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THE PHRASE IN TELUGU PROVERBS III: A CASE STUDY

OF ANALOGICAL PROVERBS IN ANDHRA LOKOKTHI CHANDRIKA

Chilukuri Bhuvaneswar CIEFL, Hyderabad

Abstract

There are a large number of adverbial phrases that occur as proverbs in addition to adjectival

and noun phrases. Such proverbial phrases are embedded in sentences or used independently to

perform different functions in discourse.

In this paper also, M. W. Carr’s (1868) Andhra Lokokthi Chandrika has been examined as a case in

point to find out the range of adverbial phrases represented in Telugu proverbs. From such an

examination, it has been found out that there are two types of adverbial phrases:1. adverbial

phrases ellipted from larger utterances; 2. adverbial postpositions appended to different syntactic

classes of utterances. The first class of adverbial phrases have been discussed already in the

second paper “The Phrase in Telugu Proverbs 2: A Case Study of Adverbial Phrases in Andhra

Lokokthi Chandrika”. In this third paper, the second class are analysed. Very significantly, they

are very large - about 391- in the corpus. They are formed so frequently and easily that they can

be classed as analogical proverbs separately. Such a classification is essential for the following

reasons.

1. It points out to a need for re-examining the very classification of proverbs into literal and

metaphorical proverbs in the traditional manner.

2. More importantly, their presence as a large corpus in Telugu proverbs further lends

credence to a karmik linguistic perspective of considering proverbs as prototype –

categorial instaintiators of social praxis.

3. In addition, they point out to the inter-relationship between meaning, function and form

in an anushangik manner, i.e., the properties of meaning inheriting the properties of

svabhavam inheriting the properties of karma.

4. Finally, the presence of such classes of syntax in proverbs shows the psycholinguistic

evolution of proverbs from mono-actional cognition of action into inter-actional

analogical cognition of action to metaphorical cognition of action in a prototypical

principle.

5. As a result, all these manifestations of proverbs in essence pave the way for considering

language in a unified theory where form, function, and meaning are integral to the

process of languaging.

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I. INTRODUCTION

In “The Phrase in Telugu Proverbs 1” and “The Phrase in Telugu Proverbs 2”

(Bhuvaneswar, 2003, a, b), the adjectival, adverbial and noun phrases are

analysed. All the examples that have been quoted are only phrases and no

sentences have been involved. In “ The Clause in Proverbs 2: A Case Study of

Telugu”. (Bhuvaneswar, 2003c), the adverbial clause is discussed and some

analogical phrases have been quoted in a different context. Since there are a very

large and significant number of proverbs containing adverbs of comparison

appended to utterances, they require to be studied separately. Furthermore, they

constitute an important class of proverbs in Telugu by virtue of their number and

their structure. In addition, their syntactic structure offers an important formal

linguistic clue to the very nature of proverbs as prototypes. Therefore, an attempt

is made to study them in this paper.

II. LITERATURE REVIEW

As has already been pointed out earlier, in Bhuvaneswar (2003, a, b, and c), no

comprehensive analysis of phrases has been made so far. Only in Reddi, P. N.

(1983:20-22) a compact statistical review of analogical proverbs has been made.

A review of his analysis will be taken up in Section III. Even in Venkateswarlu, V.

(1982), no discussion of this class of proverb formation has been made even

though a detailed discussion of adverbial postpositions has been. He mentions the

following similarity and manner postpositions in phrases:

(1). su:rjuni ale

Surya like

„Like Surya‟

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(2). nippu la: (la:ga:/la:guna)

fire like like like

„Like fire‟

(3). munapi ma:d iriga: (ri:tini/tand a:na / mostaruga)

previously in the manner like (in the manner /in the manner like)

„Like previously‟

(4). salaha: praka:ram

advice according (to)

„According to the advice‟

(5). taa ri:tja

law according to

„According to law‟

(6). a:ga: nusaram

order following

„Following the order‟

ale, la: (la:ga:, la:guna), ri:t ini, tand a:na, and attu (like) are all used in proverbs

very frequently. Of course, attu with its Sanskritic origin (at + u > attu „like‟)

has not been used productively in Modern Telugu in spite of its presence in Carr

(1868).

By attaching these postpositions, to utterances, a large number of phrases have

been formed as proverbs in Telugu. These phrases contain small phrases or

sentences of different types as their complements. This is a very unique way of

expressing prototypicalization in proverbs. Such different ways of expressing

prototypicalization by the use of similarity – manner adverbial postpositions will

be discussed in the next section.

III. ANALYSIS OF ANALOGICAL PROVERBS IN ANDHRA LOKOKTHI CHANDRIKA

A cursory reading of Carr (1868) and Avadhani, D. V. et al. (1974) shows that

there is a preponderance of similarity – manner adverbs attached to the end of

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many expressions. Words such as au (a variant of alu „like‟), and annau (a

variant of anina aulu „saying like‟) and the particle aa or ana („that‟ with its

masculine uta, ata, a:a and the feminine d ia or daa as well as their plural

r(a)a) are the two classes of suffixes frequently encountered in these two most

important collections. These forms are Spoken Telugu specific and they indicate

the nature of these proverbs on the one hand and throw light on the very nature of

proverbs in general as analogical in their function as interpreted by many Telugu

critics.

There are also some other words such as ale „like‟, tandamu, „like‟, ma:d iri „in

the manner of‟, ri:t i „in the manner of‟, anidi „like it‟, and idamu „in the way

of‟ which are encountered once in a while. These suffixes also point out to the

nature of proverbs as analogical. The second class with „aa‟ is a reporting particle

which is suffixed to indirect speech and also brings in analogy with reference to

the contextual action.

An analysis of the usage of such proverbs having similarity – manner adverbs

shows that they are not actually comparing two actions but categorizing the

contextual action in terms of the proverbial action. To put it differently, by

analogy of the contextual action with the proverbial action, a prototype-categorial

relationship is established. This is a very subtle and crucial distinction that has to

be made if we want to establish the most important property of proverbs which has

been lost sight of right from the time of Aristotle and Goethe up to the present day,

namely, the prototype - categorial instantiation property (or pro-cat

(instantiation) property )). Therefore, this type further offers a formal linguistic

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evidence to show that these analogical proverbs are in fact designed to be used as

prototypes with which contextual actions are related as their categories.

When someone looks at a flying animal in the sky whose species he doesn‟t know

and wants to know what it is, he first tries to know the unknown or the unfamiliar

in terms of an already known object or species. When someone asks him, what it

is he will say that it is „like a bird‟ or simply „it is a bird‟. The first is a simile and

the second is a metaphor. In both the cases, the purpose of comparison or

superimpositional cognition of one in terms of another is to categorize human

experience as „that‟ (t at) and „this‟ (id am) (Bhuvaneswar, 2002).

This important way of knowing the unknown/unfamiliar/abstract phenomena in

terms of the known/familiar/concrete is an inherent trait of humans that is the

primary cause for the formation of proverbs. This property is anushangically

inherited from the very principle of creation as understood in Karmik theory

(Bhuvaneswar, 2003d). The same property is further extended to perform another

derived function, namely, that of classification which brings in clarification and

elaboration also (Bhuvaneswar, 1998a). Since proverbs have become culturally

established, they have further gained cultural authorization of or categorization of

social praxis to comment on it. (Bhuvaneswar, 1998b)

Furthermore, proverbs gained aesthetic appeal in view of their attractive imagery

and catching meaning and symmetrical structure. As such, this property is further

harnessed and they are used as ornamentation in discourse. (Bhuvaneswar, 1999)

An important extension of cultural authorization of proverbs is their idealization of

prototypical action. The prototypical action expressed by the prepositional content

is not necessarily always wise or absolute but it is the norm of the society in a

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context. This norm is recommended for guidance (as advice by warning,

suggestion, etc); and this norm is also used to offer support to a categorial action

in a context (Bhuvaneswar, 1998b).

Another important extension of cultural authorization of proverbs is in discourse

as a strategy for politeness. In view of its cultural authorization, the propositional

content of the proverb becomes generalized as a common way of conducting

social praxis. This feature helps to distance the proverb user from the comment he

makes and transfers the opinion on to the culture. Thus, it reduces the

impoliteness on the part of the speaker and at the same time conveys his opinion

indirectly, hand and glove.

Finally, proverbs are used for instantiation, transmission and perpetuation of

cultural praxis also. That is proverbs are cited in discourse to promote that kind of

proverbial action as indicated in the proverb.

These are the most important functions of proverbs. However, for the purpose of

our present analysis, the pro-cat instantiation property is considered in the light of

the formal linguistic evidence shown in the syntactic structure of proverbs.

First, let us exemplify the various syntactic patterns used in the construction of

analogical proverbs and then use them in conversation to show their pro-cat

instantiation property.

A. PHRASES PREMODIFYING THE ADVERBS

According to Reddi, P. N. (1983:20), in Andhra Lokokthi Chandika of Carr

(1868), the following adverbial postpositions are used as shown in the third

column and verified by me in the fourth column.

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S. No. Name of Adverb Frequency count by Reddi Frequency count by

Bhuvaneswar

1. sa:mit a No. 9 6 times

2. sa:mjamu 4 times 3 times

3. a:aamu 1 time 1 time

4 ma:d iri 1 time Nil

5. tand amu 1 time 3 times

6. at tu 3 times 8 times

7. ale no mention 19 times

It is not known how he arrived at these numbers since the serial numbers of the

proverbs have not been given in his review - probably due to lack of space.

Nonetheless, they have to be crosschecked once again as they do not tally with my

analysis and counting. The frequency of the occurrence of these items according

to my count is given in the fourth column. They are listed below for verification.

According to Reddi, P. N. (ibid.), at the end of the ninth proverb, there is the word

sameta, sa:mit a. In the First AES Reprint 1988 of the 1868 version of Carr‟s

Andhra Lokokthi Chandrika, there is no such wording. The following proverb is

given there:

(1). “9. ant a ma:t rama: koaka: teulu paukoni t aie:u annau

Am I so well of, my son, that you should feel my ears?

(See No. 819). Said by an old woman to a thief” (No. 9, p.2)”

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a. sa:mjamu ‘Proverb’ or ‘Similarity or Likeness’

He mentions that the word sa:mjamu occurs at four places in the proverbs.

According to my counting, it occurs only three times as follows.

(2). “723. ko:ti: guruinda sa:mjamu

Like the monkey and the Guruvinda (see No. 717)

The seed of the Guruvinda (Abarus Precatorius) is a small pretty

black and red seed” (No. 723, p. 131)

(3). “1224. nakka re:laka:ja sa:mjamu

Like the effect of the cassia fruit on a jackal

Rela is the Cassia (catharto carpus) Fistula”. (No. 1224, p. 216)

(4). “1341. ne:ti bi:raka:ja sa:mjamu

Like a tasteless cucumber

(see Nos. 230, 240, 279, 613, 1250, 1542, 1796.)

neti birakaya is the ghee cucumber.

Grand in name but not worth anything” (No. 1341, p. 235)

Carr mentions the incidence of sa:mjamu in the Index I (ibid. Supplement: 135) as

only once. Reddi, P. N. mentions further that „a:vaamu‟, „ma:diri‟, and tandamu

each occur at one place. According to my count tandamu occurs at three places

as follows.

B. tandamu ‘Likeness’

(5). “739. gada kattapa po:ru tandamu

Like a fight between an elephant and a tortoise” (No. 739, p. 134)

(6). “1503. pu:sa ku:rtina tand amu

Like stringing beads.

All in harmony” (No. 1503, p. 263)

(7). “1880. re:palle a:a tandamu

Like a row of houses in Repalle

Repalle (or Vrepalle) is the Telugu name of Nandavraja, the scene of

the youthful exploits of Krishna.

It was famous for its prosperity according to some – according to

others, for the unchastity of its women.” (No. 1880, p. 235)

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Carr also mentions these three numbers in his Index I (Supplement: p. 107).

I could not find where ma:d iri is mentioned but in proverb No. 648, there is

a:aamu.

C. a:atamu

(8). “648. kummarapuruga:aamu

The manner of the mole-cricket

Never resting from doing mischief” (No. 648, p. 118)

Reddi, P. N. (ibid.) also mentions that att u occurs at three places. According to

my count, it occurs at seven places excluding at which is the Sanskrit word from

which the tatsamamu attu is formed. at occurs only once. So at tu occurs at

eight places.

D. att u ‘Like’

(9). “445. e:nugu migina elaga panu attu

Like a wood-appel swallowed by the elephant

(See No. 798)

It is swallowed whole, and is said to be found afterwards empty

though unbroken.

Said of a person in an influential position who does not benefit

others” (No. 445, p.81)

(10). “447. e:nugulu tine:a:iki pi:nugulu piniana au

To the man that eats elephants, corpses are as pastry.

(See Nos. 684, 773, 1008)

„A thoroughly bad man won‟t stick at trifles‟ (No. 447, p. 81)

(11). “827. go:ri:ka:i nakka att u

Like a jackal at a tomb

A tantalizing position, as he cannot get into it.

Like a cat round hot-milk” (No. 827, p. 149)

(12). “1087. tirupat i magalaa:i au

Like the Tirupathi barber (See No. 683)

… .. . .. … … …

„Applied to a person selfishly taking work out of others‟ hands

which he is unable to complete himself” (No. 1087, p.194)

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(13). “1206. da:rapu:i pattepu a:i au

Like a pickpocket of Dvarapudi.

Dvarapudi is a notorious village in the Godavary District”. (No. 1206, p. 213)

(14). “2504. burad agunalo: paa pe:apurugu au

Like a beetle (lit. a cow dung worm) fallen into a mire pit.

Said of a man being in an harassing service from which he cannot

escape, & C” (No. 2504, p. 59)

(15). “2698. re:gu teukindi teiiguiani att u

Like the deaf blind man under the Regu tree.

(For Regu see No. 119)

… … … … …

(No. 2698, p. 94 (Supplement))

(16). “1396. para draja:i bellaa The property of others is as sweet as molasses

(See Nos. 3, 910, 1560)

Being liberal at others‟ expense

To eat large shives of another man‟s loaf” (No. 1396, p. 245)

Reddi, P. N. (ibid) has not mentioned about the incidence of ale in Carr (1868).

This is the largest occurring word among the seven items mentioned earlier.

The following 20 proverbs have ale: 188, 688, 719, 1114, 1165, 1675, 1680,

1695, 1801, 1877, 2118, 2159, 2163, 2223, 2256, 2300, 2305, 2492, 2503, 2560,

2689. Out of these proverbs 688, 1165, 1675, 1680, 1877, 2118, 2159,2223, 2492,

2503, and 2689 have ale within the proverb but not at the end as in the other

proverbs. A few examples are given below:

E. 1. ale at the End

(17). “719. ko:ti te:ti pa:mu ale

Like a snake in a monkey‟s paw

Jacko is afraid of it, but won‟t let it go” (NO. 719, p. 130)

(18). “1695. malli paina te:ni ale

Like a field attacked by worms

Sudden and overwhelming ruin.” (No. 1695)

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(19). “2256. kanlaku gantakai aailo: adilipeabaa a:ni ale

Like blindfolding (and pinioning) a man and leaving him in the jungle.

Putting a man into great difficulties” (No. 2256, p. 20 (Supplement))

(20). “2300. ganda poi mo:se: ga:ia ale

Like a donkey carrying sandal powder”

(No. 23000, p. 28 (Supplement))

(21). “2305. garut mant uni tu:tina pa:mu ale

Like a snake seeing Garutma(n)t(a)

Garutmat or Garuda (No. 751) was “the King o the feathered tribes and

the remorseless enemy of the serpent race” (Vishnu Purana, Wilson‟s

trans.)” (No. 2305, p. 28 (Supplement))

(22). “2560. me:kunu perikina ko:ti ale

Like the monkey that drew out the wedge

….. “The Monkey drew the sawyer‟s wedge, and died:

Let meddlers mark it, and be edified”…….. ((No. 2560, p. 69)

In all the above mentioned proverbs, the adverbial postposition ale „like‟ modifies

the verb that is to be supplied in a sentence in the context. These are abstracted from

many common experiences that are observed in our daily life. Sometimes, these

phrases have their origin in folktales as in (22) or in mythology as in (21). A noun

phrase invariably precedes ale in all these proverbial phrases. Furthermore, the head

noun in the NP is modified by an adjectival participial phrase as in mo:se:, tu:tina,

perikina, etc, or a postiposition as in (17).

E. 2. ale within the Proverb

Out of the 20 proverbs cited about half of them are found in full length - unshortened

- constructions. A few examples are given below.

(23). “1165. ie t i:sina gu: u ale unnai. Like a niche with the lamp taken out of it.

The reality wanting” (No. 1165, p. 207)

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The translation given by Carr is not syntactically faithful. (23) is a simple sentence

which should be translated as: “ (It) is like a niche with the lamp taken out of it”

where adi „It‟ is not an expletive but is a real subject of the sentence which is ellipted.

This „It‟ refers to an object that is categorized in the context by the proverb.

(24). “1680. mauru mi:i pilli ale unna:u.

He is like the cat on the coping

i.e. lying steadily in wait

Said of a cool, calculating, selfish man” (No. 1680, p. 291)

(25). “1877. rekkalu irigina paki ale unnau.

Like a bird with broken wings.

Utterly helpless” (No. 1877, p. 324)

The translation as in (24) should read: “He is like a bird with

broken wings”.

(26). “2159. abie:kam te:sina agniale unna:u.

Like fire inaugurated with water

Abishekam is the term used for bathing or anointing an idol”.

(No. 2159, p. 4 (Supplement))

Again the translation should read: He is like fire oblated with

ghee, etc”. Abhishekam of fire is not performed with water but

with ghee and other items. There is a similar proverb mentioned

in the main book at No. 29:

(26a). “29. agniho:tramulo: a:djamu po:sinau

Like ghee poured on fire

To cast oil in the fire is not the way to quench it”. (No. 29, p. 6)

When ghee is offered as an oblation, fire glistens with renewed

glow and a person who is provoked by a categorial action is

compared with this type of fire. This is completely different in

meaning with (26a).

(27). “2492. bagi:inna ko:i ale tirugut a:u

He runs about like a Bhanged monkey

(for Bhang see No. 1034)” (No. 2492, p. 57. (Supplement))

(28). “2503. bualo: pa:mu ale aigina:u

He sank down like a snake in a basket

i.e. his pride was humbled

A snake charmer‟s covered basket is here referred to”

(No. 2503, p. 59 (Supplement))

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E. 3 ale in Compound Proverbs

ale is also found in proverbs occurring as participial or compound constructions or

with a slight modification of the postposition.

(29). “1114. t elakalua:i mui kindi ra:ji alene:

Like the oil monger‟s stone seat.

Of permanent utility”. (No. 1114, p. 199)

The particle e: is used to indicate emphasis in telugu. So feel

my ears?

alene: (alenu + e:) …alene: means “like only‟ and hence the

translation should be: “Like the oil merchant‟s stone seat only

(indeed)”. A noun phrase precedes alene: in this proverb.

(30). “1801. mu:lugulu mund ai alene: , tini eppai alene:

Groanings as before, but glutting as usual

(See under No. 1173)

A skulk”. (No. 1801, p. 312)

The translation should be: “Groanings as before only, food as

usual only”. Two phrases are clubbed together in this proverb

and the following proverbs.

(31). “2118. su:i ale atti, d abbanamu ale te:linau

Coming like a needle and turning out a packing needle

The reverse of No. 688 of. v.” (No. 2118, p. 386)

No. 688 is given below.

(32). “688. konaale atti mantuale te:linau

Coming like a mountain, and melting away like dew

(See No. 2118)

Said of a difficulty which appears great when distant but is easily

overcome when grappled with”. (No. 688, p. 125)

(33). “2233.edd u ale tini mod du ale nidra po:jinau

He eats like a bullock, and sleeps like a dog.” (No. 2233, p. 15)

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F. sa:mit a ‘Proverb’ or ‘Comparison’

There are six proverbs listed in Carr (1868) that contain the word sa:mit a „proverb‟.

This is a noun and functions as the head of the phrase.

The following proverbs are listed.

(34). “1291. niuru kappina nippu sa:mit a

Fire covered with embers

Said of a very learned and humble man.” (No. 1291, p. 227)

In the above proverb, niuru kappina „ember covered‟ is an adjectival phrase that

qualifies nippu „fire‟ and the entire noun phrase joins with s:amit a to form a

compound as it were: “The proverb (that or called) fire covered with embers”. Carr

has not included the word samita in his translation for this proverb. In Telugu, such

type of compounds are similar to compounds such as:

(35). ma:mii tettu < ma:mii ane: teu

mango tree < mango called tree

These are called sambhavana purvapada karmadharaya samasamulu where the name

of a place or person or thing combines with its genus name.

(36). “1565. po:uba:mu sa:mit a

Like the Boa constrictor

(See No. 1615)

Applied to indolent persons; or to those who, from religions motives

separate themselves from the world and strive to quench all natural

emotions”. (No. 1565, p. 274)

In this proverb sa:mit a is translated as „like‟ and so also in the proverbs listed next.

(37). “1614. burad a gunalo: pand i sa:mit a

Like a pig in the mire” (No. 1614, p. 281)

(38). “1617. bu:ia gunalo: kukka sa:mit a

Like a dog lying in the warm ashes

Keeping quiet for a while, but soon returning to mischief”.

(No. 1617, p. 282)

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(39). “1879. re:guteu kindi musala:me sa:mit a

Like the old woman under the Regu tree

(for Regu see No. 119)

… … … … …

An unfortunate position”. (No. 1874, p. 325)

G. ani ‘like’

ani is an adjectival postposition that is used in the formation of certain phrases

which indicate analogy. The following four examples are observed in Carr (1868).

(41). “340. u:uga ittanamu ani a:u.

He is like an Uduga seed.

The seed of the Uduga (Alangium Decapetalum) after falling

from the tree is said to attach itself again to the trunk when the

rain falls.

To stick to a man like a leech in spite of all rebuffs”(No. 340, p. 61)

This is a phrase in which a:u is a suffix that has been added to an adjectival

postpositional phrase u:uga ianamu ani to form an adjective – noun. It is so

because it functions as a noun (see Vekateswarlu, V. 1982: 389, 85-87, 54 and 35).

[It will be better if all the words in the proverb are joined together as a single word]

(41a). a:u u:uga it tanamu ani a:u aunu.

He Uduga seed like man is

„He is like an Uduga seed man‟.

and as a noun in:

(41b). inta u:uga ittanamu ani a:ini tu:a le:du

this much Uduga seed like man acc. case seen not

„(I) have not seen this (so) much u:uga seed like man‟.

Because ina „this much‟ qualifies the phrase as an adjective.

(42). “2057. iggu anaga: to:aku:ra anidi Modesty is like garden greens.

They sprout again after being cut.

Totakura is specially applied to Amaranthus Tristis.”

(No. 2057, p. 356)

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In this phrase, the subject of comparison „modesty‟ is explicitly

stated. Sometimes, this type of a phrase is further shortened as in:

(43). “2402. d e:hamu ni:ru bugga anidi The body is like a water bubble.

Frail and transitory.” (No. 2402, p. 43 (Supplement))

(44). “2432. na:bilo: puina puruguantia:u

One like a worm born in the Nabhi

Nabhi (Sans. Vatsanabha) is an active vegetable poison, „the root

of Aconite ferox brought from Nepal‟ (Wilson).

Said of a treacherous villain” (No. 2432, p. 48 (Supplement))

The translation should be: “A Nabhi born worm like man”.

H. la:ga ‘Like’

There is another similarity – manner postposition la:ga (la: , ga:) observed in Carr

(1988: No. 623, p. 113) which does not form a phrase by itself as in No. 2432 or No.

340 listed above. So also is „ga:‟ in

(45). “1158. d ikku le:ni dia:amuga: unnad i A government which affords no protection”(No. 1158, p. 206)

The translation should be:

“(It) is as a directionless (i.e. protectionless) government”.

In addition to the adverbial postpositions mentioned above, there is one very

extensively productive postposition aulu „like‟ with its variant annau. aulu is

realized as au most of the times since it is the colloquial form of aulu. It is added at

the end of different syntactic classes of expressions which may be sentences or

phrases. A few out of the examples found in Carr (1868) are listed below in Section

B separately.

B. Sentences and Phrases Premodifying Atulu and Annatulu

i. aulu (alu, au) ‘Like’

A large of number of examples are found in Carr (1868) in different syntactic

structures premodifying au. Their representative samples are listed below under

phrases and sentences.

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1. PHRASES (PARTICIPLE) FROM SIMPLE SENTENCES

(46). “13. andani ma:nipanlaku a:a paau

Like wishing for fruit which cannot be reached” (No. 13, p. 3)

(48). “27. agnilo: miata paau

Like a grass-hopper jumping into the fire (flame)

(See No. 177)

To try, they say, to extinguish it.

Applied to rash acts.” (No. 27, p. 5)

(59). “59. atti pu:tinau

Like the fig blossoming

(See No. 1863)

This tree (Focus Glomerata) bears no apparent blossoms.

That is as likely as to see a hog fly” (No. 59, p. 11)

(60). “65. addamu mi:d a pesaraginda paau

Like a pesara seed on a looking glass

(For pesara see No. 32)

Used with reference to a remark aimed at a particular person, but

conveyed in such general terms that he is unable to take notice of

it.He said devil but meant you (Dutch)” (No. 105, p.12)

Pesara is the Phaseolus Mungo or greengram.

(61). “163. a:graha:na a:na peukonnau

Like taking an oath in fit of passion” (No. 163, p. 29)

(62). “195. a:rela ma:nu kina bu:rela ma:nu irgabaau

Like a tree loaded with cakes falling below an Are tree.

(See No. 1362, 1425, 1886)

Are is the Banhinia race mosa; it bears fruit like cranberries

Great Luck”. (No. 195, p. 35)

(63). “208. a:a:lu mud da te: sinau

Making mustard seed into a ball

An impossible combination” (No. 208, p. 37)

mudda literally means a lump.

(64). “313. ut ta te:ulu mu:ra e:sinau

Like measuring the air

(See No. 66)

Idle dreams” (No. 313, p. 56)

(65). “404. elakaku pilli pontu e:sinau

Like a cat crouching for a mouse” (No. 404, p. 74)

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(66). “422. e: ga:li:ki a: ta:pa jet tinau

Like setting the sail according to the wind

Set your sail according to the wind” (No. 422, p. 77)

All the abovementioned proverbs are formed from simple sentences by turning them

into participial phrases and then adding them to the adverbial postposition au. For

example,

46a. agnilo: miata paindi. fire in locust fell

„A locust fell in fire”,

is a simple sentence in Telugu in ASV structure with „in the fire‟ as a marked theme.

Its unmarked structure will be SAV. This simple sentence can be turned into a

participial clause by changing the verb into a non-finite one: paa „falling‟ or

having fallen‟ and then adding it to the postposition au as follows:

(46b). (agnilo:) miata)) paindi < [< pau] > paa

fell it < [< to fall] > having fallen >

(agnilo:) miata) paa + au > (46)

fire in locust having fallen + like

„A locust (having ) fallen in fire‟ + like

In Telugu, the postpositions will combine with verb-adjectives as they combine with

nouns and form adverbial postpositional phrases. For example, paa functions as a

verb adjective. The postposition au combines with it as the head to form an

adverbial postpositional phrase as in (46) (See Venkateswarlu, V. 1982: 508).

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2. PHRASES FROM PARTICIPIAL PHRASAL SENTENCES

Not only a simple sentence but also any other sentence can be turned into a participial

phrase. As discussed in detail in Bhuvaneswar (2003e), when a finite verb is changed

into an infinite verb in a sentence, that sentence becomes a participial phrase. In a

participial phrasal sentence, there will be one or more participial phrases in addition to

a subject and a predicate with a finite verb as in a simple sentence. For example, let

us take the following sentences:

(67a). (a:u) tallaki ata:u.

(he) buttermilk to came

„(He) came for buttermilk..‟

(67b). (a:u) munta(ni) da:tukunnau.

(he) pot hid

„(He) hid the pot.‟

(67a) can be changed into an adverbial participial phrase by turning the finite verb

atta:u into an infinite verb atti „coming or having come‟ as follows:

(67c). (67a) > a:u tallaki atti

(67c) can be combined with (67b) to give a participial phrasal sentence as follows:

(67d). a:u tallaki atti munt a da:tukunna:u.

he buttermilk to having come pot hid

„He, having come for buttermilk, hid the pot‟.

In the above sentence, a:u occurs only once and the second a:u is ellipted as it is

redundant. Again, (67b) also can be turned into an adjectival participial phrase:

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(67e). (a:u) munta da:tukonna:u >

(he) pot hid

„(He) hid the pot‟

munt a: da:tkonina (a:u)

pot having hid or hiding he

„having hid or hiding (he)‟

(67e) qualifies the postposition au as follows:

(67f). (a:u) munt a da:tukonina + au

he pot having hid +like

„having the pot or having hidden the pot‟ + „like‟

(a:u) munt a da:tukonin(a) au

he pot having hidden like

„Like (he) having hidden the pot‟.

When this change is affected in (67d), we get the final version as follows:

(67g). (a:u) tallaki atti munt a d a:tukoninau.

a:u is omitted from the proverb since the theme of the sentence is: „having come

for the buttermilk‟, and the action is impersonalised to fit into the context. In the

West Godavari District, koninau is further shortened to konnau.

Sometimes, more than one participial phrase will be there in the adverbial phrase as

shown in (68) below:

(68). “461. e:ru e: a:maa unaga:ne:

ti:ra ippi taka peukoni po:jinau

She took off her cloth and put it under her arm,

while the river was still seventy miles off.

(See Nos. 1208, 1696)

Do not strip before bed time.” (No. 461, p. 84)

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A faithful translation should read:

“While the stream is being seven amadas, taking of her saree, (and) putting it under

her arm, going like” or

“Like taking of her saree (and) putting it under her arm, (and) going while the stream

is being seven amadas”.

Saree is the long cloth worn around the body by ladies and one amada is ten miles.

In this example, all are participial phrases and there is no main clause. So also in

(67). There can be even a number of participial phrases as in the following example.

A faithful translation should read:

(69). “379. ekki po:ji pai tu:ti d igi atti ra:u ruinau

Having mounted (the tree) and felt (the fruit) he came down again and

threw stones at it.” (No. 379, p.69)

There are five adverbial paraticipial phrases preceding the main clause which itself is

also turned into the sixth one:

(69a). “Mounting (climbing), going, holding, seeing, dismounting, coming,

stones throwing (or having thrown) like”

or

“Like climbing going, (and) holding seeing, (and) descending coming,

(and) having thrown stones”.

There are two interesting syntactic features in Telugu that are used in this proverb.

The first is the use of auxiliary verb and „verb following verbs‟ (anuprajukt a krijalu).

The second is the natural order of action in a linear sequence. po:ji is a „verb

following verb‟ which is used to express completeness of action. ekki po:ja:u

means „completely climbed‟ and ekkipo:ji means‟ completely climbing or having

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completely climbed‟. ekku „to climb‟ becomes ekki „climbing or having climbed‟. It

is the main verb to which po:ji is added. This is a special feature in Telugu syntax.

atti is an auxiliary verb that is used to indicate the tense of the main verb digi. digi

can also be used independently: d igi (descending). The second feature relates to the

representation of order in action in syntax. In almost all the proverbs mentioned in

Carr (1868), the participial phrase always precedes the main clause. Hence, in

proverbs, we can say that the cause is represented first and the result next. Very

rarely do we come across such constructions as:

(69b). “1806. meataaaamu pu:sala korake:

Feeling the neck for beads.

aid of a wheedling scoundrel”. (No. 1806, p. 313)

(69c). “708. ko:i idjalu: ku:i korake:

Ten million arts are only for (getting) food. (see No. 2035)

All professions are only so many means of livelihood”. (No. 708, p. 128)

(69d). “2035. e:sa:lella gra:sa:lake:

Every garb (i.e. occupation) is for food.

(See No. 708).” (No. 2035, p. 351)

These examples are marked constructions. An unmarked construction with a similar

postposition is:

(69e). “2473. pilla ko:saram gai tina:ru

They make themselves fools for a child

Lit. They eat grass.

Foolish vows are made and silly ceremonies performed to

propitiate the gods and obtain their children.” (No. 2473, p. 84

(Supplement))

The translation should read:

“For a child‟s sake, (they) eat grass.”

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In Modern Telugu usage (see Bhuvaneswar, 1998), No. (68b) is not attested. It is

(69f). ku:i ko:samu ko:i idjalu

„For (the sake of) food, one crore arts‟

Even in adaptations of this proverb, the same order is maintained as in:

(69g). o:u ko:sam ko:i t ippalu

„For (the sake of) vote, one crore manipulations‟

In Telugu proverbs, the use of au at the end of participial phrasal sentences is not

uniform and so its usage has to be further investigated. There are some examples

where au is used as a variant for a participial phrasal sentence as given in (70).

There are some other examples where the alternative use of au is not observed,

especially, in interrogatives as given in (71). Furthermore, the same proverb may

have a second type variant which is aa or a. (that). In Avadhani, D. V. et al (1974:

211), (70) is given with both alu and aa but not as a participial phrasal sentence.

(70). “672. ku:e: ga:ide atti me:e:

braying donkey coming grazing

a:idenu teripinadi. donkey spoiled

„The braying donkey came and spoiled the grazing donkey‟s

business.When the one that was outside brayed, the other that

was inside answered and was consequently discovered and

driven out of the field.” (No. 672, p. 122)

In the translation, Carr, sometimes, omits the participle construction for easy

understanding. It should read:

(70a). “The braying donkey, coming/having come, spoiled the grazing

donkey”.

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In Avadhani, D. V. et al, it is given as:

(70b). kuse: ga:idotti me:se: ga:idenu teatindata! (teatinalu)

That means the proverb has become analogical from metaphorical in its

structure in the modern times.

Sometimes, there can be more than one participial phrase as in the following

examples.

(71). “167. a:ta:rjuni talati, nippulo: tejji peite: ka:lad a:?

If you think of your spiritual guide and put your hand in the fire, will it

not be burnt? (See No. 761)” (No. 167, p. 30)

A faithful translation should read:

(71a). “Thinking of the spiritual guide, (and) putting the hand in fire, will (it)

not be burnt?”

English, as has already been pointed out, prefers the clausal construction while Telugu

the phrasal construction (See Bhuvaneswar, 2003). Furthermore, the subject is

usually omitted in such constructions where the propositional content is to be

impersonalised for a general application in the context. In this example, there are two

participial phrases.

The choice of the adverbial postposition might be constrained by its structure in the

discourse which results in its various forms. For example, in

(72). A: lakmae:ani?

Where‟s Lakshman?

B: mandini muntala. masi:du kaa:la

„Drown (the) people. Build (the) mosque‟.

(Bhuvaneswar, 1999)

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This particular proverb is listed in a different form in Avadhani, et al (1974: 461):

(72a). mandini munti masi:du kainalu

„Drowning people, building a mosque like‟

„Like drowning people, (for) building a mosque‟.

A few more examples are given below to show the variety in phrases from participial

phrasal sentences.

(73). “407. elukami:di ko:pa:na iniki tittu peu konnau.

„Like getting angry with a rat and setting fire to one‟s house.

(See No. 53).” (No. 407, p. 74)

(74). “546. karie:pa:ku ko:e:a:u a:ginau

Muttering like a man plucking Kari vepa leaves.

Kari vepa is Bergera koenigii and is used in making curries. There is an

idea that the leaves lose their flavour if plucked silently.” (No. 546, p. 100)

(75). “576. ka:kulanu koi gad d alaku e:inau

To kill crows and throw them to the kites.

(See No. 829)

He robs Peter to pay Paul.” (No. 576, p. 105)

(76). “go:gu:ralo: tintaka:ja e:inau

Like mixing unripe tamarinds with Gogu greens

Gogu or Gongura is the Hibiscus Cannabinus.

A combination of evil person.” (No. 817, p. 147)

(77). “1374. patti elaga ka:ja gont una paau

Like an unripe wood apple sticking in one‟s throat

Distress caused by continual worrying.” (No. 1374, p. 241)

3. PHRASES FROM DOUBLE SENTENCES

Phrasalization of sentences is not only restricted to simple and phrasal sentences but

also to double sentences. In them, both the sentences are turned into adverbial

phrases and the finite verb is usually ellipted. A few examples are given below.

(78). “1681. manamau ne:rtu konnau, aaku d urad a t i:rinau

The grandson learnt his lesson, and the grand mother‟s itching was

taken away.

The grandmother made her grandson write the alphabet on her back.

To kill two birds with one stone”. (No. 1681, p. 291)

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(79). “11. andamu tindinau, na:garikamu natamajinau

His beauty has overflowed, and his politeness has gone.

(See Nos. 12, 16)

Said ironically of an ugly ruffian” (No. 11, p.3)

(80). “772. guipa:mu karitinau, gagigo:u poitinau

The bite of the temple snake, the goring of the sacred cow.

An injury is none the less, though it be inflicted by a relation or friend.”

(No. 772, p. 140)

Double and multiple sentential proverbs are a special feature of proverbs where two

different propositions related to a common idea are brought together. When such

sentences are phrasalized at both the sentential levels, we get adverbial phrases from

double sentences as the premodifiers of the adverbial postposition au.

4. PHRASE FROM COMPLEX SENTENCES

In Telugu, ani (that) is an infinite verb form derived from the root (of the verb) „anu‟

and is used as a coordinating conjunction (i..e. coordinator) and a postposition. As a

coordinator, ani joins nominal clauses with other clauses; in addition, it also joins

adverbial clauses expressing cause or purpose with other clauses (see Venkateswarlu,

V. 1982: 621 – 622, 743 – 746, 749 – 50). Another very important function of ani is

in linking the reporting sentence with the main clause in direct speech and the noun

phrase in indirect speech. In indirect speech, ani functions as a postposition in the

formation of noun phrases.

A few examples are given below for illustration.

(81). “1163. dinamu mantidani tellaar:lu: dogilinau

Trusting to the “lucky day” the thief let the dawn overtake him.

Taking advantage of liberty” (No. 1163, p. 207)

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Here, the coordinator „ani‟ combines the subordinate clause „d inamu mantidi‟ (the

day is auspicious (for stealing)) with the main clause „(doga) t ellaa:rlu:

dogilinta:u‟ ((The thief) thieved through out the day). This main clause is further

turned into a phrase:

81a. (doga) t ellaa:rlu: dogilinta:u

„The thief through out the day stole‟

(doga) t ellaa:rlu: d ogili + au

„(The thief) throughout the day stealing + „like”

> (doga) … d ogilinti > „(The thief) stealing‟

> (doga) ..d ogilinau

„Like the thief stealing throughout the day‟

(82). “1456. pilli kanlu mu:sukoni pa:lu ta:gutunnu

jearu: jerugarani jentukonnau.

Like a cat shutting her eyes, and fancying that no one could

see her drinking the milk.

A man fancying that he is unseen when committing some crime.

(No. 1456, p. 255)

„pilli (kanlu mu:sukoni pa:lu ta:gutunnu) … entukond i‟ is the participial phrasal

sentence whose verb entukond i has the simple sentence, (i.e. nominal clause) earu

erugaru as its object. ani joins this nominal clause with the main clause. The main

clause is further phrasalized and made the complement of au.

(83). “1696. ma:ja:aramulo: teulu kuuta:rani, ma:taramu

lo:nunti teulu mu:sukoni po:jinau

[Having heard that] they bore in Malayalam, she covered up her ears all

the way from Mayavaram.

(See Nos. 461, 1208)

Mayavaram is near combaconum” (No. 1696, p. 293)

„ma:jaaramulo: …. kuuta:ru‟ is the adverbial clause of purpose joined by ani with

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the main clause: “(x) ma:jaaramu… po:ja:u” which is further changed into a

phrase and then attached to au as in the previous cases.

(84). “1812. me:lu me:lante:, mea iragabaau

When they cried “Bravo!Bravo!” he jumped down and broke his neck

Said of a vain man, who makes a fool of himself to please others”

(No. 1812, p. 314)

In this proverb, ani is ellipted since ane: is itself derived from the verb root anu „to

say‟. Generally, whenever a verb derived from „anu‟ is used to report the content in

the direct speech, ani is deleted.

(84a). me:lu me:lu ani ane: > me:lu mel (u) ane:

If the reporting verb is not so, ani is not deleted. The translation should read:

(84b). “If/when said „Good! Good‟, neck broke like”

or

“Like the breaking of the neck, if/when (x) said „Good! Good‟.

In the absence of pronouns in the indirect speech, sometimes, it is difficult to say

whether a given utterance is direct or indirect speech since ani is present in both the

forms.

(85). “1982. ini rammane:, tini attinau

When he was sent to find out, he ate and returned

(See No. 537) (No. 1982, p. 343)

The translation should read: (85a) If/When said, “listen, (and) come!”, eating, (and)

coming like” or “Like coming back eating, of/when asked to listen (and) come back.‟

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(86). “1172. d unna po:t u i:ninad ane:, d u:anu kai e:jumannau.

When one said “The male buffalo has calved” the other replied “then tie

up the calf.

(See No. 390).” ( No.1172, p. )

(87). “390. eddu ji:nenane:, koa:na kaamannau.

„The bullock has calved‟ [said one] “Then tie it up in the shed”

[replied the other] (See No. 1172)

Applied to a foolish person.” (No. 390, p. 71)

From (84) – (87), proverbs containing direct – indirect speech as part of them are

mentioned. However, they all contain au in the end.

u. annau in Direct – Indirect Speech

There are many proverbs that contain direct-indirect narration. These are similar to

Wellereisms in English. In this class of proverbs, instead of au, „like‟ annau „like

saying‟ is used at the end. The difference between them (au and annau classes of

proverbs) is that in au class, general social action, while in annau class, specific

lingual action is represented. These proverbs can be monologueic as in (88) – (91) or

dialoguic as in (92) – (94).

A few examples are given below for illustration.

(88). “843. tatte: da:ka: brat iki une: penli te:st a:nannau.

If you live until I die, I‟ll get you married.

A jocular saying” (No. 843, p. 152)

The translation should read:

(88a). “Like saying, „If you live until I die. I will get you married‟”

(89). “433. e:upulo: e:upu jeamatejji bajaa peumannau.

Show your [withered] left hand and add to their grief.

The story is that after a marriage the bridegroom was found to be a fool,

which caused much regret to the family of the bride. The bridegroom‟s

friends then told him to show the withered state of his left hand which

he had hitherto concealed.

Making bad matters worse.” (No. 433, p. 79)

30

(90). “767. ga:li:lo: d i:pamu bei deua: ni: mahima tu:pumannau

Having put the lamp in the wind, he prays “O God! Show thy power”

(See No. 761)” (N0. 767, p. 139)

(91). “766. ga:liki po:jina pe:la pini bagaadarpita mannau

Offering to God the flour which had been blown away by the wind.

Let what which is lost be for God.

What the abbot of Bumba cannot eat, he gives away for the good of his

soul. (Spanish).” (No. 766, p. 139)

(92). “1821.mokkubae: le:d ane: , akka da:sarikajina: peamannau

As you say you have made no vow, feed at least one Dasari.

(for Dasari see No. 111)

Importunity.” (No. 1821, p. 315)

(93). “1060. t a:bo:t e: maddiga le:d ane: , peruguku ti: i: ra:jumannau

After being refused butter milk, when he went himself, he ordered

his servant to write for curds.

After being refused a trifling request, to demand authoritatively

something much greater”. (No. 1069, p. 189)

(94). “429. e:lo: aka:jalu ka:st aa: ane: ka:st ai annau

Like saying “Yes” when asked whether brinjals grow in the river.

(For brinjal seeNo. 97)

A time server.” (No. 429, p. 78)

So far we have seen how different types of social praxis is represented analogically by

explicit lexical items such as sa:mjamu, a:aamu, tand amu, attu, ale, sa:mit a,

ani, and annau in phrases.

Now let us take an example and see how such a proverb is used in real life

conversation and how it functions in the given context.

95 a. Background.

A and B are good friends and respect of each other. A makes a courtesy call on B in

his Office – B was at that time the principal of a degree and postgraduate college and

A (myself) a research scholar. During their conversation, B mentions that he had

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been to Waltair and came back. He was telling A about the changes that Andhra

University wants to implement. At that time the following conversation took place.

b. Conversation:

A: amerikan sistam peada: manukuntunna:rani.

American system put will thinking Sir

„(They) want to implement the American system, Sir‟

B: ade:mi: kudaradani.

That what possible not is sir

„Nothing is possible of that kind?

e:do: pulintu:si nakka a:teukunnau

something tiger seeing fox mark putting like

„Something, like, seeing a tiger a fox branding

Something, like, seeing a tiger, a fox branding (putting scars on itself)

unnad a:nni sariga: te:su ko:kuna:…

that which is there rightly doing without

„Without setting all right that which is there‟…

unnad a:nlo: tappulu d idd ukoni ba:ga

being that in mistakes correcting good

te:suko:aam le:d u ga:ni ika: kotta

doing not but still new

tappulu tejjaam tappinti mare:mi: le:d u

mistakes doing except still what not

„correcting mistakes in what is there (and) making it good is not

there but except still making new mistakes nothing else is there.‟

By using au „like‟ in the proverb „pulini tu:si nakka a:ta peukunnau‟ , B is

establishing a relationship between two social actions. The first is: Andhra

University‟s attempts to bring about changes in teaching. The second is: A fox trying

to imitate a tiger by putting scars on its body. There is no similarity between Andhra

University and a fox or between American system and a tiger – for more detail, see

Searle (1986: 86 – 89, 90 – 102) who strongly refutes the similarity theory in

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comparison. The comparison that is being established is between two actions which

can be grouped together in a relationship: the relationship is categorization of the first

action which is new in terms of an already known action which is culturally

prototypicalized to represent such new actions. In other words, B uses the proverb in

order to challenge my assertion and correct my understanding of the Andhra

University reforms via a categorization of the first action in terms of the second

action. This type of relationship between a proverb and a contextual action is

discussed in detail in Bhuvaneswar (1999 and 2003f). It is called prototype-

categorical instantiation of the contextual action and a number of examples are given

To support this view in Bhuvaneswar (2003g). This method of trying to categorize

human experience in terms of an already known experience is actually an extension of

the basic trait of human beings to see one in terms of another which I call inter-

actional cognitional trait. This is itself a property, the most essential property which

is the efficient cause of creation – seeing Consciousness as Differentiated Matter,

Eswara as Srushti, in my Karmik Theory (of Proverb Analysis).

IV. CONCLUSION

1. From an analysis of the different postpositions attached to phrases, we find that

such phrases are extensively used in the formation of proverbs. There are

about 391 such phrases out of the 2700 proverbs listed in Andhra Lokokthi

Chandrika. As such, this is a significant number which cannot be brushed

aside and such phrases should be considered separately as a class by

themselves. If proverbs are assigned such distinctions as metaphorical and

literal, they can equally be assigned another distinction as analogical.

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2. The postpositions as lexical items convey the meaning of similarity and the

phrases with them in their context function as prototypes categorizing the

contextual action in terms of them (prototypes). The use of such analogical

phrases is a common experience in our daily language of interpreting our

experience.

For example, a simple instance of some naughty boys trying to pluck fruits from a

gooseberry tree and sitting on the wall in spite of warnings from the housemaid – who

is not educated at all – typically evoked a censure from her in a simile:

(96). ko:tila: ela: ku:tunna:o: tu:u. digu.

monkey like how sat he see get down.

„See how he sat like a monkey. Get down‟

Going on the road and looking at the colour of the steps of the stairs in Brahmana

Samakhya, Narsapur, a group of very young boys were discussing the colour. One of

the boys identifies the colour of the steps in a simile:

(97). raktam ragula: und adi blood colour in is that

„That is in the blood like colour‟.

Such instances can be multiplied innumerably in our daily life. A grown up adult

looked at the unused canvas shoes of her sister and pointed out:

(98). enu ro:jjila: aji po:jaji

dry shrimp like became

„They became like a dry shrimp‟

In all these cases, there is an attempt at cognising the contextual experience in

terms of an already known experience. The contextual experience is new,

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sometimes unfamiliar, some times very difficult to comprehend. In such cases, the

cognizers try to experience the new action, to interpret the unfamiliar action, or

comprehend the contextual action in terms of what is known to them, in terms of

their cognitional habits and traits. Cognition of experience of the basic level is

monoactional, i.e. trying to cognize an action as an action only; at a higher level, it

is inter-actional. At this level, it can be simple comparison or contrast, or

metaphorical. At a further level, it can be prototypical. In prototypical cognition,

the individual cognition of experience is standardized at the collective level of the

society and is marked off to assist the individual members to cognize unfamiliar

experience. If we look at the evolution of legendary or mythological proverbs,

this process can easily be inferred. Even the famous quotations of writers have

also evolved into proverbs in this fashion only. For example, a simple practice

such as a barber on the Thirupathi Hill shaving the heads of the devotees partially

and going to other devotees for shaving them is encountered again and again by

the pilgrims. That person who initiated it has initiated it with greed, with a selfish

motive to earn more money at the expense of others‟ inconvenience. It was

continued for long and I am myself was a victim of this practice when I was

young. Somebody observed it and used it to categorize another experience which

is unfamiliar. This is accepted by the people and is transmitted from one person to

another person – may be because of its appropriateness to many such contextual

actions. A stage has been reached where it has been known to the many members

of the society as a reference point to categorize action. At such a stage, it becomes

a prototype to categorize action. Later on, it might be polished at all the levels of

phonology, syntax, and vocabulary to make it mnemonic and aesthetic.

Furthermore, if there is a geographical separation, which is a wave, the regional

influences will affect it and modify it. But our concern here is with the cognition

and expression of experience in terms of inter-actional prototypicalization. This

cognition has two important angles to it. The first is the very ability of human

beings to enter into such intellectual enterprise. It is obvious that if they do not

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have this, they cannot enter into such an enterprise. In that sense, language is

mental action. Again, such inter-actional cognition is not possible without the

presence of such social praxis as in the case of the Thirupathi Hill barber or

natural praxis as in the case of an elephant swallowing a wood apple. In that

sense, language is social action because it is the social or natural praxis that is

responsible for the coinage. There is a catch here: if there is no inter-actional

cognitional ability, there can be no comparison and if there is no social praxis,

there can be no inter-actional processing. Adding fuel to fire, the inter-actional

cognitional process is further controlled by the disposition or tendencies of the

cognizers. For example, an action can be categorized in terms of a particular

prototype which is considered vulgar or humorous or shocking, etc. In such cases,

we get different prototypes to categorize the same experience. In Telugu, such

synonymy is productive. The prototypical experience represented in:

(99). “172. a:a ne:raka mad dela mi:d a t appu teppinau

Not being able to dance, she abused the drum

A bad workman complains of his tools

An ill sharer never got a hook (scotch).” (No. 172, p. 31)

has been recorded with different lexical, and syntactic variations in Avadhani, D. V.

et al (1974:89) as follows in (100) – (104).

(100). a:a le:ka agaam akara annau

„Like saying, being unable to dance, the stage is crooked.‟

(101). a:ale:ka pa:ta gaddelu annau

„Like saying, being unable to dance, the ankle-bells are old.‟

(102). a:a le:ka maddela a:nipai go:u po:sukonnlu

„Like complaining about the drummer, being unable to dance.‟

(103). a:a le:namma maddela o:annau

„Like a woman unable to dance, saying the drum is spoiled.‟

(104). a:a le:ni bo:gamud i mad delapai bai kou konnalu

„Like a Bogum woman unable to dance falling on the drum and beating

it.‟

36

In my place (West Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh) the proverb is generally

heard as:

(105). a:ale:ka mad dela o:annau

„Like, unable to dance, saying the drum is spoiled (i.e. literally torn

out)‟

This proverb has an equivalent in an entirely different vulgar social praxis as in:

*(106). d egale:ka pu:kokaranna:a

„Unable to fuck, he said that the cunt is crooked.‟

[* This is a very rude proverb which is totally unacceptable in polite

conversation. I quote this here risking censure]

It has a lesser vulgar but humourous equivalent in:

(107). ba:panajja, ba:panajja daunista:a ane:

i: e:a arjdjam / ukraa:ram po: annaa

„If/When said, “Oh, Brahmin, Oh Brahmin will you give (your) stick

(i.e. male genital)”, he said, “Today is vardjyam /Friday. Go!”

[ardjam is the inauspicious time during the day; Friday is an

auspicious day when people observe religious vows].

How can we motivate the choice of these proverbs in their variety? Both the

Chomskyan and Hallidayan models have a different framework and it is difficult

to motivate the choice of standard vs vulgar proverbs. The Systemic Functional

Linguistic model can only give these variations as options and has no mechanism

to motivate the choice in a functional perspective without considering the

disposition or character of the speakers. As the svabhavam ((disposition) which is

a complex of gunam (behavour), and vasana (impressions or habits) is, so will be

the choice of the cognition. A man with vulgar behaviour will think in a vulgar

way; as he thinks in a vulgar way, he chooses vulgar social praxis; as he further

chooses it, he represents it in a vulgar proposition. This vulgar proposition is

prototypicalized and turned into a proverb. This process is at the propositional

level. That is meaning is anushangikally (i.e., the effect inheriting the properties

37

of the cause in a karya-karana sambandham (cause-effect relation)) derived from

svabhavam. Such svabhavam is derived from tamas which is the result of karma

(i.e. the fruit of one‟s previous actions). In other words, as a person performs

action, he reaps the result of such action from the samskara (mental impression)

which becomes vasana (strong mental impression that impels action without a

precedent or an antecedent cause) which produces vulgar action to experience its

effect – to be rebuked or avoided or branded as rude, etc. – as the karma phalam.

For this meaning to be conveyed, it has to be in a pattern. The choice of the

pattern can be analogical or metaphorical as observed in the case of (70) and

(70b). Here, vasana determines the choice according to the guna. Again, this

pattern is also derived in a similar a way. But for a pattern to take shape, there

should be words. Again, the words are also chosen in the same way. So also its

phonation in a particular stress and intonation. All this processing is karmik as in

the karma srushti model (gradual evolution) or in yugapath srushti model

(simultaneous creation). In terms of modern psychology, the formation of such a

proverb is social psychological in its processing and „automaticity’ oriented in its

production in conversation.

In such a view of mine, language is considered impressional (vasanaic),

cognitional representational action of actions and proverbs are impressional,

prototypical, cognitional representational actions of actions. I call this Karmik

Theory of Proverbs. I developed this model since it not only accounts for the

motivation and choice of proverbs but also offers a unified theory that integrates

form, function, and meaning into a single model. Form is the gross manifestation

of its pattern which is the subtle manifestation of its meaning which is the causal

manifestation of the svabhavam which is the phalam (fruit) of the karma of the

individual. It is only One, that is the Consciousness (chith), that stirs Its Prakruthi

(Energy) from Its unmanifest nadam into manifest sabdam in a patterned structure

to semiotically represent meaning. In a way, this is itself a categorial

38

transformation as in the famous E = mc2 equation of Einstein and accounts for a

„unified theory‟ of classical and quantum linguistics (mechanics) of proverbs.

Quantum linguistics is like karmik linguistics while classical linguistics like

formal & functional.

A detailed discussion of the theory is beyond the scope of this paper and it will

suffice to know that the structure which is the spoken or written utterance (called

vaikhari or sthula sarira) is the material manifestation of its pattern (called

madhyama or sukshma sarira) which is the subtle manifestation of its cause

(called pasyanthi or karana sarira) which is itself a product of svabhavam.

Hence, it is one becoming the other in the manner of a person becoming an actor

becoming a character (or role) in a drama. (For a detailed discussion of Karmik

Theory see Bhuvaneswar, 2003).

In conclusion, it is shown that, first analogical proverbs are significant in their

number which warrants a separate classification of them; second, there is explicit

syntactic evidence in the postpositional endings for a prototype-categorial

instantiation of action; third, the formation of the proverbs is anushangik; fourth,

the psycholinguistic evolution of proverbs is from mono-actional to inter-actional

cognition; and fifth, language can be explained in a unified theory.

39

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