἀνώλεθρος ἀσύνθετος ἀδιάλυτος in contrast to the ἄλογοι ψυχαίwhich in all probability are θνηταί and φθαρταί (25 p 17831f H)

37 Cf 943A (above n 29)38 See also D B 2002 203ndash7 (Baustein 1542)39 564C τῷ φρονοῦντι Thespesius has come into the Beyond (the guide says) at the

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 187

soul has remained in the body like an anchor We do not learn any moreAs passions and crimes on earth leave their imprints on the soul the soulsin the Beyond show clear traces of them The nature of these souls is notexplained in more detail so that we can only gather from a few hints bythe guide what role intellect plays here and to what extent the irrational el-ement of the souls of the deceased also finds it way into the Beyond Thereare souls whose power of reasoning is apparently too weak41 so that theywish to enter a body again and experience a rebirth so the rational elementof the soul must be endangered in the Beyond as well42 Furthermore thereis an explicit distinction between a punishment in the Beyond directed onlyat the irrational part of the soul43 and one aimed at the rational part44 asthe hidden site of corruption We may therefore assume that the soul ar-rives in the Beyond as an entity consisting of its rational and its irrationalpart (or element or faculty) and finds it place of punishment there

The aspects of the doctrine of the soul just mentioned are importantfor De sera because they explain the soulrsquos ability to move around with itshighest part even outside the body this is a clear parallel to De facie andeven more to De genio (where the connection to the body is described aswell) Crucial however is the conception of the soul in the Beyond as anentity consisting of an irrational and a rational part only so can the mythmake it plausible that all transgressions and crimes the most brutal andthe most subtle leave their mark on the souls and determine their futurepunishment Indeed the inquiry into the consequences for the soul of itsoffences on earth ndash their imprint on the souls and the resulting punishmentndash lies at the heart of the myth Thus here too the doctrine of the soul whollyserves the intentions of the text

beginning of the narrative (563E) we read ldquoHe said that when his intelligence (τὸ φρονοῦν)was driven from his bodyrdquo see also 566A That this means the intellect (nous) is shown byDe facie 944Fndash945A ldquoIn fact the self of each of us is not anger [] but is that with which wereason and understand (ᾧ διανοούmicroεθα καὶ φρονοῦmicroεν)rdquo (see C 1957 215 n d)

40 564C τὴν ἄλλην ψυχήν41 565D ἡ microὲν γὰρ ἀσθενείᾳ λόγου καὶ δι ἀργίαν τοῦ θεωρεῖν ἔρρεψε τῷ πρακτικῷ

πρὸς γένεσιν [] (ldquoFor one soul from weakness of reason and neglect of contemplationis borne down by its practical proclivity to birth []rdquo)

42 In accord with this is the seductive effect exerted by the Abyss of Lethe on the intel-lect about which the guide says 566A ὡς ἐκτήκεται καὶ ἀνυγραίνεται τὸ φρονοῦν ὑπὸτῆς ἡδονῆς τὸ δ ἄλογον καὶ σωmicroατοειδὲς ἀρδόmicroενον καὶ σαρκούmicroενον ἐmicroποιεῖ τοῦσώmicroατος microνήmicroην ἐκ δὲ τῆς microνήmicroης ἵmicroερον [] ἕλκοντα πρὸς γένεσιν [] (ldquothat theintelligent part of the soul is dissolved away and liquefied by pleasure while the irrationaland carnal part is fed by its flow and puts on flesh and thus induces memory of the bodyand that from such memory arises a yearning [] that draws the soul toward birthrdquo)

43 567A περὶ τὸ ἄλογον καὶ παθητικὸν44 567B ἐνίους [] ἐν τῷ λογιστικῷ καὶ κυρίῳ τὴν microοχθηρίαν ἔχοντας

188 Werner Deuse

4 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths

De sera presents the lsquomaterialityrsquo of the soul in particularly drastic imagesRight at the beginning of his tale Thespesius observes the soul coming outof the ldquosoul-bubblerdquo (which formed when the dying humanrsquos soul startedto ascend) like a kind of homunculus45 If the souls did not become visiblein this form the myth could not be told for Thespesius has to be able toidentify dead people as relatives or acquaintances like his guide and laterhis criminal father The various colours the scars and weals of the soulsalso imply this The idea reaches a climax in the hellish punishments inwhich the souls are depicted as suffering bodies And corporeality is al-most over-exaggerated at the end when the souls are presented as metalobjects receiving their appropriate animal form at the hands of cra smenIt would be pointless to try to discover a philosophical concept behind thisPlutarch simply delights in graphically displaying punishment a er deathand thus permi ing his imagination to present the doctrine (established byargument) of the chastisement and purification of immortal souls as a vividtale This is an experimental idea which uses all the liberties allowed by amythical narrative

The image of the soul inDe genio is very different We might understandthe description of the loud lamentations of the souls rejected by the moonas requiring the corporeality of these souls this would then be a conces-sion to the form of the tale and its dramatic elements This assumptionhowever is unnecessary for Simmias ndash trying to explain the daimonionof Socrates ndash instructs us that contact between spiritual beings is possiblewithout audible language as with the voices we seem to hear in dreams(588D) Nowhere in the myth is the soul presented to us as corporeal orbody-like This is confirmed by the programmatic statement in 591D ldquoev-ery soul has its share of Intellect there is none which is without reason orIntellectrdquo Deeply as the soul may sink into the body and weak as its con-nection to Intellect may become it will never lose its own nature by thischange towards the irrational46

De facie has a peculiar intermediate position Because of the strict dis-tinction between soul and Intellect and because of the special role of themoon as the place where new souls come into being Plutarch here has noqualms about a ributing special corporeal qualities to the substance of thesoul that is freed from Intellect because the (already mentioned) dissolu-tion of the soul into the moon and the fact that the moon is the lsquoelementrsquo

45 564A (τὰς ψυχὰς) ἐκβαίνειν τύπον ἐχούσας ἀνθρωποειδῆ τὸν δ ὄγκον εὐσταλεῖς(ldquocame forth human in form but slight in bulkrdquo)

46 591D ἀλλrsquo ὅσον ἂν αὐτῆς σαρκὶ microιχθῇ καὶ πάθεσιν ἀλλοιούmicroενον τρέπεται [] εἰςτὸ ἄλογον

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 189

of the soul itself being a mixture of earth and star (943E)47 can hardly bebrought into harmony with an immaterial nature of the soul without In-tellect The corporeal affinity of the soul to earthly bodies is also shownby the fact that even a er leaving the body it preserves traces of bodily lifeon the moon indeed it has itself formed the body as intellect in turn hasformed the soul48 Thus we read of the souls that have enjoyed a philo-sophical life that a er the loss of Intellect they have no more use for thepassions and wither away49 On the other hand the souls of those whowere ambitious and driven by passions obviously continue to live50 with-out Intellect dreaming of their lives as in sleep and must be held backby the moon when unrest and passion draw them away from the moontowards a new Becoming (945B) Here we get the impression that thesesouls do not really dissolve themselves into the moon but retain their na-ture The passion-driven souls that nevertheless succeed in acquiring abody51 act in harmful and destructive ways on earth (Tityus Typhon andPython ndash whom however the moon at last took back into itself ndash belongedwithin this category) It seems indeed here as if the preservation of onersquosown passionate nature on the moon is a mark of a soul that was passion-driven on earth Thus the dissolution of their irrational souls is accordedonly to those who have lived reasonably on earth as a kind of distinctionor reward where the passions have totally vanished the irrational soul isfree from everything that makes it what it is and consequently vanishesRegarding this irrational soul then we observe a curious inversion of thevalues of dissolution (now seen as positive) and continuation (now seen asnegative)

The souls that were so fortunate as to reach the moon resemble in theiroutward appearance a beam of light What follows in the text is unfortu-nately corrupt but it at least seems certain that the moonrsquos aether ndash which

47 The substance of stars is obviously aether as the continuation of the text shows οὕτωςτῷ αἰθέρι λέγουσι (for the subject of the sentence see C 1957 205 n e) τὴν σελήνηνἀνακεκραmicroένην διὰ βάθους ἅmicroα microὲν ἔmicroψυχον εἶναι καὶ γόνιmicroον ἅmicroα δrsquo [] (ldquoso themoon they say because it has been permeated through and through by ether is at onceanimated and fertile and []rdquo)

48 945A ldquothe soul receives the impression of its shape (ἐκmicroάττεται τὸ εἶδος) throughbeing moulded by the mind (τυπουmicroένη ὑπὸ τοῦ νοῦ) and moulding (τυποῦσα) in turnand enfolding the body on all sides so that even if it be separated from either one for along time since it preserves the likeness and the imprint (τὴν ὁmicroοιότητα καὶ τὸν τύπον) itis correctly called an image (εἴδωλον)rdquo Before that the good souls had to stay in the spacebetween earth and moon to free themselves there from the impurities acquired by contactwith the body (943C)

49 945A ἀποmicroαραίνονται (ldquothey wither quietly awayrdquo)50 For this translation see C 1957 217 n d51 It is remarkable that here ndash in contrast toDe genio (591D) ndash the possibility of existence of

an ἄνους ψυχή within the body is in no way denied already earlier the text states (943C)ldquoAll soul whether without mind or with it (ἄνουν τε καὶ σὺν νῷ) when it has issued fromthe body []rdquo

190 Werner Deuse

as we have already heard is a part of the moonrsquos mixed substance ndash sta-bilizes and strengthens the souls52 The subsequent explanation of thisagain strengthens the suspicion that what is spoken of here is some sortof corporeal entity as we read (943DE) ldquofor what laxness and diffusenessthey still have is strengthened and becomes firm and translucent In con-sequence they are nourished by any exhalation that reaches themrdquo53 Nextfollows Heraclitusrsquo fragment VS 22 B 98 ldquoSouls employ the sense of smellin Hadesrdquo Scholars have long assumed Stoic influence on this whole pas-sage up to the Heraclitus quotation54 It is true that according to Stoic doc-trine the moon is a mixture of air and fire55 but there is also a Stoic notionof aither as being a form of fire56 Plutarch is apparently using Stoic clicheacutesto achieve the objects of his presentation Plutarch certainly does not heresurrender unconditionally to the influence of a Stoic source if he reallywere using a source and not just a Stoic commonplace he would do so ashis own master treating the source simply as a means to his end57 As it canbe said inDe sera even of the Intellect58 ldquothe intelligent part (τὸ φρονοῦν)of the soul is dissolved and liquefiedrdquo so here too Plutarch may speakof the soul in images evoking corporeal-material processes All of this isallowed because in this text the function of the moon ndash to receive the soulinto itself (by making it a part of itself) and to generate it anew out of itself ndashis at the centre and also because the way in which the moon is an lsquoelementrsquo(στοιχεῖον) of the soul can only be expressed by means of imagery

52 943D the souls receive τόνος and δύναmicroις53 τὸ γὰρ ἀραιὸν ἔτι καὶ διακεχυmicroένον ῥώννυται καὶ γίνεται σταθερὸν καὶ διαυγές

ὥσθrsquo ὑπὸ τῆς τυχούσης ἀναθυmicroιάσεως τρέφεσθαι Here by the way Plutarch buildsa bridge to the last section of the lsquoscientificrsquo part and the discussion of the hypothesis ofinhabitants of the moon we read in 940C τοὺς δrsquo ἐπὶ τῆς σελήνης εἴπερ εἰσίν εὐσταλεῖςεἶναι τοῖς σώmicroασι καὶ διαρκεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων τρέφεσθαι πιθανόν ἐστι On this seeG 1970 84

54 See C 1957 203 n e (the term τόνος the nourishment of the soul Heraklit)G 1970 84 most of all D 1988 140ndash3 (140 ldquoNot only is the soulrsquos corpo-reality here clearly stated but the language is clearly that of the Stoicsrdquo) see also D B 2002 208 (Baustein 1543)

55 De facie 921F ἀέρος microῖγmicroα καὶ microαλακοῦ πυρός56 SVF 2580 (= Diogenes Laert 7135) ἀνωτάτω microὲν οὖν εἶναι τὸ πῦρ ὃ δὴ αἰθέρα

καλεῖσθαι For Stoic aither see De facie 922B and 928CD with C 1957 203 n e and49 n g

57 See the good observations of D 1988 140ndash1 on this point58 566A (text quoted above in n 42)

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 191

5 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo59

The voice speaking to Timarchus is (as we have seen) that of one of thedaimones belonging to the sphere of the moon As it calls the lsquointellect-daimonesrsquo (about whom it enlightens Timarchus) simply ldquodaimonesrdquo with-out distinguishing them from the lunar daimones (ie those like himself)we have to regard the lunar daimones likewise as lsquointellect-daimonesrsquo ofsouls We may therefore draw the conclusion that the lunar daimones arelsquointellect-daimonesrsquo that are no longer united to a body on earth How thishas happened whether this form of existence is permanent whether thelunar daimones distinguish themselves from the other lsquointellect-daimonesrsquothat have reached the moon and perhaps have broken the cycle of rebirthsndash all this we are not told A er the myth has been related the PythagoreanTheanor voices his opinion about Simmiasrsquo hypothesis concerning the dai-monion but not about the myth He knows of souls that have been freedfrom Becoming and now as daimones take care of humans (593DndashE) Thesedaimones then become the personal daimones of human souls that havefought bravely and overcome many rebirths such a daimon wanting tosave a soul spurs it on and if it listens to him it is saved reaching thehigher region of freedom from the cycle of Becoming Souls however thatdo not obey their daimon are le by him to their misfortunes (593Fndash594A)Plutarch here makes Theanor develop a doctrine of daimones that no-onepresent comments upon it shows no relation to the central conception ofthe Timarchus myth and may perhaps be thought to illustrate a discardedpreliminary stage of it60 In this comparatively lsquoarchaicrsquo conception theproblem of the relationship between soul and intellect and the necessity tofind a solution for it do not yet play any part

We may now rather surprisedly discover that the idea of the soul be-coming a daimon is assumed in De facie quite as a ma er of course Therewe meet good and bad daimones the daimones dwell not only on the moonthey also go to earth take care of sanctuaries participate in the operationof mysteries execute punishments and are at the same time rescuers andhelpers If however these daimones get carried away to perform unjust

59 See B 1986 2117ndash30 id ldquoAn Imperial Heritage The Religious Spirit of Plutarch ofChaironeiardquo ANRW 2361 (1987) [248ndash349] 275ndash94 V 1977 249ndash62 I K ldquoSomePhilosophical Demonsrdquo Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 49 (1995) 217ndash24 esp222ndash3 H S S ldquoXenocratesrsquo Daemons and the Irrational Soulrdquo CQ 43 (1993) [143ndash67]156ndash9 and 166ndash7

60 It is presumably for that reason that Plutarch once talks about the lsquointellect-daimonrsquo asthe οἰκεῖος δαίmicroων in the myth (592C) using the term properly reserved for the personaldaimon to describe the function of the intellect See K A ldquoDer Daimon als SeelenfuumlhrerZur Vorstellung des persoumlnlichen Schutzgeistes bei den Griechenrdquo Hyperboreus 6 (2000)[219ndash52] 236 ldquoDass dieser unmi elbar der Person des Menschen angehoumlrige Daimon hierοἰκεῖος δαίmicroων genannt wird ist verwirrend denn diese Bezeichnung gilt in der Regel ndashund so auch im Kap 24 ndash dem separaten Wesen dem Daimon als Seelengeleiterrdquo

192 Werner Deuse

deeds ndash being seized by anger or envy ndash then they must enter human bod-ies61 and are driven back to earth (944CndashD) We may conclude from thisthat daimones act in an entirely uncorporeal way on earth it is only a erwrongdoing that they receive a body and apparently no longer functionas daimones but as human souls in human bodies This helps us to be erunderstand a passage in De facie where there is talk (rather unexpectedly)of souls having already become daimones In the biggest of the depressionson the moon ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo ldquothe souls suffer and exact penalties forwhatever they have endured or commi ed a er having already becomeSpiritsrdquo62 So those daimones are punished who commi ed faults when theywere active on earth A er their return from earth they first have to answerfor their deeds in ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo and are then punished by rebirth in ahuman body They can commit evil on earth because on the moon ndash likeall pure souls ndash they still exist as a combination of soul and intellect63 andit is only on earth that the soul gains the upper hand over intellect anditself gives in to the passions The good daimones must presumably havepainful experiences while acting as rescuers and avengers so that they getcompensation for that in ldquoHecatecircrsquos Recessrdquo Which souls become daimoneswe are not told The triumph of reason over the passions and irrational in-clinations distinguishes all souls that finally arrive on the moon (943D)but perhaps there are those among them that are even more perfect thanothers or that have honoured oracle sanctuaries and mystery cults alreadyon earth in some particular way so that it is especially these that becomedaimones It is by the way not totally excluded that a er the lsquosowingrsquo ofintellect on the moon the newly generated souls become daimones as wellAll this is speculation On the other hand it is certain that the souls thathave become daimones also die a lsquosecond deathrsquo in which their intellectleaves the soul We may note that Plutarch here chooses phrases that dojustice to the peculiar dignity of the be er daimones64 (944E) ὧν (sc τῶνβελτιόνων) [] τῆς ἀρίστης ἐξαλλαγῆς τυγχανόντων (ldquoas they achievedthe ultimate alterationrdquo)65 This separation of soul and intellect happenssometimes sooner sometimes later

61 944D συνειργνύmicroενοι σώmicroασιν ἀνθρωπίνοις (ldquoconfined in human bodiesrdquo) parallelpassages about the failure and punishment of daimones in Plutarch are cited by C1957 212 n a

62 944C Ἑκάτης microυχόν ὅπου καὶ δίκας διδόασιν αἱ ψυχαὶ καὶ λαmicroβάνουσιν ὧν ἂν ἤδηγεγενηmicroέναι δαίmicroονες ἢ πάθωσιν ἢ δράσωσι In what immediately follows the text againonly speaks of souls that pass through two other recesses or gorges in different directions(see above p 179 n 21)

63 On this see C 1957 210 n a According to 943A (with Bernardakisrsquo supple-ment) the combination of intellect and soul creates reason (λόγος) and this is ἀρχὴ ἀρετῆςκαὶ κακίας (ldquosource of virtue and vicerdquo)

64 It is to these that also the servants of Kronos belong as they themselves have toldSullarsquos source (944D)

65 The transmi ed text is ὧν ἱερὰ καὶ τιmicroαὶ καὶ προσηγορίαι διαmicroένουσιν αἱ δὲδυνάmicroεις ἐνίων (ἔνευον C following A ) εἰς ἕτερον τόπον τῆς ἀρίστης

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 193

As we have seen inDe sera the soul of a relative is the guide through theBeyond This guide is later (566D) called a daimon Thespesius meets yetother daimones the three responsible for the mixing of dreams (566B) thedaimones of punishment at the several lakes of metal (567C) As the guideexplains punishment is executed in three degrees of various severity themiddle one of which Dike is in charge concerns grave cases the healingof which is difficult The daimon (ὁ δαίmicroων) leads these humans to Dike(564F) this is obviously the personal daimon who leads the soul first intocourt and then into Hades in the Phaedo (107dndashe) It is remarkable thatalthough (only66) in this myth the conception of a personal daimon is justmentioned this conception is then no longer required in the detailed de-scription of punishments Probably Plutarch just wants to remind us of hisPlatonic models ndash the final myth of the Republic also knows the personaldaimon (617e 620de) ndash and at the same time to encourage the reader tonotice the differences too

So the three eschatological myths are indeed creations of Plutarch him-self although he owes many individual traits and images to the Platonicmodels in Gorgias (523andash527a) Phaedo (107dndash115a) and most of all in theRepublic (613endash621b)67 With these myths ndash the creation of which may becalled a success ndash he tries to find answers for new exciting and controver-sial questions regarding the doctrine of the soul and the doctrine of intellectwithin the frame of cosmology and anthropology These questions arosenot least from reading Plato and particularly from intensive concern withthe Timaeus and the history of its interpretation68

ἐξαλλαγῆς τυγχανόντων (Z translates ldquo[] deren Heiligtuumlmer Kulte und Vereh-rung noch besteht Doch lassen die wirkenden Krauml e mancher von ihnen nach wenn ih-nen die houmlchste Wandlung und Versetzung an einen anderen Ort zuteil wirdrdquo C ldquowhose rites honours and titles persist but whose powers tended to another place as theyachieved the ultimate alterationrdquo) νεύω does not necessarily mean a downward move-ment and one cannot see why only some of the be er daimones can reach the sun (see thecontinuation of the text)

66 Theanorrsquos remarks are no part of the Timarchus myth on the lsquonon-terminologicalrsquo useof ldquopersonal daimonrdquo in the Timarchus myth see above n 60

67 See (apart from references of detail in commentaries and translations) V 197795ndash101 and passim W E ldquoJenseitsmythen bei Platon und Plutarchrdquo in M L ML (edd) LebendigeHoffnung ndash ewiger Tod Jenseitsvorstellungen imHellenismus Judentumund Christentum Arbeiten zur Bibel und ihrer Geschichte 24 (Leipzig 2007) 315ndash340 CW ldquoKurskorrektur auf der Jenseitsfahrt Plutarchs Thespesios-Mythos und KolotesrsquoKritik an Platons PoliteiardquoWuumlrzburger Jahrbuumlcher NF 28a (2004) 49ndash63 (on De sera) I giveonly two examples for Plutarchrsquos transferral of even small details from the myth of Er intoDe genio 591CD ἀστέρας ᾄττοντας asymp Politeia 621b ᾄττοντας ὥσπερ ἀστέρας in 591C itis said of the moon that it prevents the impure souls from approaching microυκωmicroένη whilein Rep 615e Er reports that the lsquoMouth of Ascentrsquo (στόmicroιον) refused to receive someoneand ἐmicroυκᾶτο every time a criminal thought he could ascend

68 See eg F E B ldquolsquoSpeaking with Unperfumed Words Reaches to a ThousandYearsrsquo Plutarch and His Agerdquo in Id With Unperfumed Voice Studies in Greek Literature

194 Werner Deuse

6 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie

Timarchus wants to know everything but the voice giving him informa-tion modestly points to the limits of its competence only to contradict thismodesty in what follows Before starting its instructions the voice ndash bygiving a very brief sketch of a complex and not easily comprehensible69

doctrine of cosmic principles (591B) ndash makes it clear to Timarchus (andthe reader) how li le he knows and still will know even a er the guidedtour through the cosmos There remains however the incentive (and forthe reader the curiosity) to want to know more With the four Principles(Life Motion Becoming and Decay) are coordinated three groups of threefirstly the ontological triad of Monad Intellect and Nature which guaran-tees the connection between the four Principles secondly the cosmologicaltriad of the Invisible the Sun and the Moon which marks the appropriateplace of the connection in the cosmos finally the three ldquodaughters of Ne-cessityrdquo the Moirai Atropos Clotho and Lachesis who as ldquoholders of thekeysrdquo are in charge of the connection of the four Principles Life (ζωή) mayhave been chosen as the highest Principle because the model of the Demi-urge in the Timaeus is the perfect intelligible living being (παντελὲς ζῷον31b τέλεον καὶ νοητὸν ζῷον 39e)70 Tim 31andashb stresses the uniquenessof the living being which becomes the model also for the visible cosmoswhich is therefore similar to its model also κατὰ τὴν microόνωσιν This leadsus to the Μονάς of the ontological triad situated in the Invisible whichbeing God Intellect and the Demiurge71 must have its place above thevisible world and the movements of the stars It is only by the creativeact of the Demiurge that the cosmic soul comes into being the Intellect(Νοῦς) who combines Motion and Intellect in the sun is not a second In-tellect besides the first transcendental one but presumably the Intellectof the cosmic soul since the original soul a ains orderly motion and be-comes the world-soul only by participating in the intelligible being of the

Religion and Philosophy and in the New Testament Background Potsdamer AltertumswissBeitraumlge 21 (Stu gart 2007) [1ndash35] 14ndash7 (ldquoThe philosophical revolutionrdquo) and 17ndash20 (ldquoTherevolution within Platonismrdquo) with further literature

69 D 1981 105 ldquoDie Benennungen mit denen die vier ἀρχαί gekennzeichnet wer-den stellen ihrerseits wieder Verschluumlsselungen dar geeignet den Laien vom vollstaumlndi-gen Verstaumlndnis fernzuhaltenrdquo D 2001 38 ldquoThere is indeed much that is peculiarhererdquo O 2007 288 n 22 ldquoThe obscure passage should not however overrule theevidence of the texts in which Plutarch directly exposes his viewsrdquo

70 See K 1964 98 n 250 who further refers to Arist De anima I 2 404b19ndash20perhaps more important is Arist Metaph 125 1072b19ndash30 esp 28ndash30 (before that thetext states ἡ γὰρ νοῦ ἐνέργεια ζωή) φαmicroὲν δὴ τὸν θεὸν εἶναι ζῷον ἀΐδιον ἄριστονὥστε ζωὴ καὶ αἰὼν συνεχὴς καὶ ἀΐδιος ὑπάρχει τῷ θεῷ

71 For the identity of God the Demiurge and Intellect see O 2007 289ndash92 F2005 18ndash20

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 195

Demiurge72 The world-soul itself carries out demiurgic functions73 so thePrinciple of Becoming is important for it too We will then have to inter-pret the combination of Becoming with Decay in the sphere of the Moonby the operation of Nature Φύσις by saying that in this sphere the world-soul governs with its irrational part74 for example by supplying the lsquosoul-substratumrsquo that is necessary for the soulrsquos contact with the body and thentaking it back again a er the individual soul has been separated from thebody

This doctrine of Principles has always been compared with the passage945C inDe facie where we read ldquoOf the three Fates too Atropos enthronedin the sun initiates generation (τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐνδίδωσι τῆς γενέσεως) Clothoin motion on the moon mingles and binds together and finally upon theearth Lachesis too puts her hand to the task (ἐσχάτη συνεφάπτεται περὶγῆν) she who has the largest share in chancerdquo75 In contrast to the doctrineof Principles offered in De genio the sense of this passage is elucidated bythe context It is preceded by an explanation of how the sun lsquosowsrsquo intellectinto the moon which then generates new souls while earth supplies thebody The sun then is the origin of becoming for the souls the mooncombines its substance with the intellect and on earth the soul enters abody

Ferrari76 wants to interpret the core of this cosmic hierarchy as the triadIntellect (ldquointelle ordquo ie ldquoil piano trascendente e intellegibilerdquo) soul (ieldquoil nivello matematico-astronomicordquo) and body claiming an analogy withthe doctrine of Principles in the Timarchus myth He refers to 944E asproof that the sun is to be connected to the space of the Intelligible and tothe transcendent god in this passage the intellect takes leave of the soulldquoby love for the image in the sun through which shines forth manifest thedesirable and fair and divine and blessed towards which all nature in oneway or another yearnsrdquo77 The same arrangement of the Moirai seems alsoto confirm Ferrarirsquos order

In De facie however the sequence sun moon earth necessarily followsfrom the central theme of the ldquofirstrdquo and the ldquosecondrdquo death It suffices

72 See De animae procreatione 1014E 1016C 1017Af 1026E cf F 2005 20 ldquonachPlutarch uumlbertraumlgt Go der Weltseele einen Teil seiner selbstrdquo

73 See O 2007 29774 See D 2001 38 and K 1964 98 n 250 following Xenocrates further F

1995 176ndash83 on the cosmic and the individual soul see B 2005 esp 84ndash975 For an interpretation of his passage within its context see D B 2002 207ndash13

(Baustein 1543)76 F 1995 178ndash8177 ἔρωτι τῆς περὶ τὸν ἥλιον εἰκόνος διrsquo ἧς ἐπιλάmicroπει τὸ ἐφετὸν καὶ καλὸν καὶ θεῖον

καὶ microακάριον οὗ πᾶσα φύσις [] ὀρέγεται See also P D ldquoIl De facie di Plutarcoe la teologia medioplatonicardquo in St G Ch K (edd) Platonism in LateAntiquity (Notre Dame Indiana 1992) [103ndash14] 104ndash6

196 Werner Deuse

therefore to name only the cause of the intellectrsquos striving towards the sunthere is no need for an ontological differentiation on the level of the intel-lect all the more so as the idea of the lsquosowingrsquo of intellect by the sun isnot used to explain the origin of intellect in more detail but puts the moonright at the centre as the receiver of this lsquosowingrsquo (945C) It is thus moreprobable that the reference to τὸ ἐφετὸν κτλ serves only to remind thereader that the cosmic gradation mentioned here can be restricted to whatillustrates the central topic of the text appropriately and sufficiently78 Wemust therefore restrain our wish to make both hierarchies agree fully witheach other and content ourselves with stating that the sphere of the Monad(and of the Invisible) remains excluded here (although it has been alludedto in 944E) and that the sun-intellect-relationship (with Atropos in the sun)corresponds to the sun-intellect-relationship on the second level of the hi-erarchical model in De genio (with Clotho in the sun)79 When Plutarchjoins Atropos to Intellect inDe facie this is not really a serious change com-pared withDe genio because the Monad too can be interpreted as IntellectIncidentally one is readily tempted to find the true key to the associationof Becoming with Intellect as given in the De genio doctrine of Principlesonly in the statement of the function of Atropos inDe facie 945C (τὴν ἀρχὴνἐνδίδωσι τῆς γενέσεως see above) in this way this doctrine of Principleswould presuppose the hierarchical model of De facie80

Why then does the guide initiate Timarchus in the doctrine of Prin-ciples at all as it plays no part in what follows81 while the doctrine ofhierarchy inDe facie is in fact a necessary consequence of the train of argu-ment First the tradition of eschatological myth is important in a purelyformal way The doctrine of Principles is of course constructed quite dif-ferently from the model of heaven in the Myth of Er in Republic 616bndash617dbut Plutarch at least wants to remind us of this model That is why hementions the three Moirai the model of heaven shows that they have a

78 F himself (1995 180ndash1) acknowledges the difficulty of subsuming the wholerealm of the stars under the sphere of the moon His solution moves too far away fromthe context of giving and taking of separating and combining which is the moonrsquos mostimportant function evoked here (945C σελήνη δὲ καὶ λαmicroβάνει καὶ δίδωσι καὶ συντίθησικαὶ διαιρεῖ) F instead demands that we not only take into account the composi-tion of the whole text (including its mathematical-astronomical part) but also make themoon the paramount paradigm of the world of stars and interpret the hierarchy from thisperspective

79 See already A 1921 30ndash2 H 1934b 176ndash8 also V 1977 238ndash41(also on variations in the order of the Moirai)

80 Cf the thoughts on the relative chronology of De genio and De facie in V 1977239 n 9 but also H 1934b 178ndash9 For a comparison of De genio and De facie seealso the extensive analysis in E 2003 307ndash28 and 332ndash5

81 Cf D 1981 106 n 58 ldquoIm Grunde uumlberfordert diese Kumulierung den Houmlrerund den Leser zumal hernach keine dieser Reihen und keiner dieser Begriffe irgendwelcheBedeutung erlangtrdquo

Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths 197

different function in the Myth of Er but this does not lessen their poten-tial allusive value This makes them important for De facie too82 It is notwithout reason that the doctrine of Principles is placed at the beginning ofthe guidersquos explanations for the myth gives access only to a very restrictedpart of the cosmos Thus the myth has a certain lsquocompensatoryrsquo functionwe are to perceive the section of the cosmos we are introduced to as part ofa multi-layered reality Moreover Timarchus is to recognize how tightlythe bonds between the degrees of being the powers at work and the lev-els of the cosmos are woven The knowledge about this interplay of alllevels and powers permits Timarchus to feel confident that the ascent ofthe intellect-daimon does not end in the sphere of the moon The doctrineof Principles also provides the ontological and cosmological foundation ofthe special existential status of the intellect-daimon and a promise for thefuture

Looking back we can see that Plutarch is indeed a masterly construc-tor of myths Each of the three myths takes the reader into a world thatfar transcends his own experience and permits him to have a ldquoview fromaboverdquo83 at the same time however this is also the world of his fears andhopes Each myth fulfils a specific task of its own within the work for whichit was conceived and yet in each there are also motifs and elements thatconnect it with the other myths It is a sign of Plutarchrsquos great art that themyths supplement each other but that they can hardly be subjected to acomprehensive synopsis or interpreted as parts of a uniform and overarch-ing conception The oscillating play of real or apparent lsquodoubletsrsquo whichso fascinated lsquoQuellenforschungrsquo84 sufficiently shows that the myths mustnot be taken as doctrinal treatises they are a play of the philosophical andtheological imagination but at the same time a proclamation of the effortand seriousness of inquiry and research

82 Cf J 1916 59 n 152 for linguistic allusions to Platorsquos text see ibid and C1957 221 n b (this note also discusses the order of the Moirai)

83 Cf P H Philosophie als Lebensform Geistige Uumlbungen in der Antike (Berlin 1991)123ndash35

84 See ndash inter alia ndash H 1892 A 1921 R 1926 313ndash53 R1953 782ndash9 B 1953 (on the doublets esp 57ff) for criticism of lsquoQuellenforschungrsquo seendash inter alia ndash R M J ldquoPosidonius and Solar Eschatologyrdquo Classical Philology 27 (1932)113-135 also in id The Platonism of Plutarch and Selected Papers (New York London 1980)H 1934a and 1934b G 1970 80 n 117 D 1988 141 n 26

D Appendices

Some Texts similar to De genio

D A Russell

We give here translations of four passages which present theories similar to thoseadvanced in De genio and especially in Simmiasrsquo speech (583Cndash589F) on the wayin which daimones might communicate with human minds without using physi-cal organs of speech This topic received considerable a ention from philosophersboth in connection with divination and in the interpretation of myths (such as theMyth of Er in Platorsquos Republic) in which disembodied souls are represented asconversing with one another The passages are those mentioned in our Introduc-tion (p 5 p 6 n 6) Two of the four are directly concerned with Socrates the othertwo are not Apart from the first (Philo) they are all later than Plutarch and allfrom the Neoplatonist school hence though the similarity of their ideas with thosein Plutarch is evident it must be remembered that they rest on a metaphysicalstructure undeveloped in his time

I Philo De Decalogo 32ndash35

This passage tries to explain in philosophical terms how God conveyed his message to theassembled people of Israel when he delivered the Ten Commandments to Moses

The ten sayings or oracles in truth laws and commandments were pro-claimed by the Father of All when the whole nation men and womenalike was gathered in assembly Did he himself u er them like a voiceOf course not we must not so much as entertain the idea God is not asman is in need of mouth and tongue and air-passages I believe that atthat moment he wrought a most holy wonder ordering an invisible soundto be created in the air one more marvellous than any instrument tunedwith perfect harmony not without soul yet not composed like a livingcreature of soul and body but a rational soul pervaded by clarity and lu-cidity which by shaping and stretching the air and turning it into brilliantfire produced (like breath through a trumpet) an articulate voice of suchpower that those far away seemed to hear it as well as those near at handHuman voices naturally become weaker as they reach out into the distanceand the apprehension of them is no longer clear to remoter hearers butgrows gradually fainter as the distance increases since its organs also aresubject to destruction In contrast the power of God which inspired this

202 D A Russell

newly contrived voice roused it kindled it spread it all around and madeits end more brilliant than its beginning implanting in each manrsquos soul anew sense of hearing much be er than that which depends on the ears be-cause that slower sense remains inactive until it is moved by being struckby the air whereas the sense of a mind divinely inspired responds withgreat speed and goes out to meet what is being said

II Calcidius Commentary on Platorsquos Timaeus sectsect 254ndash5(ed Waszink)

This account of Socratesrsquo divine sign follows a discussion of dreams (based on Timaeus 45e)which has ended with a mention of Socratesrsquo dreams (Crito 44a Phaedo 60e)

That Socrates was used to having these vivid dreams [evidenter somniare]is I believe due to the fact that his entire being [totum eius animal] wasstrong in purity both of body and of soul

(255) Nor did he lack a friendly divinity to guide his actions in his wak-ing hours as Plato shows in Euthydemus [actually not Euthyd 272e butTheages 128d] in these words

lsquoFrom my early years I have had a divinity [numen] as companion It is a voice whichwhen it visits my mind and sense indicates that I should hold back from what I in-tended to do it never encourages me in any action and if a friend desires my adviceabout something he plans to do it forbids me this alsorsquo

The reality of these facts and signs is assured Manrsquos feeble nature needsthe protection of a nature that is higher and be er as he asserts above [cfTim 41c () Calcidius sect 132] The voice of which Socrates was consciouswas not I believe such as might be produced by impact on air but rathersuch as might reveal the presence and company of a familiar divinity toa soul cleansed by exceptional purity and consequently more capable ofunderstanding if it is indeed right and proper for the pure to be close toand mixed in the pure [cf Phaedo 67b] Just as in dreams we seem to hearvoices and articulate speech though there is no voice but only a sign [signi-ficatio] reproducing the function of voice so when Socrates was awake hismind divined the presence of a divinity by its observation of a clear sign[signum] It would be quite wrong to doubt that the Intelligible God whoin the goodness of his nature consults the interest of all things has chosento bring aid to the human race by the intermediary of divine powers sincehe himself has no affinity [conciliatio] with the body The benefits whichthese powers confer are evident in prodigies and in divination both thedivination of dream at night and the daytime activity of Rumour [Fama]that has the foreknowledge which enables it to spread news They are ev-ident also in the communication of remedies against disease and in thetruthful inspiration of prophets

Some Texts similar to De genio 203

III Proclus Commentary on Platorsquos Republic (2166ndash7 Kroll)

Here Proclus asks how the souls in the Myth of Er in Republic X can converse with oneanother though they no longer have bodily organs His answer involves Neoplatonist meta-physics and psychology but the crucial notion of the disembodied soulrsquos lsquoVehiclersquo (ochēma seeER Dodds Proclus the Elements of Theology Appendix II pp 313ndash21 and for a selectionof relevant texts R Sorabji The Philosophy of the Commentators a sourcebook (London2004) i 221ndash41) has clear affinities with the picture Plutarch gives in the myth of Timarchus(591D) of the starry objects which represent the souls in their a erlife Parts of our text aregiven in Sorabji op cit p 71 p 226 The text (which depends on a single manuscript) hassome gaps but except in one passage the sense is fairly clear

(16610) If then souls can know souls also in the other world achievingknowledge and recognition of one another either through themselves orthrough their Vehicles it follows that acquaintances recognize one anotherltand rejoicegt to have one anotherrsquos company lton meetinggt a er a long ab-sence for their whole being will be anxious to make contact with ltthe oth-ersrsquogt whole being and feel friendly towards it Again it would be wrong todoubt that souls can also have conversations though they have no tonguewindpipe or lips which in our life on earth can alone make speech pos-sible This is because their Vehicles in their entirety possess the form oftongues and are themselves in their entirety eyes and ears and can hearsee and speak It would be paradoxical if while the tongue can producearticulate sound by making an impact on the air from the lungs the soulsrsquoVehicles cannot move the air around them and fashion it into differentsounds by various kinds of movement Furthermore their manner of con-verse is not necessarily complex or involving many movements like that ofsouls in this world they can signal their thoughts to one another by somesimpler movements Just as their thoughts and imaginings (phantasiai) aresimpler so their conversation is effected by movements which are corre-spondingly smaller and in all probability free of the complexity of thisworld And since true perception resides in their Vehicles ndash for every bodythat partakes of soul lives and if it partakes of rational soul it both lives byperception and furthermore needs perception also if it possesses locomo-tion and similarly every Vehicle which is a ached to a rational soul canin the same way hear and see and in general perceive what is simple (foras Aristotle says somewhere in his work on perception and perceptibles[455 a20] perception in the strict sense is a unity and the true sense-organis one) ndash if then the Vehicle uses the lsquocommonrsquo sense also it can surelyapprehend sounds without being affected (apathōs) and can hear soundswhich the hearing in our body cannot grasp Not every sense of hearinggrasps every audible object different hearings grasp different objects Thisis why some hear the voices of daimones and others do not even if they arein the company of those who do This ability is given to some by hieraticpower to others by the make-up of their nature just as these same two

204 D A Russell

factors allow some eyes to see visions invisible to others Thus the firstVehicle of the souls as it possesses the common faculty of perception isnaturally capable of seeing and hearing things which are not audible orvisible to the hearing and sight of mortal beings

IV Hermias Commentary on Platorsquos Phaedrus (6526ndash6931Couvreur)

This is a commentary on Phaedrus 242andashb where Socrates says he received his usual lsquowarningrsquowhen he was about to cross the Ilissus with Phaedrus

As to Socratesrsquo daimonion that it is neither lsquoa part of his soulrsquo nor lsquoPhiloso-phy itselfrsquo as some have thought has o en been said and is plainly statedby himself in this passage [242b7] lsquoMy usual daemonic [daimonion] signcame to me and I instantly heard a voice it always checks mersquo But Phi-losophy o en encourages and lsquoa part of the soulrsquo desires to do a thing It istherefore clearly stated that Socratesrsquo daimonion is not either of these Whatit is we must explain

The race of daimones as a whole is said by Plato in the Symposium [202e]to be lsquobetweenrsquo gods and men lsquoferryingrsquo messages from the gods to usand reporting our affairs to the gods There is however a special race ofdaimones which is set immediately over us and guides each one of us foreach of us always serves under some daimonwhich controls our whole lifeFor example we are not masters of all our circumstances since we haveno control over certain kinds of action (eg becoming a general) or indeedover our own nature If you claim that reason controls all our doings thatwill not be true We have no control over the kind of visions we see inour sleep or over the manner in which we digest our food Yet there mustbe some one thing that does rule and control all our affairs and guide ourwhole life If you say that this is God you are stating a transcendent causebut there must be some proximate cause which rules our life This is thedaimon to which we have been allo ed which is assigned to the soul a erit has made its choice [this is the lsquochoicersquo made by souls in the Myth of ErRep 617e] as the fulfiller of all its choices

Not everyone is aware of his daimon for one to be conscious of its carethere needs to be great suitability [epitēdeiotēs] and a turning [epistrophē]towards the control on the part of the controlled For just as all things aresubject to the providence of the gods though not all have consciousness ofthis unless they have the natural ability to see and are purified so it is alsowith regard to the supervision [epistasia] of the daimon The suitability andconsciousness arise in the first place as a consequence of the soulrsquos havingmade certain choices and been allo ed to a certain daimon and then at onceturning towards this daimon and continuing always to hold fast to it having

Some Texts similar to De genio 205

moreover drunk only so much of the water of Lethe as it is essential for itto drink in its descent to birth without altogether forge ing the counseland supervision of its daimon That is why such souls are conscious of thesupervision of their daimon in this world also whereas others which rebuffthe daimon ndash like the person who chooses lsquotyranny and eating childrenrsquo[Plat Rep 619b] ndash and do not turn towards it but are driven like irrationalcreatures ndash these are totally incapable in this world also of understandingthe guidance [prostasia] of the daemonic [daimonion]

So whether they are conscious of the daimon or not depends firstly onthe fact that some souls turn immediately towards the daimon to whichthey have been allo ed and others do not secondly on their not havingdrunk much of Lethe and thirdly on the order of the universe because aparticular order of the universe has made one person suitable to acquirethis consciousness and another not This is why ltthis particular ordergt hasallo ed to one person and not to another a body of a kind to bear certaintokens [sumbola] in visible form in spirit and in soul

Consciousness or the absence of it depends also on a certain kind of lifeVirtuous men who live well devote their whole life activity contemplationand action to the gods and the unseen causes they perceive by means ofcertain tokens and signs whether the daimon inhibits them from an action ornot If a weasel runs across their path or their coat is caught in somethingif a stone falls or a voice speaks or a thunderbolt descends they becomeaware of the inhibition and desist from the action Most men however livethe life of ca le [Plat Rep 586a]

In view of all this it was to be expected that Socrates having seen thediscouragement of the daimonion should now lsquonot go awayrsquo [Phaedrus242c2] But why did it inhibit Socrates and never positively encouragehim Perhaps because just as some horses need the spur because they areslow and some the curb because they are eager so some men who are gen-erous anxious to do good and enterprising in everything like Socrateso en need to be checked by the daimonion whereas ungenerous personsneed to be aroused It would also be reasonable that the daimonion shouldrestrain him from common actions because it is preparing him to be raisedup [sc to a more divine level]

But why did it not also give him positive instructions In order thatSocrates should not be like an irrational thing moved by something else[heterokinēton] not doing anything on his own or as a soul that is rationaland self-moving [autokinētos] It allowed him to act as self-moved but if asa fallible human being he was about to do something inappropriate it re-strained him from that action How Well will not the daimonion be foundalso to give positive instruction if it projected a voice towards him which(as he says) lsquodoes not let me go away until I have atoned for some offenceI have commi ed against the divinersquo To wait to lsquoatonersquo was a positive in-

206 D A Russell

struction Or should we say rather that this lsquousualrsquo sign as he has himselfindicated was preventive for even if it was a voice (as he says elsewhere[Theages 129b Euthydemus 272b] as well as here) yet it was the lsquousualrsquo voicethat is to say a preventive one However it would also be quite reasonableto say that this voice prevented him from going away by showing him hisfault and that Socrates then on his own initiative becomes conscious thathe must make atonement lsquoAtonementrsquo is the fulfilment of a neglected re-ligious duty And as he said lsquoI thought I heard a voicersquo and the voice wasobviously daemonic (for otherwise Phaedrus would have heard it too) weneed to inquire how such voices are heard and whether daimones have avoice [phōnousin]

Plotinus in his first book On Difficulties [Enn 4318] says that thereis nothing lsquoextraordinaryrsquo about daimones u ering sounds because theylive lsquoin airrsquo and a particular kind of impact on air is sound And sincedivine persons [eg the inspired poet Homer] a ribute voice and sensesto the gods and to heaven (lsquosun who sees all thingsrsquo [Od 12323] lsquoa smellcame into my mindrsquo [oracle Hdt 1473]1) and indeed assign a voice to thewhole universe [sc the music of the spheres ()] we must seek a generalexplanation which will apply to all of how the higher classes of beingsspeak and more generally how they perceive

Let us put it clearly and concisely as follows When we recognize some-thing on our own account by sense two things happen an experience(pathos) of a sense-organ (eg eye-jelly [commonly translated ldquopupilrdquo] oranother organ of sense) and cognition (gnōsis) of the experience In the caseof superior beings let us take away the experience but leave the cognitionWe must then say that the body of the sun does not perceive through expe-rience (we are speaking of sense-perception and sense-perception belongsto the body) but that it is capable of cognition [gnōstikon] as a whole andthroughout its being and is through and through both vision and hear-ing remember that in our case too when we have been separated fromthe body our Vehicle is bright and pure capable of perception throughoutits whole being and sees and hears as a whole Note in general that the di-vine men of old allow cognitive faculties (of which perceptive faculties area part since the senses are a kind of cognition) to the gods in heaven butsuspend judgement about the appetitive faculty Plotinus grants them thisalso Iamblichus denies it [cf Plot Enn 448 Iambl De mysteriis 112ndash14]

As to voice we have to say that they do not u er the voice we havebased on impact and sound nor do they depend on the air-passages andorgans like that or need an intervening space and an impact on air In-stead as we have given them another form of perception which is cogni-tive and not based on experience [pathos] so we have given them a different

1 I owe this explanation to Prof M L West who saw that the text should read ὀδmicroή microrsquoἐς φρένας ἦλθε

Some Texts similar to De genio 207

kind of voice corresponding to their level [sustoichon] This is released bythem in one way and accepted by the recipient in another Just as whilethe sun itself is not burning but there is in it a living live-giving and non-irritant [aplēktos] heat the air receives the light from it by being affected[pathētikōs] and by burning so likewise there being in them [ie the dai-mones] a certain harmony and a different kind of voice we hear this bybeing affected [pathētikōs] but we do not of course hear it with our sensibleears nor do we see daemonic and divine visions with our sensible eyesInstead since there are in the spirit [pneuma] senses more primary [archoei-desterai] exemplary and pure than all our ordinary senses it is obviouslyby means of these that the soul hears and sees divine apparitions She alonesees them and not any of those around her Compare

lsquoAppearing to him alone and none of the others saw herrsquo [Il 1198 the appearance ofAthena to Achilles]

There is a community between the Vehicle of the daimon and that of thesoul for the Vehicle of the daimon not using a tongue or vocal organbut simply the will of the soul of the daimon produces a movement andmelodious and meaningful sound which the human soul perceives by thesense present in its primary2 Vehicle There is as has been said a dai-mon which essentially (katrsquo ousian) guides the soul but it is o en the casethat the soul in the same life (bios) but according to its various life-stages(zōai) is assigned to various daimones not to the one which is essentiallyassigned to it (for this daimon is always present) but to other more special-ized (merikōteroi) daimones which supervise its various actions Even it itchooses the lot corresponding to its own peculiar god and is assigned tothe daimon subordinate to this god it will still fall under various more spe-cialized daimones If it lives sinfully it falls under a daimon more liable topassion [empathesterus] and wallows in evils When however it recovers itssobriety and lives more purely it ranges itself under a daimon of a be erkind and thus changes its supervisory daimones without departing fromthe latitude (platos) of its lot So in the Republic everyone has the powerthrough actions of a particular kind to set himself under the Serf class orunder the Auxiliary class This is what is meant by lsquoThe daimon will notdraw you as its lot you will choose your daimonrsquo [617e]

2 So C probably rightly MSS have αὐγοειδεῖ lsquoluminousrsquo

Bibliography

1 AbbreviationsBAGB Bulletin de lrsquoAssociation Guillaume BudeacuteCPG Corpus Paroemiographorum GraecorumCQ Classical QuarterlyFGrHist F J Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker Bd IndashIIIC

(Berlin 1926ndash1958)GGM CM (Hg)Geographi GraeciMinores Bd 1ndash2 (Paris 1855ndash1861

repr Hildesheim 1990)ICS Ilinois Classical StudiesJHS Journal of Hellenic StudiesRE A P G W (Hgg) Real-Encyclopaumldie der classischen Al-

tertumswissenscha 83 Bde (Stu gart 1893ndash19802 Registerbde 199698)

VS H D W K (Hgg) Die Fragmente der VorsokratikerBd 1ndash3 (71954)

WJbb Wuumlrzburger Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr die Altertumswissenscha

2 Editions Commentaries Translations of De genio

A J A Les Oeuvres Morales et Meslees de Plutarque Translateesde Grec en Franccedilois revues et corrigees en plusieurs passages par leTranslateur (Geneve 1627)

B G N B Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia vol 3 (Leipzig1891)

C 1970 A C Plutarque Le deacutemon de Socrate (Paris 1970)

E D L 1959

B E P H D L Plutarch Moralia Vol vii (London1959) 170ndash299

H J H Plutarque Oeuvres morales VIII (Du destin Le deacutemon deSocrate De lexil Consolation agrave sa femme) (Paris 1980)

P P S

W R P M P W S Plutarchi Moralia III(Leipzig 1929)

R 1993 D A R Plutarch Selected Essays and Dialogues (Oxford1993)

W Plutarch Essays transl by R W intr and notes by IK (Penguin Books) 1992

210 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

3 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

A 1974 H A Plutarchs Schri Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epi-curum (Amsterdam 1974)

A 1950 P A La mantique Apollinienne agrave Delphes Essai sur le fonc-tionnement de lacuteoracle (Paris 1950)

A 1921 H A Plutarch uumlber Daumlmonen und Mantik Verhandel dkon Akad v Wetensch te Amsterdam Afd Le erkunde 1921

B 1969 D B Plutarque et le Stoicisme (Paris 1969)

B 1984 D B ldquoLe dialogue de Plutarque sur le deacutemon de SocrateEssai drsquointerpreacutetationrdquo BAGB 1984) 51ndash76 repr in Babut 1994405ndash30

B 1988 D B ldquoLa part du rationalisme dans la religion de PlutarqueLrsquoexemple du de Genio Socratisrdquo ICS 132 (1988) 383ndash408 repr inB 1994 77ndash102

B 1994 D B Parerga Choix drsquoArticles de Daniel Babut (1974ndash94) Col-lection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient Meacutediterraneacuteen 24 Seacuter Li eacuter etPhilos 6 (Lyon 1994)

B 1985 M B Narratology Introduction to the Theory of Narrative (tr CB Toronto Buffalo London 1985 Dutch original

1980)

B 2005 M B ldquoPlutarchs Lehre von der Seelerdquo in id EPI-NOHMATAKleine Schri en zur antiken Philosophie und homerischenDichtung hrsg von M-L Lakmann (Leipzig 2005) 77ndash99 [origi-nal version in Italian 2000]

B 1988 A B ldquoUna nuova interpretazione del De genio SocratisrdquoICS 132 (1988) 409ndash25 repr in id (1994) Studi su Plutarco(Firenze) 213ndash34

B 1953 W B Plutarchs Mythopoiie (Diss Heidelberg 1953)

B 1976 E K B ldquoThe scene on the Panagjurischte Amphora anew solutionrdquo JHS 96 (1976) 149ndash52

B 1986 F E B ldquoIn the Light of the Moon Demonology in the EarlyImperial Periodrdquo ANRW 2163 (1986) 2068ndash2145

B 1996 F E B ldquoTime as structure in Plutarchrsquos The Daimonion ofSocratesrdquo in V S 1996 29ndash52

B 2002 F E B ldquoSocial and unsocial memory the liberation of Thebesin Plutarchrsquos The Daimonion of Sokratesrdquo in L T (ed) Scri iin onore di Italo Gallo Pubblicazoni dellrsquoUniversitagrave degli Studi diSalerno Sezione A i Convegni Miscellanee 59 (Salerno 2002)97ndash112

B 2003 J B AegeanGreece in the Fourth Century BC (LeidenBoston2003)

B 1962 W B Weisheit und Wissenscha (Erlanger Beitraumlge zurSprach- und Kunstwissenscha X) (Nuumlrnberg 1962)

Bibliography 211

C 1972 G L C ldquoEpaminondas and Thebesrdquo CQ 22 (1972)254ndash78

C 1957 H C W C H Plutarchrsquos Moralia in Fi eenVolumes XII 920A-999B with an English translation (London Cambridge Mass 1957 (LCL) 2ndash223

D P D ldquoIl de Genio Socratis di Plutarco un esempio di lsquoSto-riografia Tragicarsquordquo Athenaeum ns 62 (1984) 569ndash85

D 1996 J D The Middle Platonists (London 2nd ed 1996)

D 2001 J D ldquoPlutarch and the Separable Intellectrdquo in A PeacuterezJimeacutenez F Casadesuacutes Bordoy (edd) Estudios sobre PlutarcoMisticismo y Religiones Misteacutericas en la Obra de Plutarco Actas delVII Simposio Espantildeol sobre Plutarco (Madrid-Maacutelaga 2001) 35ndash44

D 2004 J D ldquoDaumlmonologie im fruumlhen Platonismusrdquo in M Bet al Apuleius De deo Socratis (SAPERE vol 7) (Darmstadt 2004)123ndash41

D 1988 P D ldquoScience and Metaphysics Platonism Aristotelianismand Stoicism in Plutarchrsquos On the Face in the Moonrdquo in J MD A A L (edd) The Question of lsquoEclecticismrsquo Studiesin Later Greek Philosophy (Berkeley Los Angeles London 1988)126ndash44

D 1981 H D ldquoGnostische Spuren bei Plutarchrdquo in RB M J V (edd) Studies in Gnosticism and Hel-lenistic Religions presented to Gilles Quispel on the Occasion of his 65thBirthday EacutePRO 91 (Leiden 1981) 92ndash116

D B2002

H D M B Der Platonismus in der Antike Bd 61 62 Die philosophische Lehre des Platonismus Von der bdquoSeeleldquo als derUrsache aller sinnvollen Ablaumlufe Bausteine 151ndash68 169ndash81 TextUumlbersetzung (Kommentar Stu gart Bad Cannsta 2002)

E 2003 W E Ein unerschuuml erliches Reich Die mi elplatonische Umfor-mung des Parusiegedankens im Hebraumlerbrief Beihe e zur Zeitschrf die neutestamentl Wiss u die Kunde d aumllteren Kirche 116(Berlin New York 2003)

F 2003 R F in H G Plutarch Drei religion-sphilosophische Schri en (Uumlber den Aberglauben Uumlber die spaumlte Strafeder Go heit Uumlber Isis und Osiris) Griechisch-deutsch Uumlbers uhrsg v H G unter Mitarbeit von R F u J A(Duumlsseldorf Zuumlrich 2003 Tusculum) 318ndash39 363ndash83

F 1995 F F Dio idee e materia La stru ura del cosmo in Plutarco diCheronea Strumenti per la Ricerca Plutarchea 3 (Napoli 1995)

F 2005 F F ldquoDer Go Plutarchs und der Go Platonsrdquo in RH -L (ed) Go und die Gouml er bei Plutarch Gouml erbilderndash Go esbilder ndash Weltbilder Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche undVorarbeiten 54 (Berlin New York 2005) 13ndash25

G 1980 G G Narrative Discourse (tr J Lewin Oxford 1980 trans-lated from the French original Figures III Paris 1972)

212 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)

G 1996 A G ldquoEpameinondas and the Socratic paradigm in theDe genio Socratisrdquo in V S 1996 113ndash22

G 1997 A G Plutarchrsquos Pelopidas a Historical and PhilologicalCommentary (Stu gart Leipzig 1997)

G 1970 H G Untersuchungen zu Plutarchs Dialog De facie inorbe lunae (Heidelberg 1970)

G 1969 W K C G AHistory of Greek Philosophy III The fi h-centuryenlightenment (Cambridge 1969)

G 1975 W K C G A History of Greek Philosophy IV Plato the manand his dialogues earlier period (Cambridge 1975)

H 1934a W H ldquoThe Myth in Plutarchrsquos De facierdquo CQ 28 (1934)24ndash30

H 1934b W H ldquoThe myth in PlutarchrsquosDe genio (589Fndash592E)rdquo CQ28 (1934) 175ndash82

H 1996 P H ldquoSign language in On the sign of Socratesrdquo in VS 1996 123ndash36

H 1892 R H Xenokrates Darstellung der Lehre und Sammlung derFragmente (Leipzig 1892)

H 1988 J H ldquoPlutarchrsquos portrait of Socratesrdquo ICS 132 (1988)365ndash81

H -L 2002 R H -L Plutarchs Denken in Bildern Studien zur li-terarischen philosophischen und religioumlsen Funktion des Bildha en(Tuumlbingen 2002)

H 1895 R H Der Dialog (Leipzig 1895)

J 2008 S I J Ancient Greek Divination (Oxford 2008)

J 1916 R M J The Platonism of Plutarch (Menasha Wisc 1916)

J 1931 W J Topographie von Athen (Munich 1931 2nd ed)

K 1964 H J K Der Ursprung der Geistmetaphysik Untersuchungenzur Geschichte des Platonismus zwischen Platon und Plotin (Amster-dam 1964 2 unveraumlnd Aufl 1967)

L 1933 G M L Il De genio Socratis di Plutarco (Roma 1933)

M C 1999 B M C ldquoHeroes and Power the politics of bone trans-feralrdquo in R H (ed) Ancient Greek Hero Cult (Stockholm1999) 85ndash98

N 1990 W N ldquoGe ing focalization into focusrdquo Poetics Today 112(1990) 365ndash82

O 2007 J O ldquoThe place of Plutarch in the history of Platonismrdquoin P V C F F (edd) Plutarco e la culturadella sua etagrave A i del X Convegno plutarcheo (Napoli 2007) 283ndash309

P 1997 C B R P ldquoIs death the end Closure in Plutarchrsquos Livesrdquoin D H R F M D D F (edd) Classical Clo-sure Endings in Ancient Literature (Princeton 1997) 228ndash50 reprin id Plutarch and History (London 2002) 365ndash86

Bibliography 213

P 1909 F P Der Reliquienkult im Altertum (Gieszligen 1909)

P 1951 F P Die Reisebilder des Herakleides (Wien 1951)

R 1921 K R Poseidonios (Muumlnchen 1921)

R 1926 K R Kosmos and Sympathie Neue Untersuchungen uumlberPoseidonios (Muumlnchen 1926)

R 1953 K R ldquoPoseidonios von Apameia der Rhodier genanntrdquoRE XXII 1 (1953) 558ndash826

R 1976 A S R Platonica The Anecdotes concerning the Life and Writ-ings of Plato Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition III (Leiden1976)

R 1925 E R Psyche (Engl Transl London 1925 originally Tuumlbin-gen 2 vols 1907 4th ed)

R 1954 D A R ldquoNotes on Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratisrdquo CQ (NS)4 1954 61ndash3

S 1981 A S Cults of Boiotia I (London 1981)

S 1997 U S ldquoSieben Thebaner gegen Theben ndash Bemerkungenzur Darstellungsform in Xenophon hell 541ndash12rdquo WJbb 22(1997) 123ndash39

S 1997 A S tr I K G V The Discovery of the Past(New York 1997)

S 1958 J S ldquoLe tombeau drsquo Alcmegravenerdquo Revue archeacuteologique 195876ndash83

S 1990 S S Plutarchs Schri de Pythiae Oraculis (Stu gart 1990)

S 19945 S S ldquoPlaton oder Chrysipp Zur Inspirationstheorie inPlutarchs Schri lsquoDe Pythiae oraculisrsquordquoWJbb 20 (199495) 233ndash56

S 1942 G S La Deacutemonologie de Plutarque (Paris 1942)

S 1985 S S The Topography of Thebes from the Bronze Age toModern Times (Princeton 1985)

T 1965 H T The Pythagorean texts of the Hellenistic period (Aringbo1965)

V S1992

L V S Twinkling and Twilight Plutarchrsquos Reflections onLiterature (Brussels 1992)

V S1996

L V S (ed) Plutarchea Lovaniensia A Miscellany ofEssays on Plutarch (Leuven 1996)

V 1977 Y V Symboles et mythes dans la penseacutee de Plutarque (Paris1977)

W 2003 P W Studien zu den literarischen Beziehungen zwischenPlutarch und Lukian (Muumlnchen Leipzig 2003)

Z K Z Plutarchos von Chaironeia (Stu gart 21964) = RE xxi1(1951) 636ndash962

Source Index

AelianusVaria historia

119 91139

1215 94196

Aeneas Tacticus37 93186

Aeschinesor 2105 1058

or 3138 139 8218210

AeschylusSeptem contra Thebas

164 1318

487 1318

501 1318

528 8541

Andocidesor 162 8893

Anthologia Palatina313 13211

Apollodorus2411[270] 8651

270[411] 13110

36[12] 13110

344[55] 8657

AristophanesAcharnenses

860ndash84 109905 8541

Pax1003ndash5 109

Aristophanes BoeoticusFGrHist 379 102

AristotelesEthica Nicomachea

1106b36 141Metaphysica A

984b 19 96231

Politica1302 b 29 104

Protrepticusfr 61 96231

Ps-AristotelesDe mundo

6398b19ndash27 1516398b27ndash9 151

Problemata337 89102

Aristoxenusfr 54a 96232

fr 54ab 94196

ArrianusAnabasis

172 105186 8541

CallimachusEpigr 10 94193

CallisthenesFGrHist 124 102

Catullusc 45 89102

ChrysippusSVF 1000 150SVF II 974 150

CiceroDe divinatione

138 1581122 81123 89110

284 89102

2116 146De officiis

225 117Clearchus

fr 9 94199

CritiasTrGF I F 19 8883

VS 88 A1 108

DaimachusFGrHist 65 102

Demosthenesor 1034 107or 24135 8210

Diodorus Siculus4586 13319

4791ndash2 13214

10111 90126

1183 10412705 98278

1441 108

14177 10714794 8654 13514822 10715202 8313

15253 98285

15254 826

15392 1011557 1031578 10515792 1091644 1061795 1071791 105

Diogenes Laertius226 29 94196

725 14087 8764

810 92154

832 157887 13532

890 13532

EphorusFGrHist 70 F 119

109Euripides

Antiopefr 223 8657

Autolycusfr 28222 89113

Phoenissae1372 1318

Supplices663 8541

Eustratiusin Eth Nic 513 8

GelliusNoctes A icae

7211 150

Hellenica OxyrhynchiaXVII1 8312 8319

8548 97264

XVIII 97264

XIX 104

216 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

XIX1 104XIX2 105XX1 104

HeraclitusVS 22 B 98 190

Herodotus166ndash68 13213

243ndash45 8773

2112ndash120 8772

42002ndash3 93186

520 12261085 10472332 1079151 1049692 8657

HesiodusOpera et Dies

750 92155

HomerusIlias

2353 97253

744ndash5 96236

753 96236

10279 8890

13301 8891

Odyssea1170 90121

5410 96242

927 90134

11526ndash530 97259

13301 8890

17541 89102

HyginusFabulae

7 8657

Hymni Orphici2911 95216

IamblichusVita Pythagorae

85 92154

248ndash249 90126

Isocratesor 1431 107

Justinus59 107

LucianPhilopseudes

6 8661

LydusDe mensibus

4159 95214

Lysiasor 1258 108

Pausanias1172ndash6 13213

1411 133398 8548

4323 13213

915 105916 105917 105965ndash6 1305

9102 1318

9117 1318

9122 1318

913ndash156 1019136 97250

9137 90120

9165 1305

9167 13319

9173 1318

9174 8541

9298ndash9 13216

939 94198

Philo AlexandrinusDe decalogo

32ndash35 9De sacrificiis Abelis et

Caini 37 141Quis rerum

divinarum heres259 1516

Quod Deus sitimmutabilis 24141

PindarIsthmia

12 825

Olympia6152 827

VI90 109Plato

Alcibiades 2128endash129e 150

Apologia28e 89110

31d 8896

40A 15923

Cratylus396d 8892

Critias109c 9

Euthyphro3b 8896

Gorgias481d 89109

523a 94194

Laches181b 89110

Phaedo58cndashd 11259c 89105

59E 11360bndash61c 8661

61e 90124

64b 827

72b 95220

78a 8424 112107dndashe 193113a 95208

116a13 94193

Phaedrus227b 825

248a 95225

Respublica24b 8 8887

496b 4 8424

615e 19367

616bndash617d 196617c 95220

617e 193620de 193621b 19367

Sophistes248 10

Symposium174dndash175c 8894

182b 827

202dndash203a 156215a 8899

220c 8894

220e 89110

Theaetetus142a 89105

151a 8896

Timaeus31b 19436b 95209

38b 95209

39b 95209

42b 95222

67b 162

Source Index 217

Ps-PlatoEpinomis 984dndash985b

15614

Theages124a 94193

129A 10129c 89108

PliniusNaturalis historia

3546 92154

PlutarchusMoralia

Amatorius758E 1527

An seni sit gerendares publica792F 146

Consilia ad uxorem610B 98280

611F 95220

De anima17722 95220

De animaeprocreatione1012E 1401014E 19572

1016C 19572

1017Af 19572

1024Dndash1025D140

1026D 18636

1026E 19572

De audiendis poetis14E 339B 96232

De capienda exinimicis utilitate91C 142

De cohibenda ira463C 8877

De defectuoraculorum410AndashB 158413AndashD 7413C 153418C 156418CndashD 154419Endash420A 1736

421B 157428F 140

431BndashC 155156 164

431C 94198

431CndashD 1451

431Dndash432A 155431Dndash432D 156435A 157435E 168

De esu carnium993BndashC 141

De E apud Delphos386E 8775

387D 827

387F 139391E 139

De facie in orbe lunae921F 19055

922B 19056

928CD 19056

940CndashF 171942Dndash943C

1012 95216

942F 179 18024184

943ndash4 10943A 181 18229

943B 184

943C 175 179180 1894818951

943D 192943DE 190943E 189943Fndash944A 185944B 180944C 15716

18230 19262

944CndashD 192944D 19261

944E 181 185192 195 196

944F 185944Fndash945A

18739

945A 1853518948

945B 189945C 95220 181

18536 186195 196

945CndashD 185

945D 169 173De genio Socratis1 575AndashD 118

575C 4575D 123575DndashE 112575Fndash576A 105575Fndash576B 4

113576C 102 112

114576D 4 97254

576DndashE 119576DE 103

3 576E 103576Fndash7A 125576Fndash577A 119577A 5 96247

1254 577B 130

577D 5 106577E 129 136577EndashF 111577F 129577Fndash578B 130578A 97247 112578CndashD 119

6 578D 109578E 6 91141

7 578F 136579A 126579AndashD 3579CndashD 126579DE 8430

8 579F 144579Fndash580B 161

9 580BndashC 161580BndashF 159580C 6

10 580E 112580Fndash581A 159

11 581AndashE 159581DndashE 114581EndashF 160

12 581Fndash582B 160582BndashC 160 161582C 160582Cndash586A

12521

13 582Endash584B 91141

582Endash585D 8430

583B 8879 10914 583F 102

218 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

584A 12521

584Bndash585D 3584BndashD 91141

16 585E 8430

585EF 140 14417 586E 106

586F 119 130587AndashB 114

18 587C 130 1305

19 588B 125

588C 125 160161

588Cndash589F 160588CndashE 162588D 188588DndashE 115 156588F 9 1516

589A 113589AndashB 8589B 156 163589Bndash589D 162589F 163 166

170589Fndash592F 160590BndashC 10 174

22 590C 1748

590E 10 112590F 10591A 10 17718

180591B 10 194591BndashC 17718

591C 165 19367

591CndashD 19367

591D 178 181182 18818846 18951

591Dndash592C 182591Dndash592D 140591DndashF 164591EndashF 18332

591Fndash592C 164591Fndash592D 181592A 18333

592AndashB 18333

592CndashD 164592F 124 166

173592Fndash593A 125593A 166 170593Andash594A

91141

24 593Dndash594A 144593DndashE 191593EndashF 144593Fndash594A 191594B 101ndash103

126594BndashC 123 125

27 595A 119595BndashD 3595C 122595Fndash6C 121

12429 596A 122

596AndashB 119596C 101596DndashE 113 124596EndashF 119

32 597DndashF 10133 598AndashD 119

598C 101 10212522

598D 101 130De Herodoti

malignitate864D 827

864D ndash 867B 109De Iside et Osiride

354D 8769

370Cndash371A 140De primo frigido

948F 95214

De Pythiae oraculis397B 151397C 149402B 146 158402E 152 168403E 146404A 147404BndashC 148404DndashE 149404F 149 150

154404Fndash405A 149

De sera numinisvindicta548C 171549Endash550A 168560F 171561B 94194 170563B 169563E 174 1748

563EF 180563F 175 17512

563Fndash564A 174564A 175 18845

564B 175 180564BC 17613

564C 1863918740

564F 193565D 18741

565E 17614

565Endash566A 175566A 176 18742

19058

566AndashC 175566B 193566D 17613 181

193566DndashE 175566E 180567A 177 18743

567B 18744

567C 193567D 180567E 180567EndashF 176568A 175

De sollertiaanimalium975A 1516

De virtute morali444B 141

Praecepta gerendaereipublicae810F 98276

Quaestionesconvivales619D 97268

700E 146718E 8775

719A 143727B 142727Bndash728C 143728D 142729Dndash730D 142730A 142

QuaestionesPlatonicae1001Eff 140

Regum et ImperApophEpaminondas193B 91139

Source Index 219

Septem sapientiumconvivium147B 8763

163DndashE 150Amatorius

754E 114756A 114756AndashB 168771D 114

VitaeAgesilaus

24 8315

241 8313

Alcibiades175 89108

212 8893

Antonius133 119

Brutus11 11915 119154 119173 119194ndash5 119202 119

Caesar65 119665 119673 119

Cimon85ndash7 13213

Coriolanus32 114

Crassus37(4)4 118

Dion196 8877

Lysander83 97264

27 105271 97264

273 8548

274 10828 13738

284ndash5 131289 8651 8656

Marcellus149 8775

33(3) 117Nicias

139 89108

286 91137

Numa1 143

Pelopidas3ndash4 12032ndash3 97268

5 8313 8316

51 97264

52 96245

53 8319 8425

63 10573 8426 97269

74 8542 96245

74ndash5 12522

8 8315 10281 8425

82 97250 97251

83 8427

85ndash6 92158

87ndash8 92167

9 97254

91 12198 119911ndash12 12210 121101ndash4 124105 97263 121106 97267

107 122107ndash9 97268

107ndash10 11911 8315

111 97250 97266

1119 97265

12 8315 8320104

121 8425

122 12522

124 98285

13 8318

131 105133 92159 98289

134ndash7 126138ndash9 11614 8320

141 4142 8320

18 10118ndash19 8320

204ndash211 13421

223 8429

254 120285ndash10 117328ndash9 116

347 116355 117

Pericles6 11465 120

Philopoemen3 101

Phocion326ndash7 12521

Romulus287 8651 13319

Theseus361ndash4 13213

Timoleon36 101

Ps-PlutarchusDe vita et poesi

Homeri212 96236

Placita215 95207

PolyaenusStratagemata 653

13213

Polybius6566ndash12 8883

PorphyriusDe abstinentia

241 89115

Vita Pythagorae53 142

Posidoniusfr 108 157

Proclusin Rempublicam

211324 96231

PythagoricaArchytas De lege et

iustitia p 3317141

Metopos Devirtutibus p19927 141

Theages Devirtutibus p1901ndash14 141

Scholiain Eur Phoen

145 8541

1062 1318

220 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

SenecaDe beneficiis

2173 90123

2321ndash4 90123

SophoclesOedipus Coloneus

1518ndash1539 8657

Oedipus Tyrannus20ndash21 1318

StobaeusEclogae 275b12 p

6716ndash19 157Strabo

257 95211

9226 13110

92410 13110

17229 13532

17806 8769

SynesiusDe insomniis

133A 89115

TheopompusFGrHist 115 F 336

146Thucydides

1902 1071113 104362 1043625 1043685 104382 1044926 1044967 89111

5521 1088913 107

Tzetzesin Lyc Alex 50

13110

Valerius Maximus913 ext 3 117

XenophonAgesilaus

77 10683 107

Anabasis3111 92164

329 89102

Apologia Socratis12ndash3 15923

16026

Hellenica172 821

2219 107241 107342 106344 106351 8438 97264

356 108358 1073517ndash25 13738

4-3-21 1084141 106423 106527 1075211ndash24 8317

5215 105 1085225 8312

5225ndash36 8313

5226 1065227 1085229 98278

5231 35ndash36105

5235 8319 1045236 106

541 8427 102541ndash2 8322

542 8542 96245

542ndash7 8315

543 8426 124544 1305

548 8541

5410 9215992161

5411 98285

5412 1255413 92159

5419 45446 49 1375462 826

6118 1025

6239 98276

633 98276

6427 1086435ndash7 1177133ndash38 1027133ndash40 13531

7141 1027142 103737 97265

754 103Memorabilia

111 8887

112ndash9 15923

113ndash4 16026

221 94196

Ps-XenophonAtheniensium Res

Publica311 104

Zenobius155 92155

General Index

abyss 175ndash178 180Achaea 103Acoris (pharaoh) 136Agesilaus 5 25 8549 8650 8654 8768

103 104 106ndash108 129 131 133 135136

Agetoridas 29 131air 174 175 190aitiai 118 120Alcmena 5 27 8549 8651 129 132 133

136ndash tomb of 111 131 135 136

Aleos 27 8656 132Alexander of Pherae 106 116ndash118Alexicrates 142Ammonius 139 153 155 157Amphion 8541 130Amphitheus 5 12 8548 105Amphitryon 8651 131anathymiasis 154 158Anaxagoras 140Androclidas 8548 97264 103 105 108anthropology 181 185 193anti-Spartan 8319 8438 8548 97264 107

12522

Antiope 8657

Anytus 8886

Apollo 148 152 155Arcesus 39 8318 92159

Archedamus 19 118 121 123 126Archias 5 11 23 73 8312 8322 8542

96245 96247 97265 103 114 122 124130

Archinus 8210

Archytas 139Aristomenes 133Aristoxenus 96232

Artemidorus 115Asia Minor 137 153Athena OnkaOnkaia 98281 131Athens 4 821 826 8425 97254 98269 101

105 107 113 123 132Atropos 61 177 194 196A ica 8428 89112

Bacchylidas 90120

Barbarian 106 107Becoming 67 177 178 180 189 191

194ndash196Beyond 170ndash173 175 177 178 181 187

193birth 92156

body 3 10 11 93178 147 148 150 154156 163ndash166 171 174ndash176 178 182184 187 188 192 195

Boeotarch 8320 90120 97250 103 105106

Boeotia 8428 8655 89112 103 104 107108 131 134ndash136

Boeotian Confederacy 105 107lsquoBoeotian swinersquo 109

Cabirichus 12 98272

Cadmea 8312 8313 8314 8318 8319 854192163 96245 96247 97264 98281 98283101 105 116 118 120 131 133 136

Cadmus 131Callistratus of Aphidna 77 98276

Caphisias 3 4 6 7 11 821 8766 9624496247 97269 121 122

Caria 8774

Carthage 173cave 172 173Cebes 19 8424 90127 109 112Cephisodorus 11Chaeronea 132 146Chalcidic League 105chaos 161Charillus 33Charon 3 4 11 21 8426 97254 97263

122 124Chlidon 7 51 92167

Chonouphis 29 8769 131 135Chrysippus 90123 150Cimon 132Cithaeron 8428

Clarus 153Cleombrotus 154 156 157Clotho 61 177 194Conon 8210

conspiracy 113 125conspirator 8426 8542 97250 97251 98269

222 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

conspirators 11 102 119 121 122Coretas 155Coronea 104cosmic hierarchy 195cosmic principles 194cosmology 181 193cosmos 169 177 181 194 197counsciousness 174Crassus 118Critias 107Croton 39 90122 90127 142 144Cylon 90126

daimon 10 92156 95 101 140 144 162164 166 178 182 183 186 191

daimones 11 91141 124 154ndash158 162165ndash167 170 172 177 179 191

daimonion 6 33 8323 8887 89117 114145 159ndash161 163 166 170ndash172 188

Damoclidas 69 97250

death 11 115 154 172 173 175 176188 195

Decay 177 194 195Decelean War 107degeneration 164Delian campaign 89110

Delians 6Delium 6 35 89111 98278 114

ndash ba le of 104Delos 8775

Delphi 113 145 148 153 156Delphic Oracle 145 146 152 154 157

158Demeter 49 95216 130Demiurge 194Didyma 153Dike 193Dionysus 176Diotima 156Dirce 8657

ndash tomb of 5 130discussion 113divination 3 145 159ndash161 164 168divine 160 161divine inspiration 147divine providence 171dream 7 8 114 163 166 177

earth 10 149 154 155 158 171 172174 175 179 185 187 191 195

Egypt 6 8424 8769 8771 129 135 136Egyptian priests 5 129Elysian Field 179

Empedocles 6 7 8888 144enthousiasmos 149 16739

Epaminondas 3 4 6 7 11 829 83158316 8320 8430 8766 91141 9215192156 101 102 105 109 111 112117 120 123 125 130 144

Epicurean 171Etruscan 142Eudoxus of Cnidus 8769

exile 8315 8320 8425

exiles 4 7 11 101 105 107eye 174

fire 190fish 142

Galaxidorus 5 6 23 8438 96247 115159 160 163 165 168

God 9 171 194god 11 148 150 151 154 155 157 165

168 177 195Gorgias 39290 90130 119Gorgidas 8320 101 130Great King 102 106 107Greece 6 8430 106 124 154

ndash Central 108Greeks 6gymnasium 3 11 45

Hades 10 95216 177 193Haliartus 5 8655 92159 97247 129 133

135 136head 174heavenly bodies 10Hecate 179 192Helenus 11 96236

hemlock 112Hera 8765 92168

Heraclea 51 92168 108Heracles 8549 8773 129 132 135Heraclitus 140Herippidas 8318 92159

Hermodorus 11 183Hermotimus 96hierarchy 196hipparch 83 8657 101 130Hipposthenidas 7 47 92158 114 125

130hostage 97254 122Hypatas 12 75 8322 97265

Hypatodorus 114

Indefinite Dyad 140

General Index 223

inspiration 148 151 158 159 163 165168

instrument 150 151 155intellect 8 140 177 179 181 184 185

188 192 194 196Intellect 194Invisible 177 181 194 196Ionia 107Iraq 127islands 10 174 180Isle of Kronos 172 173Ismenias 8319 103ndash105 107 108Isocrates 106

Jason of Pherae 41 91139 102 108Julius Caesar 119

Kings Peace 104ndash106 108 136

Lachesis 61 177 194Laconisers 103 105Lamprias 94198 153 155 157Lamprocles 94193 172Leontiadas 5 11 27 75 8319 96245

97264 103ndash105 107 108 116Lethe 175 176 178 179Leuctra ba le(field) of 8430 90120

101ndash103liberty 106 130life 173 177 194light 10 174ndash177 181 189Linear B 134Linus 132logos 169Lycon 8886

Lysander 108 131 137Lysanoridas 5 21 8318 92159 96247

130ndash132Lysis 5ndash7 19 39 829 8430 8764 90130

92156 109 144 159Lysitheus 98273

Macedonia 101 132Mantineia ba le of 103mantis 4 6 8429

mathematics 3 6 8775 139Meletus 8886

Melon 21 51 8315 8316

messenger 4 7 121Metapontum 90125

metempsychosis 165 167Miletus 91138

Milky Way 10 95207 95212

mind 8 162Minos 132Mixing Bowl of the Dreams 176 178

179Moderatus of Gades 142Moirai 95 177 185 194ndash196Monad 140 177 194 196moon 95 155 171 172 175ndash177

179ndash182 184ndash186 190 191 194 195morals 166Moses 9Motion 177 194Muses 135music of the spheres 10mysteries 191myth 9 11 165 166 169ndash171 178 181

188ndash eschatological 193 196

narrator 121Nature 177 194 195Nectanebo (pharaoh) 8654 135 136Neo-Pythagoreans 157Neoptolemos 97259

Nestor 90125

nous 171 18739

Numa 143

obstacle 150Oenophyta ba le of 104Olympichus 170Olynthus 8317 105 108omen 11 51 89102 111 130oracle 6 8 133 148 153 156 167 177Oracle of Apollo 175 176 180Oracle ot Tiresias 155Orchomenus 103 155Orestes 132Orpheus 176

paideia 120Panhellenism 106Parmenides 140Parnes 89112

Parthian campaigns 118passions 162 164 165 187 192past 115 126 147 169pax Romana 148peace 6 41 81 135 161 162Pelopidas 12 21 69 8315 8316 101 112

116 120Peloponnese 103 107Peloponnesian War 101 107

224 Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper

Persephone 10 61 95216 177Persia 104 106 107 135 136Pherenicus 8425

Phidolaus 4 6 7 25 129 159Philip of Macedonia 132Philippus 11 73 96245 97265

Philolaus 90124 90127 139philosophy 115Phoebidas 8313 96245

Phyllidas 5 7 23 47 8542

physics 166Pindar 19 8657

Planetiades 7 153planets 10 177Plataea 104 105Plato 6 102 112 115 135 143 156 167

171 184Platonic

ndash Academy 139 156ndash dialogue 113 115ndash doctrine of the soul 186ndash intertextuality 112 119ndash models 193ndash myth 166ndash School 168

Platonism 11 139ndash Middle 139ndash Neo- 10

pneuma 154ndash158polemarch 8312 8542 104Polymnis 6 8766

Principles doctrine of 195 196prison 5 12 106 112pro-Spartan 826 8312 8319 8425 96245

97265 107 122 137Pronoia 153prophecy 153 155 177 180Proteus 8772

Protogenes 172psychology 166 203punishment 171 175 176 178 180 187

188 191 193Pyrilampes 35 89109

Pythagoras 6 8 33 8888 139 142 143Pythagorean 4ndash6 829 8430 90124 90127

91141 96238

ndash doctrine 143 144ndash sect 90122

ndash tradition(s) 139 140 142 144Pythagoreanism 8 140Pythagoreans 45 139 140 142 144Pythia 146ndash148 151 152 155 157 158Pythian 146 152

Python 189

reader 169 181reason 164 192 19263

rebirth 165 176 187 191 192reincarnation 96238 179religion 4 166Rhadamanthys 8651 8656 131 133

sanctuaries 148 153 154 191Scedasus 134scepticism 163sea 10 95207 174 177 180Semele 176separation 186Sibyl 175 176 180Sibyls oracles 147Sicilian Expedition 91137

Sicily 6 35 39 89108

sign 8 8429 160Simmias 4 5 7 8 11 19 8323 8424

90121 97247 109 112 115 122 129131 135 159 161 162 164 165167 170 172 188 191

skull 10 94200 174sleep 161 163 172sneeze 6 89102 89117 159 161Socrates 3 6 8 19290 8886 89108 101

112 115 119 124 159ndash161 163 165167 168 170ndash172 183 188

ndash death of 119soul 3 8ndash11 92156 93178 94200 96242

144 148 154 156 161 163ndash165 171173 174 176 178 181 184 186ndash188190 195

ndash cosmic 194ndash daemonic 164ndash dissolution 188ndash human 164ndash impure 179ndash irrational 189ndash liberation of the 3ndash nature of the 183ndash pure 178 179 18024

ndash purified 166sound 8 10 55 57 59 155 163 180Sparta 5 8317 8319 8548 101 103

106ndash108 129 132 136Spartan 97264

ndash commanders 92159 98289

ndash control 101 133ndash domination 106 108ndash garrison 12 101 113

General Index 225

ndash governors 8318

ndash king 8650

ndash occupation 3 5Spartans 5 134 136Spintharus of Tarentum 96232

stars 10 95 174 178 182Stoic 90123 95 150 151

ndash doctrine 190ndash interpretation 8

Stoics 157 161Styx 10 61 177substance 184 185 188 190 195sun 149 177 181 185 194ndash196Sybaris 142

Tegea 132Terpsion 33 159Thales 27 8662

Theages 4 8424

Theanor 5 7 11 39 829 8430 9114196238 12521 144 159 160 164 167170 191

Theban Revolt 106Thebans 8425

Thebes 8210 8319 8425 8438 8880 9012790130 96245 97264 98276 104 105107 108 112 123 133 137 144 159

ndash liberation of 3 821 101 103 109111 117 170

ndash walls of 8541

Thebe (wife of Alexander of Pherae)117 120

Themistoclean ring 107Theocritus 4 6 7 11 23 8429 96247

103 129 130 159Theon 147 148

Theopompus 69 97251

Theramenes 108Thermopylae 107 109Theseus 8657 132 133Thespesius 172 173 175 186 188 193Thespiae 92160 135Thirty Tyrants 8210 108thought 8 161ndash163Thrason 8210

Thrasybulus of Collytus 8210

Thrasymachus 7Timarchus 9 10 94193 95 124 144 160

165 166 172 173 175 182 191194 196

ndash myth of 164 186Timotheus (son of Conon) 8210

transmission 129 134 166Trophonius oracle of 9 94198 145 153

164 172truth 31 77 121 166 176Typhon 189tyrant 116 127

vegetarianism 141virtue 19 47 118 125 141 19263

vision 6 8 10 33 94198 115 165 172voice 10 95 161 162 164 178 180

191 194

wisdom 8424 143World Soul 140 194

Xenocrates 140 156 185Xerxes 104 107

Zeus 57 8541 172Zoroaster 140

• SAPERE
• Preface to this Volume
• Table of Contents
• A Introduction
• Introduction (D A Russell)
• • 1 Preliminary Remarks
  • 2 Synopsis
  • 3 The Text
  • 4 Suggested variations from Teubner text
  • • B Text Translation and Notes
    • • Περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους δαιμονίου (Text and Translation by D A Russell)
      • • Notes on the Translation (D A Russell R Parker H-G Nesselrath)
        • • C Essays
          • • Between Athens Sparta and Persia the Historical Significance of the Liberation of Thebes in 379 (George Cawkwell)
            • The liberation of Thebes in Plutarchrsquos De genio Socratis and Pelopidas (Christopher Pelling)
            • • 1 De geniorsquos Platonic subtext
              • 2 lsquoDurationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 3 Internal and external links
              • 4 lsquoFocalisationrsquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 5 lsquoVoicersquo in De genio and Pelopidas
              • 6 Lessons for today
              • • Agesilaus and the bones of Alcmena (Robert Parker)
                • Pythagoreanism in Plutarch (John Dillon)
                • • 1 Pythagorean influences in Plutarchrsquos philosophical upbringing
                  • 2 Plutarch and Pythagorean Ethics
                  • 3 Plutarchrsquos knowledge of Pythagorean traditions and of contemporary Pythagoreans
                  • 4 Pythagorean elements in De genio
                  • • Plutarch on oracles and divine inspiration (Stephan Schroumlder translated by H-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell)
                    • • 1 Preliminary remarks
                      • 2 The dialogues on the oracles
                      • • 21 De Pythiae oraculis
                        • 22 De defectu oraculorum
                        • • 3 De genio Socratis
                          • 4 Conclusion
                          • • Plutarchrsquos eschatological myths (Werner Deuse translated by H-G Nesselrath translation revised by D A Russell)
                            • • 1 Preliminary remarks
                              • 2 Travelling into the Beyond and eschatological topography
                              • 3 The doctrine of the soul and the anthropology of the myths
                              • 4 The lsquocorporealrsquo nature of the soul in the myths
                              • 5 The lsquodoctrine of daimonesrsquo
                              • 6 The lsquohierarchical modelsrsquo in De genio and De facie
                              • • D Appendices
                                • • I Some Texts similar to De genio (D A Russell)
                                  • II Bibliography
                                  • • 1 Abbreviations
                                    • 2 Editions Commentaries Translations
                                    • 3 Articles Monographs (and Editions of other Works)
                                    • • III Indices (Balbina Baumlbler Thorsten Stolper)
                                      • • 1 Source Index
                                        • 2 General Index