Rosclogher Field Report

Rosclogher Field Report 2009

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Field Survey

Report

JJ McDermott

Rory Mc�eary

Kieran O’Conor

2009

Archaeology Research Grant Scheme

Grant �o. 17363

Rosclogher castle: The late medieval lordship centre of

‘Dartry MacClancy’

Lough Melvin, Co. Leitrim


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Contents

List of plates 3

List of figures 4

1. Introduction 5

1.1 Summary 5

1.2 Timeline and methods 6

1.3 Location maps and RMP information 7

1.4 Previous research 9

2. Historical background 11

2.1 A history of ‘Dartry MacClancy’ (1241-1603AD) 11

2.2 A brief history of the church at Rosclogher 18

2.3 Captain de Cuellar at Rosclogher Castle in 1588 19

3. Survey of archaeological monuments and surrounds 23

3.1 Physical landscape description 23

3.2 Archaeological and architectural descriptions 24

4. Discussion of results and conclusions 37

4.1 Dating of tower-house 37

4.2 The impact of geographical setting 38

4.3 Functions of tower-house and church 39

4.4 Social and political structure 41

Future recommendations 42

Acknowledgements 43

Bibliography 44


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List of Plates

Pl. 1 Rosclogher castle and church (with field walls) taken c.1988

Pl. 2 Rosclogher castle and church (with field walls and other buildings) taken c.1903

Pl. 3 View of tower-house, church and ringfort from Lough Melvin

Pl. 4 View of tower-house, church and lake from within ringfort

Pl. 5 West view of tower-house and crannog

Pl. 6 South wall embrasure (ground floor) of tower-house

Pl. 7 South wall window ope (1st floor) of tower-house

Pl. 8 External view of outer wall of tower-house

Pl. 9 Internal view of outer wall of tower-house

Pl. 10 Chamfered stone found on crannog

Pl. 11 Cut-stone with linear feature found on crannog

Pl. 12 Punch-dressed stone found on crannog

Pl. 13 North view of church ruins

Pl. 14 East wall window ope of church

Pl. 15 South wall embrasure features of church

Pl. 16 South wall doorway of church

Pl. 17 West wall inner batter wall of church

Pl. 18 West wall outer embrasure of church

Pl. 19 West wall full outer view

Pl. 20 Slight bank at east end of church

Pl. 21 Ringfort on hillock overlooking Lough Melvin


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List of Figures

Fig. 1 Location map of Rosclogher in north-west Ireland

Fig. 2 Location map of Rosclogher in north County Leitrim

Fig. 3 Discovery series map showing specific site location

Fig. 4 OS 6-inch 1st edition map (LM sheet 2) showing Rosclogher (1837-1842)

Fig. 5 Excerpt from Richard Bingham’s ‘map of hibernia’ 1589

Fig. 6 Excerpt from William Petty’s Down Survey map of Co. Leitrim, 1654/5

Fig. 7 Contour map of Dartry region showing archaeological sites


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1. Introduction

1.1 Summary

This survey was carried out throughout 2009 and was funded by the Heritage

Council of Ireland. The aim was to conduct a topographical survey of Rosclogher

Castle and its environs on the south-western shores of Lough Melvin and lead to into

the production of a detailed report highlighting the historical and archaeological

significance of the area. This would also include an underwater assessment of the

lake around the castle and plan drawings of the archaeological sites and features.

The historical records indicate this site to be the lordship centre of the MacClancy

chiefs, who administered political control over the ancient Dartry region throughout

the later medieval period. Although the references are inconclusive, the dating of the

tower-house probably relates to the 15th and 16th centuries, perhaps being built on

an earlier fortified site in the early 15th century and being left to ruin in the early 17th

century. A first-hand account of life at the site in 1588 is recorded by Francisco de

Cuellar, a Spaniard who was sheltered at the ‘castle’ after he had survived the

Armada shipwrecks at Streedagh. His observations would strongly suggest that a

settlement of some sort was centred on the shoreline directly opposite the castle.

The tower-house is perched on a stone-lined crannog c.70 metres out from the

shore-line, provoking some questions on matters of defence and status. The ruins of

a church is also located c.20 metres inland from the shoreline in good view of the

tower-house. The church is surrounded by a wall, an embankment and an

escarpment, and forms part of what appears to be a 19th or early 20th century

farmstead as well. A ringfort overlooks both the church and tower-house, c.150

metres away on the upward slope of the field that adjoins the lake. This same field

has visible evidence of levelled field walls that correspond with markings on the early

19th century OS 1st edition maps. There are other, larger earthworks and enclosures

that can be clarified in part from aerial photographs for the site as well and this would

indicate that there was an intense level of occupation and settlement around the

area well before the 19th century.


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1.2 Timeline and methodology

March—April 2009 Desktop survey

May—September 2009 Total station survey

June 2009 Underwater survey

September—November 2009 Data processing and report writing

After the initial desktop survey, which seen the incorporating of all known

documentary and cartographic sources with previous fieldwork data, a topographical

survey was begun at the late medieval lordship site at Rosclogher. First, a

reconnaissance survey was conducted around the site and National Grid co-

ordinates and the north point were acquired through GPS recordings. Then, using a

total-station from a series of control points on the shore, readings of height, width

and length from the crannog, tower-house, ringfort, church, surrounding buildings

and other important features were taken. The physical surveying of these sites and

features was conducted over a period of five weeks. It was set-up with the help of

Joe Fenwick of the Department of Archaeology, NUI, Galway (who also provided the

hire of the technical equipment). The recording was then carried out by JJ

McDermott and Eoghan O’Conor (field archaeologistd) and Dr. Kieran O’Conor

(lecturer at NUIG).

The total-station data was then uploaded into AutoCAD and rendered into an overall

site plan. Individual plans of the tower-house, church and ringfort were cropped from

this drawing and annotated using Adobe Photoshop (see appendix II). Digital aerial

photographs and Ordnance Survey maps were also acquired and used to plot out

any previously unseen earthworks or field walls. They were then rectified in

AutoCAD along with total station data to allow for a clearer illustration of the site. The

underwater survey was managed separately by a dive team from the University of

Ulster, Coleraine led by Rory McNeary (see Appendix I).


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1.3 Location maps and RMP information

Rosclogher is a small townland located in the civil parish of Rossinver in the north

part of Co. Leitrim, 2km east of Kinlough village and approx. 4km south-east from the

coastline. The castle can be accessed off the R281 via a private farm-path.

Permission should be sought before entering the field where the castle is located.

There are four protected monuments in the field and each has been allocated a

specific RMP number: tower-house -- LE002-01401, crannog --LE002-01402, church

-- LE002-015, ringfort -- LE002-017. The national grid co-ordinates for the tower-

house are G844 549.

Fig. 1 Location of Rosclogher in north-west Ireland

Fig. 2 Location of Rosclogher in north County Leitrim


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Fig. 3 OS Discovery series map (sheet No.16) showing site location (OSI)

Fig. 4 OS six-inch 1st edition map (1837-1842) [Leitrim sheet No.2] (OSI)


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1.4 Previous Research

It was proposed by O’Conor over 11 years ago that an archaeological survey of a

medieval Gaelic lordship be carried out in order to further understand the economic

and social development of Gaelic Ireland (1998, 139). Since then, there has been a

relative increase in this area of archaeological research, particularly evidenced in the

ongoing Medieval Rural Settlement Project by the Discovery Programme (McNeary

and Shanahan 2005; Corlett and Potterton (forthcoming)) and also in specific Gaelic

lordship case studies such as at O‘Sullivan Beare (Breen 2005). However, a lack of

appropriate fieldwork and research on important Gaelic lordly centres and Gaelic

settlement still remain.

There is also a problem that areas with little or no standing evidence of Gaelic

settlement tend to be overlooked in related publications. This is one of the main

reasons that the area of north County Leitrim has had relatively little fieldwork, and

no publication, carried out on its late medieval monuments. Although the

archaeological remains from the late medieval period are insubstantial in the region,

there is still enough evidence to suggest at least six tower-houses were located there

i.e. in the north-west Breifne area. This was determined during an MA study by the

present author, when minor field surveys were carried out at all recorded castle sites

(McDermott 2007). Indeed the importance of the tower house to late medieval

society throughout Breifne had been stressed in an article some years ago

(McCarthy 1989-90), but while many castles in east Breifne have been the subject of

surveys and excavations (Manning 1989-90; Parker and O’Donovan 2007), there

has been a neglect in analyzing contemporary sites in west Breifne.

Fieldwork has been carried out at Rosclogher in the past to a certain degree. The

SMR files in the National Monument archive contain three separate descriptive and

photographic reports on the tower-house, church and earthworks there. An

OPW/Irish Tourist Authority survey from 1943 indicates the state of the masonry

buildings at the time and also provides helpful sketches of both (Faughnan 1943). An

undated survey, carried out perhaps around the same time provides similar

descriptions and a series of black and white photos with a sketch plan of the tower-

house (Davies c.1944). Surveying carried out between 1988 and 1992 by the

National Monuments Service has resulted in accurate descriptions of the building


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and earthwork remains, as well as photographs that show up presently leveled field

walls (see Pl.1). These survey results were summarised and published in an

archaeological inventory for Co. Leitrim (Moore 2003). The site was also visited by

the antiquarian Hubert .T. Knox in the summer of 1903, who fortunately

photographed the ruins of the site (photos are archived by RSAI; see Pl.2). These

photos indicate the less-ruined state of the castle and church and also the presence

of standing field walls, which clearly correspond with the OS markings.

Pl. 1 Rosclogher Castle and church (with field walls) taken c.1988 (NMA)

Pl. 2 Rosclogher Castle and church (with clearer field walls shown) taken 1903 (RSAI)


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2. Historical background

2.1 A history of ‘Dartry MacClancy’ 1241 - 1603AD

Dartry is first mentioned in the annals in 959AD when Ualgharg, the king of Dartry is

recorded as being killed (AFM 959.6); an early indication of contestable septs in this

part of Breifne. Whether he was a MacClancy or other is not stated but by 1220, we

find the first record of a nobleman going by that name in this part of the country.

Cairneach Riabhach MacClancy, it is claimed had been granted lands by the king of

Breifne Ualgharg O’Rourke and was later killed in that year for his troubles (AFM

1220.6). He had supposedly fled Tipperary over a dispute regarding the building of

the house of Cashel along with his clan and the clans of the O’Cuirnins and

O’Travers. In other circles it is regarded that the clan originated from Cairbre in North

Sligo, moving eastwards into Leitrim around the 10th century (Connellan 1946, 36).

By 1241 the death of the first recorded ‘chief of Dartry‘, Donnell MacClancy occurs

(ALC 1239.4; AFM 1241.11) and that same year the whole area is plundered by

Tadhg O’Conor, which may have been related to Donnell’s death (AFM 1241.9).

Plundering Dartry became a regular occurrence throughout the 14th and into the 15th

century, mainly because of its situation between the territories of O’Connor Sligeach

and Tir Connell (O’Donnell’s). These clans clearly pursued their ambitions at the

expense of the sub-lords of Breifne, the early 14th century being a bloody period in

Dartry as a result. In 1303, the chief Murtough MacClancy was killed during a feud

with Turlough and Hugh O’Donnell (AFM 1303.2). In 1330 Conor O’Connor is

instanced in the killing of many of Dartry’s men (AFM 1330.8), while three years

later, another kinsman of the MacClancy, Mac an hOidche, was slain by the King of

Connaught, Turlough O’Connor (AFM 1333.7).

Clearly Dartry was seen as a strategic gateway-region in the eyes of the O’Connors

and the O’Donnells who sought to expand their lordships deep into Breifne territory.

In 1420, this theory was exacted with powerful intent by Brian O’Connor, when he

commenced to build Bundrowes castle on the mouth of the river Drowes. He was

backed by two of O’Rourke’s men and during construction they had to resist attack

across the border from the Kinel-Connell, O‘Donnell‘s army. A battle ensued as far

as the bay of Assaroe at Ballyshannon with O’Connor eventually returning victorious


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(AFM 1420.3).

Within the confines of Dartry itself, the MacClancys constantly fought among

themselves for lordship and status, regularly involving other clans such as the

O’Rourkes to boost their forces. This was prevalent throughout Gaelic Irish society,

since Brehon Law implicated that a chief could be succeeded by any member of the

extended clan and not just his eldest son (O’Conor, 75). The annals note that of the

MacClancy clan during the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries the following were slain by

their own kinsmen: Donagh was killed by Hugh in 1341 (AFM 1341.4), the chief

Cathal was killed by Teige, Maurice and Henry on St Bridget’s day in 1420 (AFM

1420.6) and Turlough was slain on the doorsteps of his house by his own two

brothers in 1532 (AFM 1532.5). The murdering did not end at this, as there are

further records of battles with other clans resulting in the deaths of many noble chiefs

and kinsmen. e.g. Hugh O’Rourke slaughtered three men including Gilchrist

MacClancy and his chief, Hugh, who had been allied by Flaherty O’Rourke and

Donogh O’Donnell in an incursion on Dartry in 1349 (AFM 1349.1).

In 1421, it would appear that the MacClancys had now established a strong fortress

in their territory at Lough Melvin. An entry in the annals describes a nocturnal attack

on their lands by the lake, undertaken by a party led by Cathal O’Rourke. They had

encroached upon Inis Caoin having been granted boats by the MacGloins, the

‘guardians of the lake’, and killed many of the chief’s sons in the ensuing attack. The

islands of the lake and the “castle” were then taken possession of and another of

MacClancy’s sons was taken prisoner. The chief himself retreated to Cairbre (AFM

1421.7). This is the first reference to a MacClancy fortress and although Inis Caoin

was the target of attack, I believe the tower-house at Rosclogher is the ‘castle’ being

referred to. Translated as ‘beautiful island’, Inis Caoin is located in the north-eastern

corner of Lough Melvin and may have been the site of a monastic settlement at the

time. There is an acre of ground named ’Friars Garden’ to the eastern end of it

(Pinkman 1942, 184). The sons of MacClancy may have been seeking refuge here.

Analysing this event and the events of the late 15th and early 16thcentury, it would

appear that the O’Rourkes had begun to consolidate their reign as kings of West

Breifne and Dartry. This is a direct result of their strong economic position near Sligo


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town and evidenced in their substantial castle-building at this time i.e. at Dromahaire,

Newtown, Leitrim and Castlecar (McDermott, 43; Ui Ruairc 1993, 10-12, 16, 22, 31).

Melaghlin, a son of MacClancy was killed in 1488 by Tadhg O’Rourke, which further

illustrates their substantiation of power in Dartry (ALC 1488.30).

In 1536, the chief of Dartry Feradach MacClancy died of small pox and later that

year his territory was exploited as a base-camp by the O’Donnells for an incursion on

O’Conner Sligeach (ALC 1536.20). The camp may have been located close to

Duncarbry castle, itself known as a MacClancy fortress (Moore, 204). It is argued

that this was a tower house built on an older defensive fort (McDermott, 61) and it

was here where Cahir MacClancy, heir to the chieftainship died peacefully in 1538

(AFM 1538.5). This may suggest that Duncarbry was built as a secondary residence

for the clan and a strategic one too as it overlooks the main route from north

Connaught into Ulster and has inter-visibility with O’Connor’s Bundrowes castle to

the north. Both Bundrowes and Duncarbry are therefore understandably illustrated

on Richard Bingham’s military map of the region from 1589 (Swift 1999, 44). An

island-castle further inland is also marked, with the surrounding area labeled as

‘Macglanathe country’. Presumably this is the tower-house at Rosclogher (see fig 5).

Fig. 5 Excerpt from Richard Bingham’s ‘map of hibernia’ in 1589 (Swift 1999)


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In 1568, Bundrowes, then occupied by the O’Donnells was granted to Donald

O’Connor of Sligo along with a knighthood in return for his submission of surrender

to Queen Elizabeth I (Cal SP 1568, vol.23, 361). The O’Donnells, having camped

outside it, reprised their intentions to take the castle back in 1577, but O’Connor,

now strengthened by his position with the English and his association with the new

governor of Connaught, Nicholas Malby, expelled the intrusion and plundered most

of the country around there (ALC 1577.7).

With an English re-conquest beginning to take hold on the country in the late 16th

century the MacClancy’s were not to conform to any new terms or proposals binding

their land under the Queen’s ownership. As the old Brehon laws had now been

replaced by a new Tudor-enforced legal system, it meant that there would be no free

holding of land by various members of the kin group anymore and only the chief

would be entitled to ownership. He in turn would have to surrender himself to the

English government and consequently pay tribute to the Crown for rent of that land

(Nicholls 2003, 55-6, 67). Tadhg og, who reigned as chief of Dartry from 1582 to

1590, took heed of his overlord Brian (of the ramparts) O’Rourke, who held a proud

position against the Queen at his castles in Dromahaire and Newtown, and utilised

every available resource (including the mountains and lakes) to hold out against any

forceful attack. Like O’Rourke, MacClancy held an unbinding hatred of the Queen

and refused to pay a single shilling to her or her governors (Mac an Ghalloglaigh

1962, 61). His rebellious behaviour aroused the wrath of Richard Bingham, governor

of Connaught from 1584. He describes ‘that most bad man McGlannahie

(MacClancy)’ to be ‘fortifying and building in most suspicious sort’ his castle at

Rosclogher. He then requests to the Queen that he may suppress him and his lands

there (Cal SP 1586, vol.125, 140).

The arrival of many Scottish mercenaries to Irish shores at this time also contributed

to the Gaelic resistance but as evidenced in 1585, they also engaged with the

internal feuding of rival clans. A battle that positioned MacClancy against Brian

O’Rourke had enveloped at Benbo mountain near Manorhamilton after O’Rourke

had invaded MacClancy territory. A body of Scotsmen fought with the MacClancys

and several men on both sides were killed as a result (AFM 1585.4). The two lords,


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however, survived and both found themselves embroiled in international affairs three

years later when they separately aided and gave refuge to survivors of the Spanish

Armada shipwrecks.

The events of 1588 are recounted in a personal diary by Captain Francisco de

Cuellar, who was aboard the Spanish galleon La Lavia, when it foundered on Irish

shores at Streedagh Strand near Grange in Sligo (Allingham and Crawford (ed.),

1897). His account commences with the scene of death, devastation and plundering

on the strand as he tries desperately to escape inland despite a wounded leg

(ibid.17-18). After many unfortunate run-ins with the locals and various foreigners,

and having been turned away at the gates of O’Rourkes Castle at Glencar

(Castlecar), de Cuellar was taken in by a blacksmith and his wife at Largydonnell,

near Glenade. He was effectively imprisoned there for several days and upon

hearing of his ill-treatment by the couple, the chief MacClancy sent riders to bring

him to Rosclogher (ibid. 31). There, he was sheltered and suitably recovered under

the surveillance of the chief and his kinsmen, whom he referred to as ‘savages’.

When it was reported that an army of English soldiers were being assembled by the

Lord Deputy at Dublin to scour the north-west of the country for Spanish survivors,

MacClancy collected his people and cattle and headed for the safety of the

mountains of Dartry, as was his tradition (Cal SP 1588, vol.137, 92; McDermott, 77).

De Cuellar, sensing the impregnability of the castle surrounded as it was by water,

decided to stay and garrison the building with eight other Spanish compatriots, who

had been at Rosclogher when he had arrived (Allingham and Crawford, 34). The

English approached from the north of Lough Melvin at Rosfriar and besieged the

castle for seventeen days, mercilessly taunting the Spaniards by hanging two of their

own on the shore (ibid. 35). It was in vain however, as the defence held out and the

army soon retreated as heavy snow hindered their chances of penetrating the

fortress. Upon hearing of this, MacClancy returned with much delight and offered de

Cuellar to stay and guard the castle, in return for his sister’s hand in marriage (ibid.

35). Sensing an imbalance to the proposal, de Cuellar and four others escaped one

night from Rosclogher and headed north to the Antrim coastline and on to Scotland

by boat, where he would eventually communicate a passage back to mainland

Europe and at last to his homeland in Spain (ibid. 36-39).


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After this perilous event MacClancy sensed his days were numbered, and in

desperation he allied himself with his old foe Brian O’Rourke and in 1590, they

attempted to defend Breifne together. The English under Richard and George

Bingham had been destroying town after town in Moylurg and lower Breifne and

assembled c.300 troops to attack Dartry, where O‘Rourke and MacClancy were

camped (ALC 1590.17). The Binghams had two Irish traitors on his side in Tadhg

O’Rourke and Melaghlin MacClancy and it was the former who fatally wounded the

chief MacClancy as he attempted to swim across to his castle during the attack.

Having been brought ashore he was beheaded and this is notable in that George

Bingham had now proudly claimed the life of ‘the most barbarous creature in Ireland’

(Cal SP 1590, vol.151, 333; ALC 1590.20). Melaghlin was then rewarded for his

assistance to Bingham by gaining the chieftainship of Dartry. In 1603 he died and

bequeathed his property to his only son Cahir, who was only three years old at the

time (O‘Flanagan 1929, 250). An Englishman called William Windsor, who was

granted lands in neighbouring Donegal along with his brother, became king-ward to

the young MacClancy and had him educated at Trinity College, Dublin for a yearly

sum of £5 (Mac an Ghalloglaigh 1971, 249). This indeed was the turning point in the

rule of the Gaelic Irish at Dartry and unsurprisingly, it was envisioned by King James

I that these lands should be made into estates with plantations and fortified houses

and be governed by English and Scottish settlers (MacCuarta 1999, 121). Although

they were seen elsewhere in Leitrim, there is no evidence for fortified houses being

constructed anywhere in Dartry after the 16th century.


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Fig. 6 Excerpt from William Petty’s Down Survey map of Co. Leitrim, 1654/5

In the rising of 1641, the MacClancys are recorded as being involved in the

resistance fighting at Sligo, William MacClancy being one of the Gaelic Irish leading

an attack on the town but no indication is given of their presence at Rosclogher at

this time. The unpopular Scottish planter Frederick Hamilton, who had established a

fortified house at Clonmullen (now modern-day Manorhamilton) burned down Sligo

and destroyed all of Dartry in reprisal for this and other attacks (Mac an Ghalloglaigh

1966, 71). The same man seems to have claimed the lands around Lough Melvin

after this, as it is evidenced in William Petty’s Down Survey map of County Leitrim

c.1654/5 that these were ‘S Frederick Hambleton’s lands’ (see fig 2). The

corresponding Civil Survey document of that year does not mention MacClancy or

any of their castles (C. Survey, 96) and it would appear that by this stage,

Rosclogher castle had been destroyed and left to ruin, signifying the end of Gaelic

settlement in Dartry. In 1722, Tadhg Roddy describes the northern half of

Rosclogher barony as ‘MaGlanayes Country’, and Rosclogher ‘near the sea, by the

great loge’ is where their ‘castle and chiefe seate stood’ (Logan 1971, 329). It was,

however no longer an occupied fortress by this time.


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2.2 A brief history of the church at Rosclogher

Indicated as an ‘abbey’ or ‘abbey (in ruins)’ on the 19th century OS maps (see Fig.4),

the remains of a church in the Rosclogher townland and close to MacClancys tower-

house is understood by many to be the site of Doiremelle Abbey (Moore, 183).

According to old monastic records, Doiremelle was founded by Tigernach, an abbot

of Killeigh c.800AD and was named after his mother, St Mella who died before

787AD (Gwynn and Haddock 1970, 380). St Mella may have had an association with

the naming of Lough Melvin (translated Loch Meilge) although tradition has it that it

was named after Meilge, an ancient king of Ireland (Pinkman, 236). Rosclogher is

not the only church associated with the lake as there are ecclesiastical remains on

Inistemple island (associated with St Sinnell, a bell-founder for St.Patrick) and

another to the eastern end of the lake at Gublaun (associated with St Mogue)

(Moore, 180-1). It would appear that Rosclogher church may have been built at the

site of the earlier abbey in the 13th or 14th century by the MacClancys who had

established their lordship centre there. In 1588, de Cuellar describes the removal of

‘ornaments and requisites for the church service, and some relics’ out of the church

and into the tower house for safe-keeping against the English (Allingham and

Crawford, 34). The church obviously came into disrepair after the MacClancys had

been dethroned as Gaelic princes in the 17th century.


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2.3 Captain de Cuellar at Rosclogher Castle in 1588

De Cuellar’s diary allows us a very rare glimpse of Gaelic Irish society in the 16th

century and in particular the life of the men and women who inhabited the lands

around the hills and lakes of north Leitrim. His illustration of events must be realised

as being an account of a foreigner in strange lands, therefore rendering some of his

depictions a result of misunderstandings. However, certain details of the Gaelic way

of life can be substantiated from his observations. For instance, we know that he

conversed with a clergyman, a blacksmith and the MacClancy chief in Latin tongue.

This was their secondary language (the language of the church) and it was spoken

by both high and low rank in Gaelic society (Allingham and Crawford, 5). His general

observation of the customs practised by the people living at Rosclogher is also

particularly insightful:

‘The custom of these savages is to live as the brute beasts among the

mountains, which are very rugged in that part of IrelandKThey live in

huts made of straw. The men are all large-bodied, and of handsome

features and limbsKThey do not eat oftener than once a dayKand

that which they usually eat is butter with oaten bread. They drink sour

milkKOn feast days they eat some flesh half-cooked, without bread or

saltKThey clothe themselves, according to their habit, with tight

trousers and short loose coats of very coarse goats hair. They cover

themselves with blankets, and wear their hair down to their eyesKthe

most of the women are very beautiful but badly dressed. They do not

wear more than a chemise, and a blanketKand a linen cloth, much

doubled, over the head and tied at the front.’

(ibid. 32)

He goes on to describe their devout Catholicism and their regret over the destruction

of many of their monasteries and churches by the English. The hatred that had sunk

deep within these people over generations is sympathised with by de Cuellar, and

although he stresses ambiguity in regards to Gaelic law and justice, he appears

grateful to the natives for aiding his survival. This, as well as his own country’s

opposition to the English government would appear to be the main catalysts for his

compliance with MacClancy.


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The account of the siege between the Spanish contingent and an army of English

soldiers indicate the effectiveness of the tower-house located on the lake. Even

before this, de Cuellar stresses that the castle is very strong and difficult to take: ‘it

could not be taken by water nor by the shore of the land that is nearest it’ (ibid. 31,

34). It is with this confidence that he stays behind to defend the fortress, even as the

natives along with their livestock flee to the mountains. It is implicated that firearms

were possessed by MacClancy at the time as he provides the Spaniards with ‘six

musketsKsix cross-bows and other arms’ before he leaves (ibid. 35). Interestingly

he also places ‘three or four boatloads of stones within’ the castle for some reason.

This has led to one suggestion that the outer wall and gun-loop was constructed

from these very blocks (Moore, 209). Would it have been built so promptly before the

English arrived? This is unlikely and de Cuellar does not mention of any construction

while awaiting the enemy. Of more significance, the wall faces to the S shore of the

lake, and it is supposed that the English came upon the lake at the N end (‘a mile

and a half from it’).

De Cuellar also comments that a ‘town, established on the mainland’ is surrounded

by marshy lands that can only be navigated through by pathways. Remembering that

this is winter-time, we must be aware that a foreigner’s outlook of the land may not

take into account seasonal changes and the fact that people utilised hillside

settlement and mountain pasture for their cattle in the summer-time. It is possible

that the ‘town’ envisioned by de Cuellar in 1588 was nothing more than a small

nucleated settlement, comprised of circular enclosures and various straw huts. At its

centre was a large walled enclosure for their cattle and near the shore was their

private church, perched as it was in full sight of the chief’s own fortress: the tower

house on the lake (see pl.3 & 4 for overview).


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Pl. 3 View of Rosclogher Lordship centre from north-west side of Lough Melvin (JMD)

Pl. 4 View of tower-house and church from within ringfort to the south-west (JMD)


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Fig. 7 Contour map of Dartry region showing archaeological sites

[Rosclogher is area circled] (JMD)


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3. Survey of archaeological monuments and surrounds

3.1 Physical landscape description

The northern half of Co. Leitrim is a rugged mountainous region relieved by a series

of valleys that accommodate the flow of several rivers and the location of many small

lakes. The composition of soils in the region are characterized by an underlie of

renzina and brown podzols, while the geology is made up of upper carboniferious

limestone, overlain in parts by Avonian/Namurian sandstone. The mountains form

the remnant ends of the Slieve Gamph and Ox Mountains that rise in a unified line

through Sligo and North Mayo. Many of these are pronounced and contain steep cliff

faces, such as Boleybrack in the Lackagh Hills (449m), facing out onto Glenfarne

Valley, or Benbo Mountain (415m), which overlooks Manorhamilton town. The

highest peaks however are situated in the Dartry Mountains at Aroo (523m) and

Tierebaun (611m) forming a truly magnificent backdrop to the north where the hills

overlook Donegal Bay. The region in general is very scenic in character and the hills

offer substantial panoramic vistas of the surrounding terrain. At the top of the Dartry

Mountain range for example, one can see as far as the Sperrin Mountains in County

Tyrone to the north and as far as Knocknarea Mountain in Sligo to the south-west.

The study area is located at the foot of Dartry on the south-western shores of Lough

Melvin. The lake orientates SE-NW along its long axis, being widest at the east end.

It separates Leitrim with Fermanagh and has two villages located near its opposite

ends: Kinlough to the west, Garrison to the east. Its waters consist of many large

islands and it has two important tributary rivers flowing from its ends in the Drowes

and the County River. The County River flows out from its south-eastern end, joining

up with another lake, Lough MacNean further east. This river limits the border with

Northern Ireland and Ulster. Melvin is renowned around the area and further afar as

an ideal lake for fishing and angling and has even been alluded to in the 18th century

as being thus too (Logan, 330).

The topography of the land around the lake where the site is located is gently

undulating and slightly sloping southwards towards Dartry. A small hillock overlooks

the tower-house and lake, and is currently used as pasture for sheep and horses.


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The hillock offers extensive and unobstructed views across the lake to the east and

north, as well as being in full sight of the overshadowing Dartry Mountains to the

south. The tower-house is generally sheltered from view in its location near the

lakeshore. Travelling up the lake from the east, it does not come into view until

Inishmean Island (located c.1km away) is passed. The area facing the site from the

north is Rosfriar Point, a small peninsula heavily covered by trees. The view across

to the tower-house is obstructed by this plantation.

3.2 Archaeological and architectural descriptions

3.2.1 Tower-house and crannog

The site of the tower-house, taught to be the castle of the MacClancys in the 15th

and 16th centuries is located on a crannog towards the SW end of Lough Melvin and

can be accessed via a private farm-track that connects to the R281 road c.2 km to

the SE of Kinlough village. While it had been signposted less than two years ago,

there is none to be seen at present. After reaching the end of the trackway, the

tower-house and crannog can be sighted just off the shoreline, at the bottom of the

hillock. The crannog is a sub-circular island constructed of earth and stones and

extending to a depth of 2m, located 67m offshore to the S. The site is in a very poor

state of preservation, greatly limiting accurate descriptions of the architectural

features of the tower-house. It measures 21m N-S and 15m E-W. The E and W sides

have enough space to suggest landing stages for boats but are severely spoiled with

rubble from the castle walls and the intrusion of vegetation. Vertical standing stakes

were recorded by departmental archaeologists along the W side about 1m from the

shore over 20 years ago (NMA) but were not found by the divers in this present

survey (see Appendix I). The castle, located c.1.5m above water level, is a

rectangular building of course sandstone masonry bonded by lime and sand mortar.

Its internal dimensions are 7.7m by 6.3m and its long-axis orientates north-south.

The fragmentary S and E walls rise to their original height (c.9m) consisting three

storeys while the N and W walls only rise to roughly first floor level. The N wall is

1.8m thick, 1.5m high and 8.2m in length. Underneath the dense ivy, there is a large

window ope towards its NW corner.


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The E gable stands to 9m high and is 1.8m thick and 4m in length. Both the NE and

SE corners are completely missing, suggesting that there may be possible doorways

here. The SE has a large fragment of wall rubble (0.75m high) leaning back towards

the shore but does not block a route into the interior. The NE has a better case for

being the doorway entrance. There is a small squared passage (1.3m in length)

within the E wall at ground level, facing towards N, suggesting that it may once have

held a drawbar for a door. There are the remains of a mural passage in the 2nd floor

and appears to run the length of the wall to the N and is roofed by a succession of

lintels. There is also a window ope at the beginning of the passage. The ivy is

extremely dense so it is impossible to fully record them.

Pl. 5 Western side of tower-house and crannog (JMD)

The S wall stands at 9m tall as well, 1.75m thick and 7.8m in length. At its internal

centre at ground level there is an embrasure, possibly blocked-up by outer walling

and is roofed by lintels, above which is an arch that curves inwards (see Pl.6). The

wall feature has been blackened possibly due to consistent burning at this area.

Whether this was caused by a more recent activity, it cannot be fully explained but it

has led previous researchers to call it a hearth (Davies c.1944). A drawbar is

situated towards the bottom of the wall and east of the embrasure. Although it has

the appearance of a hearth/fireplace, there is no evidence for a chimney. It is


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probable that it was used as a cooking area. There is a splayed single light window

(0.8m high) just above it on the next floor (see Pl. 7). It has a large inward splay

allowing extra light to enter the castle at this level.

Pl. 6 South wall embrasure (ground floor) [above]

Pl. 7 South wall window ope (first floor)

[right]

The W wall partly survives and extends from the SW corner, where it has mostly

collapsed onto the crannog, to a point 4.6m short of the NW corner. It is 1.45m thick

and 2m high. A series of large flag stones lie flatly outside the wall to the NW corner

and carry along down to the shoreline, forming a kind of step-way from the lake into

the castle (see Pl.5). This was probably constructed from the wall remains in modern

times to accommodate a passage into the interior ruin. (With remnants of beer

bottles and cans littered inside the castle, there is a feeling that the crannog is a

common landing spot for anglers and fishermen to dock and have picnics).

The interior itself is partitioned by two walls that extend perpendicularly from the E

and W walls respectively. They are not keyed into the outer walls and are not

mortared. The wall abutting the E is 1m thick and 1m high, while the wall abutting the

W is 1.7m thick and 1.5m high. They both correspond by facing one another but

because of varying thickness, they did not bond together. The gap at the centre


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between both walls (1.4m) suggests a doorway leading into a medium-sized room in

the S end of the castle at ground floor level. There is also a low wall (1.2m in length)

near the SE corner running perpendicularly from the S wall. Again it doesn’t bond

with the other partition wall nor the S wall and is almost completely leveled.

An outer wall, c.2.5m to the S of the castle, lines the crannog near the shoreline to

this end and faces the mainland (see Pl.8). It is strongly built with sandstone

masonry and is 1.5m thick at foundation level. It extends to 6.5m in length and rises

to 2.7m in height, concealing the view of the base of the castle walls from the

mainland. There is one gun-loop feature at its centre (0.28m x 0.14m) and internally,

there is a platform specifically constructed for access to this feature (see Pl.9). The

platform is marked by two short flanking walls, which would have protected a

crouching gunman and allow him a comfortable position from where to fire from. The

length of the wall as a whole may have been larger since there are no corners

defined at either end. Along the E end of the crannog c.3m away from the castle-

base, a series of large flag-stones are clearly set linearly into the surface. It may

have been that an outer wall defined a narrow bawn around the whole circumference

of the crannog.

Pl. 8 External view of outer wall (JMD)


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Some architectural fragments were discovered in the rubble around the surface of the

crannog during the survey work. A punch-dressed rectangular stone (0.43m x 0.19m) with a

semi-circular notch was located to the SW of the outer wall (see Pl.12). It may have been

part of a slop-stone feature on the outer fabric of one of the castle walls. Another large cut-

stone (0.68m x 0.52m) with a linear cut feature on its base was found partially submerged in

the water close-by (see Pl.11). Again, it could have acted as a slop-stone, possibly used as a

drain feature on the side of the castle-wall. A large cut-stone with chamfers on its base was

also found just to the E of the SE corner of the castle (see Pl.10). This may have been

located internally at the corner of a doorway or window recess.

Pl. 9 Internal view of outer wall (JMD)

[from left to right]

Pl. 10 Chamfered stone; Pl. 11 Cut-stone with linear feature; Pl. 12 Punch-dressed stone (all JMD)


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3.2.2 Ecclesiastical remains

The ruin of a small church is situated on a gently undulating slope near the shoreline

of the lake and in an unobstructed view of the tower-house and crannog. It is a

rectangular building constructed of semi-ashlar sandstone mortared masonry. Its

external dimensions are 13m E-W and 7.6m N-S. The N wall is almost entirely

reduced to rubble, except for the NE corner and a length extending from its centre to

the NW corner (0.8m thick) (see Pl.13). The NE corner stands to a height of 3.2m but

its quoins have been robbed. There is a leveled space between the corner fragment

and the extensive rubble (0.9m wide), which could have been the position for a

doorway, although it more than likely catered for a window light. I am suggesting this

because there would have been clear views out to the lake and the castle at this

point.

Pl. 13 North side of church ruin (JMD)

The E gable stands to 5m in height and accommodates a large slit-ope, slightly off-

centre (2.38m high, 1.12m wide internally and 0.36m wide externally). It is roofed by

a lintel at its external end and what appears to be a segmental arch internally (see


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Pl.14). To the left of this feature internally and near the ground, there is a recess for

a possible cupboard (0.59 x 0.6m). The S wall is 2.9m high and 0.8m thick and leans

inwards at its centre, possibly due to the fact that the earth level is slightly higher on

its external side. A small ope (1.2m wide and 1.04m high) exists near the SE corner

and its sides has fallen through. It may have been the location of an aumbrey in the

wall or perhaps a niche for the location of a piscine. It is supposed that the altar was

orientated to this end of the church. A splayed single light window is located 0.5m to

the right of this feature and measures to a width of 1.18m internally and 1.03m

externally. Its top has collapsed and so extends beyond the wall height (see Pl.15 for

both aumbrey and window). The doorway was located 1.7m away from the SW

corner and is currently 1.6m wide (see Pl.16). A door jamb climbs to 1.9m on its W

side. It would appear to have been blocked up at a later stage, even though it has

partially collapsed recently and its real width is suggested at 1.15m.

Pl.14 E wall window ope (JMD) Pl. 15 Features in SE corner (JMD)


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Pl.16 Outer view of possible doorway in S wall (JMD)

The W wall, which stands to 4.5m in height and is 0.82m thick, has two unusual

features. A base batter (also 0.82m thick) marks the wall internally and is not keyed

into it. The batter wall is rectangular and does not follow the arch of the outer wall to

its apex. Instead it stops at the height of the S wall (probably the N wall too) (see

Pl.17). On the external side of the W wall there is a reversed window ope, directing

inwards rather than outwards (see Pl.18). It has the characteristics of a gun-loop;

splaying the thickness of the wall towards a small rectangular recess (0.08m x

0.24m). It is located close to the NW corner at the base of the wall and is 0.86m wide

and 0.81m high. The internal batter blocks its view from the inside, thus rendering its

original function obsolete. Could it have had a defensive function at one time?

There is evidence on the outer face of the W wall for three recesses, c.2.2m above

ground level and spaced 1.5m apart. Resembling joist-holes, these features may

mark a floor level for a building, which incorporated the W wall of the church in its

fabric (see Pl.19). It is not necessary to view the apparently-reversed window ope in

strictly military terms. This is a church after all and it may have had a purpose as a

peer-hole for hermits or sick people who could not enter inside the chapel during

sermons. This would clarify the construction of a small wooden building to this end.

However, it does not explain the existence of the internal wall. One may argue that it

was built at a later date to strengthen the outer wall and to close up the embrasure,

or it may well have been constructed in response to the changing internal structure


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of the church either. Further detailed analysis, with perhaps an excavation to this end

of the church would go a long way to clarifying some of the enigmatic functions of

these two features.

Pl. 17 W wall inner batter wall (JMD) Pl.18 W wall outer embrasure (JMD)

Pl.19 Outer view of ivy-covered W wall (JMD)


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The interior of the church is strewn with boulders and patches of rubble, particularly

along the N wall and in front of the doorway in the SW corner. There are no

architectural features present although Davies (1946, 78) records the existence of a

window-finial that resembles the head of a bishop with miter. He does not indicate its

exact location but, under present scrutiny, it is suggested to have been situated over

the E wall window ope. Davies accounts that it probably dates to the early Gothic

period (c.14th century) because it is primitive and un-stylised in character. This

therefore means the church may pre-date the building of the tower-house and may

well have been the ‘Doiremelle Abbey’ mentioned in the monastic records (Gwynn

and Haddock, 380).

3.2.3 Church enclosure and adjacent buildings

The church is enclosed by a low earthen bank (int. H 0.3m) 10m to the E and by a

slight stone and earth bank (int. H 0.2m) with a pronounced internal ditch (0.4m

deep) 15m to the W. A 2m high escarpment edges off 12m to the N of the church but

there is no evidence of an enclosure here. The E bank curves round towards the SE

corner of the church, where it stops short of the fallen walls of a small building (see

Pl.20). The remains of a farmstead are located in the area S of the church and would

appear to incorporate the small building (possibly an out-house), a house building,

masonry walls and even the S wall of the church into an enclosed farmyard. The

area is indicated as being in use in the late 19th and early 20th century by the OS 6”

maps from that time and also by a photograph from July 1903 by Hubert .T. Knox

(RSAI negative 40/31). The maps show an enclosed area extending from the W of

the church along to the SE corner where there are two buildings hachured. This is

illustrated better in the photograph, with neat field walls indicated around the church

and the main farm building having a thatch roof and the out-house being roofless. A

footpath is marked on the map leading into the enclosure from the W and a well is

marked N of the church. The footpath is still evident at present marked by a slightly

raised bank (4.4m wide near church enclosure), while the well (or spring) is still

apparently flowing.

The main building of this later settlement is located 14m to the SE of the church and

is divided into two chambers by a single standing wall (2m high). It has architectural

evidence on either side for fireplaces and an entrance joins each chamber to the N


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(0.6m wide). The outer walls have collapsed and are defined by a rectangular

structure (4.5m wide, 9.5m long and 0.8m thick). To the E of the church, there is

partial ground remains for another rectangular building (4.5m x 5m ext) with no

internal division and a possible entrance in its E wall. The SE corner of the church

and the SW corner of this building are joined by a wall (0.7m thick) with an entrance

near the latter corner (0.76m wide). This was once either a small barn or an

outhouse for livestock.

Pl. 20 Slight bank at E end of church (JMD)

3.2.4 Earthworks

Near the top of the hillock overlooking the church, tower house and crannog to the

SW, a grass-covered sub-circular enclosed ringfort is located and defined by an

intermittently visible stone spread and large facing-stones (see Pl.21). The area

measures 19.5m N-S and 21.5m E-W. From SW to E, the wall has collapsed and

survives as a scarp ranging in external height from 0.4m to 1.1m and in thickness

from 1.4m to 2.2m. There are visible remains for the wall foundation to S (running for


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6m) and there are large boulders lying freely to the SW, N and NE. These may well

have been carried here for farming purposes in recent times. The largest of these is

located close to a rubble pile to the N and measures 3.2m wide, 0.9m high and

0.56m thick. A rectangular depression occurs in the ground to the boulder’s internal

side (3.5m long and 3m wide), which suggests that this may have been the entrance

area. Externally and to the W of this feature there appears a bank (2.3m wide) that

extends northwards from the enclosure wall on a downward slope. It is probable that

a wall enclosed the whole perimeter of the ringfort at one time, therefore indicating it

as a cashel. This is not implausible since the availability of rock from a nearby quarry

(located to the NW corner of the field) catered for raw materials; a feature that was

no doubt factored into the building of the church and tower-house also.

Pl. 21 Ringfort on hillock overlooking Lough Melvin (JMD)

The field that surrounds the ringfort and the church at the bottom of the slope has

slight visible remains of several field banks and enclosures. Most have been leveled

or else heavily tracked by modern farming activity. The OS 2nd edition maps indicate

the presence of 16 enclosed spaces in this now open-field pasture. A farmstead is

indicated as being in use at the current entrance of the field (to the W of the ringfort),

and the afore-mentioned footpath leads from here to the church and its adjacent

buildings. There is also another well/spring marked along this footpath c.100m short

of the church.


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To the E of the church near the shoreline, there is a record of another earthwork

(Moore, 158), rectangular in shape and marked by two parallel banks with rounded

corners on the OS maps. It is almost completely leveled at present with only the faint

remains of an earthen bank (2m long and 4.2m wide) and an external fosse on its W

side, close to a modern field wall. The wall dissects its S bank near to the SW

corner, which appears to be rounded. It is only 17m away from the church at this

point and even closer to the church enclosure. Its E side can be deciphered on aerial

photographs as a similar bank with rounded a SE corner. In previous records, its N

side also apparently had traces of a bank and was defined by a beach along the

lakes edge (Davies c.1944). This was probably eroded away in time by the lake’s

waves.

There are other earthworks too that have been determined from the aerial

photographs (OSI). A large, sub-rectangular enclosure appears to be located

between the church remains and the enclosure to the S of it. This is not indicated on

the OS maps and therefore could be dated to before the 19th century, possibly

contemporary with a late medieval date. The enclosure around the church is also

clearly defined in the photographs, as is another conjoined c-shaped example to the

W of it (see drawing no.5 in appendix II). This would appear to be the boundary

marked by a wall in the SMR photographs mentioned above and would correspond

with the OS maps also.


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4. Discussion of results and conclusions

4.1 Dating of tower-house

It is generally accepted that tower-houses first began to be built in Ireland in the late

14th century by men of Anglo-Norman descent (Cairns 1987, 9; O’Conor, 25).

However, the majority of these would seem to date to the 15th and 16th centuries,

when they had become a familiar stronghold of the Gaelic Irish chieftains, having

been adapted from Anglo-Norman milieu. The surviving evidence of fifty-nine

masonry castles in the Breifne area (Cavan and Leitrim), suggests that these

buildings played an important role in the establishment of lordships in the region

(McCarthy, 118). It has been highlighted recently that sufficient evidence exists for at

least six Gaelic tower-houses being built in the 15th and 16th century by the

O’Rourke’s and their sub-lords in the north-west Breifne region (McDermott, 96).

The first historical record for a fortress functioned by the MacClancys in Dartry is

indicated in 1421. The word ‘castle’ is used in the annals to describe the stronghold

and this is believed to be the tower-house at Rosclogher (See Historical

background). However, it may be argued that the crannog, upon which the tower

house was built, is the ‘fortress’ in question and a more primitive garrison was most

likely held here at the time, later being incorporated into a stronger three-storey

building. Post and wattle defenses have been discovered at many crannog sites

dating to the high medieval period (AD1100-1350) (Fredengren 2002, 243-5) and

there is even a record for a defended crannog in the Breifne region at Belhavel

Lough, located c.30km south of Rosclogher dating to 1247 (Ui Ruairc, 26).

The dating of construction at Rosclogher may be understood better in the context of

other castles’ constructions in the area during the late medieval period. Bundrowes,

for example was erected by O’Connor in 1420, while the castle at Ballyshannon was

commenced three years later by the O’Donnells. A trend of castle-building was then

clearly being established in the region and it is therefore probable that it was around

this time that Rosclogher was initially constructed. The scant architectural remains of

the castle do indicate a similar date. Examples of punch-dressed stones found in the

surrounding rubble on the crannog is indicative of tower-houses from the 15th and

16th century (see fig. 9-11). A gun-loop is also evident in the single outer wall of the


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castle and these usually indicate a 16th century date (Cairns, 17). This postulates

that the outer wall was definitely a later addition, perhaps built after the events of

1588, as was discussed earlier.

4.2 The impact of geographical setting

The rugged terrain that characterizes the topography of the region has obviously

influenced and shaped the way in which society and economy was functioned in the

past. It would appear that factors relating to the physical location of Rosclogher were

at the forefront of the castle’s siting arrangements. Firstly, it was located on a lake

and was efficiently protected from potential attacks and plunder. From there, it could

access, by boat, other islands on the lake for further protection and refuge. The lake

too provided resource in water and in fishing and could be used as a communication

route to the ocean (via the Drowes) and to other lakes (via the County River). The

waters would have been communicated by log-boat vessels, as indicated by the

annal records (see Historical background) and also, by the recent discovery of a

dug-out canoe in the lake-bed close to the castle (see appendix I).

Secondly, Rosclogher was in proximity to wild mountain country and usually upland

pastures like this was utilised as summer grazing for cattle in Gaelic Ireland

(O’Conor, 95). A field system, enclosure and several hut sites exist in the townland

of Gorteendarragh overlooking Rosclogher further south and although described as

prehistoric (Moore, 39) it is of current opinion that this may actually be the late

medieval ‘booley’ settlement of the MacClancys. Further analysis of this site is

required to justify this (see Future Recommendations). Mountain landscapes were

not only used as a seasonal retreat for livestock but were also strategically used as a

refuge in times of trouble. De Cuellar claims that the natives fled with their cattle to

the ‘mountains and woods’ when word was spread that an army of English soldiers

were on their way to Rosclogher in 1588 (Allingham and Crawford, 34). Swift flight

into the fastnesses of the mountains was desirable in turbulent times and in the

minds of the people, it was these inhospitable places that acted for them as a source

of protection and security rather than the castle. In other words, the rough terrain

was a source of strength for its inhabitants.


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4.3 Functions of tower-house and church

The surviving remains of the tower-house at Rosclogher limits the amount one can

assess in terms of its constructional design. Only the east and south walls survive to

their original heights, while the north and west sides climb to just below first floor

level. The structural arrangement of the ground floor can be partially determined by

internal walls that would have partitioned this level into two rooms. The room to the

south may have served as a cooking area, if the embrasure in the south wall is

interpreted as a type of hearth. The adjacent room appears to be more spacious and

most likely served as the main entrance/lobby area since the north-east corner is

interpreted as the doorway. It is lighted by a large window ope in the north wall and

there may well have been access to a staircase somewhere in this area, possibly in

the south-east corner, where a raised area climbing to first floor level exists.

Usually the living quarters were located in the upper floors of the tower and this is

indicated by the presence of an impressive splayed window light in the south wall at

first floor level. This would have granted substantial light to a room at this end, most

likely a dining room for the lord and his vassals, who would have been afforded a

clear view of activities on the mainland directly to the south. The second floor is

represented by a small mural passage and window ope in the east wall and it is a

reasonable assumption to interpret this as the lords private chambers; incorporating

his bedroom quarters with a garderobe.

The general character of the castle can be described as utilitarian and domestically

functional and it is only by the outer wall that we have definite evidence of defensive

features. The internal raised platform and gun loop indicate that it was built to guard

the castle from the nearest shore to the south, possibly at a later phase when more

turbulent times demanded for it. It remains to be seen whether a wall surrounded the

whole tower at one time, but the stone flagging around the crannog does suggest a

leveled area for walking around it. The location of the doorway entrance in the east

wall may have had defensive motivations in that it does not face directly towards the

landward side but instead faces out across the lake to the east, sheltering the lord

from a potential attack from the reachable shore as he left the tower. The concern of

the builders here may also have been to shelter from prevailing winds coming from

the west.


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The role of the tower-house can be analysed in two measures. Firstly it acted as a

private and domestic residence for the MacClancy chief and his family and secondly

it served as a symbolic embodiment of the surrounding lordship of Dartry. Privately,

the chief and his family could live in the tower day to day, probably relying on

servants for cooking, cleaning etc. Publicly, the tower would almost certainly be used

by the chief and his kinsmen for administrate purposes and/or feasts, as was the

Gaelic tradition. For the vassals and peasants that populated the settlement on the

shore, the fact that the tower was located in full view meant that it physically and

symbolically represented the power of their lordship. Rosclogher was where the

wider landscape of Dartry was controlled from, politically and economically. In that

knowledge, these people had confidence in their chief, and it is with little doubt that a

relative population formed around these shores of Lough Melvin in the 15th and 16th

centuries.

The church on the shore provided the chief and his people with a sacred space

where they could practice their faith. Its historical and architectural connection to the

castle is prominent. De Cuellar mentions it 1588 and exclaims that many repositories

were housed in it. It is of little surprise that the most valuable ornaments of their

possession would be kept in religious buildings as it was here where they conducted

worship through sermons every day and believed they would be protected. Their

feeling of resentment and anger against the English in the late 16th century was

compounded by the destruction of churches and monasteries across the country by

their armies, and for this reason, the repositories were moved into the tower-house

for safekeeping when trouble threatened and they had abandon the settlement.

In short, the church represented the chief’s wealth as well as the people’s belief.

Although, it was physically more connected to the people who lived on the mainland,

it was in a position that faced out towards the castle and was encountered on the

pathway to the shore, where presumably there was a boat-quay with boats to access

the crannog. Architecturally, the church was fashioned in similar styles to the tower-

house. It did not have extremely intricate details, only containing one possible

decorated finial and a large slit window with basic arching, and it was quite small in

medieval church terms. This is because it was a private church for the MacClancy


Page | 41

clan and their people in Rosclogher (there are several other churches in the region

as mentioned previously) and therefore accommodated for a small population. The

features in the west wall are enigmatic and certainly demand further analysis. They

do however represent the various building phases in the church over the years,

potentially extending from the 9th century AD to the 19th/early 20th century when it

was incorporated into a farmyard enclosure.

4.4 Social and political structure

There are not many facts that can be discussed under this heading since the

evidence is so inconclusive, but it can be stated however that Rosclogher was the

setting for much social and political activity during the late medieval period and

possibly before. It was one of many lordship centres in the West Breifne area that

was subordinate to the O’Rourke dynasty and one of the most remarkable details of

Rosclogher was that it functioned as a Gaelic complex for little under two hundred

years (c.1421-c.1603), possibly extending back further to the 12th and 13th century,

when the crannog had been initially built. This can be directly attributed to their

relationship with, and knowledge of the physical landscape. When large bodies of

soldiers were to attack, the high peaks of Dartry were more accommodating to the

people than the exposed lowlands on the shores of Lough Melvin. The tower-house

was therefore designed only to withstand small-scale attack and protect the chief

from potential assassination attempts by jealous kinsmen or aggravated neighbours.

Hierarchy at Rosclogher was determined through cattle raiding and succession

disputes that involved petty feuding among the MacClancys themselves and their

neighbours in the adjoining lordships. Evidently, the MacClancys were a wealthy

clan, maintaining both a large semi-defended residence at Rosclogher and a

secondary hilltop tower-house at Duncarbry. The islands and crannogs of Lough

Melvin and the area around the Dartry Mountains were most likely under their

lordship too and no doubt generated much wealth in terms of cattle production. The

renowned fishing resources of the lake and adjoining rivers may well have added to

this body of wealth too. Rosclogher castle was an embodiment of their prosperity

and the location of a private church and a small nucleated settlement of straw huts

and farm enclosures in its vicinity were a testimony to the MacClancys substantiation

of power throughout the late medieval period.


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Future Recommendations

It is hoped that the significance of Rosclogher has been highlighted by the work of

this survey and field report. It is in many people’s opinion a remarkable

archaeological site, and one that is imbued with all the hallmarks of late medieval

Gaelic life; religion, agriculture, feuding, feasting and transhumance. The tower-

house, church and ringfort are the visible standing remains of the lordship centre, but

as evidenced by the deterioration of their condition and the complete clearing of the

field walls over the last 100 years or so, they may not remain standing for much

longer unless some level of preservation is established. I would recommend that the

tower-house be cleared of the ivy that covers and conceals its upper floor features,

because only until then, will a better appreciation be endowed by people who visit

and photograph the site. The area forms part of the ‘de Cuellar’ heritage trail set up

in 1988 and is located off the beaten-track, away from most main roads. As a

thought, sign-posts could be updated with new information and re-erected at

appropriate points to lead people who are interested to its quaint location by the lake.

In terms of further research, there is much merit in carrying out more survey work at

the site and even further afield. In this regard, excavation and geophysical analysis is

desirable. There is a clear indication of leveled earthworks around the ringfort and

church from the aerial photographs, and the potential of geophysics showing up and

better defining their structure is very high. Excavation along the western side of the

church would be an exceptional help too, as it may well provide the discovery of wall

foundations and other possible links to the construction of the church. The complex

of hut sites at Gorteendarragh, as mentioned already, has a potential link to the

Rosclogher lordship and a topographical/geophysical survey would go a long way to

clarifying this link and indicate whether they are booley huts or not. It is envisioned

that with some further analysis and study of Rosclogher and its associated sites, we

can better understand the socio-economic world that the Gaelic Irish inhabited.


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Acknowledgments

This project was first initiated from a MA thesis by JJ McDermott, when it was

envisioned that further survey work be done on the late medieval castle sites in north

Co. Leitrim. The thesis was supervised by Kieran O’Conor at NUI, Galway and it was

agreed that we would both produce an in-depth archaeological survey on the

lordship complex at Rosclogher at some stage in the future. Having been successful

in our application to The Heritage Council for funding, we embarked on the project in

March 2009. I commend The Heritage Council in seeing the potential of this site and

thank them for their generous funding. Thanks to Rory McNeary and his colleagues

from the Centre of Maritime Archaeology, University of Ulster, Coleraine; Colin

Breen, Wes Forsythe and Kieran Westley for conducting an underwater survey of the

lake-bed around the castle and crannog. Thanks also to Joe Fenwick of NUI,

Galway, who helped out with the total station recording and the digitising of site

plans, and to Eoghan O’Conor for helping out throughout the survey as well. Chris

Corlett of the National Monuments Service must also be thanked for bringing

attention to the 1903 photo of the site by H.T. Knox. Finally, thanks to the landowner

of the site, Damian Foley for granting us permission to carry out the survey on his

land.

*Note: An article based on the historical background and the survey of the lordship centre was

submitted to a local annual, The Leitrim Guardian by JJ McDermott for their 2010 publication

in order to highlight the project to the wider public. A talk based on the same subject is also

anticipated to be given by the same at the Glens Centre, Manorhamilton in December 2009 as

part of an acting workshop based on Captain de Cuellar. An application for funding of a related

project in nearby Gorteendarragh has also been submitted to the Heritage Council for 2010.

______________ ______________

KIERAN D. O’CONOR JOHN J. MCDERMOTT

Dept. of Archaeology Sorrelfield House

National University of Ireland, Lissinagroagh

Galway Manorhamilton

Co.Leitrim


Page | 44

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Rosclogher Field Report

Documents

Transcript of Rosclogher Field Report