Organizing Around Policies of Regionalization

Ben Rumbaugh

SCUPE: Agitation Theology

Dr. Paeth and Dr. Premawardhana

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In Doing Justice, Jacobsen characterizes the issue of urban poverty in terms of the

movement of a city core’s resources to the surrounding suburban regions:

Urban sprawl weakens the tax base of America’s troubled cities and deepens racial and class division. It drains limited tax dollars for highway construction and infrastructure for new housing developments, turns farmlands into subdivisions, wreaks environment havoc, and erects endless shopping malls. It moves jobs and industry further and further away from the urban underclass. The damage inflicted on our cities by urban sprawl is lasting and considerable (Jacobsen 2001, 71).

Included in the “lasting and considerable” damage caused by urban sprawl are inner-ring

suburbs, which are smaller municipalities near the urban core consisting of mostly working-class

citizens. According to Jacobsen, these inner-ring suburbs “have much in common with the self-

interests of those trapped in the urban core when it comes to the impact of urban sprawl.” (72).

The implications of urban sprawl require a metropolitan approach to faith-based community

organizing which advocates for both the poor in the urban center as well as those in inner-ring

suburbs.

While this is an adequate starting point to understand urban poverty, it does not take into

account current trends in urban development and population movement. Resources and people

are now moving back into city centers and reclaiming the areas once victim to urban sprawl.1

Neighborhoods that once housed the urban poor are being transformed into shopping and art

districts. Historic homes are being bought on the cheap and renovated into chic urban dwellings

that restore them to their former glory, but fail to reflect the period of plight when the same

constituency was moving out to the suburbs. The trend of urban sprawl is closing in on itself as

industry and assets are again being concentrated back to the city core.

This is especially true in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The city was once the industrial core

of the nation as it was home to major steel and electronics corporations. The fall of these

1 For an introduction to how city planners are conceiving the “new American city”, see (Birch 2009, 134-153). For a specific example of Pittsburgh’s development, see (Belko 2015).

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industries in the 1980s left many of the city’s residents out of work and lead to an exodus out of

the city proper, feeding the suburbanization trend that had been occurring since the 1950s. The

city center Today, Pittsburgh has transformed itself into an epicenter for the technology,

healthcare, and financial industries. The age of Pittsburgh’s reinvention culminated to its being

chosen to host the G20 summit of world leaders in 2009.2 Neighborhoods which were once a

hotbed for crime are now home to some of the world’s leading tech companies.

The movement back into the city core does not mean that there is not a need for faith-

based organizing within the metropolitan region. In fact, this paper argues that the reversal of

urban sprawl calls for an even greater imperative for faith-based organizing of a city’s region.

The just renewal of blighted areas within the urban core is certainly a positive aspect for a city.

However, movement from the suburbs back into the city continues to ignore the inner-ring

suburban areas. These inner-ring suburbs are still experiencing the poverty which was enacted by

the initial movement of urban sprawl. Advocacy is needed within these communities as the

reinvention of American cities do not de-concentrate poverty or spur revitalization in inner-ring

suburbs. The type of advocacy needed is oriented towards policies of regionalism, which enact

revitalization through housing reform and tax-base sharing throughout the metropolitan region

(Orfield 1997, 8). The full scope of faith-based metropolitan organizing reminds urbanites of the

social justice required for the entirety of a city’s region and pushes to enact policies of

regionalism.

This paper explores the issue of inner-ring suburban poverty by highlighting its continued

inobservance within city regions. This is done through the example of Pittsburgh: the inner-ring

suburb of Duquesne is compared to the urban neighborhood of East Liberty during Pittsburgh’s

2 President Obama has visited Pittsburgh various times to highlight the city’s renewal. See (Mauriello, O’Toole, and Todd 2014).

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so-called age of reinvention. Then, the biblical story of the Song of Deborah in Judges 5 is

offered as an interpretive framework for faith-based organizing around policies of regionalism.

Lastly, a framework for organizing around regionalism is developed through the example of

Duquesne.

Case Study: Duquesne and East Liberty

Duquesne, Pennsylvania is a municipality located in the southern hills of the

Monongahela River Valley. It was once an important player in Pittsburgh’s steel industry as it

housed its Duquesne Works plant housed the largest blast furnace in the world. At its peak in the

1940s, the city had upwards of 20,000 residents; the 2014 estimated population is 5,565.3 This

decline culminated with the closing of the city’s high school in 2007. According to the

Pennsylvania System of School Assessment’s 2014-2015 report, the remaining elementary

school has tested below basic competency levels. The school is a divisive issue in the city as

many of the citizens want to keep it open, while others would like it to follow the fate of the high

school and merge with the neighboring suburban school district. Twelve miles away in the East

End section of Pittsburgh is the neighborhood of East Liberty. At 5,869 residents, its population

is comparable to Duquesne. To counter the effects of suburbanization in the 1960s, Pittsburgh’s

city planners developed a pedestrian-only open-market square in the center of East Liberty as a

way to keep people in the city. However, this concept failed miserably and essentially cut the

neighborhood off from the rest of the city. Crime rates rose and real estate value plummeted.

Both communities were prime examples of the negative effects of urban sprawl.

3 All demographic figures for Duquesne, PA come from the United States Census Bureau.

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The two communities’ 2010 Census results convey this story. Both were predominately

African-American (Duquesne 55.3%; East Liberty 67.7%4). Their median income per household

was similar (Duquesne $20,152; East Liberty $23,6835). In terms of housing, Duquesne had

3,163 unites compared to East Liberty’s 3,519. The two communities diverged the most at this

time when it came to education, home ownership, real estate value. Duquesne was more

educated in terms of high school graduates (Duquesne 88.1%; East Liberty 49.0%). While

Duquesne had an ownership percentage of 43.5%, East Liberty had 21.5%. The median home

value in Duquesne was $38,300 compared to East Liberty’s $64,650. Despite these variances,

which are the result of myriad factors, these two communities were very similar at the time of the

2010 Census.

2010 was the same year that Google, Inc. bought a dilapidated Nabisco factory in East

Liberty. The corporation’s presence in the neighborhood has had drastic effects for its residents

and the city as a whole as they created a vibrant tech industry and enticed other companies to

follow suite. As Carpenter and Todd recorded in their Post-Gazette article in 2014, a former

suburbanite bought a house in the area for $70,000, spent $150,000 to renovate it, and sold it to a

Google employee for the asking price of $450,000. At the time of this writing, the East Liberty

Chamber of Commerce boasts over 60 business, which include everything from independent

insurance agents and family-owned diners to high end retailers and major corporations such as

Whole Foods and Target. Despite criticisms of gentrification, the non-profit East Liberty

Development, Inc. has organized and initiated the new construction or renovation of over 838

mixed-income units in the neighborhood since 2008 (East Liberty Development, Inc. 2015). This

is compared to non-existent chamber of commerce in Duquesne. Moreover, the only new

4 All demographic figures for East Liberty come from PghSNAP. 5 This value is the median income for 2009 given in 2011 dollars.

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business development occurring in Duquesne is a factory plant that is located along the river

bank, which is physically separated from the city’s core and residences. While East Liberty is the

prototype for the reversal of urban sprawl, Duquesne remains in the shadow from the city’s

revitalization.

Duquesne is jokingly referred to by its residents as the only place where you have too

many options to be baptized, married, and buried as it is home to numerous churches and funeral

homes. Indeed, hope is found despite the community’s struggles with poverty and crime in its

resilient and faithful citizens. There used to be a clergy cohort that met monthly, however they

no longer meet as many of the pastors either do not live in the community or are bi-vocational.

Duquesne’s faith communities are ripe for organizing. Many citizens speak to their hopes and

issues they have found in the city, but do not have a formal leadership or organization to plug

into. Advocacy for policies of regionalism have the potential to find its spark from the city’s

diverse faith communities. As many of the city’s faithful are Christians, the following section

establishes an interpretative framework through the Song of Deborah for thinking theologically

about regionalism.

The Song of Deborah as Interpretative Framework for Faith-Based Organizing Around

Regionalization

The Song of Deborah in Judges 5 is one of the oldest pieces of literature in the Hebrew

Bible and provides an interpretive framework for organizing around the modern notion of

regionalism. The Song describes villagers in the hill country of Ephraim rallying together under

the strong leadership of the prophetess Deborah against the economic disparity of their Canaanite

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oppressors. The historical and textual context of this epic poem leads to a theological

understanding of God’s overriding justice as the otherwise disparate tribes organize around the

social issue of Canaanite oppression. God’s justice and the organizing prowess of Deborah from

this account provides an ample biblical framework for community organizing around the issue of

urban poverty.

The Song is a poetic account of a battle that occurred between select tribes of Israel and

their economically oppressive Canaanite neighbors. Compared with the rather mundane prose

description given in chapter 4 of the same battle, the Song provides an artistic rendition of the

careful interplay between the warrior qualities of YHWH and the organizing potential of the

tribes as they successfully defeated the armies of Jabin and Sisera. YHWH’s involvement in the

ordeal is immediately made known and is the source of the Song’s praise. The opening verses

paint a picture of human initiative ordering themselves according to God’s sovereignty (vv. 2-3).

This ordering is followed by the tumultuous theophany of the great warrior god YHWH:

Lord, when you went out from Seir, when you marched from the region of Edom,the earth trembled and the heavens dropped, yes, the clouds dropped water.The mountains quaked before the Lord, even Sinai before the Lord, the God of Israel. (vv. 4-5).

The theophany in these verses stand in contrast to 4:6-7 as God’s involvement is only relayed

through Deborah. God is still shown to be the omnipotent warrior in 4:6-7 as God controls the

Canaanites and sets them up for defeat. However, the emotive account given in the Song

provides a powerful picture of the villagers’ source of strength. There is no doubt to God’s

presence, and God’s hand does not have to be conveyed through Deborah’s words. The Israelite

villagers involved humbly recognize the reign of God and trust in God’s ability to provide justice

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for them. It is only through this recognition and trust that the Song then interprets their

oppression and retaliation.

The Song’s interpretation of Canaanite oppression appears in verses 6-11. It is in this

block where the time frame and the economic conditions are given. The Song is set in the days of

Shamgar, who was a successful warrior against the Philistines, but has nonetheless led the tribes

into apostasy (3:31–4:1). As a result, God sold the Israelites “into the hand of Jabin king of

Canaan (4:2). This setting is important for an understanding of the Israelites oppression. In his

impressive sociological study of the tribes of Israel, Gottwald (1979) renders the root in חדל

verses 6 and 7 as “to grow fat or plump” instead of “to cease, stop; to hold back” (504-7).

Gottwald uses this translation to point to the growing prosperity of the Israelites during this time

as they successfully revolted against cosmopolitan oppression:

When the long-misconceived vss. 6-7 of the Song of Deborah are read as above, they reinforce the entirety of the composition as an eloquent testimony to the growing strength of Israel, newly emboldened to interrupt the flow of inter-city trade and to drive the city-state armies from their most advantaged terrain in the great plains, which they once commanded (506).

In other words, the Song speaks to the success of Israelite peasantry as they grew fat on the

booty from their raids of the Canaanite trade routes. The oppression of the villagers was

countered by their ruthless blockade of Canaanite commerce. However, Gottwald’s translation

seems to fit too neatly with his theory of the liberated and egalitarian nature of the Israelite tribes

(389-584). The root does not have to be translated as “to grow fat or plumb” in order to חדל

place the Song within a context of liberation from oppression. The Song does speak to such a

liberation and revolt, but not according to the tidy egalitarian model of Gottwald.

Verses 6-7 are not speaking to the spoils of the villagers growing regional power, but are

speaking to the state of the villager’s oppression under Jabin’s reign. The villagers have been cut

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off from the caravan route and are limited to the “twisting paths” (רחות Pקלות א Pקל Pע) of less-supple

byways. The main source of economic flow has ceased to exist through the (חדל) outlying

villages. Thus, verse 7 describes the state of the peasants as they lived in economic isolation:

“The villagers ceased [to exist] in Israel; they ceased [to be] until you arose, O Deborah, you

arose as mother in Israel.”6 The Israelite peasants are an oppressed people cut off from economic

stability. It is here where Deborah steps in as the strong mother of Israel. With this translation, it

is still possible to accept Gottwald’s theory for the Israelite peasantry revolt occurring during this

time frame, but with better reverence for the flow of the poem.

Verses 8-11continue to tell the state of the tribes’ oppression. Verse 8 alludes to apostasy

committed by the villagers. This connects well with 4:1 and the “cycle” formula of Judges in

general: Shamgar has lead initial victory, but has ultimately led the Israelites into another spiral

away from God. Their state is not of prosperity, but of disconnection from divine fortune.

Moreover, verse 10 contains further imagery of oppression. The lavishness of those “who ride on

white donkeys” and “sit on rich carpets” is juxtaposed against those who “walk by the way”.

Common translations often water down this verse. ין Zד Zמ is usually rendered as “rich carpets” but

is the same word for the geographical location of Midian (Tappy 2016).7 This is a play-on-words

by the author to name their oppressors as well as expose their pomp. What’s more, the author is

challenging both the privileged and the poor to acknowledge the ensuing “righteous triumphs” of

God through the imperative form of Thus, verse 10 is translated as “Declare it, you who .יהש

ride on white donkeys, you who sit on rich carpets [you, who are the rulers of Midian] and you

who walk on the way.” All members of these warring groups are led to declare the righteous

6 Cf. the use of חדל in Deut. 15:11: “For there will never cease (חדל) to be poor in the land. Therefore, I command you, ‘You shall open wide your hand to your brother, to the needy and to the poor, in your land.” The translation of verse 7 is my own with influence from (Tappy 2016).7 See Judges 6-7 for an account of hostility towards the Midianites.

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triumphs of the oppressed. Their oppression has come to a breaking point under the righteous

justice of God and the strong leadership of Deborah, mother of Israel.

Deborah’s organizing prowess comes to full realization in verses 12-18. These verses

serve as a roll call for the tribes who participated in the battle. Deborah and Barak are summoned

in verses 12-13: “Awake, awake, Deborah! Arise Barak, lead away your captives, O son of

Abinoam.” Then we gain a beautiful image of an organized people marching “down into the

valley” (v. 14). It is important to note, however, that Israel was not a united front before or after

this battle. In fact, not every tribe participated in the battle. This is evident from the roll call. Of

the twelve tribes, Ephraim, Benjamin, Machir (Manasseh), Zebulun, Isaachar, and Naphtali

participated in the battle. Reuben, Gilead, Dan, and Asher did not participate. The two most

southern tribes, Judah and Simeon, are not even mentioned. It is clear from the catalogue in

verses 12-18 that the tribes were not a united front, but the six that did participate were

nonetheless organized according to the present issue of Canaanite oppression at hand.

That only these six tribes participated suggests that they were organized according to a

geopolitical issue that was affecting those involved. This becomes especially clear once the

geographical locations of the tribes are considered. The six tribes that were involved in the battle

are located in the hill country region of Ephraim, in the northwest of the Levant. If the translation

of verse 7 above is correct, and the imagery of descending into the valleys is considered (vv.

11,13-14), these tribes are described as villagers living in the hills who do not have regular

access to the major trade access points during this time: the Mediterranean coastline, the Via

Maris, and the King’s Highway.8 Conversely, the four tribes that are said not to have joined are

situated in proximity to these highly trafficked areas: Reuben and Gilead were near the King’s

Highway; Asher and Dan were near the Mediterranean coast and the Via Maris. The

8 For more detail, see (Avi-Yonah 1970, 3).

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geographical locations of Reuben, Gilead, Asher, and Dan intertwined them with Canaanite

neighbors. Therefore, they were reluctant to join because their sustenance was dependent on

positive relations with the surrounding region (Stager 1989, 62-3).9 However, the six tribes that

were involved were looking to expand beyond their economic isolation in the hills to the valleys

and plains where they would be better connected with commerce (62).10 The villagers saw their

independence and “righteous triumphs” tied to their access to economic viability – a tie that did

not embrace Canaanite rule. Thus, the six tribes organized under the leadership of Deborah and

Barak because their geopolitical situation made them concerned for their economic

independence.

The situation from which the Song arose, then, has a fascinating parallel to the modern

issue of regionalism and serves as an interpretative framework. Like the six tribes of Israel,

communities like Duquesne that are on the urban fringe, although not physically distant from the

economic flow of the city, are geographically severed and politically distant from the prosperous

core and suburban areas. Like the six tribes of Israel, the Christian faithful in Duquesne must be

reverent towards God’s warrior nature and righteous justice. The church must provide the strong

leadership of Deborah and organize these communities under the issue of regionalism in order to

be brought out from under the oppression of economic inequity. Thus, the theological import

from the Song to regionalism today is the concept of God as divine warrior as well as the need

for human initiative in organizing disparate communities under a single issue.

God as divine warrior is an image that is not summoned regularly in contemporary

society. This is especially true within mainline Protestant congregations. We are more likely to 9 In fact, members of these tribes may not have been easily distinguished from the Canaanites. See (Coogan 2011, 219-228).10 Stager does not give much detail regarding the oppressed status of the villagers in the hill country. Instead, he views them as “independent” and “self-reliant”. The Song of Deborah, then, describes an offensive that was meant to expand the tribe’s territory because of a growing population. This view fails to consider the reign of Jabin and the liberation tone of the poem. See (Stager 1989, 51-64).

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draw upon God’s benevolence and love than we are to draw upon God’s vengeance. Olson

provides a helpful framing when understanding the prevailing violence throughout Scripture:

God as divine warrior fights on behalf of the weak and the powerless against arrogant forces of oppression, death, and rebellion against God. When Jesus sent out seventy of his followers to preach and to heal and they returned to him, Jesus proclaimed that underlying the apparently mundane character of their ministry was an ongoing cosmic battle against the power of evil: ‘I watched Satan fall from heaven like a flash of lighting’ (Luke 10:18 NRSV).” (Olsen 1998, 790).

Indeed, the author of the Song provides a vivid image of the cosmic implications of the tribes’

retaliation against Canaanite oppression. Its very place behind the mundane account in chapter 4

draws the reader into a richer interpretation of righteousness of God’s justice: “From heaven the

stars fought, from their courses they fought against Sisera.” (5:20). Those suffering under the

effects of regionalism are challenged by the Song to “take up the prosaic and mundane realities

of their lives and the events of our world and explore the deeper and divine realities, truths, and

mysteries that lie embedded within them.” (Olsen 1998, 789). We must be open to the

thunderous theophany of God as we fight the cosmic battle for justice on the very real turf of life

today.

The awareness and integration of God’s theophany into contemporary struggles in

regionalism are the responsibility of church leaders. The Song forces us to awake and arise like

Deborah to heed God’s plan for justice as the physical isolated and economically spare urban

fringe are connected with commercial viability. The Song forces us to be catalysts, just as

Deborah was for the six tribes, between the different communities in the urban fringe. The Song

opens the door for the cosmic battle led by the Divine Warrior into the hilltops of the Mon

Valley as economic inequities are weakened.

However, the full scope of Scripture moves us beyond parallels to class warfare. As

Christian leaders, we must declare the salvation of all and create an organizing initiative that has

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room for both the rich and the poor (Jacobsen 2001, 77). The Song motivates the disenfranchised

to act according to their self-interests. The Gospel motivates all, no matter their economic status,

to discern God’s Kingdom together. Any organizing around regionalism must bring together the

inner-ring suburbanites and the major players of the urban core so that their self-interests are

communicated and understood in order to find overlap. The universal church heralds a move

beyond the political, economic, and geographical barriers that we construct. As faith leaders, we

must lead the charge to bring these walls down.

A Framework for Regionalism

The specific policies and structures needed to enact regionalization is a highly debated

and tricky question. There are various theories for regional urban politics, ranging from

competition-based (Boyne 1996) to cooperation-based (Orfield 1997). The arena of regional

politics is complex because there are many different local actors with many different interests,

but all of whom are contingent upon the higher authorities of county, state, and national actors.

What D. Imbroscio (2006) terms as “liberal expansionism” has been the favorite framework for

faith-based community organizers such as D. Jacobsen. The herald of this framework is M.

Ornfield who approaches regionalization through housing reform and tax-base sharing (Orfield

1997, 8). Imbroscio is skeptical of this framework because it is more about ideology than

empirical evidence (228). The result is that inner-ring suburbs only look at their isolation from

the region’s resources instead of looking inward at what may be inefficient governance and

failed development projects. “Liberal ideology blinds expansionists from even considering the

plausibility of any competing explanation.” (234). Constantly comparing a community to its

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neighbors may stifle creative solutions and impose policies that are not specific enough to be

successful in the given community. This is especially true in inner-suburbs where there is often a

weak government, no community organization, or, most importantly, no ear to hear what the

citizens envision or hope for their community. Any advocacy for specific policies of

regionalization must begin by first being observant to the citizens and the city government to

learn what is needed and what methods have failed in absolving those needs.

Faith communities are posed to stand between the citizens and government as they listen

to both and advocate for the most effective policies. Any organizing effort that arises in a

community such as Duquesne must first put ideology on the back burner, listen, and then act

according to the collected data from the ensuing networks. The first step with Duquesne, which

has no formal faith-based community organizing, is to connect with the local pastors and listen to

their perceived role in the city, and the city’s position in the greater Pittsburgh area. A listening

campaign is then needed to collect data concerning the citizens’ perception of the city and the

region. Once specific initiatives and policies are generally known, regular participation and

observation is needed at the city council meetings to make sure such initiatives and policies are

enacted. Finally, after an extensive inward examination is completed and an organizing

movement has begun to gain momentum, it is imperative for the community to look outward and

connect with the advocacy networks and major players in the wider region. In the example of

Duquesne, the Pennsylvania Interfaith Impact Network is a powerful faith-based organizing

entity that currently does not have any member churches in Duquesne. A potential connection

with that powerful advocacy network is needed to enact the specific policies that will bring the

revitalization so desperately needed in Duquesne.

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