Megadam Resistance and the Two Solitudes of Activism:Lenca Resistance to the Agua Zarca Megadam in Honduras

Yurissa Varela

A Major Research Paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts, Globalization and International Development

School of International Development and Global StudiesFaculty of Social Sciences

University of Ottawa

© Yurissa Varela, Ottawa, Canada, 2019

ABSTRACT

Throughout the world the urgent climate crisis in combination with a perpetually rising demand for natural resources has brought about a rise in transnational mass mobilizations seeking transformative social and economic change (Sankey & Munck, 2017, p.335). This paper contributes to a growing body of research on transnational environmental activism and the role of social media.

Using the Agua Zarca Megadam (AZM) as a case study, this research will implement Social Movement Theory (SMT) to analyze domestic and international mobilization efforts related to resistance of this project. The top two hashtags generated by the local community (#JusticiaParaBerta and #BertaCaceres) will be contrasted with their use by top transnational advocacy networks (TANs). This analysis will help identify if there exists two solitudes of activism where local and international efforts diverge.

Results show that two solitudes of activism do exist in the case of AZM resistance at the local and international levels in four aspects, framing, actions, demands and risks. Findings demonstrate that for international solidarity organizations to function more effectively as TANs, online efforts must focus on increasing hashtag co-occurrence, mentions and long-term petitions. In addition, online efforts must be supported by offline efforts through delegations and constant presence on the frontlines to provide added protection to local community members facing repression.

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Acknowledgements

This MRP would not have been possible without all those who have supported me through this process. I would like to express my deepest appreciation to mi pueblito, here and at home for the constant advice, support and encouragement without which this literally would never have gotten done.

I also owe a special debt of gratitude to two individuals. I thank Professor Paul Haslam for his supervision, direction and support. I am also thankful for the patience, encouragement and support shown to me by my mentor Professor Hayden King.

This research was made possible by Nora Melara-Lopez.

Dedicated to all those fighting on the frontlines for justice, peace and alternative worlds.

In Memory of José Eduardo Lopez.

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Table of Contents

Abstract

Acknowledgements

1. Introduction 1

1.1 Background 1 1.2 Outline of the Research Paper 3

2. Theoretical Framework 4

2.1 Social Movements Theory (SMT) – European Perspective 4 2.2 New Social Movements (NSM) in Nuestra América 5

3. A Portrait of Lenca in Honduras and the Agua Zarca Megadam (AZM) 8

3.1 The History of Lenca in Honduras 83.2 A Contemporary Profile of Lenca of Rio Blanco 93.3 Agua Zarca Megadam – Project Details 12

4. Methods 13

4.1 Big Data Social Media Research (BDSMR) 134.2 Social Network Analysis (SNA) and Visualization 14 4.3 Data Collection 144.4 Research Methods 16

5. Megaproject Resistance as NSM 17

5.1 The Megadam 215.2 Resistance to Hydroelectric Projects 25

6. Results – NSM Analysis 20

6.1 Local Perspective – Berta Cáceres and the Rio Blanco Resistance Efforts 206.2 International Perspective – Transnational Advocacy Networks 206.3 Three Processes of Transnational Activism 216.3.1 Process 1: “Local” Processes 216.3.2 Process 2: “Transitional” Processes 246.3.3 Process 3: “Global” Processes 29

7. Divergence - Two Activist Solitudes: Local Perspective vs. International Perspective35

8. Reflections and Recommendations 37

APPENDIX 38

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I. INTRODUCTION

In the early morning of March 2, 2016 news spread of the murder of Berta Cáceres, a world-renowned Lenca organizer who had been a driving force in protecting Lenca rights, lands and waters in Honduras (De Boissière & Cowman, 2016). Her campaigning rallied hundreds of Lenca campesinos [farmers] against the Agua Zarca Megadam (AZM) and together their efforts successfully pressured Sinohydro, the world’s largest dam builder to pull out of the project. Berta’s persistent activism amidst growing inequality and human rights violations in Honduras gained her an international reputation and a Goldman Environmental Prize (Goldman Environmental Foundation, 2015). La lucha [the struggle] she represented would travel beyond the borders of Honduras to resonate with growing international contention demanding transformative social and economic change (Sankey & Munck, 2017, p.335). Soon after her death, Berta would become a powerful international symbol with movements around the world chanting the phrase, “Berta no murío, se multiplicó” [Berta didn’t die, she multiplied] (Bosshard, 2016; Patterson, 2019).

Latin American and European academics alike would view Berta’s case as part of a global wave of new social movements (NSM). Within the region these NSMs would simply be a continuation of the 527-year-long lucha that began with the Taíno Discovery of columbus on the coasts of ‘Nuestra América’1. Berta’s life would add to the millions of martyrs that have died fighting for freedom and emancipation throughout the continent since 1492. Her martyrdom would not only be an example of the continued resistance against powerful and growing extractive industries (and the forces that drive them) but also the dangers facing these communities standing at the frontlines to resist their “megaprojects”.

Resistance to these industries intensify as the world’s leading climate scientists raise the alarm signalling a growing climate crisis (IPCC, 2018). Lackluster efforts to transition to a low-carbon economy trigger transnational mass mobilizations across the globe calling for urgent and immediate action. This is particularly evident in the Global South where countries face the worst impacts of climate change. According to United Nations Climate Change, Nuestra América continues to be one of the most widely impacted by the effects of climate change (UNFCCC, 2016; ECLAC, 2016). Placing first on the Climate Risk Index (CRI) is Honduras, a country that also gained the title as the most dangerous place in the world for land and environmental defenders (Eckstein, Hutfils & Winges, 2019). As this indicates the more these movements spread with increased speed and tenacity so does the violent repression they encounter as they challenge the special interests of key stakeholders (Paredes, 2016, p. 1046). A report released by Global Witness and the Guardian confirm 2016 and 2017 to be the deadliest years for land and environment defenders around the globe, with Nuestra América topping the list. According to the report, agribusiness, mining and extractive industries and logging are the main industries driving attacks against these defenders (Global Witness, 2018).

Environmental pressures come as increased investment usher in an unprecedented boom in hydroelectric megadams which sweep through the region under their new title as ‘renewable energy sources’. However, as they are centered on an extraction-based logic these projects are

1 Contribution by Cuban philosopher and Liberator, Jose Martí calling for unity throughout Latin America and as an alternative to the European imposed term ‘Latin America’. For the purposes of this paper, this term will also be used to refer to our region.

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often interpreted as “a continuation of developmentalist tendencies of resource extraction which give precedence to the generation of short-term profits, regardless of their social and environmental consequences.” (Gudynas, 2011, p.237; Tetreault et al, 2018, p. 82). As a result, these ‘neoextractive’ megaprojects have generated domestic and transnational resistance demanding the protection of livelihoods, water resources and ecosystems (Gudynas, 2011, p.237; Gómez et al. 2014, p.76; Jordhus-Lier, 2015, p. 175; Latta & Gómez, 2014, p. 51).

Central to these transnational mass mobilizations are the connections between domestic actors and transnational advocacy networks (TANs) which help foster domestic change by increasing international awareness, legitimizing domestic claims and by applying simultaneous pressure on regimes from above and below (Risse, Ropp & Sikkink, 1999, p.5). Viewed as counter-hegemonic alternatives to hierarchical organizations these networks create new spaces for activism (Gilson, 2011, p. 288; Osterbur & Kiel, 2017, p.234). However, while they serve as essential and strategic networks they have also come under increased scrutiny for their lack of accountability, effectiveness and ownership (Rodrigues, 2011; Gudynas, 2016; Arensman, Van Wessel & Hilhorst, 2016; Arensman & Van Wessel, 2018). As a result, there exists what Klein (2004, p.227) refers to as ‘two activist solitudes’ that can translate in claims framing where “transnational activists are often divided between the global framing of transnational movements campaigns and the local needs of those whose claims they want to represent” (as cited in Tarrow, 2005, p.76). With conflicts over water, territory, pollution and extractive industries increasing in frequency and intensity throughout the region there is a need to understand the nature of these solitudes in order to develop effective collective action strategies against powerful extractive interests.

This is particularly essential for Honduras because as Berta Cáceres stated:

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

"En este país impune, responsable de graves violaciones de derechos humanos, los que luchamos por la tierra, por el agua, por el territorio para la vida, para que no caiga en manos privadas y sea destruido, ponemos la vida en riesgo. Aquí es muy fácil que a uno lo maten. El costo que pagamos es muy alto. Pero lo más importante es que tenemos una fuerza que viene de nuestros ancestros, herencia de miles de años, de la que estamos orgullosos. Ese es nuestro alimento y nuestra convicción a la hora de luchar” – Berta Cáceres (El Diario, 2015)

“In this country [riddled with impunity], responsible for serious human rights violations, those of us that fight for the Earth, water, land and livelihoods -so that they don’t fall into private hands or get destroyed- we put our lives at risk. It is very easy for someone to be killed here. The cost we pay is very high. But the most important thing is that we have a strength that comes from our ancestors, inherited from thousands of years, that we are proud of. That is what feeds us and our convictions when the time comes to fight” – Berta Cáceres (El Diario, 2015)

Although Honduras plays a central role in the anti-extractive movement most literature on the extractive industry and social movements in Latin America tend to focus on the Andean region (i.e. Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela) (Ciccariello-Maher, 2013; Deonandan & Dougherty, 2016; Hogenboom, 2012; Dinerstein & Motta, 2017; Reiter,

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2011; Stahler-Sholk, Vanden & Kuecker, 2007; Urkidi & Walter, 2011) with limited academic analysis focused on megaproject resistance in Central America and specifically, Honduras (Veltmeyer, 1997; Urkidi, 2011; Almeida, 2014; Strauch, Takano & Hordijk, 2014; Swords, 2014; Veltmeyer & Petras, 2014).Contributing to this gap this research will analyze transnational activism against the AZM on the Gualcarque River in Honduras where resistance efforts successfully pressured international funders to withdraw investments. It will seek to identify whether the two solitudes of activism were present in the anti-dam resistance efforts. By doing so, it will seek to determine if the support being provided by transnational advocacy networks (TANs) are fulfilling the true needs of the local communities resisting the megadam. It will do so by contrasting resistance claims and efforts at both the domestic and international level between the years 2012-2018.

To analyze domestic and international mobilization efforts this research draws upon Social Movement Theory (specifically, new social movement (NSM) discourse) which serves as the guiding conceptual/theoretical frameworks to analyze domestic transnational collective action. Analysis will use the three sets of political processes (local, transitional and global) involved in the emergence of transnational social movements as identified by Tarrow (2005) as a guide to analyze political contention and to identify the two solitudes of activism present.

The research design will implement a Social Network Analysis (SNA) using Big Data Social Media Research (BDSMR) as a framework. This will involve multiple stages that combine quantitative and quantitative methods of data collection (Desai & Potter, 2006, p.123; Chang et al., 2014). Identifying significant shifts in scale, effective strategies and alliances has the potential to guide future resistance efforts and contentious claims in the region. Extractive industries are one of the biggest drivers of violence with mining conflicts accounting for almost 20% of the total killings (Global Witness, 2018). With global demand for energy projected to increase by 28% within the next 25 years, research into transnational activism within today’s globalized society is imperative (USEIA, 2017, p.10).

1.2 Outline

Chapter One introduces the topic and provides a description of the case study background, the aim of the study and the methodology used.

Chapter Two examines the theoretical framework that serves as the foundation of this research project. It begins with an overview of Social Movement Theory (SMT) and New Social Movements (NSM) from the European perspective and expands further to analyze NSM from the Latin American perspective.

Chapter Three provides a brief overview of the Lenca and an introduction to the Agua Zarca Megadam (AZM).

Chapter Three presents a description of the Big Data Social Media Research (BDSMR) research design and visualization of networks using the Social Network Analysis (SNA).

Chapter Four introduces megadam resistance as new social movements.

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Chapter Five discusses the two solitudes of activism present in AZM resistance efforts.

The concluding chapter, Chapter Six, provides recommendations for future international efforts.

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2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Social Movement Theory (SMT) – European Perspective

Tracing its roots to early European theorists like Marx, Engels and Gramsci, SMT encompasses a complex set of approaches that seek to understand and analyze the emergence, characteristics and consequences of domestic collective action. The revitalization of contemporary SMT arose by the late 1960s and 1970s following a rise in cycles of protests (i.e. Civil Rights movement, student movement, women’s movement, environmental movement) that spread throughout Europe and the United States (Tarrow, 1994, p.21-29). Within SMT frameworks four main concepts were central to understanding the dynamics of social movements: political opportunities, mobilizing structures, collective action frames and repertoires of contention (Benford & Snow, 2000, p.612; Tarrow, 2005, p.23).

Political opportunities refer to the variables external to the actor’s own resources and claims which can “either encourage or discourage people from using collective action” (Tarrow, 1998, p.18). These political opportunity structures can be either static or changing. Variables can include: “the opening up of institutional access, shifts in political alignments, the presence or absence of influential allies, the prospect of repression or facilitation as well as discursive opportunities” (as cited in Tarrow, 2005, p.23).

Mobilizing structures refers to the existing formal organizations and informal networks that when activated act as solidarity and communication facilitating structures for a movement (McAdam McCarthy & Zald, 1996, p.143).

Thirdly, there was a focus on collective action frames defined as strategic interpretations of reality are constructed by movement organizers “to attract supporters, signal their intentions, gain media attention and demobilize antagonists” (Snow & Benford, 1988, p.198; Benford and Snow, 2000, p.614; Tarrow, 2005, p.61). In order to do this, these frames seek to appeal to what Gramsci refers to as the “common sense” of the target public in balance with the position of ruling elites and the media (as cited in Tarrow, 2005, p.61).

The fourth element are repertoires of contention is a concept identified by Charles Tilly which refer to the ways that people express their contention in pursuit of shared interests as well as their local knowledge of how to so (Tilly, 1995, p.41). Three key factors that prove fundamental to the creation of these repertoires include: “daily routines and internal organization, prevailing standards of rights and justice and the population’s accumulated experience with collective action” (Tilly, 1986, p.10). Over time these repertoires can be modified to create new, innovative forms of contention (Tarrow, 2005, p.102).

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New Social Movements (NSM)

NSM expanded discourse beyond SMT analysis of domestic social movements to observe the structures, actors and processes of international collective action. Prominent debates center on the novelty, structures, characteristics of new social movements as well as the processes that take place (Keck and Sikkink, 1998; Tarrow, 2005; Tilly, 2008). In addition, they focus on the role of neoliberalism as a catalyst for contemporary mobilization (Bebbington, 2009, p.9; Gudynas, 2013, p.168; Stahler-Sholk et al, 2014; Veltmeyer & Petras, 2014, p.19; Sankey & Munck, 2016; Deonandan & Dougherty, 2016, p.12;). Central to this approach is the role of Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) which are bound by “shared values, a common discourse and dense exchanges of information and services” are motivating factors in the formation of advocacy networks (Keck and Sikkink, 1998, p.2; Tarrow, 2005, p.22; Tilly, 2008, p.8).

Dominant NSM approaches are based upon the Western perspective and analysis of social movements reflect the unique European contexts in which they arose. Therefore, applying NSM theory to the Latin American contexts garner different results.

New Social Movements (NSM) in Nuestra América

Overview

Throughout the past few decades Nuestra América has experienced a new wave of identity-focused social movements distinguished from old class-based movements of the past (Brito Valdes, 2017, p.56; Zibechi, 2003, p.185). Within the region, Flores Morador & Cortéz Vásquez (2016, p.406) identify two main claims: concern for threats to life (i.e. contamination, discrimination, natural resource scarcity, extinction of species, etc.) and the fight for a better world (i.e. peace in harmony, respect for basic human rights, etc.). Another important element of NSMs is the emphasis on the contradictory relationship between capitalism and democracy (Fals Borda, 1992, p.303; Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2017, p.97; Quijano, 2000, p.230).

Emergence

The emergence of NSM within Nuestra América began in the 1980s onward and were the result of two main structural factors: neoliberalism and the transition to ‘democracy’ (Obarrio & Preocupez, 2011, p.2; Brito Valdes, 2017, p.56; Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2017, p.102). After the fall of the Soviet Union, neoliberal reforms implemented by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund swept through the region in an attempt to achieve “global capitalist integration” (Almeida, 2014, p.2). With these reforms arose anti-neoliberal mobilizations that replaced revolutionary and armed struggles of the past against military and authoritarian regimes. The second factor involved transitions from authoritarian governments to ‘democratic’ rule which ushered in institutional reforms, a more inclusive electoral system and spread of civil rights. This was essential in creating a political opportunity structure conducive to new forms of collective mobilization (Zibechi, 2003, p.185). Western scholars would later add a

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declining hegemony of neoliberalism as a crucial element in the continued development and proliferation of NSMs (Stahler-Sholk, et al., 2014, p.3).Novelty

Two main novelties have been identified in Latin American epistemological analyses. The first and most important novelty is that they are a critique of both the capitalist system as well as socialist emancipation as defined by Marxism (De Sousa Santos, 2001, p.178). Therefore, emancipatory claims surpass old attachments to party politics and ideology (i.e. Marxism, Liberation Theology) to include new forms of oppression that expand beyond modes of production (Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2017, p.100). The changes they demand prioritize social and cultural claims over economic ones and, the objectives they seek are no longer solely political gain but instead changes to daily life (Obarrio & Preocupez, 2011, p.3; Flores Morador & Cortéz Vásquez, 2016, p.405; De Sousa Santos, 2001, p.180; Zibechi, 2003, p.185).

The second (related) novelty is the creation of new ways of doing politics. NSMs in the region oppose traditional notions of democracy and traditional structures of action (i.e. political parties, unions and campesino organizations) that characterized social movements of the past (Obarrio & Preocupez, 2011, p.4). Instead, they opt for innovative, unconventional contentious actions (i.e. picketing, blockade, etc.) and seek alternative, participatory forms of political and social organization (i.e. community forums, asambleas, forums, etc.) (Veltmeyer & Petras, 2006, p.102; Obarrio & Preocupez, 2011, p.2; Flores Morador & Cortéz Vásquez, 2016, p.398; Escobar, 2011, p.43).

Main Characteristics of NSMs in Nuestra América

An analysis of prominent scholarship from the Latin American perspective allowed for identification of eight main traits that characterize NSMs in the region.

1) Identity-focused: NSMs reaffirm identity and establish a collective sense of identity that allows for difference between groups (pluricultural) (Escobar,1998, p.65; Zibechi, 2003, p.186; Castillo, 2008, p.223; Escobar, 2011, p.23; Obarrio & Preocupez, 2011, p.4; Brito Valdes, 2017, p.57; Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2017, p.98)

2) A broad, diverse and heterogenous composition: NSMs include a variety of demands, composition, objectives, forms of organizing, levels of institutionalization with participants from a wide ideological spectrum (De Sousa Santos, 2001, p.178; Castillo, 2008, p.223; Flores Morador & Cortéz Vásquez, 2016, p.398; Brito Valdes, 2017, p.58; Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2017, p.101). As Flores Morador & Cortéz Vásquez (2016) observe, “It is not liberal, anarchist, communist or capitalist, it’s modernist” (p.410).

3) More horizontal and inclusive organizational structure: Organizational structures are not reliant on having a leader but are instead diffused and decentralized (Obarrio & Preocupez, 2011, p.4; Abellán López, 2015, p.1; Flores Morador & Cortéz Vásquez,

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2016, p.407). Horizontal concepts of power differ from the hierarchical, pyramid structure of old movements (Zibechi, 2003, p.185).

4) Rejection of formal party politics; social exclusion: NSMs reject traditional politics and seek democratic transformation that is less bureaucratic, more participatory and direct (i.e. mandar obedeciendo). Participants of NSMs break with ideological tradition to become active agents of change (revolucionario vs. rebelde social)2 as they seek different forms of organization (participatory democracy rather than representative democracy) (De Sousa Santos, 2001, p.180; Castillo, 2008, p.223). In the region it is due to inherent prejudices, authoritarian tendencies and hierarchical structures still present in the leftist political parties (Brito Valdes, 2017, p.57).

- New channels of expression: In their search for a ‘democratization of democracy’ (De Sousa Santos, 2007) NSMs seek different channels of expression (i.e. ICTs, social media, networks). Civic action provides a flow of information that political parties cannot reproduce (Flores Morador & Cortéz Vásquez, 2016, p.398; Zibechi, 2003, p.187) and as such, NSMs are dynamic, fluid, able to adapt (Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2015, p.167).

5) Role of women: Particularly the leadership of Indigenous women within movements, government and society reflecting a shift in gender relations. Zibechi (2003, p.187) credits this to greater household instability and absence of fathers which has created new family dynamics with women at the centre. However, women have historically held a central role both within Nuestramerican households as well as in all revolutionary (including armed) struggles throughout the continent from Las Adelitas (Mexican Revolution), Frida Kahlo (Mexicanidad), Celia Sánchez Manduley (Cuban Revolution), Luisa Amanda Espinoza (Nicaraguan Revolution) to Las Chicanas (United States), etc. (Helland, 1990; Seitz, 1991, p.32; Thomas-Woodard, 2003; Porter, 2016).

6) New multifaceted, innovative forms of collective action: NSMs involve a wide variety of collective actions that differ from those of the past (from castrista, guervarista revolutionary guerrillas and strikes to blockades, occupations, etc.) (Zibechi, 2003, p.185; Castillo, 2008, p.223; Obarrio & Preocupez, 2011, p.4).

7) Introduction of new issues in the struggle: NSMs go beyond economic emancipation to include new forms of oppression that expand beyond modes of production (Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2017, p.162). NSMs demand a new social paradigm not based on the accumulation of material wealth to instead focus on issues related to identity, culture and the quality of life (i.e. ethnicity, race, gender, appropriation of urban spaces, Indigenous and campesina cosmovisions, women’s issues, machista cultures, etc.) (as cited in Brito Valdes, 2017, p.57).

8) Ability to create their own intellectuals: The failure of old theories generated by foreign intellectuals (i.e. Marxist, Leninist socialist models) to bring about promised

2 Proposed by Zapatista Subcomandante Marcos to distinguish between a revolutionary that seeks to change through political means (top-down) from a social rebel that seeks daily change (from below) (Enlace Zapatista, 2001).

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social change has led to a ‘loss of epistemological confidence’ (De Sousa Santos, 2007, xxii). ‘Constellations of knowledge’ (De Sousa Santos, 2007, xix) from the Global South have risen to challenge the privileged epistemological position of European scientific knowledge opening space for new, innovative alternative visions (Zibechi, 2003, p.186; Mejías Sandia & Suárez Manríquez, 2017).

3. A PORTRAIT OF THE LENCA NATION AND THE AGUA ZARCA MEGADAM (AZM)

The Lenca are an Indigenous Nation located in southwestern Honduras and eastern El Salvador in the historical region of Mesoamerica (see Appendix 1). In Honduras, the Lenca are the largest Indigenous group with an estimated population of 100,000 (CIA World Factbook, 2019).

3.1 The History of Lenca in Honduras

Prior to the Taíno Discovery, Honduras, like the rest of Nuestra América was governed by Indigenous cosmovisions (sets of beliefs and ideas) that served as basis all societal life and varied among the many different nations (Schrenk, 1998). Using precise mathematical and astronomical observations to identify shared patterns in nature these cosmovisions reflected a sophisticated understanding of the symbiotic relationship between humans and nature. Cosmovisions therefore emphasized coexistence with nature and not dominance over it; a harmonious relationship shaped by sacred myths and rites (as cited in Broda, 2015, p.219). This would translate in sophisticated urban planning throughout the region that resulted in complex architectural feats (i.e. Mayan and Aztec pyramids, Aztec tunnels, Incan Machu Pikchu, Incan aqueducts, etc.) designed to harness nature and reflect the cosmos; accomplishments that continue to perplex Western science and thought today.

Following European contact, Nuestra América has been a region defined by external domination and influence. First, beginning in 1492 with the invasion and occupation by European settlers on Aztec, Mayan, Incan and other Indigenous Nations’ lands. From this moment, Indigenous peoples in Nuestra América would be characterized by their ‘oppositional place-based, Fourth World existence’3 (Corntassel & Taiaiake, 2005, p.597; Manuel, 2015, p.169; Manuel & Posluns, 2019, xii) to the European colonizers (and their descendants) that settled there. Rigid racial hierarchies imposed by European settlers stratified Indigenous societies and institutionalized a European manera de ser [way of being] that prioritized anthropocentric dominion over nature and European dominion over “merciless Indian savages”4. White ethnocentrism codified in the Doctrine of Discovery and papal bulls (Dum Diversas of 1452; Romanus Pontifex of 1455; Inter Caetera in 1493) meant Spain and Portugal (and Europeans) were authorized to “invade, convert and colonize” the Americas and “reduce their persons to perpetual slavery, and to take away all their possessions and property” (Romanus Pontifex, 1455).

3 The term ‘Fourth World’ was coined by the late Secwepemc Chief George Manuel in his book The Fourth World: An Indian Reality (1974). Referring to Indigenous nations throughout North America he stated, “We are the fourth world, a forgotten world, the world of aboriginal peoples locked into independent states but without an adequate voice or say in the decisions which affect our lives.” [as cited by Coulthard in Manuel & Posluns (2019, xii)].4 United States Declaration of Independence (1776)

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The subsequent colonization in the XV and XVI centuries combined with European violence, mistreatment and diseases to decimate millions of the continent’s original inhabitants, ultimately reducing their population by approximately 90%-95% (CEPAL, 2014, p.13) of their numbers before contact. This would be considered the first large-scale act of genocide in the modern era (Woolford et al. 2014). Later, as Latin American nations gained independence they would remain under the control of the United States government, military and companies taking their place as “Banana Republics”5 within “America’s Backyard” (Livingstone, 2009). In addition to this, the prosperity of the region would inevitably be linked to that of the foreign-owned transnational corporations and international financial institutions (IFI) whose influence and domination would leave a lasting mark on the region forever.

Within Honduras the Lenca experience would be no exception. By the time Columbus landed on the shores of India Trujillo in 1502, Honduras was home to Lenca, Náhuatl, Maya Ch’orti’, Xicaques, Peche, Tawahka, Potones and Miskito Nations, among others (Rivas, 1993; COPINH, 2013). Over time Indigenous populations would mix with European colonizers, African slaves and other settlers to become the dominant Mestizo population (90%). Lenca and other Indigenous nations continue to maintain cultural traditions and make up 7% of the population followed by Garifuna (2%) and Whites (1%) (CIA World Factbook, 2019).

3.2. A Contemporary Profile of Lenca of Rio Blanco

The Lenca of the Rio Blanco trace their resistance to the “rebellion of the Lenca” headed by the cacique Lempira in 1537 who united various Indigenous nations under a single Confederation to fight against the Spanish colonizers (Rivas, 1993, p.44). Therefore, as private interests entered traditional Lenca lands to install the AZM it would be these communities that would be found at the centre and forced to continue their 500-year historical fight. Ongoing colonization, dispossession, violence and marginalization left Lenca, particularly Lenca women on the margins of Honduran society. Explaining some of the challenges they face Berta Cáceres states:

Original Spanish Text: English Translation“La realidad de la zona, que hay mucha miseria, mucha exclusión de mucha marginación de la situación de las mujeres indígenas – mucho racismo, mucha discriminación por ser mujeres, por ser indígenas, por ser pobres.” - Berta Cáceres (Gayá, 2013)

“The reality of the region is that there is a lot of poverty, a lot of exclusion and a lot of marginalization of Indigenous women – a lot of racism, a lot of discrimination – for being women, for being Indigenous, for being poor.”- Berta Cáceres (Gayá, 2013)

Furthermore, as these communities are often located in the rural areas they stand at the frontlines of resistance against extractive industries. As they oppose the megaprojects within their territories they are targeted and face many challenges on the ground which include immediate security threats (i.e. murders, physical threats, death threats, intimidation, harassment, sexual 5 The term banana republic was coined by European settler Oliver Henry to describe Honduras and surrounding countries under economic exploitation by U.S. corporations (i.e. United Fruit Company). These societies have marked social division involving large impoverished working class and powerful ruling-class plutocracy, composed of the business, political, and military elites.

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assault), criminalization and defamation. In addition, they face threats to livelihoods, loss of culture/traditions/language amid growing displacement and exodus of Indigenous communities from ancestral areas.

Their fight against the construction of AZM began in 2006 when equipment first appeared on Lenca lands. Although the reason behind the construction was unknown, the community knew “that an aggression against the river—a place of spiritual importance to the Lenca people—was an act against the community, its free will, and its autonomy” (Goldman Environmental Prize, 2015). Construction would have a direct impact on the dozens of communities surrounding the River considered sacred by the Lenca and depended on for subsistence. In response to ongoing harassment, the communities of the Rio Blanco sought the assistance of the Civic Council of Popular Organizations and Indigenous People of Honduras (COPINH).COPINH and Berta Cáceres

Founded by environmental and human rights activist Berta Cáceres, the Civic Council of Popular Organizations and Indigenous People of Honduras (COPINH), is a local Lenca organization dedicated to the defense of the environment in Intibucá and the defense of the Indigenous Lenca people in the country. Its history is best summarized in a song created by Lenca community members:

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

“En 1993, el 27 de marzo, se fundaron el COPINH … su trabajo de valor en los departamentos después de 20 años de luchar buscando la justicia Intibucá es COPINH y La Paz y Lempira. Pueblo Lenca que lucha contra la opresión. Intibucá es COPINH y La Paz y Lempira. A pesar de amenazas que se encuentran allí.” Compañeras del COPINH (Ocote Films, 2015)

“COPINH was founded on the 27th of March 1993 … Its job is of great value in the different regions after 20 years of struggling in search of justice. Intibucá is COPINH and La Paz and Lempira, Lenca communities that struggle against oppression. Intibucá is COPINH and La Paz and Lempira despite the threats they encounter there... Long live COPINH! Long live Lenca women!”- Compañeras from COPINH (Ocote Films, 2015)

Prior to its inception the Lenca had no recognized autonomous governance structures beyond the municipal level as such, COPINH provides representation for these communities (Middledorp, 2019, p.330). COPINH defines its mission as,

Original Spanish Text English Translation:

“una organización indígena y popular, antipatriarcal, antiimperialista, antineoliberal, sensible ante los problemas, necesidades y derechos de las comunidades indígenas, campesinas y urbanas del pueblo hondureño y del mundo. Trabajando la cultura y cosmovisión indígena y popular para lograr la justicia social

reivindicando la lucha y la movilización social.” – COPINH (2019) “an Indigenous and grassroots organization, anti-patriarchal, anti-imperialist [and] anti-neoliberal. Sensitive to the problems, needs and rights of the Indigenous, rural and urban communities of the Honduran people and the world. Working the Indigenous and popular

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culture and cosmovision to achieve social justice, vindicating the struggle and social mobilization.”. – COPINH (2019)

At the centre of its pillars of struggle are anti-capitalism, anti-patriarchy and anti-racism (COPINH, 2019). Its co-founder Berta Cáceres summarizes the organizations objectives as follows:

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

“COPINH surge con varios objetivos. Uno era: fortalecer las prácticas culturales, la visión, la cosmovisión del pueblo Lenca y el otro era la defense del bosque, del agua de la tierra. Y el otro es la defensa para los derechos de las mujeres y de los jóvenes” – COPINH (2011)

“COPINH emerged with various objectives. First: to strengthen cultural practices, vision [and] cosmovisión, of the Lenca community. And the other was defense of forest, water and the Earth. Another is the fight for women’s rights and the rights of youth.” – COPINH (2011)

Since its inception COPINH acquired major achievements for Indigenous nations in Honduras. First, in 1994, COPINH organized the first Indigenous pilgrimage to Tegucigalpa, the political center of the country. The pilgrimage united Lenca, Tawahkas, Tolupanes, Garifunas, Pech and Moskitos who occupied National Congress demanding ratification of International Labour Organization Convention 169 and recognition of Indigenous municipios. This mobilization sacudio el pais [shook the country] and brought Indigenous issues to the national agenda (Gayá, 2013). That mobilization organized by COPINH achieved,

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

“.. un gran logro, yo pienso lo más grande de todos y es que en esta sociedad se diera cuenta de la existencia de los pueblos indígenas y de que los pueblos indígenas existen y que tenemos dignidad” - Berta Cáceres (Gayá, 2013)

“…a big accomplishment, I think the biggest of all which is that this society took notice of the existence of indigenous communities. That Indigenous communities exist and that we have dignity" - Berta Cáceres (Gayá, 2013)

This caught the attention of other Indigenous nations throughout Honduras who recognized COPINH’s efforts and subsequently joined. In addition, with Berta at the helm COPINH acquired more than 200 communal land titles for indigenous communities:

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

“bajo el concepto de los pueblos indígenas de su cosmovisión, no parceladas si no el concepto comunitario que incluye los bosques, el suelo todos los animalitos que hay, toda la fauna, todas las especias de planta, los tipos de

árboles, los ríos…” - Berta Cáceres (Gayá, 2013)“under the cosmovisión of indigenous communities, not divided but with the communal concept that includes the forest, the soil, all of the little animals, all the fauna, all of the plant

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species, the trees, the rivers …” - Berta Cáceres, (Gayá, 2013)

Overall due to these actions COPINH’s efforts successfully removed 30 logging companies and more than 10 megadam projects from the area (COPINH/FIDE, 2011; Gayá, 2013).

Berta Cáceres

As co-founder of COPINH, Berta was a well-respected Lenca organizer born and raised in La Esperanza, Honduras. Her persistent activism amidst growing socioeconomic inequality and human right violations gained her international recognition. In 2012, she was awarded the Shalom award by the Society for Justice and Peace. Two years later, would be a finalist for the 2014 Front Line Defenders Prize and by 2015, Berta received the Goldman environmental prize (Goldman Environmental Foundation, 2015).

By May 24, 2013, as she accompanied 400 Lenca families, members of COPINH, she would be arrested and falsely accused of gun possession. National and international allies would successfully pressure for her release. Her continued resistance would eventually lead to her murder on March 2, 2016 where she would be shot and killed propelling her to become a powerful international symbol. Her case would be highlighted in the Global Witness 2015 report on environmental and land defenders.

3.3 Agua Zarca Megadam (AZM) - Project Details

The Agua Zarca Megadam (AZM) was a joint Honduran-Chinese (later Honduran- Dutch-Finnish) hydroelectric dam project proposed along the Gualcarque River in Rio Blanco, Intibucá located in southwestern Honduras. The project consisted of a 21 MW, 5-meter-high dam, 3 kilometers of canals and tunnels and a reservoir about the size of two football fields (IUCN NL, 2018, p.2; Willems & De Jonghe, 2016, p.6). Preparations for the construction of four hydroelectric dams on the Gualcarque River initially began in 2006 in a joint venture between Chinese company Sinohydro, the World Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC), and Honduran company Desarrollos Energéticos (DESA), a private Honduran company created solely for the AZM (IUCN NL, 2018, p.2). It was during this time that construction machinery first arrived on site and resistance from the local community began.

DESA had two major shareholders: Potencia y Energía de Mesoamérica S.A. (PEMSA), a company registered in Panama and whose President, Roberto Castillo (former military intelligence officer) was also president of DESA. The second company, Las Jacarandas, owned by the powerful Atala Zablah oligarchic family who are also on the DESA board. Together the two companies had invested $50 million lempiras [PEMSA ($16.65 million lempiras) and Las Jacarandas ($33.35 million lempiras)] in the project. Furthermore, DESA also secured loans from Dutch Bank FMO (Netherlands Development Finance Institution) ($15M), Finnish finance

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company, Finnfund (Finnish Fund for Industrial Cooperation) ($5M) and the Central American Bank of Economic Integration (CABEI) ($24M) (Lakhani, 2017). Financed by both Honduran and foreign investors the AZM would provide hydroelectricity and water for mining operations in this region of the country (Phillips, 2013).

Preliminary construction began in 2011. Assemblies convened by the mayor of Intibucá, Martiniano Dominguez, with affected communities acquired widespread rejection to the project. Nevertheless, the mayor signed the contract with DESA. By August 2013, amid increased pressure from COPINH, increased violence against local community members and multiple deaths by state security guards forced Sinohydro and IFC to pull out of the megadam project (IUCN NL, 2016). By October 2015, construction resumed but was relocated to the opposite side of the River, no longer to be built on indigenous farm lands, although the desiccation of the river will continue to affect the communities.

Following the murder of Berta Cáceres in addition to previous murders, detentions and increased violence by private security, National Police and military as well as overall international pressure, FMO and Finnfund led to a fact-finding mission in 2016 seeking consultations with local and international stakeholders. It would not be until the murder of a second member of COPINH, Lesbith Urquia Urquia, that international funding would be suspended. The findings of this mission led to the eventual suspension of the project's funding as the two lenders declared their withdrawal from the project and finalized exit in July 2017 (Bank Track, 2016; FMO, 2017).

International Solidarity

Critical to local resistance efforts were the support from domestic and international non-governmental organizations.

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4. METHODS

The research design of this paper is based on Big Data Social Media Research (BDSMR) framework with Twitter as a focus platform. Using NodeXL a Social Network Analysis (SNA) will be conducted to visualize and analyze results.

Big Data Social Media Research (BDSMR)

Big Data Social Media Research (BDSMR) involves theory-driven approaches to the electronic gathering of data, networks and trends from online social media platforms (Landers et al., 2016, p.2; Bright, 2017, p.127). One BDSMR technique is theory-driven data mining or web-scraping. This process involves “computer software [applying] automated analytical techniques to interrogate datasets for patterns, trends and other useful information.” (Porritt, 2015, p.18). This approach formed the first process in data collection.

Social Media

Referred to Activism 2.0 (Harlow, 2011, p.227), social media has become an essential tool for political activists and social movements in diffusing messages and gathering support. While its effectiveness in generating offline results is debated, many credit social media for its ability to rapidly connect and mobilize large numbers of people in ways that surpass traditional media (Johnson, 2017, p.157). Twitter, in particular, has been identified as an important tool in a range of historic movements from #BlackLivesMatter to #NoDAPL protests in Standing Rock, North Dakota to the #IdleNoMore movement throughout North America to the Green Revolution in Iran among others (Kino-nda-niimi Collective (Ed.), 2014; Mottahedeh, 2015; Choudhury et al., 2016, p.2). Considered one of the most popular microblogging platforms, Twitter enables users to send, receive and share short posts, limited to 140-characters. Fundamental to collective mobilization online is the use of a hashtag (i.e. #JusticiaParaBerta) which serves as a tool to harness and advocate for causes (Potts, 2013, p.42). Local communities are able to diffuse information in situations of social unrest and attract international attention (Juris, 2012, p.260).

To address the proposed research question, an organizational-level analysis of Twitter use was conducted for COPINH as well as the top 5 organizations related to each of two hashtags most used by COPINH. While there have been extensive studies (Boyd et al., 2010, Jave et al., 2007; Jansen et al., 2009; Pear Analytics, 2009; Honeycutt and Herring. 2009; Naamen et al. 2010) seeking to establish a standard classification system for Twitter content at the individual level, only one study developed one such classification system (Lovejoy and Saxton, 2012) for content published by organizations. This system identified three main key functions of microblogging updates used by organizations. These include information, community and action (Lovejoy and Saxton, 2012, p.337). This typology provides the basis of content analysis for this research.

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Social Network Analysis (SNA) and Visualization

Using Social Network Analysis (SNA), this research will integrate quantitative and qualitative methods to collect data on ties between domestic and international activists opposing AZM (Desai & Potter, 2006, p.115). To facilitate this analysis a specialized program known as NodeXL6 will be used. This “free and open add-in for Excel 2007/2010/2013” (Pew Research Center, 2014, p.1) allows for the visualization of Twitter networks connected to certain hashtag. For this study the two hashtags that will be focused on are #JusticiaParaBerta and #BertaCaceres. Data will also be collected on the size, composition and structure of hashtag networks.

Twitter networks will be graphed using the Harel-Koren Fast Multiscale layout using colors to differentiate vertices which are then placed in a Group-In-a-Box (GIB) meta-layout. Each partitioned cluster indicates a different community or “public sphere” within the network with vertices representing Twitter accounts of individuals (and organizations).

Visualization of the Boomerang Effect/Spiral Method will be graphed in the Polar layout which allows for a clearer image of the directional flows.

Data Collection

Data was compiled using a mixed-method comparative analysis of COPINH Twitter content as well as that of the top 5 advocacy organizations for each respective hashtag (#JusticiaParaBerta, #BertaCaceres) between the years 2012 to 2019.

Process 1: Web Scraping

Local Perspective – Lenca of the Rio Blanco

A better understanding of the perspective of the local community in Rio Blanco regarding the AZM was attained through two main datasets: communicados [public statements] published on the COPINH website and the organization’s public Twitter page under the handle: @COPINHHONDURAS. Steps can be viewed in Appendix 2.

Communicados published by COPINH on the organization’s new and old websites (https://copinh.org/category/comunicados/ and https://copinhonduras.blogspot.com) were compiled using a web scraping tool called ParseHub – Appendix 3.

Then, using Octoparse, another web scraping analytical tool, tweets were compiled from organization’s public Twitter page under the handle: @COPINHHONDURAS from its inception to present (July 25, 2012 to August 7, 2019) – Appendix 4.

6 NodeXL was created by the Social Media Research Foundation, a non-profit organization dedicated to “creating open tools, open data, and open scholarship related to social media” (Pew Research Center, 2014).

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All content was then analyzed for content (i.e. framing, claims, main targets) and interactions (replies, retweets and likes) to identify processes present (i.e. scale shifts). In addition, context was categorized using Lovejoy and Saxton (2012)’s classification system.

Key to acquiring the local perspective was analysis of hashtag use by COPINH. This began by identifying all original hashtags generated by COPINH between the years 2012-2019 along with their occurrences (number of times they appeared) for each year. This process generated 2925 results [1(2012); 19 (2013); 95 (2014); 75 (2015); 274 (2016); 272 (2017); 1001 (2018) and 1187 (2019)]. Hashtags present on the @COPINHHONDURAS Twitter stream were identified per year along with their occurrences. All hashtags from all years (as well as their occurrences) were entered into an Excel spreadsheet enabling identification of the top 10 hashtags (with the most occurrences) between the years 2012-2019. This study limited the scope to the top 2 hashtags (#JusticiaParaBerta; #BertaCaceres) generated by COPINH (identified by their total number of occurrences) and these were chosen as the focus of this research. Their prominence amongst other hashtags is illustrated in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Top 15 hashtags used by COPINH. (Color darkness and size reflects frequency)

International Perspective – Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs)

The international perspective was determined by using the top two hashtags (#JusticeParaBerta, #BertaCaceres) generated by COPINH at the local level related to AZM resistance efforts. Both hashtags were entered into Hashtagify.me, an analytical tool used to identify hashtag popularity, trends and top influencers (i.e. organizations). Following this, an analysis was conducted of Tweet content published by the top 5 organizations for each respective hashtag (#JusticiaParaBerta, #BertaCaceres). INGOs play an important role in diffusing local resistance

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efforts to the international community. By categorizing Tweets related to COPINH’s resistance using Lovejoy and Saxton’s (2012) classification system the role of international organizations as Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) can be identified. In addition, by contrasting claims, framing and objectives as framed by TANs, we can determine if they are assisting with the true needs of the local community.

International solidarity was also measured by analyzing interactions (replies, retweets and likes) over time on COPINH’s public Twitter page (@COPINHHONDURAS). Higher interactions indicate more international attention.

Process 2: Qualitative Data Collection: Interviews, Webinars, Radio Audios, Conferences, DocumentariesData was also collected through interviews, videos, radio audios or public statements published online by COPINH members and international supporters publicly denouncing megaprojects or engaging in movements. In addition, documentaries featuring the Rio Blanco communities were referenced. YouTube provided an important platform to find videos using various keywords related to AZM resistance.

Research Methods

This research will take on a critical perspective of traditional Euro-Western research paradigms that have viewed the process as a Eurocentric and patriarchal approach that places Western knowledge superior to knowledge constructed by Indigenous peoples and the historically oppressed (Frieire, 1970, p.36; Fals Borda, 1999, p.77; Quijano, 2000, p.343,380; López-Segrera, 2005, p.185; Jasper, 2010, p.965; Liamputtong, 2010, p. 237; Chilisa, 2012, p. 13; Tuhwai Smith, 2012, p.125; Consuegra-Ascanio & Mercado-Villarreal, 2017, p. 90). Academic literature produced in Latin America highlights dominant Eurocentric assumptions underlying research in the social sciences field (Consuegra-Ascanio & Mercado-Villarreal, 2017, p. 90; Fals Borda, 1999, p.77; Lander, 2000, p.14; Quijano, 2000, p.380; López- Segrera, 2005, p. 185;). This research will seek to decolonize research and validate worldviews of local communities. One method that will be employed will involve the five-step guide outlined by Lincoln & González y González (2008) for Western scholars to decolonize methodology and research. These include (a) working bilingual data, (b) considering non-Western cultural traditions, (c) multiple perspectives in texts, (d) multivocal and multilingual texts, and (e) technical issues to ensure accessibility (p. 785).

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5. Megaproject Resistance as NSM

Throughout Latin America large investments of capital through International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and aid programs have ushered in waves of megadam development with the intent to accelerate economic integration and promote ‘sustainable’ development (Grandia, 2013, p.234; International Rivers, 2019; Verhoeven, 2012, p.2).). These megaprojects are described as “large-scale, complex ventures that typically cost US$1B or more, take many years to develop and build, involve multiple private stakeholders, are transnational and impact millions of people” (Allman, 2017. p.4; Flyvbjerg, 2014, p.7). Within the Global South however, as Warrack (1985) noted, “$1 billion is not a constraint in defining megaprojects; in some contexts, a relative approach is needed, such as in developing countries, where a much smaller project (such as one with a $100 million budget) could constitute a megaproject” (as cited in Brooks & Locatelli, 2015, p.58) Considered ‘iconic structures of monumental modernity’ megadams are defined by some authors as structures with a height over 15 m have a maximum design capacity of 1 MW or greater (Nixon, 2010, p.62). Megadams have two main functional purposes: one is flood control and the other is to produce electricity (Murphy, 2011, p.29). However, most importantly like all megaprojects, megadams are presented by politicians as national symbols to show state progress and development (Nixon, 2010, p.62; Samson, 2017, p.2; Söderlund, Sankaran & Biesenthal, 2017, p.5; Van Marrewijk, 2018, p.47).

In theory, like all megaprojects a well-designed and constructed megadam has the potential to transform local economies and communities (Breeze, 2018, p.2), however, as one of the world’s leading megaproject analysts, Merrow (2011) states, in practice many megaprojects “end up being disappointing to their sponsors; a fewer [amount] turn out to be destroyers of shareholder wealth; and a few are horrendous with respect to anything and everything involved—the investing companies, the local population and the environment.” (p.12) With evidence confirming their negative social and environmental impacts megadams face fierce delegitimization as tools to benefit local communities. Nonetheless, megaprojects continue to expand in size, variety and frequency throughout the world and have become the region’s preferred model used by governments to generate revenue. Leading these efforts are the three rising powers, China, India and Brazil who hold the place as the world’s top three dam-builders (Verhoeven, 2012, p.2).

Resistance to Megadams

Resistance to megadams forms part of a larger environmental movement gaining transnational traction against the ‘water grabbing’7 tendencies of extractive industries. Uruguayan researcher Raul Zibechi (2012) observes that “what began as an isolated environmental protest is now a continental movement for life”.

Megadams as Development Projects

7 ‘Water grabbing’ describes the appropriation or reallocation of water resources by public or private entities for profit of power at the expense of local communities and the ecosystems.

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The expansion of megadams as a ‘tool for development’ arises amidst a growing resistance to Western development projects implemented throughout the Global South. ‘Alternatives to development’8 generated by ‘constellations of knowledge’9 from the Global South have risen to challenge hegemonic concepts of modernity, progress and development as defined by dominant European socio-spatial epistemologies (De Sousa Santos, 2008, xix; Loperena, 2017, p.802). Replacing the development focus on economic and materialist progress are ‘constellations of knowledge’ generated by alternative local perspectives such as Indigenous cosmovisions like ‘sumak kawsay’ (deemed ‘Buen Vivir’) (Escobar, 1995, p.5; Esteva & Prakash, 1998, p.285; LaTouche, 2007, p.1; Gudynas, 2011, p.379; García Álvarez, 2014, p.57).

Megadams are therefore, deemed ‘progressive neoextractivism’ these projects seek “development based on the appropriation of Nature” (Gudynas, 2011; p.379). Factors driving megaproject development and decision-making are not centered on their transformative abilities for local communities but instead on four sublimes (or reasons) as identified by leading researcher Flyvberg (2017): technological (excitement for engineers to build the “longest-tallest-fastest” projects), political (personal satisfaction for politicians), economic (prestige for business people, unions and affiliated workers), aesthetic (pleasure for designers) (p.6). The needs of the local community come second to the personal satisfaction these projects provide to those involved in their design and execution.

Social Issues

In search of this prestige, vast (mostly rural) regions are destroyed displacing Indigenous, Black and other land-based populations while electricity and profits extracted as export commodities are repatriated to urban centers for consumption and profits remain with elites (Murphy, 2011, p.31; Samson, 2017, p.17). Indigenous and other land-based peoples surrounding the megadam however, “are the most likely to be displaced (McCully 2001, 70) and least likely to benefit from them (Nixon 2011, 165).” (as cited in Samson, 2017, p.2). Even to accept the wildly misinformed Western constructs of ‘development’ would be to disregard the facts that show a paradoxical relationship between development projects like megadams and their impact on the local communities they purport to ‘develop’. Within the Global South, megadams lead to ‘developmental refugees’10(Nixon, 2010, p.62). In total, megadams have displaced an estimated to be between 30 and 60 million people and they have a negative resettlement record for displaced communities (ENV, 1994, 4/1; Nixon, 2010, p.63)11.

8 This term was contributed by Eduardo Gudynas to refer to the need for ‘development’ solutions that go beyond European notions of economic progress to instead prioritize quality of life and respect for Nature.9 Term contributed by Boaventura De Sousa Santos (2001). Nishnaabeg scholar and activist Leanne Betasamosake Simpson (2016) contributes a similar term, ‘constellations of co-resistance’ referring to “Black and Brown individuals and communities on Turtle Island and beyond that are struggling in their own localities against [the] same forces” (p.228).10 Termed coined by Thayer Scudder referring to the impact of (largely World Bank funded) megadams which he had charted for decades in the Global South. 11 A World Bank Report concluded that 192 of the dam resettlement projects only one had involved adequate compensation and rehabilitation for those resettled (ENV, 1994).

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Furthermore, those that oppose megaprojects face suppression and physical violence (i.e. evictions, police, bulldozers) (Samson, 2017, p.17). This is particularly true for Indigenous nations in Honduras. As Berta states,

Original Spanish Text: “Estos sectores de poder no llegan solos, llegan con la policía, llegan con el ejercito sobre todo cuando se trata de megaproyectos.” – Berta Cáceres (COPINH/FIDE, 2011)

English Translation:“These sectors of power don’t arrive alone, they come with the police, they come with the army especially when it has to do with megaprojects” – Berta Cáceres (COPINH/FIDE, 2011)

Direct physical violence is coupled with indirect bureaucratic and media violence (Nixon, 2010, p.62) that defame communities as being anti-development and against progress.

Environmental Degradation

Hydroelectric dams are considered to be dually affected by and are contributors of climate change (Murphy, 2011, p.30). They both harness renewable energy and also contribute to extensive environmental degradation. As they inhibit or alter the flow of water, they disrupt important natural processes and permanently alter local ecosystems. This results in water and food security displacing animal and human communities leading to species extinctions and stresses (Best, 2019, p.9). In addition, dams create sedimentation which can either serve as a topsoil or carry high levels of mineral salts that can be toxic to crops making fields unproductive putting communities and species at risk (Murphy, 2011, p.35). Thirdly, megadams contribute to the release of methane, a powerful greenhouse gas through decaying vegetation, particularly in tropical regions like Honduras. Furthermore, hydroelectric dams are often construction with the express intention of generating cheap energy for extractive industries, notorious for their negative impact on the environment. However, environmental impact assessments (EIA) responsible for monitoring impacts of megadams rarely capture the risks to a full extent. Instead they carry out ‘project reductionism’ which account only for specific infrastructural units and short time frames. Wider environmental and social impacts are not included in the evaluation (Erlewein, 2013, p.141; Dendena & Corsi, 2015, p.965).

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6. RESULTS - NSM ANALYSIS

This study examined online political participation (OPP) related to the AZM project with two primary goals: 1) to identify the solitudes of activism 2) to examine how the processes of framing and scale shift propelled the movement internationally.

6.1 Local Perspective – Berta Cáceres and the Rio Blanco Resistance Efforts

Domestic Framing

Local collective action framing began as a two-pronged approach. Initially organizers framed issues in ways that built awareness on the immediate impacts of the construction of the megadam on the daily lives of affected communities. Megaprojects were framed as proyectos de muerte (projects of death) and as part of a larger extractive model that contradicts the environmentally-friendly marketing of megadams by the World Bank. Instead, COPINH highlights that megadam construction will have severe environmental impacts (COPINH, 2010).

Second, framing sought to mobilize Lenca communities by reaffirming Lenca identity and by highlighting their culture, resilience and strength against powerful external actors (COPINH, 2010). At the core of la lucha were their inherent rights as Indigenous peoples. Summarized in the motto placed at the end of each communicado.

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

“Con la fuerza ancestral de Izelaca, Lempira, Mota y Etempica se levantan nuestras voces llenas de vida, justicia, libertad, dignidad y paz.”(COPINH, 26 Feb 2013).

“With the ancestral strength of Izelaca, Lempira, Mota and Etempica we raise our voices full of life, justice, freedom, dignity and peace.” (COPINH, 26 Feb 2013).

Other strategies used to accomplish this included workshops focused on creating awareness on issues like colonization and domestic and international repertoires of contention in Honduras and internationally (Gayá, 2013) - see Appendix 5. Both framing approaches aimed to mobilize local communities to action and issues were framed as life and death.

COPINH mobilized local communities by informing them about the impacts of the dam and calling on communities to:

1) Publicly denounce National Congress and officials supporting the concession of the rivers

2) Organize resistance mobilizations against hydroelectric companies

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3) Hold asambleas, cabildos abiertos, meetings, community sessions to reject the concession of the river and construction of the dams.

4) Organize awareness workshops and campaigns with communities affected concession of river and the construction of dams

5) Exercise their right to self-determination and autonomy

6.2 Three Processes of Transnational Activism

Local resistance efforts against the AZM would travel through three political processes (local, transitional, global) as outlined below.

Process 1: “Local” Processes

“Local” processes are defined as “events that take place solely at the domestic level and produce no permanent links across borders” (Tarrow, 2005, p.33).

Global Framing

Global framing expands the concept of framing as proposed by sociologist David Snow to include the “domestic diffusion of a message in global terms” (Tarrow, 2005, p.64). This framing strategy can help “dignify, generalize, and energize activists whose claims are predominantly local, linking them symbolically to people they have never met and to causes that are distantly related to their own” (Tarrow, 2005, p.60). Tarrow (2005) explains that global framing “signals to overworked and isolated activists that there are people beyond the horizon who share their grievances and support their causes” (p.76). It is in this stage where the ‘two solitudes of activism’ are formed.

COPINH connected their domestic claims to five major global symbols which were then imported to local collective action frames. This included capitalism, neoliberalism, privatization, colonization and Indigenous rights [including relevant international instruments (i.e. ILO169, UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People)] (Communicado, 10-Feb-2014).

Capitalism: The AZM was framed as part of a larger capitalist system. Global framing can be noted in Berta’s words to local community members,

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

“Primero, decir que la entrega a manos privadas o al concesionamiento de este rio Gualcarque que es un rio sagrado para el pueblo Lenca fue entregado por el Congreso Nacional en julio del 2010 con un paquete de 47 concesiones que se otorgaron de varios ríos de todo el país a la gran empresa privada y a transnacionales. Y también decir que eso es el marco del desarrollo de un megaproyecto energético que se hace precisamente para resolver las necesidades del gran capitalismo

que es devorar más los bienes comunes de la naturaleza.” - Berta Cáceres (Ocote Films, 2015)

First, let me say that the concession of the Gualcarque river, which is a sacred river for the Lenca community, was handed away by the National Congress in July 2010 with a bundle of 47 concessions which granted a number of rivers from all around the country over to big private and transnational companies. This is also to say that this happened during the

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development of a mega energy project that has been created precisely to address the needs created by the grand capitalism which devours

more and more of the common goods of nature.”- Berta Cáceres (Ocote Films, 2015).

Neoliberalism: One example includes “concesión (domestic claim) es igual a privatización (global framing), puro neoliberalismo (global framing)” [concession is the same as privatization, pure neoliberalism].

Privatization: Local organizers also bridged domestic contention with global fight against privatization. Privatization of the Gualcarque River (and rainfall) would remove community access to important water resources for crops and instead, communities will be forced to pay for using the water for agricultural purposes. This would ultimately lead a loss of sovereignty and traditional livelihoods. This loss of access which was local in nature was connected to a broader conversation surrounding privatization. Banners would also show messages stating “Privatizacion =Muerte” [Privatization = death] (COPINH, 2010).

Colonization: The Lenca have maintained their culture and traditions amidst efforts to displace them from their lands and heritage. The Agua Zarca threat would only be one more effort by foreign actors to access their ancestral lands and resources. Colonization therefore, was framed by organizers as one of the central factors present in their domestic fight. This is best exemplified in a speech given by Berta to the community. When referring to the withdrawal of Sinohydro from the AZM Berta stated:

Original Spanish Text: English Translation:

“SINOHYDRO es un monstro del capitalismo mundial, que solo en uno proyecto invirtió más de 13 mil millones de dólares. Y hace grandes presiones a los gobiernos. ¿Pero quién se iba imaginar que de un lugar como este iba levantarse unas comunidades Lencas en contra de ese monstro poderoso? ¿Quién les dijo a ustedes, compañeros y compañeras que la lucha de los empobrecidos, de los pueblos indígenas ha sido fácil? ¡Nunca, compañeros y compañeras! Saben cuántos años tenemos los pueblos indígenas de luchar. 520 años desde la invasión española. Desde la invasión que dio el poder a esos grandes países del Norte. Fue en base a la explotación de nuestros pueblos. 70 millones de indígenas fueron acabados en este continente. Compañeros y compañeras ese colonialismo no ha acabado. Por eso esta lucha es tan dura para los pueblos indígenas. Y hay un aparato del estado en servicio de eso. Pero también tenemos poder compañeros y compañeras. Por eso existimos todavía. – Berta Cáceres (Ocote Films, 2015)

“SINOHYDRO is a monster of global capitalism that on only one project invested more than 13 billion dollars putting major pressures on governments. Who would have thought that in a place like this, Lenca communities would rise up against such a powerful monster? Who told you all, compañeros and compañeras, that the struggle of Indigenous people has been easy? Never, compañeros and compañeras! Do you know how many years we as Indigenous people have been fighting? 520 years since the Spanish invasion. Since the invasion that gave the big countries of the North power. It was based on the exploitation of our people. 70 million Indigenous people were killed on this continent. Compañeros and compañeras, that colonialization has not finished. That’s the reason why the struggle is so difficult for Indigenous people. And there is a state apparatus that makes sure of that. But we also have power, compañeros and compañeras. That’s why we still exist.” Berta Cáceres (Ocote Films, 2015)

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Indigenous Rights: In addition to colonization, domestic claims were framed to resonate with broader discussions on Indigenous rights. The AZM had broken the ILO Convention 169 as well as UN Declaration on the Rights on Indigenous People by not acquiring Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). The ILO Convention 169 would often be cited in discussions and communicados to reaffirm illegality of the AZM (COPINH, 2 Apr 2013; COPINH, 11 Apr 2013).

Other international symbols were also imported to la lucha like the Andean concept of sumak kawsay (Bienestar) which would appear on banners as, “MORE + FOREST + ENVIRONMENT + WATER + LAND = BIENESTAR” (Ocote Films, 2015). In addition, COPINH imported forms of action that included organizing encuentros (Zapatistas)12, cumbres and forums13 (i.e. World Social Forum).

Internalizing Contention

The second key element present in the “local” processes is internalizing contention which involves external pressure by international institutions on domestic governments to adopt policies. This leads to protest among civil society groups who oppose the policy and target the government. This leads to three possible government responses (implementation, repression and/or concession). Throughout this process government acts as a broker between institutions and citizens (Tarrow, 2005, p.81).

Honduras has acquired a vast history of international pressures on domestic politics. Colonization, transnational interests (state and private), international financial institutions (IFIs) and neoliberalism all served as external pressures that influenced domestic politics creating conflict among Hondurans. However, six additional elements would take place that would internalize contention and shape AZM collective actions: three US-backed coups (2009, 2013 and 2017) and the implementation of three laws: the Water Law (2010), the Mining Law (2013) and the Law of Prior Consent (2018) (Conexihon, 2012; Johnston, 2017; Grandez, 2018).

The military coup in 2009 would introduce concessions of the rivers passed through a Water Law.

Following this, the 2013 election of Juan Orlando Hernández amid a process tainted by allegations of fraud and repression came the swift passing of the Mining Law that approved more than 400 concessions of Honduran lands and rivers to transnational mining and hydroelectric companies (Conexihon, 2012). In both cases, companies and their foreign capital (provided by IFIs) represent international pressure on the Honduran government mobilizing protests (Emanuelsson, 2013).

12 i.e. Encuentro Internacional “Berta Vive” de los Pueblos. Tegucigalpa, Honduras. (April 13, 2016). 22 delegations from 22 different countries, around 1,300 people from Honduran social movements.13 i.e. Foro: La Verdad de la Causa Berta Caceres. Nov 13, 2018

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By 2018, Law of Prior Consent would motivate Indigenous mobilization. Six Indigenous nations Maya Chorti, Lenca, Pech, Miskitus, Tolupanes and Garifunas would unite to denounce the Law that would provide the state with decision-making authority (see Appendix 3).

Process 2: “Transitional” Processes

Transitional processes involve two elements- diffusion and scale shift- that connect domestic contention to international conflicts and institutions (Tarrow, 2005, p.32). As he states, “this process can unify repertoire of contention across borders, but both are temporary and can involve a decline in domestic militancy on which true social movements must be built”. (Tarrow, 2005, p.34).

Diffusion and Modularity

Diffusion involves “the transfer of claims or forms of contention from one site to the other” through three main pathways: well-connected trust networks (“relational diffusion”), through the media and the Internet (“nonrelational diffusion”), and through movement brokers (“mediated diffusion”) (Tarrow, 2005, p.32). Under extreme repression, AZM resistance efforts diffused claims through two main pathways: nonrelational and mediated diffusion. With local media under oligarchy control, the Internet served as the main vehicle for diffusion. Mediated diffusion would occur as international solidarity delegations travelled to Rio Blanco to meet with communities and function as movement brokers.

Repertoires of contention

The ROC present in the AZM resistance are as follows:

- Daily routines and internal organizationso History of resistance: Lenca of the Rio Blanco saw their parents and grandparents

have a history of fighting to defend the water and land from encroachment. o Machismoo Insecurity, violence

- Prevailing standards of rights and justiceo Poverty affecting Rio Blanco o Low formal education levels in Rio Blancoo Human rights abuses in the regiono Femicide

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o Racism, Discrimination

- Populations accumulated experience with collective action

o National Historic Banana Workers Strike (1954) o Armed revolution (Cuban Revolution, Salvador Allende) (1950s-1980s) (Obarrio

& Preocupez, 2013, p.5; Almeida, 2014).o Anti-Neoliberal Resistance (1990s and 2000s)o Coup resistance (2009-2019) (Almeida, 2014).

Knowledge of how to contend relied on three main historical influences: past revolutionary struggles throughout the continent, nonviolent resistance movement and contemporary socialist governments [i.e. Hugo Chavez (Venezuela), Evo Morales (Bolivia), etc.].

Extreme repression experienced by revolutionary forces in Central America during the Cold War made nonviolent resistance the best option to counter state violence. So, unlike the armed revolutions of the past, strategies used by COPINH centered on nonviolent resistance to counter authoritarian repression (i.e. community radio stations) (Ocote Films, 2015).

Shifting the Scale of Contention

Shifting the scales of contention is both a horizontal (building bridges beyond borders) and vertical (upward/downward) process. Scale shift involves the coordination of collective action at a different level than where it initially started (Tarrow, 2005, p.32). The two solitudes of activism are present during this process because as Tarrow (2005) states:

“As a domestic movement shifts in scale to the international level it does not as a result automatically become a global movement and cease its local existence. A more common pattern is the transposition of part of activists’ activities, rather than their transformation into rootless cosmopolitans. Even as they access global frames and international opportunities for scale shift, most activists remain rooted in and constrained by domestic political realities.” (p.139).

AZM resistance efforts experienced two significant shifts in scale that helped mobilize domestic claims to the international level.

Scale Shift #1: Arrest of Berta Cáceres and Subsequent Murder

Berta winning the Goldman Environmental Prize brought attention to the situation of land and environmental defenders in the country. Following this, Global Witness released the How Many More? report on the killing and intimidation of environmental and land activists highlighting Honduras. This report gained worldwide attention. Three-quarters of the deaths were in Meso and South America. Her murder in early March 2016 would represent a larger global issue garnering international attention that would propel local resistance to the global sphere. This would result in a claims shift from closing the AZM to a focus on #JusticiaParaBerta with

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framing focused on AZM as the reason for her death. The target also shifted from DESA to the responsibility of IFIs in funding the project.

Scale Shift #2: Surge in Twitter Activity

When combining these two online activities a clear shift in scale is evident with a significant surge in Twitter activity in 2018 and 2019 compared to previous years (see Figure 2). This surge in activity is also matched by positive trend in hashtag use (see Figure 3). Gruzd et al. (2011) state that when a user is retweeted, the user’s message is likely to have caught the attention of others (Xu et al., 2014, p.1280). Increased interactions with COPINH’s tweets indicate its message had gained international attention. Shifts in scale could be noted in 2018 and 2019 with a surge of external interactions with COPINH’s Twitter posts (see Figure 4).

Figure 2. COPINH Online Activity (Communicados and Twitter)

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COPINH Activity: Communicados vs. Twitter Activity

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Figure 3. Hashtag Use by COPINH (2012-2019)

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Figure 4. COPINH Twitter Activity vs. Twitter Interactions (Retweets, Likes) with Original COPINH Post

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Interactions Twitter

In 2018, two spikes are relevant (see Figure 5). The first in March was due to the capture of David Castillo, President of DESA on March 2, 2018 for his involvement in the murder of Berta Cáceres. His sentencing garnered 125 retweets and 121 likes the most interactions for the entire year.

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Figure 5. Monthly Interactions with @COPINHHONDURAS Posts (2018)

Another spike could be noted beginning in August and reaching its peak in September when the trial for the murder of Berta Caceres took place.

This reflects COPINH’s increased participation in various events the prior month (July) including the II Encuentro Internacional de la Liberacion de la Madre Tierra [2nd International Encuentro for the Liberation of Mother Earth] in Colombia. Other events included ‘Luchas comunitarias contra la corrupción y el extractivismo’ [Community Struggles against Corruption and Extractivism]; Asamblea de Pueblos Indígenas de Honduras [Assembly of Indigenous Peoples of Honduras] and a national anti-coup mobilization (Communicado, 2018). COPINH also organized an Encuentro: Mujeres Lencas en Resistencia por la Salud Naturaleza y Ancestral” [Lenca Women in Resistence for Health, Nature and Ancestry]. They also participated in videoconferences/webinars. In addition, COPINH initiated a series on their community radio stations entitled "Justicia para Berta, Justicia para los Pueblos" [Justice for Berta, Justice for the Communities].

In August and September 2018, COPINH also held two press conferences demanding #JusticiaParaBerta which substantially increased its visibility online prompting more interactions. This indicates that both traditional media outlets as well as NGOs and other advocacy networks still play a fundamental role.

Most significant is the subpoena of the Atala Zablah family for the murder of Berta Cáceres. They would be called to give an oral testimony as well as public statement on the issue. This is significant because this is one of the most powerful oligarchic families in the country.

Vertical shifts in this case would take place both upward and downward. One significant vertical shift would occur to spread local action beyond the borders of Honduras. This occurred through the planning of the first global campaign (#AccionJunio15) which generated a surge in interactions and solidarity events throughout the world. This would facilitate the spreading of

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Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec0

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Monthly Interactions to COPINH Posts (2018)

hashtags (#JusticiaParaBerta, #BertaCaceres) more quickly throughout various campaigns which would diffuse COPINH’s message beyond borders.

Process 3: “Global” Processes

The final two processes take place through vertical and horizontal mechanisms which fuse domestic claims with international contention and carry the greatest potential to create sustainable transnational social movements (Tarrow, 2005, p.32).

Externalizing Contention

As Tarrow (2005, p.147) states, “in order to gain attention of potential allies, weak social actors in repressive regimes have to overcome high barriers”. According to Tarrow (2005, p.144) this occurs through three pathways: information transmission and monitoring, institutional access and, direct action and international ties. Closed domestic structures under JOH’s authoritarian regime meant that Berta and the Lenca community encountered repression and a lack of responsiveness from both the Honduran state and company. As a result, external support was sought from international community through information transmission and institutional access (Tarrow, 2005, p.32).

Information Transmission and Monitoring

The dense exchanges of information, services and resources are facilitated between domestic actors and TANs in what was proposed by Keck and Sikkink (1998) as the Boomerang Pattern (p.12). This pattern describes how “domestic NGOs bypass their state and directly search out international allies to try and bring pressure on their repressive states from outside” (Keck and Sikkink, 1998, p.12). In Honduras, anti-megadam resistance domestic claims would be met with repression so resistance efforts would extend framing to appeal to the global sphere and would therefore rely on information politics to externalize claims.

Throughout the campaign COPINH provided first hand accounts of events occurring on the ground. Through Twitter they would provide updates in real-time of instances of criminalization, murders, harassment and intimidation by the army, police and private security guards. As Figure 6 shows, even today @COPINHHONDURAS continues to play a central role in the movement by serving as an information transmission hub for the international community.

Figure 6. #JusticiaParaBerta Hashtag Network (2019).

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Graphed in the Harel-Koren Fast Multiscale style. Clusters vary according to color indicating the various public spheres within the #JusticiaParaBerta Twitter network. Legend: Dark blue (COPINH); Light Blue (Spanish TANs); Dark Green (Domestic TANs – individuals); Light Green (English Speaking TANs); Red (National Honduran Team); Orange (Sister Pages – Justice for Berta); and Yellow (Environmental Movement – Spain).

Noticeably, the Dark Blue network shows COPINH at the center as the most active in promoting the hashtag to the international community through the Twittersphere. COPINH is an opinion leader within this network. The Light Blue illustrates COPINH providing information to an organization based in Spain which is then transmitted to its public sphere.

The Light Blue and Dark Green clusters show more of an interconnected relationship with COPINH. The Light Green cluster indicates English-speaking international organizations. Two important things to note here. First, Oxfam is the organization that carries the most influence within this cluster. Second, there are no information flows exchanged between this cluster and COPINH. This indicates that a networked relationship between the two spheres does not exist and therefore, they are working within isolated siloes. Elite group of journalists and institutions dominate online discourse (Xu et al., 2014, p.1281) and this is also evident in this network. However, it does show that citizen users also act as opinion leaders. This is evident with the Dark Green cluster. The Dark Green public is centered around a citizen user that diffuses information within their network and exchanges ties with COPINH.

Figure 7. #BertaCaceres Hashtag Network (2019)

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Graphed in the Harel-Koren Fast Multiscale style. Clusters vary according to color indicating the various public spheres within the #BertaCaceres Twitter network. Legend: Dark Blue (COPINH public sphere (notable, TeleSur, Amnesty International); Light Blue (Honduran public spheres - JOH, traditional media outlets); Dark Green (US-based public sphere – Hilary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi); Black (Colombia-based TANs); Light Green (English Speaking TANs); Orange (Retweet Public Sphere1 ); Red (Retweet Public Sphere 2) and Yellow (Retweet Sphere 3).

Figure 7 shows a much more horizontal, decentralized network for the #BertaCaceres hashtag. Flows indicate that information is exchanged and diffused much more widely between the various public spheres.

Institutional Access

As the Honduran government and DESA failed to act, domestic claims were projected vertically onto institutional institutions (Tarrow, 2005, p.32). The anti-AZM campaign sought support through the Inter-American Human Rights Commission and appeals lodged to the project’s funders such as the IFC (Goldman Environmental Foundation, 2015).

However, as (Merry, 2006, observed, “local leaders often eager to appear compliant with human rights expectations while continuing to act in noncompliant ways. Following the form and language of human rights while ignoring local violations is a common practice for government leaders” (p. 43) Honduran officials continued forward forging signatures and doctoring minutes from a community meeting to present unanimous approval for the dam. Bribes were also offered for signatures on documents declaring support for the AZM. This would be reported and confirmed by first-hand testimonies by members of the Lenca communities in the documentary Voice of the Gualcarque (Ocote Films, 2015). Each member provided their name, held the document, indicated the fraudulent signature and provided a testimony. Some would highlight that they were unable to read or write but their signature would be present on the document.

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Direct Action

COPINH continued with the permanent blockade that began on April 1, 2013. On the ground direct action continued to take place through. COPINH also organized an online #AccionGlobalJunio15, “Justicia Para Berta” global campaign. Framing and claims were as follows:Original Spanish Text: English Translation:“Estamos exigiendo la instalación de la Commission Inter Americana de Derechos Humanos, la CIDH, pero también la salida del proyecto hidroeléctrico Agua Zarca para finalizar o poner punto a la criminalización, al asesinato, persecución de nuestros compañeros y compañeras del pueblo Lenca, del COPINH y la comunidad de Rio Blanco y Intibucá.” (Tomás Gómez, Coordinador de COPINH (Comunicación COPINH, 2016)

“We are demanding the implementation of the Inter American Commission on Human Rights in addition to the exit of the Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam to stop the criminalization, murders and persecution of our compañeros y compañeras from the Lenca community, from COPINH and from the community of Rio Blanco y Intibucá.” (Tomás Gómez, Coordinador de COPINH (Comunicación COPINH, 2016)

A wide range of nonviolent strategies were taken at the local level including: cabildos abiertos, caminatas, workshops, nonviolent protests, name and shame, informative protest songs, banners and videos.

International Ties

Local and international spheres converged as locally generated hashtags (#JusticiaParaBerta, #BertaCaceres) spread beyond the borders of Intibucá and diffused through the Twittersphere. International organizations diffused COPINH’s message and using hashtags facilitated the cross-flow of information between movements. A successful strategy used was co-occurrence of multiple hashtags. Furthermore, multilingual hashtag indexing facilitated the cross-flow of information between multiple languages. This was evident at the international level with Oxfam where co-occurrence was highest (50%) among their tweets on the subject. As a predominantly English-speaking organization, Oxfam worked as a mediator by bridging Spanish public sphere under the hashtag #JusticiaParaBerta with English networks using the hashtag #JusticeForBerta. Other hashtags would also appear (i.e. #Justice4Honduras) which would gain international attention and endorsement from celebrities like Susan Surandon.

International allies initiated divestment campaigns to end funding to the AZM. In the Global North, petitions were circulated demanding divestment from the AZM and an end to violence in the community. Some examples include the divestment campaign issued by the Friends of the Earth International that urged for the “suspension of funding is not enough, we need to stop the Agua Zarca project before more lives are lost. Demand investors withdraw their money from Agua Zarca” (Friends of the Earth International, 2016). After IFIs withdrew, the organization switched back to targeting the Honduran government to guarantee the protection and respect for the organizations that are defending their ancestral territories. They demanded government enforcement to the right to justice in the Berta Cáceres case and for all of the leaders of Black

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and Indigenous organizations and communities who have been murdered.” (Friends of the Earth International, 2017). Another organization, Witness (2016) demanded a thorough investigation, accountability and end to the persecution of Indigenous communities and destruction of territories. Online Twitter activity by top TANs for the respective hashtags are illustrated in Figure 8 and Figure 9.

Figure 8. Activity for the Top 5 TANs in the #JusticiaParaBerta Network

Oxfam_es AmnistiaEspana AmnistiaOnline AmigosTierraEsp GreenPeaceArg05

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#JusticiaParaBerta Top 5 TANs Twitter Activity

Information Community Action

This graph shows that all TANs focus substantially more on action than community and information distribution. Action tweets include both online actions (i.e. solidarity statements, call to actions, petitions, blogs, solidarity videos) and offline actions (i.e. press conference, observer mission, solidarity events).

Figure 9. Activity for the Top 5 TANs in the #BertaCaceres Network.

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TeleSURtv LaJornadaOnline Oxfam DemocracyNow AmigosTierraEsp0

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Information Community Action

Media outlets (i.e TeleSURtv, La Jornada, Democracy Now!) are information gatekeepers with low action. Oxfam and Amigos Tierra Espana focus on online actions (i.e. petitions, blogs, solidarity videos, live streams, call to action) and offline actions (i.e. delegation). Community building was less of a focus for all TANs.

Boomerang model

The dense exchanges of information, services and resources are facilitated between domestic actors and TANs in what was proposed by Keck and Sikkink (1998) as the Boomerang Pattern (p.12). This pattern describes how “domestic NGOs bypass their state and directly search out international allies to try and bring pressure on their repressive states from outside” (Keck and Sikkink, 1998, p.12). By 2013, following news of the death of compañero Tomas Garcia substantial transnational local and international pressure forced the IFC and Sinohydro to withdraw their funding. Figure 9 illustrates the boomerang effect online within the #BertaCaceres network.

Figure 9. Boomerang effect as illustrated in the #BertaCaceres network

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Graphed in Polar. Graph shows directional flows from COPINH to international TANs. Both apply pressure to Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez (Light Blue sphere). Legend: Dark Blue (COPINH Public Sphere); Light Blue (Honduran government, US officials); Green (TANs based in Spain); Orange (Retweet Public Sphere 1); Red (Retweet Public Sphere 2) and Light Green (English Speaking TANs).

As can be observed, the Dark Blue vertex represents COPINH (and its public sphere). The large green vertex indicates other international organizations. As the ties indicate, COPINH and its public sphere (i.e. TeleSurTV, television station) share information with international organizations. Both COPINH and the international organizations then place pressure on the centre Light Blue vertex, which pertains to President Juan Orlando Hernandez as well as US officials with connections to the country (i.e. Hilary Clinton).

Building Transnational Coalitions

Transnational coalition formation is the “horizontal formation of common networks among actors from different countries with similar claims” (Tarrow, 2005, p.32). For this case, sustainable transnational coalitions have not yet formed. However, efforts have been made to create these sustainable networks through international encuentros, forums, webinars, conferences and interviews.

V. DIVERGENCE - TWO ACTIVIST SOLITUDES: LOCAL PERSPECTIVE VS. INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

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The two activist solitudes illustrate a divergence local resistance actions and international solidarity networks. Expanding on this concept in relation to the anti-globalization movement Klein (2004, p.227) states:

“On the one hand, there are the international anti-globalization activists who may be enjoying a triumphant mood, but seem to be fighting far-away issues unconnected to people’s day-to-day struggles… On the other hand, there are community activists fighting daily struggles for survival or for the preservation of the most elementary public services, who are often feeling burnt-out and demoralized”. (as cited in Tarrow, 2005).

Claims at the local level centered around the protection of the sacred Gualcarque River as well as protection of the livelihoods of Lenca communities (Ocote Films, 2015). As opposition faced increased repression claims shifted to respond to direct security threats (i.e. murders, physical harm, death threats, intimidation, harassment) as well as criminalization of local community members.

Movements on the ground do not move in the linear motion as Tarrow (2005)’s processes imply. Local resistance to the AZM embodied certain elements present in each of the three processes (with the exception of transnational coalition building, for now…). However, the ability of local resistance efforts to become sustainable transnational movements become heavily constrained with the realities on the ground. Limited resources and immediate security threats, murders and criminalization take priority over the global framing of an issue. Therefore, claims remain framed to respond to the urgency and immediate needs of the situation.

Unlike traditional social movements online movements are not comprised solely of a single group of interconnected members but instead, tend to be less interconnected, and often composed of distinct and often disconnected subgroups (or publics) (Keib & Himelboim, 2016, p.4). This was evident in the various clusters present in the hashtag (#JusticiaParaBerta, #BertaCaceres) networks. Various public spheres entail various “common senses”. Within these clusters (or information siloes) there are information gatekeepers, or social mediators, that bridge public spheres. Some studies have found these mediators to be core movement actors or elites rather than grassroots actors. INGOs hold important roles as information gatekeepers, however, a disconnect between local and global framing still exists (Allen, 2015). As local resistance efforts gain international attention important facets of the cause (i.e. historical background, sociopolitical context) can be obscured in order to gain a broader audience. As a result, two solitudes of activism are present in the following ways: framing, actions, demands and risks.

Framing

Following local and international convergence under the hashtags #JusticiaParaBerta and #BertaCaceres framing was altered by international organizations to resonate with the “common sense” of their respective public spheres. As Tarrow (2005) states, “Transnational activists are often divided between global framing of transnational movement campaigns and the local needs o those whose claims they want to represent. But by turning attention to distant targets, it holds the danger of detaching activism from the real-life needs of the people they want to represent”.(p.76)

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Framing shifted the conversation from empowerment of Lenca communities to having a heavy focus on Berta Cáceres as a victim of a repressive state. Transnational support also came in the form of various documentaries featuring the community which were created by international directors. However, these two showed a disconnect with the needs of the community. They instead would frame the community in the lighting that worked for their intentions. A notable example is an international documentary that portrayed the community in a negative light neglecting the power, strength and resilience of the community. Instead, the director portrayed the Lenca as hopeless. Intimate moments were shot and there was a disregard for the humanity of the Lenca people. One example is its extended focus on a man on his deathbed as the woman carried out Lenca ceremony and prayers which was very intimate. Other intimate moments were captured like ceremonies, prayers and songs that highlight Lenca spiritual processes.

Direct Actions

This is particularly evident in the petitions supporting COPINH’s efforts. The large international organizations that circulated petitions did so for short-term campaigns with many of them no longer available. Those that were circulated by COPINH however, are still available which reflects the ongoing need and struggle. Direct actions of the local community respond to the immediate threats while international actions focus on raising awareness (i.e. vigils at the Honduran embassy, murals, etc.).

Demands

While at the local level, COPINH would release alerta’s (urgent alerts) regarding the murders, detention and crminalization of community members; international organizations would focus more at a higher level (i.e. focusing on the Honduran government or IFIs).

Risks

International organizations acting as part of the TANs face much less than the local activists and organizers fighting on the frontlines in Honduras. Where as campaigning is a choice for activists in international organizations, for Lenca community members it is a fight for survival.

VI. REFLECTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

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By contrasting the domestic and international resistance efforts against the AZM in Honduras, this research sought to identify the two solitudes of activism present. In doing so, it determined that the transnational advocacy networks (TANs) are not fulfilling the true needs of the local communities resisting the megadam. Taking into consideration the results, this paper will make the following recommendations. Future domestic and international resistance efforts should:

Online

1) Increase hashtag co-occurrence. If a hashtag appears with one or more other similar hashtags, the popularity of hashtag increases (Pervin, 2015, p.169). Therefore, key to increasing visibility of COPINH resistance efforts is to increase hashtag co-occurrence between other TAN campaigns.

2) Include more @COPINHHONDURAS mentions

3) Bridge the language divide. Of the top organizations analyzed 80% of the organizations supporting COPINH online are Spanish-speaking with the remaining 20% English-speaking. This means that in order to acquire more international support bridging the divide between Spanish public spheres and English ones is essential. This can be done by increasing multilingual co-occurrence (one English hashtag with one Spanish hashtag) as well as through translation of tweets.

4) Increase network ties between public spheres

5) TANs must change short-term petitions into long-term ones.

Offline

1) TANs must increase offline actions. Delegations to the local community (i.e. workshops, conferences) will facilitate learning, sharing and sustainable relationships. TANs can listen to community needs, consult on how framing will be modified and come into agreement. International presence will also provide greater support and protection.

2) Maintain a visible, constant presence on the frontlines. This is the most important aspect for providing legitimate support to the immediate needs of the local community. International organizations must combine online efforts with offline results. In order to overcome the solitudes of activism, it is essential that international organizations also maintain a presence on the ground standing in solidarity with communities resisting megaprojects. The physical presence of international organizations particularly from the Global North on the frontlines can supplement informational boomerang effect. Given the hegemonic world order, international organizations from the Global North are able to use their positions of privilege to provide added protection to local communities.

I. APPENDIX

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Appendix 1: Map of Honduras (Location of the Lenca communities of Intibucá indicated)

Appendix 2. Data Collection Steps

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Website Extraction (ParseHub)

Step 1: Determine Data to be Extracted

Create a New Project using the website URL (https://copinh.org/category/comunicados/)

Select Page

Select & Extract Title

Relative Date

Step 2: Configure Automatic Page Change

Return to Select Page

Add Action to Page

Select & Extract Button

Step 3: Extracting the Data

Get Data. Run. Download .CSV file.

For the old website (https://copinhonduras.blogspot.com) all steps were repeated with a small change to Step 1. Select Page was then followed by Select & Extract: Date>Relative: Title.

This generated a .CSV file that opened into Excel and allowed for the categorization of data by date as well as relevant communicado content including claims, framing, main targets as well as social media trends (i.e. handles, hashtags).

Twitter Data Collection (Octoparse)

Using Octoparse, Tweets published on the public page for COPINH under the Twitter handle: @COPINHHONDURAS from its inception on July 2012 until the present.

The steps for this tool entailed:

+Task

Social Media>Tweets>Use Template

Parameter>Enter Keyword: from:COPINHHONDURAS since:2012-07-01 until:2019-07-06

Save and Run>Local Extraction>Export Data

This generated a .CSV file that opened into Excel and allowed for the categorization of data by date as well as relevant qualitative content including trends (i.e. handles, hashtags) as well as quantitative data (i.e. number of retweets and likes).

Appendix 3: Communicado Publications – COPINH Websites (2012-2019)

42

2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 20190

20406080

100120140

COPINH Communicado Publications (2012-2019)

The results show communicado publications for the following years: [2012 (66); 2013 (143); 2014 (83); 2015 (81); 2016 (116); 2017 (125); 2018 (126) and 2019 (36)]

Appendix 4 – Twitter Activity @COPINHHONDURAS (2012 to 2019)

2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 20190

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

COPINH Twitter Activity (2012-2019)

Total Twitter activity (posts and retweets) showed the following results: [2012 (10); 2013 (66); 2014 (36); 2015 (50); 2016 (152); 2017 (148); 2018 (1042); 2019 (659 results)]

Appendix 5. Workshop on Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). October 2013 - Declaration of Seven Indigenous Nations (Source: Conexihon, 2013).

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Original Spanish Text: English Translation

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Public Declaration

First: In permanent resistance to misery and poverty in all their forms and expressions. We will no longer be beggars, nor slaves in our own land to any municipal, national or transnational power that seeks to exclude us as a people; nor to any other authority that denies us the right to live with dignity.

Second: In permanent resistance to any authority that violates the sacred rights of Mother Earth, that violates or seeks to appropriate the rivers from the forests or that seeks to evict us from our ancestral territories and communities. Or that denies us our ancestral culture and seeks to usurp popular sovereignty.

Third: In permanent resistance to the extractive model. We call all of the communities threatened by transnational capital to carry out their own territorial uprisings, strengthening organization and mobilization and to reject oppression, criminalization and militarization of our lands.

Fourth: To organize the First Encuentro of Territorial Uprisings to strengthen our struggles and resistances. In addition, to create a Law of Free, Prior and Informed Consent and an Indigenous Law, based on our cosmovisions and experiences.

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