Saint, William (1981), “the Wages of Modernization Areview of Literature on Temporary Labor...

8/9/2019 Saint, William (1981), the Wages of Modernization Areview of Literature on Temporary Labor Arrangement in Brasil

1/21


2/21

THE

WAGES OF MODERNIZATION:

A Review of theLiterature n Temporary

Labor

Arrangements

n

Brazilian

Agriculture*

William. Saint

The ord oundation

INTRODUCTION

AND

BACKGROUND

In

two decades, Brazil has shed the image of a stagnant agrarian

state

and

emerged

as

one

of the world's

largest agricultural xporters.The

price of this metamorphosishas come high: land, resource, and capital

concentration;

massive rural-urban

migration;

shortfalls

n

domestic

food

supply;

and

ecological deterioration long the expanding agricul-

tural

frontier.

ajor

transformations

n

the structure f

agricultural ro-

duction

have

accompanied

these

changes,

and

they have

led to

new

patterns n the organizationof agriculturalwork and associated social

relations

n

production. Perhaps

the most

visible social product of

agri-

cultural modernization has

been the temporarywage laborer, known

commonly

n

Brazil as the

boiafria.

In

recent

years

the boia

fria

phenomenon

has

received

consid-

erable

attentionfromBrazilian social

scientists oncerned

with under-

standing

rural

development processes.

The

following

discussion traces

the

development

of

conceptual thinking

and

empirical investigation

concerningtemporarywage

labor

in

Brazilian

agriculture

nd reviews

existing iterature n the subject,muchof whichis poorlydisseminated

outside Brazil.

One of the first

tudies of boias frias Bombo and Brunelli

1966)

described

this rural worker as follows: a

person

of

periodic

employ-

ment and

informalwork

relations,

who lives outside of

the

farm on

which he

works, usually

in

the urban

periphery

of

nearby

towns

or

cities. Later

definitions, enefitting

rom

greaterunderstanding

f

this

*An earlierversion of this paper was presented at theannual meetingof the Rural Socio-

logical

Society, Burlington,Vermont,August 1979, and

was published

in

Portuguese as

Mao de Obra Volante na

Agricultura rasileira Pesquisa

Planejamentocon6mico 0, no.

2 [Aug. 1980]: 503-26).The

author wishes to express his

appreciation to Jose Francisco

Graziano da Silva and

Michael Redclift or

heir

helpful

uggestions. Opinions expressed

are

entirely he author's, and do not

reflect

he

viewpointsof the nstitution ith which he

is

associated.

91

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3/21

Latin

Americanesearch

eview

phenomenon, qualified or

expanded

this

characterization

e.g.,

Vassi-

mon

1969,

Gonzales

and

Bastos

1975).

The definition

sed

here

will

be

the

synthesis ffered

y Gomes

da

Silva

(1975):

. .

.a salaried ural

worker

esiding

utside

he

gricultural

roperty,

enerally

in the

urban

periphery

f

nearby

owns or

cities,

who

may

or

may

not

be

properly

egistered

o as to receive abor

egislation

nd social

ecurity

enefits;

who is paid

on

a

piecework, ask-completed

r

dailybasis;

and who

generally

travels ome

distance

ach

day

to

his

place

of

work,

sually y

truck.

P. 8)

A

principal

distinguishing

eature

of

the boias frias

s

that

they

are

frequentlygriculturalworkers

with

urban residence. This charac-

teristic, lso noted

in

similar tudies n other

countries

e.g.,

Dotson

and

Dotson 1978,

Wilkinson

1963),

has led

some researchers to

label

this

social group as rurban (Gonzales and Bastos 1975, p. 12) and note the

de-ruralization

of

the

agricultural

abor force

Brant

1979, p.

33).

Agricultural

modernization

processes

in

Brazil have

perhaps

had

theirmost

profound

mpact

n

the

state of

Sao

Paulo,

and much

of

the

existing

research on

boias frias

s

specific

to that state.

This

research

interest

was

stimulated n

part by

Maria

Conceiqao

D'Incao e

Mello's

landmark

study, The

Boia Fria:

Accumulationnd

Misery

1975), which

represents

the

first

major attempt

t

combining historical nd

field

n-

vestigation of ruralday laborers. It remains the most comprehensive

single reference

n

the

subject.

Focusing

primarily n

the

impoverished

Alta

Sorocabana region

of

Sao

Paulo, D'Incao

e

Mello describes the

historical

ransition rom n

agricultural

roduction

system

based

largely

on

coffee

o

one

in

which

cattle

raising

nd

commercial

otton

ultivation

redominate.As a

result

of

this

transition, rganization of

the

production

system also

changed.

Patron-client

elationsbetween

landowners and

resident enant

farmers

(called

colonos)

were

gradually

replaced by an

increasingly

apitalist gri-

culturebased on mechanization, modern inputs, and temporarywage

labor.

Temporary

abor

was

especially employed

during

periods of

peak

labor

demand at

cotton

harvest,which

requires

much greater

imeliness

of

execution

than

the

traditional

offee

gathering.

This

substitution

process

occurred

over a

forty-year

eriod be-

tween

1930

and

1970. As the

configuration f

coffee

plantations

with

their

associated

subsistence

tenant-farmer

abor

force was

substituted

by

the

relatively

ess

labor-intensive

ystems of

cattleand

cotton,

rural

residents

were

forcedto seek

employment n

nearbycities and

towns,

thereby emoving hem from n-farm roductive ctivity nd contribut-

ing to the

growingmarginal

population in urban

areas.2

Because of

the

large number

of ex-rural

unemployed and the

cyclicalhigh

demands

for

labor, rural

landowners found it

economically

more

advantageous

to

transport ay

laborers

from he

towns to the

farms han

to maintain

a

92



4/21

TEMPORARY

LABOR IN BRAZILIAN AGRICULTURE

resident on-farmwork force with its

corresponding costs of required

labor legislationbenefits, and for subsistence

production, and various

in-kindpayments e.g., firewood,foodstuffs, ousing, etc.). In conse-

quence, the boia friaemerged as an identifiable ocial group, working

sporadically ccording

to

the demand

forhis

or her service,often eceiv-

ing less than the minimumwage.3

As the number of boias frias ncreased, the composition of the

rural

work force

changed (Graziano

da Silva and Gasques 1976, p. 6).

During the 1964-75 period, the absolute number of nonresident rural

workers ncreased

by

almost 44

percent

while the overall rural popula-

tion declined by one

third. n

consequence,

the proportionof nonresi-

dent workers

n

the agricultural abor

force xpanded from 6 percentto

36 percent. t is noteworthy hatby 1975 the boias friasrepresented ne

fourth f

the population economically

ctive n Sao Paulo agriculture.

The specific auses of the rural

social change processes that have

led to the emergence of the temporary ay

laborer have been

variously

suggested

to include

capitalistpenetration

f

agriculture, hanging agri-

cultural

and-use

patterns,

ncreased

seasonality

n the demand for ural

labor,

and revised labor

legislation governing

rural workers. These oc-

currences

are

obviously

not unrelated and will be discussed more ex-

tensively

elow.

There are currently n estimated

six millionboias frias

n

Brazil

(Gomes

da

Silva

1975, p. 16). During

the

agricultural ear,

this

number

fluctuates

y up

to 15

percent

due

to

the

seasonality

of labor

demand

(Graziano

da

Silva

and

Gasques 1975).

A

perhaps generous estimation,

thisnumber lso

represents

s

much

as

39

percent

of

the Brazilian

popu-

lation

that s

economically

active

in

agriculture.

This

proportion

varies

considerablyby region,

of

course,

as

suggested by

tabulations

carried

out

by

Gonzales

and

Bastos

(1975),

which

are

reproduced

n

table

1.

The

assumptionhere is thatthe largebulk of urban residentswho are eco-

nomically ctive

n

agriculture

work as

boias frias.4

The demand for

temporarywage

labor

in

agriculture

s

highly

seasonal.

When labor demand

peaks

and

wages rise,

work

groups

ex-

pand

to

nclude

persons normally

nderemployed

n

the urban

economy,

includingwomen

and

children Lange, Bellotto,

nd Bastos

1977;

Barros

and

Urban

1977;

and

Graziano

da

Silva 1977). Indeed,

children

under

the

age

of fifteen

working as temporary

wage

laborers

represented

9

percent

of

boias

frias,

nd

3

percent

of

the total

population economically

active n Sao Paulo agriculturen 1975 (Graziano da Silva and Gasques

1976).5

While

data

on

children's

contributions

o

agricultural roduction

are

sketchy

t

best,

there

s

some

evidence that

the

number

of

children

in

the Brazilian

agricultural

abor

force

has

expanded

in

recent years

93



5/21

Latin

American

esearch

eview

T

A B L E

1

Population

conomicallyctiven

Agriculture

n 1970

ccording

o

Rural

or

Urban

esidence,or electedraziliantates

State Urban % Rural % Total %

Pernambuco

100,279

13.1

664,440

86.9

764,719

100

Sao

Paulo

346,896

26.6

954,934

73.4

1,301,830 100

Parana

105,780

7.4

1,333,058

92.6

1,438,838

100

Goias

76,134

14.5

447,983

85.5

524,117

100

Source:

onzalez

ndBastos

1975), .

11.

(Martins

1978).

During

the 1970-75

period,

the number

of

agriculturally

employedwomen and children ntheBrazilianNortheast ncreasedby7

percent

Rezende

1978, p.

13;

author's calculations

based

on

1975 census

data).

In

the same

span,

overall child labor

participation

n

Sao

Paulo

agriculture rew

by

21

percent.

Concomitantly,

he

absolute

number

of

children

n

the boia

fria

brigades tripled

during

these

years

from

1,814

to

33,220 Antuniassi

1980).

These

descriptive tudies

have

only

begun to probe

the

causes of

increased

on-farm hild

abor use.

Economic

advantage has

been offered

as

the

principal

explanation, since

children'swages

are

generallyhalf

of-

adult rates. However, thisinterpretationould be enriched by a fuller

considerationof

household survival

strategies

n

the context

f

deterio-

rating terms of

exchange

for

rural

workers,

and

associated

migration

patterns

hat attract

young

adults

from

he farm

family

work

force

nto

unskilled

urban

employment.

Women

represent

a

larger

proportion of

the

agricultural

work

force han

do children

Guimaraes 1978), and

theyparticipate

ctively s

temporarywage

laborers.

n

her

well-known

study

of

a

women's rural

labor

gang, Verena

Martinez-Alier

1977) notes that

these

women work

outside the home because theirhusbands' salaries are insufficiento

sustain the

family.

his situation

s

largely he

result

of the

family's ural-

urban

migration.

Whereas

previously

hese

women

participated n

sub-

sistence

agricultural

roduction

s an

extension of

their

domestic

activi-

ties, this

is no

longer

possible in an

urban

environment.As a

family

survival

strategy,

he

principalrecourse s

the sale

of

women's

labor

power

along

with that

of the

men.

The

difficultyaced

by

urban

families n

sustaining

hemselves

on

one

salary s

clearly egistered

n

Oliveira's

empirical

tudy

1978) of

boia

friafamily urvivalstrategies,which to myknowledge is the only ex-

isting example

of

this

methodological

approach. Of

194

families nter-

viewed,

78

percent

ontained

two or more

working

members.One

result

of

ncreased

formal

mployment

y

women

was found

to be

a

change in

reproductive ehavior n

favor

of

smallerfamilies.6

94



6/21

TEMPORARY

LABOR IN BRAZILIAN

AGRICULTURE

In many cases, the boia

fria-man or woman-literally

sells his

or

her abor to the

highest

bidder on

a

daily basis.

At strategic ollection

points in the urban peripheryof rural cities or towns, predawn labor

auctions fill local needs for

temporary abor.

Labor gang bosses,

known as

gatos

r turmeiros,

ecruit he day's work group, basing

their

choices-to

the extent

possible-on

strength, eliability, roductivity,

and passivity.

The

workers,

on the other hand, circulate among the

gatos

in

the effort

o

compare

wages offered nd the type of ob

to be

done. The choices are quickly

made and by dawn the pick-up and

flat-

bed

trucksfull of

boias frias are

on their way to the farmwhere

that

particular ay's

work will

be done.

The average work day lasts

twelve to fourteen

hours, includinga

lunch

break

and transportation

ime of two to three hours. Payment

s

made on

a

daily, task-completed,or piece-work

production basis.

The

latter ystem,

alled

empreitada,

s preferred ince

it reduces supervision

costs

and increases work

intensity.Although

boias frias tend

to

earn

more on a

daily

basis

than

do

permanent

residents or

tenant

farmers

(including

in-kind

payments), the intermittency

f their employment

means

that they

earn less

on

an

annual

basis,

hence

explaining

n

part

the employer's preference

ortemporarywage

workers Gonzales and

Bastos

1975).

The labor gang boss is linked to the farm mployer throughone

of

several

different

ocial

relationships.

He

may

be the

permanent

em-

ployee

of a

larger

farm

who is

responsible

for

recruiting

abor.

Or

he

may be simply

truck wner who

charges

workers

fare to transport

them

to a work

site

where, upon

arrival, heynegotiate

directly-and

at

a

disadvantage-with

the

employer.

Most

often,

however,

the

gato

is

a

labor

contractor

ho

agrees

to

provide

a serviceto the

employer

for

set

fee and

then

recruits

he abor

necessary

to

carry

ut the

task.

The

gato's

earnings

derive

from

he difference etween the fee

he

receives

and

the

paymentshe must make to the workers.This amount generallyrepre-

sents between

10

and 30

percent

of the contract

ayment Graziano

da

Silva

and

Gasques

1976).7

Recent

nvestigation

as ascertained

that

the temporary nd

tran-

sient

nature

of these

work

groups

is

not

nearly

s

pervasive

as

originally

thought.

n

a number

of

cases,

the

work

group

has been found to

be

quite

stable.

In these fixed

groups (called

turma

irme),

constant

ore

of

aborers

may

work

together

egularly

or he same

gato,

and

oftenon

the

same

farm,

for a

year

or

more

(Barros

and

Urban

1977,

Gomes

da

Silva 1977, Martinez-Alier 977). At times of peak demand, this core

group

s

augmented through

he

incorporation

f friends r

relatives.

Current

research

has also

documented the limits

of

boia

fria

par-

ticipation

n

the overall

temporary

wage

labor force. n

Saio Paulo,

for

example,

the number

of boias

frias

grew rapidly

during

the

1960-66

95



7/21

LatinAmerican

esearch

eview

period.

However,

fter

966the total

number

emained

elativelyon-

stant,

lthough

he proportionate

epresentation

f boias

frias n the

agricultural

abor orceontinued

o rise

s theresult

f harp

eclines n

the number fresidentworkerscamaradas),enantaborerscolonos),

and

sharecroppers

parceiros)

Graziano

da

Silva 1977).8

At the same

time,

t

has become

ncreasingly

lear

hatmany

f

the emporary

age

aborersn

agriculture

re either

nderemployed

r

seasonally

nemployed

members f

small

farm amilies

Moura

1978,

Wanderley978).

An

extensiveield urvey

f mall armers

n the

tates

of SRo

Paulo and

Minas

Gerais scertained

hat emporary

age

work

contributedpproximately

0 percent

f annual

family

ncome

FIPE

1975).

A smallerurvey

ffamily

armsn the

Reconcavo

egion

fBahia

indicated hatmany ouseholdmembersngagednsupplemental age

labor,

enerallyor

eriods

f ixto fifteen

eeks year Saint1977b,

.

164).

These

findings

ave forced

rethinking

f arlier

nterpretations

f

the

boia

fria

s

a

transitory

ocial

phenomenon

ithin broader rocess

of

rural

roletarianization.

ndeed,

n the

face f

gricultural

oderniza-

tion,

ncreased

use of

all

types

of agricultural

age labor,

nd major

structural

hanges

n

rural

reas,

theBrazilian mall-family

arm

mini-

fundia)

as

demonstratedtself

o

be remarkably

esilient

ndadaptable

(Graziano

da Silva

1978b,

rant

979).

The continuednd ncreasinglyetailed tudy f emporaryage

laborhas

demonstrated

hat

heboia frias not he

homogeneous

roup

it was

once

thought

o

be.

In

fact,

t leastone effort

as been made

to

develop

typology

f theseworkers.

Grazianoda Silva

1978a)

distin-

guishes

hreemain

subgroups:1)

the

permanent

oia

friawho

works

virtually

he ntire

ear,

enerally

s

a

member

f fixed

roup;

2)

the

sporadic

oia fria-often

minors,

women

or the

aged-who

works

ne

or

two

months

year

during

eriods

f

peak

demand;

nd

(3)

the

nter-

mittent

oia

fria,

who

periodically

hifts

etween ural

nd

urban

m-

ploymentepending navailableobopportunities.

At

this

point,

t

should

be

noted

thatmany f

theabove studies

have

relied

n

secondary

ata sources

hathave certain

imitations.he

most ommonly

sed sources

re the nstituto

e Economia

Agricultura

(IEA)

in

Sao

Paulo,

the

Instituto

acional

de

Colonizaqao

e Reforma

Agraria

INCRA),

and

the nstituto rasiliero

e

Geografia

Estatistica

(IBGE).

The

EA

conducts

yearly

ample

urvey

f

pproximately

,500

farms

tratified

y

farm

ize.

These

data are then

xtrapolated

o form

distributionalonfiguration

or

ll farms

n the

state.

This

procedure

creates wodifficulties.irst, nce-a-yearampling oes notprovide

much

basis

for

ssessing

mportant

easonal variations

n

temporary

labor

use;

second,

the

extrapolation

rocess

occasionally

reates am-

pling

rrors

hat

urpass

20

percent

Antuniassi

980).

n

contrast,

he

INCRA

and IBGE

data

avoid

the

sampling

ssue since

hey

re

national

96



8/21

TEMPORARY LABOR IN

BRAZILIAN AGRICULTURE

censuses. However, they

do not

resolve the seasonality

problem since

they re conducted only at five-yearntervals. urthermore,

ven though

these ntervals re staggered INCRA

in

1967 and

1972; BGE in 1970 and

1975), definitions fthesamplingunitare sufficientlyissimilar o as to

make comparison difficultGraziano da Silva 1978b).

Very ittle ffort as been made to check

the qualityand reliability

of

data on

temporary wage

labor

from these

sources. While many

researchershave used this informationwithout qualification, here are

important xceptions e.g., Graziano da Silva, Brant). Probablyno more

than a fifth f all boia friastudies are field based, and many of these

employ

more

qualitative

than

quantitative

methods. Where interview

surveys

have been

used,

the

sample size-frequently

limited by the

availability fresearchfunds-has oftenbeen questionablysmall. How-

ever,

these limitations ave not

preventedresearchers

uch as D'Incao e

Mello

(1975)

and Martinez-Alier

1977)

from

making maginativeuse of

small

surveys

in

conjunction

with other

methodological approaches.

Unfortunately,

he

ambitious and

potentially

ich

analysis

of

boias frias

in

Parana',

concluded

in

1979

and based

on

some

twelve hundred field

interviewsby

the

Instituto aranaense

de

Desenvolvimento

Economico

e

Social (IPARDES),

is stillnot available

publicly.

A number of studies have commentedon the livingconditionsof

boias

frias

e.g.,

Bombo

and Brunelli

1966,

Santos 1972, D'Incao

e Mello

1975). They note that the

work

day varies

from en

to fourteenhours,

thatthe large majority

f

workers re illiterate,

hat

health problems are

constant

nd

frequently evere,

and

thatmost

workers'families ive

in

a

three- r four-room hack

that

hey

do not own.

Additionally,

utritional

shortcomings

re

widespread

and

occasionally

reach

levels

considered

to be clinically eficient Angeleli,Vannuchi nd Dutra

de

Oliveira 1978).

Salaries

are

consistently

elow

the

legislated

minimum

wage (Graziano

da Silva and Gasques 1975), and women are routinelypaid less than

men (Martinez-Alier 977,

Saint

1977a,

Guimaraes 1978).

Political

par-

ticipation s very ow; one study found that almost 80 percent

of

boias

frias nterviewed had

not voted

in

the last election

(Santos 1972).

In

short,

the boias frias

constitute

socially marginalized

group,

which

relies on

strategies

of

multiple

unskilled

rural and urban

employment

trade-offs or ts

survival nd social

reproduction

Brant1977).

EXPLANATIONS OF THE BOIA FRIA PHENOMENON

Early

studies

of

temporarywage

labor

in

agriculture

ended

to

explain

(and

almost

assume)

the

emergence

of this

new social

group

as the

resultof

capitalistpenetration

f the

countryside D'Incao

e Mello

1975,

Gonzales

and Bastos

1975).

Viewed

generally

from Marxist-oriented

97



9/21

Latin

American

esearch

eview

perspective,

the boia

friawas seen

as the natural

consequence

of

this

process,

a

transitional social

phenomenon

arising

from

onger-term

movements towards rural

proletarianization

nd

the creation

of a

re-

serve labor pool for ndustry.n manycases, however, little ffort

was

made to

investigate

he

extent o which

changes

in rural

abor

relations

were

in

fact

related to increased

capital

investment

nd

technological

innovation.9

An

additional

shortcoming

f

this

literature

as

been its

rather

persistentfailureto

frame

rural

proletarianization n

Brazil

within

the

contextof

larger

historical nd

international

rocesses.

Martins'

(1979)

careful

nalysis

of

tenant

aborers

colonos)

in

the

Sao

Paulo

coffee

n-

dustryprovides one

positive

example

of

such

an

approach.

The

study

exploreseffectivelyhe emergenceof the colono workergroup in

rela-

tion to

local

economic

development needs

and

associated

patterns

of

foreign

mmigration.What is

needed,

however, are

similar

endeavors

that

relate

the

boia

fria

o

broader

patterns

f

national

and

international

development,

and

make

explicit

fforts

o

develop a

comparative

under-

standing

of the

boia fria

henomenon

in

light

of

relevant

ural

proletari-

anization

experiences

from

ther

Latin

American

settings.

Later

studies

rectified,

t

least in

part,

these

earlier

missions and

provided

greater

nderstanding fthe

factors

hat

erved

as

catalysts or

theappearance of theruralwage laborers. 0Principal mong thesehave

been:

(1)

technological

modernization nd

concomitant

ncreases in

the

seasonal

variation

of

demand

for

agricultural

abor;

(2)

changing

crop-

ping

patterns

nd

associated

shifts n

labor

requirements;

nd

(3)

labor

legislation

applied

to

rural

workers

and

represented

primarily

y the

Estatuto do

Trabalhador Rural

(Statute for

the

Rural

Worker).

Each of

these

factors,

ot

unrelated

to the

broader

process

of

capital

penetration

in

the

countryside,

will

be

discussed

in

turn

below. It

should be

noted,

however,

that

to date

there

has been

little

ttempt

o

weight

these

vari-

ables. The extent owhich one is deemed moreimportant hananother

in

provoking

this

process often

seems

to

reflect

ersonal

biases of

the

authors rather

han

any

clear

understanding

f

causal

sequence.

Technological

odernization.

echnological

modernization

n

agri-

culture

has been

used

frequently s

a

primary

ndicator

of

increased

capitalization

n

rural

productive

processes.

The

most

common

mea-

sures of

technological

modernization

have

emphasized

changes in

trac-

tor

use,

fertilizer

pplication,

and

employment

f

pesticides

e.g.,

Brant

1977).

The

extent of

these

changes

has been

summarized in a

major

studyof temporarywage labor in Sao Paulo agriculture onducted by

the

State

Secretariat

f

Planning State of

Sao Paulo

1978).

1

It

notes

that

between

1950 and

1970 the

number of

tractors

n

Sao Paulo

increased

eighteen-fold

rom

3,819

to

67,312.

Similarly,

verage

fertilizer

se

per

hectare

grew

from

8.4

kg

during

the

1961-65

period

to 72.9

kg

in

1970,

98



10/21

TEMPORARY

LABOR IN


and expenditures n pesticides

by

farmers measured in constant

prices)

quadrupled between

1950 and 1970.

The expansion

of agricultural redithas

been a major

stimulus o

technologicalmodernization. n recentyears Brazilhas expanded agri-

culturalcredit

n

an

effort o finance

ts costly petroleum purchases

by

increasing

gricultural xports.

Between 1955 and 1975, the

number

of

agricultural

oans

in

Sao Paulo

mushroomed from 0,602 to

418,933. At

the same

time,the value

of the average loan provided

for he

purchases

of farm ools

and

machinery ncreased

five-fold

rom 970 to 1975 State

of

Sao

Paulo 1978, pp. 120,148).12

Finally, further

ndicatorof capitalistpenetration

f rural areas

might be

the proportionof farm

production that

s sold, thereby ug-

gesting heextent o which agricultural roduction s primarily subsis-

tence activity.

etween

1967 and 1972, this proportion

n

Sao

Paulo in-

creased

from72

percent

to 81

percent,

hus supporting

he notion that


has

become more

commercially

riented

Gra-

ziano

da Silva and Gasques

1976).

To date, capitalistpenetration

notions have

been framed argely

in

terms of evolving

modernization processes

on medium and

large

farms.

Attention

o the

employment onsequences

springing

from n-

creased

use

of

purchased

production

nputs

has tended to overshadow

the emergenceofnew organizationalformsforproduction, .e., agro-

industry.

esigned

to

produce specific xport

tems

and

more

recently

energy crops), agro-industrial

nterprises

re

less

tied to local markets

and

tend to

locate

in

regions

where

land

and labor

costs are lower.

Consequently, they

often create

a demand for

wage

labor

that

con-

siderably urpasses previous

regional requirements.

This

phenomenon

has been

particularly

bservable

n

the Brazilian

Northeast

where

agro-

industrial

expansion, often focusing

on the

production

of

citrus and

other

ropicalfruits,

as

generated

poorly

understood pressures

on

local

productionsystems.The socioeconomic effects f this expansion pro-

cess-greater

use of

wage labor,

rural

out-migration,

educed

regional

food

supply,

declining

nutritional tatus-have

been

widely hypothe-

sized but not

generally

onfirmed.

ChangingCropping

atterns. hanging cropping patterns

nd as-

sociated shifts

n

labor

requirements

have

accompanied

technological

modernization

and the massive infusion

of

agricultural

redit.

Agri-

cultural

and use

patterns

n

Sao

Paulo

have suffered

major

modifica-

tions.

Between 1968

and

1973,

the area

planted

in

subsistence

crops

(rice,beans, cassava, etc.) fellby 28 percent,the area planted in semi-

subsistence

or transitional

rops (corn, peanuts,

coffee,

ananas, etc.)

declined by

13

percent,

and

the area

planted

in

export

or

modern

crops (cotton, sugar,

oranges, soybeans,

tomatoes, etc.)

surged by

53

percent Gasques

and Valentini

1975). During

the

same

period,

cattle-

99



11/21

LatinAmericanesearch

eview

raising also increased,

in

part supplanting

areas

that

had

previously

produced coffee.

n the

major

coffee

producing

states of Sao Paulo and

Parana,

for

example, pasture

land

replaced

27

percent

and

40

percent,

respectively, f coffee ands cleared through government radication

program Graziano

da

Silva

and

Gasques 1976, p. 28).

The expansion of

export nd industrially riented

rops s directly

related

to favorablebiases

in

agricultural

redit

programs

and

agricul-

tural policy generally.As illustrated

n

table

2,

between

1970

and 1975

certain

Saio

Paulo

crops

received

major

credit llocation ncreases:

soy-

beans

(2,302%), sugar

cane

(1,026%),

rice

(859%),

and

citrus

712%).

Over

the

same

period,

the

total value

of


credit

(custeio)

for

cattle-raising

oared to

20 times

the

original

level.

These

trendswere also generally bserved forBrazil as a whole. However, it s

noteworthy

hat

Sao Paulo received

roughly

half of the nation's

cotton

credit n

both years and the

average value of Sao Paulo sugar-cane oans

increased much more

rapidly than those nationwide. Since cotton and

sugar

cane are

among

those

crops

with the

highest

easonal demand for

labor,

the

dynamicgrowth

nd concentration f credit

for hese

crops

in

Sao

Paulo

may explain

in

part why

the

boia fria

phenomenon

has

been

particularly haracteristic f Sao Paulo agriculture.

One effect

f

changing

and use

patternshas

been a

general

de-

cline in the regional demand foragricultural abor. Cattle-raisingre-

quires only

14

percent

of the

labor that coffee

production

does,

and

under current

systems

of

production export crops

are

generally ess

labor

intensive

than

subsistence

crops.

In

consequence, the number of

persons economically

occupied by agriculture eclined

in

Sao Paulo be-

tween 1964 and

1975 from

2

million to

1.3 million,

even

as the

total

amount of

agricultural

and

expanded (Graziano

da

Silva

and

Gasques

1976, p. 36). Many of

these persons migrated to nearby towns where

they

oscillatebetween

urban and

ruralemployment.

A second major effect fchanging and use patterns nd concomi-

tantmodernization

has

been

increased seasonal variation

n

the demand

for

agricultural

abor.

Under traditional

production

systems,

abor

uti-

lization

is

higher

and more

constant during

the

agricultural

year.

The

introduction

f

machinery

nd herbicides tends to reduce the labor

re-

quirements

for

soil

preparation

and

planting

and

subsequent

cultiva-

tional

practices.

However,

these

techniques,

when

coupled

with

fertil-

izer

use, generally

increase

yields

and therefore

ugment

the labor

requirements

or

harvest.

The

result s

greater

easonal variation

n

labor

demand (Graziano da Silva 1978a). Fromtheproducer'sstandpoint, he

most

economically

efficient

esponse

to this variation and

associated

possible

labor

bottlenecks

at

harvest is

the

use

of

temporary wage

laborers.

As

export

and

industrial rops have replaced subsistence

crops,

100



12/21

TEMPORARY LABOR

IN


TA

B L

E 2

Agriculturaloansfor roduction redit

Custeio)

n Sao Pauloand

Brazil,byEconomic ctivity: 970-1975

Sao Paulo

1970

1975

Average

Average

Value* Value Value* Value

No. of (Cr (Cr No. of (Cr

(Cr

Loans $1,000,000) $1000) Loans $1,000,000) $1000)

Cotton

24,439 262.8 10.8 13,967

736.4 52.7

Peanuts 14,823 67.4 4.5 12,662 231.0 18.2

Rice 7,998 60.8 7.6 12,858 583.3 45.4

Coffee

30,094

336.3

11.2

38,934 1,569.3

40.3

Sugar

Cane

5,655

128.3 22.7

5,940 1,445.1

243.3

Beans 1,041 4.8

4.6

3,238

58.2

18.0

Corn

29,575

243.9

8.2

34,512 1,361.9

39.5

Soybeans

974

29.4

30.1

4,665

706.1

151.4

Citrus 24,522 188.9 7.7 37,899 1,533.6

40.5

Cattle

6,409

65.9

10.3 23,262 1,381.1

59.4

Brazil

Cotton 96,342 482.2 5.0 69,496 1,737.9 25.0

Peanuts

23,550

98.3

4.2

15,401

269.2 17.5

Rice

68,432

522.3 7.6

120,934 6,475.4

53.5

Coffee

74,270

837.8 11.3

100,381 3,541.3

35.3

Sugar

Cane

14,239

345.0

24.2

22,844 3,952.1

173.0

Beans 21,230

91.2

4.3 32,889

519.0

15.8

Corn

136,763

586.2

4.3

157,238 3,964.7

25.2

Soybeans

26,846 187.5 7.0

69,577 6,412.7

92.2

Citrus

61,198

335.3

5.5

259,370 8,248.7

31.8

Cattle

29,513

294.0 10.0

152,661 7,386.9

48.4

Source:

tate

f

Sao Paulo

1978, . 149).

*In

1971

onstant

rices.

the

value

of

agricultural roduction per unit of land has

increased. At

the

same time, agricultural

redit

programs have also

increased the

demand

for

gricultural

and. As a

result of these processes,

prices for

agricultural

and have

risen at

extraordinary ates. In Sato

Paulo, for

example,

between 1969

and 1976, the price of both arable

land and

pasture land quintupled (State of Sao Paulo 1978, p. 135). Rising land

prices

have induced

many

small

holders to sell theirplots and

relocate n

the

Amazon or neighboring Paraguay-in which a reported

150,000

Brazilians

now

reside-where

land sale earningspermit he

purchase of

larger properties. Many others, of course, migrate to nearby

urban

101



13/21

LatinAmerican

esearch

eview

centerswhere

their

ash reserves

are

rapidly

exhausted, forcing hem to

seek

employment

as

unskilled

laborers in the town and

surrounding

countryside.

These land price increases also have contributeddirectly o the

substitution f

temporarywage laborers forresident

farm

workers. As

land values climbed, t became

cheaper for he

employer o pay workers

a

cash wage, so

that

they

could

purchase

theirfood

in

the

market, han

to

provide

the time and land

necessary

forthem to

produce

theirown

food

(Singer 1975,

Brant

1977). Similar

processes

of credit-fueled

and

concentration, rop substitution,

hifting

abor

demand,

and

rural out-

migration ave

been

observed

in

the

Northeast tate

of

Bahia

(Saint and

Goldsmith

1980).

Labor egislation. he Estatutodo TrabalhadorRural ETR), signed

into

law

in

1963, subsequently modified and

increasingly

enforced,

established for

he rural aborer

series of rights nd guarantees denti-

cal to

those

received

by

urban workers. The

more

important

f

these

include

receipt

of minimum

wage,

annual

paid

vacation,

a 48-hour

work

week,

severance

pay

in

case of

dismissal,

retirement

ension, and a

number of medical

and other social welfarebenefits

Rossini 1977, Chi-

arelli

1976).

At

the

time

these

rightswere

established-and afterward-

most rural

employers

did

not

comply

with

these

requirements, spe-

ciallythose concerning salary, vacation, severance pay, and the work

week. As enforcement

f

this

legislation became

more effective,13

corresponding

strong tendency

was

observed

on the

part

of the

em-

ployersto reduce their esident

abor force and

consequentlytheir egal

obligations)

nd increase

the

use of

temporarywage

laborers

contracted

through the gatos.

Under this

arrangement, he gato rather than

the

farm

owner

is

directly esponsible

forcompliance with the ETR

legisla-

tion.

However, given the transience

nd tenuousness

of employment n

many

boia friawork

groups,

violations

and noncompliance have

been

exceedinglydifficulto prove.

Under

these

conditions,

researchershave

been

quick

to

note

that,

from n

employer's

perspective,

the

boias

friashave certain economic

advantages

over otherforms f

employment Gonzales

and Bastos

1975,

Graziano

da

Silva and

Gasques

1976, Gasques

and Gebara

1977).

While

temporarywage

workers an earn more

than residentworkers

t a

daily

rate, they

earn much less on an

annual basis.

The move

to

temporary

labor

thus results

n

considerable

savings

to

the

employers

ince

in-kind

payments

to

resident

workers

may

represent

s

much

as

27

percent

of

their ncome, and compliancewith abor egislation ncreases aborcosts

by

a

further 7

percent

Gonzales

and

Bastos

1975). Thus, depending

on

the

agreed

conditions

under which the

resident

abor force s

maintained

on

the

farm,

he

switch

to

temporarywage

labor can

result

n

savings

to

the

employers

of

10

to

30

percent.

However, very

ittle

ystematic

ffort

102



14/21

TEMPORARY LABOR IN BRAZILIAN AGRICULTURE

has been made to check

these perceptionsdirectly hrough he analysis

of

farm

ccounting, and

of owner decision-makingprocesses and their

rationalefor hese changes.

Considerable attention

has been given n the iterature

o the role

of

the ETR in the formation f the

boias frias

nd

to

possible legislative

solutions

to the

problems

that hey onfront.A variety f egal violations

have been documented, as well as the boias frias' almost

total lack of

access to

judicial process

(Passos and Aranha 1975,

Graziano da Silva

and Passos

1976). Suggested

legal responses

have included the forma-

tion

of labor

cooperatives,

greatercontrol of gatos

and registration f

temporary aborers, and

land reform Gomes da Silva

and Pinto 1976).

At the

same time, however,

it has been noted that the

application and

enforcement f existing egislationwould probably resolve

most of the

identified roblems

Federaq5o

dos Trabalhadoresna

Agricultura o Es-

tado do Parana

1976).

CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS

The appearance of the boia fria

n

certain regions of

Brazil should not

suggest

that

the

country's

rural

abor force s

being transformed

nto a

large mass

of

free-floating age workers.Rather,

t

appears that

he boia

friahas emerged n responseto particular egion-specific hanges in the

structure

f

agricultural

roduction.

To

the extent

hat

these changes

are

replicated

n

other areas,

the

total number of boias

frias

may increase,

but limits

n

the seasonal fluctuations

f abor demand

suggest

that

this

number

s

not

likely

to

surpass

the

25 percent proportion

of

the labor

force hat

t

now constitutes

n

the more developed agricultural reas

of

Brazil. However, further

nderstanding f specific gricultural evelop-

ment contextsand

associated local agro-social change

processes

in re-

gions outside Sao Paulo-particularly

theNortheast, heAmazon and the

centralwestcerradoswill be necessaryto substantiate hisobservation.

The extent o which

the

boias frias epresent fully ndependent

rural

proletariatmay

also

be

questioned. Reinforcing

he

need

for om-

parative

ocal

studies

on

temporarywage labor,

Goodman

(1977, p. 25)

notes the

difficulty

f

distinguishing

ree nd dependent

socioeconomic

relationships

between

employer

nd

worker,

nd

suggests

that

aggre-

gative

data

on

wage employment

re

unlikely

to

provide

reliable

mea-

sures

of rural

proletarianization.

Although

Goodman's

remarks

efer o

the

Brazilian

Northeast,

ome

of the recent

Sao

Paulo research

suggests

theirpossible relevance forthat region as well. Furtherstudy of the

turma

firme,

or

xample,

mightprove enlightening

n

this

regard.

The

existenceof

stable

work

groups

thatare

employed

the year around

on

a

single

farm

mplies

that

employer-worker elationships may

be

more

than

purely economic. Similarly,

he

portion

of boias frias omprisedby

103



15/21

LatinAmerican

esearch

eview

sporadic

laborers-usually women and

children

not

regularly

n the ob

market-is

hardly consistent with traditional

conceptions

of a rural

proletariat.

At the same time, complementary ines of investigationmight

serve

to further nderstandingof the particular ircumstances

hat en-

gender and sustain temporary

wage laborers as an identifiable

ocial

group. Since these workers

also have

the option of seeking urban em-

ployment-and

indeed

some

of themdo on a periodicbasis-the

degree

of articulation

etween urban and rural abor marketsmightbe explored

profitably.

n this context,

there s a need to comprehend

the boia fria

phenomenon

in

relation

to

the broader dynamics

of Brazilian

economic

policies.

For

example, trade

policies may

favor xport rops over domes-

ticfood production, nd exchange-rate oliciesmay result n overvalued

currencies

that implicitly ax

the traditionally xport-oriented

rimary

sector. Such

policies

tend to turnthe termsof trade against

agriculture,

and

their

negative

interaction ffects ave the strongest

mpact on the

smaller

farms.Rural

labor generallybears

the

brunt of this

mplicit ax

burden

n

the form f

imitedreturns

nd

low wages.

Greater attention

o

sex and

age

differentialsmong temporary

agricultural

aborers

might

assist

in the

comprehension

of

evolving

family

urvival

strategies

within

ow-income

populations,

which have

been severelypressed bythegrowing ncomeinequitiesof recentyears.

Family budget

and

life-cycle

nalysis

could

well

generate

enlightening

information

n this

subject.

Very

ittleresearch

has

been

done on

temporarywage laborers'

own

view of

their

history,

heir

personal

ideologies,

and

their

potential

for

mobilization

through cooperatives,

rural

unionization,

or

political

movements.14

This

topic

s

particularlymportant

n

Brazil's current

o-

litical

setting.

Recent

political

party restructuring, reater

tolerance

of

divergent pinions,

and

growing

rural ocial tensions have combined

to

produce a resurgenceof ruralpoliticaland social mobilization ctivities

unequalled

in

over a

decade.

Finally,

the

role of

basic infrastructure evelopment,

primarily

roads,

in

creating

he

preconditions

or

both

capital-intensive

griculture

and

the use

of urban-based farm

aborers

might

be

fruitfullyxplored.

Since

many

ntegrated

ural

developmentprojects

place

heavy emphasis

on

infrastructure,

here

may

be

an

association

between such

efforts nd

the

expansion

of

wage

labor use

in

agriculture.

It

is difficulto udge

the

degree

to which the boia friamay repre-

sent a transitoryocial phenomenon in thehistory fBrazilianagricul-

tural

development.

As

long

as

rural

wages

remain

ow-currently $2.00

to

$4.00 per day-it

seems

unlikely

hat mechanization will

replace

the

boia

fria.

5

If, however,

future

overnment

ocial

and economic

policies

address

productively

he

structural

roblems

of rural ncome

inequality,

104



16/21

TEMPORARY LABOR

IN BRAZILIAN AGRICULTURE

enhanced rural ncomes

could raise the cost

of abor to the point where

mechanized substitution

f labor might occur on a large scale.

Under

these circumstances,

he large bulk of boias friascould well pass

from

sporadic employment o chronicunemployment.

Social and economic policies under the administration f

Brazil's

president, Gen. Joao Baptista

de

Figueiredo,

who took office n

March

1979, appear

unlikely o cause any major change in the social conditions

under

which the boia

fria

ives and works. Nevertheless, some new

developments may

be forthcoming. utgoing

Minister f Labor Arnaldo

Prieto noted that efforts

re

underway to

organize boias frias nto abor

cooperatives

thatwould permitworkers

o

negotiatedirectly nd

collec-

tively

with

employers.

At the

same time, effectivemeans of ncorporat-

ing boias friaswithin he rural abor unions are also under discussion.

In

this setting,

significant overnment

nitiativewas launched

in 1979

n

the effort o create politicalopening

and redemocratize

the

country. his undertakinghas created a less

repressivepolitical nviron-

ment

in

which organized labor can begin

to articulate lass-based

de-

mands for

wage adjustments

and

improved

working conditions.

For

example,

a

wildcat strike

y

Pernambuco sugar-cane workers

n October

1979

was

accompanied by petitions

for

alary ncreases, household

plots

for

subsistence

cultivation,

nd

improved

transportation ecurity

for

boias frias.Morerecently,nMay 1980, agriculturalworkers n thenewly

established coffee rea

of Bahia initiated strike

n

an effort o obtain

a

$4.00 per day wage,

equal pay forwomen, half-timework for hildren,

overtime

ompensation,

and

employer

compliance

with

egislated

abor

regulations.

Moreover,

a

governmentprogram

of limited agrarianreform

has

been

launched recently

n

selective

areas of extreme ocial

tension.

For example,

an Amazon

area twice the size of New York state recently

was placed

under National

Security

Council

jurisdiction

with

the

pur-

pose ofeffectingocalized land reform.Additionally, numberofland

redistribution rojects

for

the

impoverished

Northeast region

are

now

being prepared

forWorld

Bank and Inter-American

evelopment

Bank

funding.

In

this

context,

some landless

workers are

likely

to

regain

access

to

land,

either

through

distribution

f

public

terrains or

local

colonization

programs.

Greater remedial attention s also

being given

to

disadvantaged

rural

groups through government

activities

imed

at

improving

rural

housing, education, and

health

services.

However,

Brazil's current

co-

nomicdifficultiesimit harply heresources vailable for uchprograms.

Consequently,

continuing

Brazilian

dependence

on

petroleum

mports

and

associated

inflation

nd

balance-of-payments ressures suggest

that

in

the shortrun little

more than cosmetic attentionwill

be given

to

the

problems

of

the

country's

ix million

boias frias.16

105



17/21

Latin

American

esearch

eview

NOTES

1. Literally

ranslated,

oia riameans cold lunch. The term

erives rom he

day

laborers' racticef arryingheirunchwith hem otheir ork n the ield. empor-arywage aborersrealsoknown s volante,

au-de-arara,ilao, iroloSao

Paulo

nd

Paranai),landestino,aatingueiro

Pernambuco),

vulso

Bahia),

iscateiror

changueiro

(RioGrande

o Sul).

2. In

many

ways,

his s

theBrazilian

quivalent

o the

English

enclosure

movement

which

ccurred

n

the ixteenth

entury,

nd

s described

y

Marx

1906, :788-805),

who notes

he ubstitution

f

ropped

and

bypasture

or

heep

nd

cattle,he

on-

centration

f and

ownership,

he

ransformation

f ommonands

nto

rivate rop-

erty,

nd

the reation

f

large

roup

f andless

wage

aborers.

3.

In

Parana,

neighboring

tate f

Sao Paulo,

here

re n

estimated

00,000

oiasfrias

(Murad, 976).There, oo,

attle-raising

as

replaced

offee,ausing and concentra-

tion,

nemployment,

nd

changing

abor elations

s

documented

y MaxineMar-

golis 1973).

n other

reas

of he

tate, offee,

hich

equires

6

person-daysf aborfor achhectare lanted, as beenreplaced ythemechanized ultivationf soy-

beans

and

wheat,

which

equire

nly person-days

nd

2

person-days

f

abor

er

hectare lanted, espectively

Murad, 976).

4.

The

table

1

percentagesre

onlyroughly omparable ith imilar

alculations or

MexicoDotson nd Dotson

978, . 694),which

howedproportionsfurban ased

agriculturalists

rom

to

9

percent

n

majormetropolitanringereas.

5.

Overall

articipation

f hildren

ged

fourteen

nd under

n

Brazilian

gricultureas

been calculated s

16

percent

f

the

economically

ctive

opulation

n

the

primary

sector

Brant 979, . 38).

In one

Sao

Paulo

study,

hich nterviewed

03

female

g-

riculturalorkers,verhalf

eportedhat hey ad

entered heruralabor orce e-

fore he ge of

welve ears

Oliveira 978, . 41).

6. For a

general iscussion f women n

Brazil's

abor

force, ee Madeira nd Singer

(1975).

7. In

exceptional

ases,

the abor

gang

boss

may

be

a

woman.

See

Gomes

da

Silva

(1977).

8. For

discussions

frecent

hanges

n

rural ocial elations

hat ocus

irectly

n

these

differential

roups,

ee

Antuniassi

1976);

Oliveira eto

1977); tein,

Medeiros, nd

Garcia 1977);

allum

Junior

1978);

nd Brant

1979).

For

an

extensiveuantitative

descriptionf hese

groups

or

razil

s

a

whole, ee

Graziano

a

Silva

1978b).

9. For critiquef he

arly

oia fria

iterature

hat

mphasizes

his

oint, ee Goodman

and

Redcift1977).

10.

Much f he

debate

n

theboiafria henomenon,

s well s many f

he tudies ited

here,

ccurred

n

the

ngoing

orums

rovided y

he

nnual onferences

n

agricul-

tural

wage

aborheld t the

Universidade

stadual aulista ulio e

Mesquita ilho,

located n Botucatu, ao Paulo,and sponsored ytheDepartmento e Economia

Rural rom

975 o 1980.

11.

This project

s

one of

threemajorresearch

ffortsn the theme

inanced y the

Ministry

f

Labor;

t s

currently

he

only

ne

that

s

concluded ndpublished. he

other wo

re:

the

nstituto

oaquim abuco

for

emambuco tate

nd the nstituto

Paranaense

e Desenvolvimentoconomico

Social-IPARDES

for

arana

tate.

12.

In 1977

otal

gricultural

redit

rovided

n

Brazil

wasapproximately

23.5billion, n

amount lmost

qual

n

value

to

the

gricultural

NP

Since

most f hese

oanscar-

ried

nterestates

ower

han herate f

nflation,

hereal

nterestate

was

negative.

The results

a

very

izable ocial

ubsidy

f

he

griculturalector.

13.

There re several

pparent easonsfor ncreased

nforcement.

ural aborunions

havebecome

more ctive

n

defending orkers'ights,specially ince

hey ave n

manynstancesome o ncorporatenion ontractedawyers hoprovide ree egal

assistance

o

unionmembers. fficialolerationf

hese

ndeavors,

nd ofunion

c-

tivities

enerally, ay

be

due

to

efforts

o reduce he

ocial

ensions

rising

rom

x-

treme ncome

nequality

n

rural

reas,

o

the

declining olitical

nfluences

f

rural

elites

s Brazil

ecomes

ncreasinglyrbanized,

nd to

conscious

overnment

fforts

to

expand

hemarkets or

omestic onsumer

roductsy

providing

ural

opula-

106



18/21

TEMPORARY LABOR

IN BRAZILIAN AGRICULTURE

tions

withguarantees

or ome

cashincome

nd associated

ncreased

urchasing

power.

14.

A partial xception

s

Sab6ia

1978)

who analyzes heworld

views stemming

rom

boia fria urvival trategiesnd theorganizationalotentialnherentn theseper-

spectives.

15.

Atthe

presentxchange

ate,

r$100 o Cr$200.

16.

Brazil

resentlymports

5 percent

f tspetroleumeeds. nflation

or 980was

ap-

proximately

10percent.

he

country'soreign

ebt

s over 54billion nd

rising.

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