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ROCKS, SPRINGS AND THE ANCESTORS. ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE ORIGIN PLACES OF AYLLUS AND INKA ROYAL PANACAS

I.S. Farrington1 and Carmen Rosa Farfán Delgado

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Abstract

This paper explores the inka landscape of Cusco and its heartland. In particular, it

focusses on the nature of paqarina (origin place), as a natural or man-modified place

embellished with the tombs of the ancestors. These are generally rocky with many machayes

(burial caves) for the depositon of the ancestors and often contain other types of tomb as well.

These places are invariably associated with springs or other sources of water. Inka paqarinas

are generally located downstream from the more traditional type, close to flowing water, and

are characterised by a large rock and cave in which a mummy may have been placed. Those

of the royal panacas in the vicinity of Cusco were especially marked with carvings and are

similar to that of Puma Orqo, or the mythical Tambo Toqo, the paqarina of the inka dynasty

itself.

PIEDRAS, PUKIOS Y ANCESTROS. PERSPECTIVAS ARQUEOLÓGICAS SOBRE

LAS PAQARINAS DE LOS AYLLUS Y PANACAS REALES DEL CUSCO

I.S. Farrington1 and Carmen Rosa Farfán Delgado

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Resumen Este ponencia analisa el paisaje inka del Cusco y su espacio de dominio. Está

enfocado en el concepto de paqarina como un ambiente natural y/o modificado por la mano

humana y que contiene las tumbas de los ancestros. Estos lugares corresponden a

concavidades rocosas denominadas machayes y otras clases de depositos funerarios.

Geográficamente estos lugares están asociados con fuentes de agua o pukios. Las paqarinas

inkas se ubican aguas abajo de las paqarinas antiguas, emplazandose al lado de un canal o río.

Es decir, una paqarina tiene como elementos una roca grande con caverna en que es posible el

depósito de la momia de un inka. Las paqarinas de las panacas reales estan labradas, en forma

similar a la de Puma Orqo, correspondiendo al Tambo Toqo, que es la paqarina mítica de la

dinastía inka.

1 Australian National University, Canberra, ACT, Australia

2 Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad, Cusco, Perú

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1. School of Archaeology and Anthropology, Australian National University, CANBERRA, ACT 0200, Australia. Ian.farrington@anu.edu.au 2. Instituto Nacional de Cultura-Cusco, San Bernardo s/n, CUSCO, Peru carmenfafand@hotmail.com

NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION

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ROCKS, SPRINGS AND ANCESTORS. ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON

THE ORIGIN PLACES OF AYLLUS AND INKA ROYAL PANACAS

I.S. Farrington and Carmen Rosa Farfán Delgado

Introduction

This paper is an attempt to examine the archaeological and natural landscape components that constitute the typical paqarina or „origin place‟ of a local group in the inka world and to extend that discussion to a study of the probable origin places of the royal panacas of Cusco. Natural places, such as mountains, springs, pools and lakes, caves, trees, rocks and rocky outcrops often assume cultural meaning and are an inherent part of the cultural landscape of any social group (van Dommelen 1999). Therefore, for archaeologists, such places can be of profound and fundamental importance for the understanding of past societies (Bradley 1998), yet they may or may not have associated archaeological evidence. For example, natural places may have been modified or enhanced by human construction and/or votive offerings and sacrifices may have been made on or near them to indicate such levels of veneration. Natural places in the Andean landscape may have sacred and/or special meaning because of their association with mythological or legendary beings or events, including ayllu origin locations, places associated with a particular ancestor and his activities, places of mythical battle, and as zones of human transformation, including burial locations, and/or ecological transition. Such mythical associations may be the product of the perceived shape, form or size of the feature, such as a mountain, hill or rock, as well as its prominence, its colour, the way it reflects the light at certain times, the presence or absence of caves, holes, large rocks, springs and pools, the occurrence of astronomical events, such as risings or settings of the sun which may occur behind it or be seen from it. Other associations are related to what can be seen from a particular location, and its liminal nature between contrasting ecozones – such as between sierra and selva or between sierra and sea. For caves, lakes and other watery features, it may be their size, depth and darkness or even their natural sounds which attracted attention, [or these places might be associated with some event, legendary or otherwise which is thought to have happened there]. Places may assume importance because they are different from their immediate surroundings and therefore stand out. These places are often associated with gods and spirits and can be regarded as their dwelling places, or they are thought to be locations to be feared, or as places which predict the future, including the health of a person or the well-being of a community. In the archaeological study of the sacred or cultural landscape, it is necessary to observe a site from various locations and also to look at what other sites or natural features can be seen from it, how a site complex or a single feature is oriented, and, in particular, it is important to note where and how water emerges from the earth, how it enters and passes through a site complex and where it goes to beyond. This paper will begin by discussing the concept of paqarina in the Andes and to distinguish it from other revered places, such as apus and w‟akas. It will examine both the ethnohistorical sources and the archaeological record to demonstrate the spatial relationships between the site components of a variety of paqarinas in the Cusco region in order to establish a „pattern‟ or signature of an origin place for local groups in which their ancestors are buried and from which water emerges, and a pattern that can be evaluated in the field. It will discuss the inka origin place of Tambo T‟oqo, i.e. the archaeological site of Puma Orqo, and examine site complexes in the Cusco valley with certain attributes that may or may not be associated with the royal panacas of Hanan Cusco.

This work is therefore an attempt to explore how the inka landscape can be viewed and also

how the inkas themselves may have looked at it. It will examine what is known of the

elements and features of that landscape both in an historical sense and in the archaeological

signatures which have emphasised origin places as paramount.

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The Origin of the World and the Origin of People Two cycles of creation were current in the southern Andes before the Spanish

Conquest. The first focussed upon the creation of the world on the Island of the Sun in Lake

Titicaca; and the second upon the emergence of the various local peoples in their „origin

places‟. The inkas believed that the world, including the sun, the moon and the stars, had been

created by their supreme deity, Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq, at a dramatic event on the

Island of the Sun in the southern part of Lake Titicaca basin. The whole event was observed

by a mythical feline known as the qoa, the companion of the Creator. According to Betanzos

(1996: cap. I, II [1551]), after this Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq created men and women

in clay and stone at Tiwanaku and gave them names and language. He also instructed his

assistants, called „viraqochas‟, as to the name of each group of people and from which spring,

river, mountain or cave in their region they were to emerge when commanded. Thus the

„viraqochas‟ journeyed throughout the Andes and in each province they called the names of

the created people who were to inhabit that region so that they would travel underground from

Tiwanaku and re-emerge at a designated place and thus become the ancestral founders of each

local ayllu. Such locations became the paqarina, or origin places of that social group.

The Creator, Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq himself, journeyed to Cusco where he created

a lord called Alcavicça, as his representative, and where he commanded the inka orejones, the

Ayares, to emerge from a place nearby called Paqariqtambo after he had left (see Urbano

1981; Urton 1990). Paqariqtambo itself comprised a mountain called Tambo T‟oqo and three

caves, Qhapaq T‟oqo, Maras T‟oqo and Sutiq T‟oqo, from which the people emerged. The

journey of the four Ayar brothers and four sisters as well as the people of ordinary ayllus who

had emerged from these caves in order to found Cusco need not concern this paper (see Bauer

1992; Urton 1990); But it should be noted that it was essentially a movement from south to

north and that during it three of the brothers met mystical ends, one returned to be sealed in

the origin cave itself, two others turned to stone at critical points, whilst the fourth, Manco

Qhapaq, and his four sisters went on to found the city.

THE THREE REALMS: HANAN PACHA KAY PACHA UKU PACHA

As a concept, the mountain has long been an important focus of andean ritual as the raised

point of contact between kay pacha, the world of men, and the heavens (hanan pacha) as well

as the access point to the underworld (uku pacha); in other words, mountains served as a

cosmological gateway between three worlds. Therefore mountains were seen as a home of the

gods.

PACHAMAMA AND THE NATURE OF VAGINAS

Paqarinas, apus and w’akas

There is some confusion in the ethnohistorical and contemporary literature about the

meaning of the terms, paqarina, apu and w‟aka, which are often granted to sacred places. The

term, paqarina, or paqariska, generally refers to the location where a local social group, an

ayllu, panaca or a wider more comprehensive group, such as the inkas or chankas, claimed as

their origin place, that is, the place where they emerged from the earth. However, Ramírez

(2002 pers comm.) has interpreted a second meaning from the ethnohistorical sources, that of

a person associated with origin; therefore the term could mean not only the origin place itself,

but also the persons who emerged and the places associated with their life. Albornoz (1989:

169 [1583-1584]) wrote that “… el prencipal género de guacas que antes que fuesen subjetos

al ynga tenían, que llaman pacarinas, que quieren dezir criadores de sus naturalezas”.

Amongst the chroniclers, Betanzos (1996: caps. I, II [1551]) mentioned that springs, rivers,

mountains and caves were the most important locations as origin places. The 16th

and 17th

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century documents, associated with the campaign for the Extirpation of Idolatry, generally

corroborate this, describing these as natural places, such as rocks, mountains, caves, and

springs or lakes, as well as animals, birds, trees or grasses, or combinations of these features

(e.g. Albornoz 1989: 169-171 [1583-1584]; Arriaga 1999 [1621]; Duviols 1986; Polia 1999

[Agustinos 1581-1752]). These sources also noted that every „parcialidad‟ or social group

whatever its position in the local hierarchy had its own „guaca pacariska’. Albornoz (1989

[1583-1584]) also mentioned that when ayllus were moved as mitmaqkuna to settle in new

provinces, they would take with them something from their own paqarina to endow a similar

place in their new location with the same origin attributes. In this process, if the paqarina was

a rock, then a piece of cloth, which had covered it, was taken; if it was a watery location, then

a jug of water from it was carried to be poured into the new paqarina.

Albornoz (1989 [1583-1584]) listed specifically a number of paqarinas in his „Instrucción

para descubrir todas las guacas del Piru y sus camayos y haziendas‟, for provinces ranging

from Jaquijahuana immediately to the west of Cusco throughout the Andes as far as north as

Ecuador and from Acarí to Ishma along the coast. These include various types of rocks on

hills, mountains or volcanoes, or even rocks shaped like a human, all of which overlook

places, such as a town or the sea, or even lakes and unspecified w‟akas. In addition, further

analysis of his document reveals other categories of w‟aka, such as „guaca principal‟ and

„guaca de los indios’ of a named ayllu or town, which themselves may be considered

paqarinas. This adds a further 50 sites as potential paqarinas in central, northern and coastal

Peru.

Another role for the paqarina is that it is also a place of burial for significant members of an

ayllu. Therefore, it is a place not only of „birth‟ but also of „return‟ for important ancestors of

a community. Such locations were venerated by local communities and maintained by a

camayoq on its behalf; the ayllu made offerings and/or sacrifices to them. A paqarina is

therefore the place of veneration for the ancestors; it may be characterised by a natural, man-

modified or man-made feature, such as a cave, and/or some form of tomb, where ancestors

(singly or in groups) were kept as mallki.

The concept of paqarina has also been explored by several anthropologists in contemporary

highland Peru. For example, Ossio (1992) discussed an origin myth for the foundation of

Andamarca in the Depto de Ayacucho, which told of a stone in the form of a truncated

pyramid which had a fire on top. After an earthquake it was turned into a lake from which

four brothers emerged who were charged with the creation of the Anda people and the

foundation of their settlement. The events, which befell them on their journey northwards, are

similar to those experienced in the foundation of Cusco, two became submerged in lakes and

one turned to stone, whilst the fourth established the community. These are correlated by

Ossio (1976) as indicative of the water and canal cleaning rituals which are conducted in

August each year by the Andamarcas.

Paqarinas must be distinguished from other sacred places in the landscape, such as apus and

w‟akas. The term, apu, is used in inka quechua to mean a „great lord‟ („señor grande, juez

superior, curaca principal‟, according to Holguin (1608 [1989]) and by extension it is used to

signify the mountain residence of a particular deity, or mountain spirit, such as Viracocha and

Sawasiray (e.g. Martínez 1983; Nuñez del Prado 1970). The term „wamani‟ is used in

Ayacucho to signify an apu (Favre 1967). In some cases, there is historical or modern

evidence to suggest an important person, (mythical?) ancestor or spirit ascended the mountain

and turned to stone, thus giving it its name and to some extent its cosmological and

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ontological function. Albornoz (1989: 169-171 [1583-1584]) noted that several nevados, such

as Sara Sara, Sulimana, Coropuna, Ambato, Putina and others as far as Loa were also

paqarinas. Apus can be arranged in a hierarchy, so that a range of types can be distinguished:

local - which is of significance both to a particular ayllu or group of ayllus; regional - a multi-

community apu in one locality; and even „national‟ or state apus - which have an inter-

regional significance, such as Ausangati or Coropuna (e.g. Sánchez Garrafa 1999). Although

Guaman Poma (1615: 267 [1980]) does not refer to apus per se in his discussion of the idols

and w‟akas of the inkas and of the four suyus in particular, he notes that the state and inter-

regional ones were arranged in a hierarchy and it could be argued that these were the apus of

the four quarters. Sánchez Garrafa (1999) makes similar hierarchical distinctions between the

various apus in his study of modern-day Pamparaqay. The term, w‟aka, is used for any sacred place or object, whose meaning is manifold, ranging

from a place, an idol, other object, a mummy and even a deformed person (see discussion

based on chronicle citations by van de Guchte 1990: 237-271). According to Cobo (1990

[1653]) in Cusco, individual w‟akas were variously a standing stone, rocky formation,

mountain, hill, cliff, pass, cave, cleft, spring, waterfall, pool, lake, bend in the river, tree, root,

flat place, valley, or even a man-made feature, such as a platform, doorway, bulge in a wall or

indeed anything which might be considered unusual, in any feature natural or man-made. It

also included places which were described as combinations of these elements.

The ceque list itself contains many w‟akas which might be deemed paqarinas, however the

two clearest examples are: a rock called Cinca (Senqa) [CH-5: 9] which was the origin place

of the Ayamarca ayllu; and a cave, named Autviturco [AN-1: 4], as that for the Hualla ayllu.

There are also several places which contained a tomb of an important ayllu or community

lord, who, as an „ancestor‟, is often deemed to signify a paqarina. One paqarina site complex

is also highlighted by the use of the same name for two adjacent w‟akas; Ayavillay, CO-4: 5,

is listed as a tomb belonging to the ayllu Ayavillay and nearby CO-4: 6 comprises some rocks

on a hill. Cobo only recorded one w‟aka in Cusco with the name „apu‟, Apuyauira (CH-9:6), which he

described as a stone on Piccho hill which was dedicated to one of those who had emerged

from the earth with Huanacauri, and who after having lived for a long time climbed up the

mountain and turned to stone. It was particularly worshipped during the festival of Capac

Raymi. Yawiri is one of 6 sacred mountains of the inkas listed by Sarmiento (Chap 31: 178

[1572]). Other known sacred mountains or apus were not designated as such, for example

Wanakauri is commonly known as an apu but merely appears as a w‟aka in the ceque system.

Other regional and state apus (such as Sawasiray, Pariacaca and Coropuna), one of which,

Ausangati, can be clearly seen from Cusco, are included in chronicles, such as Guaman Poma.

Paqarinas and Water Water is considered in both contemporary and prehistoric andean society as the giver

of life (Sherbondy 1982). It also represents the primordial ocean which not only can be seen

at the coast but is also manifest as any highland lake, such as Lake Titiqaqa. Mountains are

associated with water which falls as rain on them, and which also emerges from springs and

caves on their flanks. It then flows to a community‟s fields and settlements and finally drains

through river systems to the ocean. The mountain is understood throughout the Andes to be

the home of the gods and water their blood; hence it moves downhill and via canals is

channelled to an ayllu‟s fields; as such, it is regarded as a fertilising agent, the semen, of the

gods (Isbell 1978; Ossio 1976).

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The place from where water issues is therefore regarded as an ontological gateway, a place

from which the mythical ancestors emerged from the subterranean world of the gods.

Ethnographically, the dead are buried or returned to the earth in such locations and, as such,

become an essential part of the paqarina of an ayllu (Sherbondy 1982). Hence a spring has

particular ancestral qualities; hence the association between the geographical feature, the

ancestors and the ayllu becomes a vital cosmological belief for the well-being of the

community.

The basic quechua concept of a spring as the „eye‟ of the water through the use of the term -

„ñawi‟ or „Ñawin pukio‟, which is derived from „ñawin‟ meaning the main or initial location,

can be considered fundamental in this discussion. Not only does it have meaning as the source

of fertilising irrigation water but it has been considered by Urton (1985: 259), in his study of

animal metaphors and social organisation in Paqariqtambo, to be the birth place of special

domesticated animals and deer, which reproduced at least once a year and which he equated

this with the new born infant. Bastien (1978: 47) extended this metaphor noting that llamas

and all living things originated in ñawi and that reflections in the water were perceived to be

dead people and animals returning from inside the earth. In Chuschi, Isbell (1978: 139)

recorded certain springs in the puna as „ñawin taytacha‟, literally „god eye‟ or „initial god‟.

Therefore, in the concept of paqarina, the association between an ancestor residing with the

gods and water is paramount; hence each origin place requires either water flowing from or

beside it, or a water source which can be accessed from above, such as through a pool, lake or

a well.

Ancestors, panacas and paqarinas in the social organization of Inka Cusco There is some confusion in the use of the term „ancestor‟ in the interpretation of myths and historical records between those who were the mythical founders of an ayllu and those who became important community leaders subsequently. These might be termed „mythical ancestors‟ (ancestros míticos) and predecessors (antepasados) respectively. This can be illustrated in the ceque w‟akas of Cusco, where there are places associated with mythical ancestors, including pre-inka groups, Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq, the Ayar siblings and the origin myth, as well as those associated with predecessors, such as the Inka kings, their wives and siblings, and non-royal ayllus. The individual ceques themselves were maintained by either the royal panacas or the non-royal ayllus. Examples of each of these are given in the following tables (2, 3, 4, 5).

Whilst all of these w‟akas are important places with ancestral affiliation, for the purposes of

this paper we are particularly interested in those places at which a mythical ancestor or

predecessor emerged from and/or entered the ground (4 w‟akas), or was born (1), buried (7, 4

or 5), wawki (1) or turned to stone (5) as possible paqarinas. Burial places of a particular

ancestor were also termed „house‟ by Cobo. However Cobo only uses the term w‟aka and not

„paqarina‟ in his presentation of shrines in the ceque system. Nevertheless, Table 2 lists those

w‟akas, which are possibly paqarinas associated with non-inka groups; for example, a rock

called Cinca (Senqa) is recorded as the origin place of the Ayamarca ayllu, and a cave,

Autviturco, as that for the Hualla ayllu. It also adds those places which contained tomb of an

important ayllu or community lord, who as an „ancestor‟ is often deemed to signify a

paqarina. A further point to be made is that in the case of the ayllu Ayavillay there are two

w‟akas reported, CO-4: 5 and CO-4: 6, respectively a tomb and some rocks on a hill, which

have the same name as the ayllu and which are perhaps part of a site complex which

constituted the paqarina of that group. Three other w‟akas have been noted as houses of the

ancestors, perhaps indicating a residence or more probably a burial location, perhaps

interpreted as a covered, „private‟ place, such as a cave or even a structure.

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Investigations into the social organisation of the Cusco valley during the inka period generally discuss the division of the city and its region into moieties, Hanan and Hurin, and into a hierarchy of 10 royal panacas, 10 non-royal inka ayllus and several pre-inka ayllus* (see Zuidema 1964, 1990a). Each panaca has a totemic founding ancestor and in the ceque list, they have certain responsibilties for particular ceque lines. In addition, other evidence, such as ceque w‟akas associated with various dead kings, might also give a clue as to the location of a panaca paqarina. It is also of importance to evaluate the places where the inka mummies were found by the Spaniards. It has often been assumed that this information can be assembled as a king list and an interpretation is that each new king established his own panaca with its respective rights, lands and privileges which maintained the body of the ruling ancestor in perpetuity; however Farrington (1992) has argued that there is some inconsistency in this approach because the panaca of the most recent king, Huayna Capac, was not incorporated into any of the social organisational documents and consequently not analysed. He argued that it is probably better to view the panaca list and indeed their territorial affiliations as unchanging and that rulers, when alive, had their own panaca which was nominally called Capac Ayllu, and that on death they were moved into the territory of Hatun Ayllu or Iñaca Panaca.

From the spatial perspective, emphasis has been on the study of the panacas and their

territorial organisation, chapas or irrigation districts, and principal canals (Zuidema 1986,

1990b; Sherbondy 1979, 1982, 1996). In practice, the landscape of Cusco in the early

sixteenth century was a palimpsest of chapas belonging to the royal panacas and other

territories belonging to other groups. Farrington (1992), using the principles laid down by

Sherbondy in determining panaca territories, but using his other approach, was unconvinced

of some of the conclusions that had been differently drawn. Sherbondy also notes the

principal canals running from Chacan, etc., which were associated with the main

panacas. Where were the mummies kept? – mallquis There is a need to evaluate the relationship between the ceque list of w‟akas related to individual rulers, the groups of ceques which have been bundled to be the lands of the panacas, the totemic ancestor Carmen Rosita va a escribir sobre momias, wawkis y mallqui [bulto] 1. arbol – mallki 2. ancestro – mallki 3. pedazo de esqueleto - mallki Existen tambien elementos conocidos como mallki, que pueden estar representados por arboles, momias, y aveces por tan solo un pedazo de hueso que pertenecio a un ancestor. En la tradicion popular aun ahora se mantiene esta costumbre de mantener el craneo del ser querido, como un elemento que protégé a la familia; igualmente, de acuerdo a la tradicion popular se dice que los santos que participan en el Corpus Cristi, especificamente San Sebastian tiene en su interior un hueso que correspondia a un ancestro. Por otro lado, se reconoce a un arbol en particular como mallqui, y este representa a una familia, se observa este hecho en algunos eventos de la tradicion popular, esto tambien esta representado en Santa Cruz Pachacuti como dos arboles ubicados al lado de la paqarina. Entonces, parece ser que se esta entendiendo a un mallqui como el antepasado ancestro como base de una familia, un clan, una panaca, un ayllu. Each of these panacas and ayllus had a paqarina and in the valley of Cusco these would have been organised, as Gose (1993) has argued, into a hierarchy – upwards from the non-inka ayllus, through the non-noble ayllus, the royal panacas and indeed of the inkas themselves, who themselves had an upper level ancestral story to relate about Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq.

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The ten royal panacas of Cusco have been studied by various scholars; each has an inka ruler

as an ancestor who is deemed by most scholars to be its founder. However this explanation

might be too simplistic because there were other Sapa Inka, such as Huayna Capac, who were

not included in this system, and because there is some discrepancy between the lands

belonging to the various panacas and the locations where the kings or their wawkis were

buried or kept. For example, Tupaq Inka Yupanki is associated with Capac Ayllu, yet his

lands are documented to be in the territory of Hatun Ayllu and his „house‟ was on a Collana

ceque in a group attributed to the panaca, Vicaquirao, i.e. that of Inka Roca – with Inka Roca

as its ancestor. Similarly Pachacuti Inka Yupanki is associated with Hatun Ayllu or Iñaca

panaca but his „house‟ and burial place is also associated with Vicaquirao panaca and his

mummy was probably found in Totocachi also in the same territory. The panaca of Viracocha

Inka is traditionally associated with Suqsu panaca, although his mummy and wawki were

found in Caquia Xaquixahuana in Chinchaysuyu. Equally interesting is the information about

Inka Roca. His panaca, Vicaquirao, was responsible for the second ceque of Chinchaysuyu

and probably the ceque group CH-1, 2 and 3, yet his mummy and wawki were found in

Rarapa, a village in Antisuyu between San Sebastián and San Jéronimo. Clearly there is some

spatial discrepancy between these different types of historical information.

If it is assumed that the kings and panacas were not the founders of panacas, but their patrons

or totems, symbolising each grouping and its functions. Then Capac Ayllu becomes the

panaca of the incumbent king (el rey vivo) and that its alleged founder, Tupaq Inka Yupanki,

is regarded as its patron whilst the lands belonging to Capac Ayllu are found to the west of the

city (Farrington 1992, 1995) and include properties that also belonged to Huayna Capac and

Waskar. The other kings would be found buried in a clockwise direction around Cusco from

the northwest as paqarina locations for the royal panacas of the capital that they probably

were of them and „chapas‟ – spatial distribution of panaca lands – associated with drainage

lines and canals which enter or pass the city – Sherbondy Zuidema and Julien. Hay un entendimiento especial del sistema geografico ocupado y un aprovechamiento de este sistema a nivel politico [caso de Waskar en Muyna y Calca; y la coronacion Archaeology and Paqarinas

In the archaeological record, it is often the case that a place, described in documents, is ascribed a paqarina simply because it fits the description suggested in them. However the documents often detail that these places are more than just a particular rock or cave, perhaps a rock on a hill, or a tomb or cave on a hill etc., but a complex of features which make up the concept of the paqarina in a certain general location. In the field, these may be recognised as potential origin places by a number of features: a complex of rocks or a rocky outcrop, caves, fissures, holes and overhangs, from which springs may emerge and in which the local people may have disposed of some or all of their dead; in other words, a machay cemetery, although this may also include other types of burial chamber, such as a chullpa or shaft tomb. The relationship between these features is such that tombs or machayes are found in a small area associated with a spring, or, in some cases, the intake (bocatoma) of a canal or a reservoir. Such a location is generally relatively high in the landscape and water flows naturally from it and/or is channelled deliberately to the lands of the ayllu whose paqarina it is. In other words, territorial claims are ascribed on the basis that the water irrigating an ayllu‟s fields and provisioning its settlement comes from the ancestors themselves, it is their blood and semen. A situation not too dissimilar to that described for the four ayllus of modern-day Andamarka by Ossio (1992).

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For the Cusco region, one archaeological manifestation of this pattern is indicated by the

work of Del Pezo and Alvarez (1999), who investigated a series of small LIP cemeteries in

prominent rocky locations to the southeast, southwest, northeast and northwest of the

reducción town of Anta in the eastern part of the Pampa de Anta. Each place comprised caves

and passages in which burial structures were built in stone. Investigations at Uscuray revealed

4 sectors with burial structures, all located in fairly inaccessible places in a very distinctive

outcrop. The quebradas and canals, which flow from these rocky eminences and cemeteries,

irrigate the lands of their appropriate ayllus. The ceramics associated with each site is mainly

Late Intermediate Period; there are very few inka sherds.

Table 3. Ayllus and Cemeteries of Anta (after Del Pezo and Alvarez 1999)

Ayllu Location from

reducción

Cemetery Number of

graves/tombs

Anta or Collana SE Uscuray A = 14; B = 6;

C = 3; D = 25;

Hequeco NE Chilinccaca several

Sanco NW Machuwasi several

Conchacalla SW Toccopunko 10

A second example of such a pattern is associated with the site of Quilla Rumiyoq in the

western part of the valley of Jaquijahuana (Silva 2000; van de Guchte 1990). There, on the

northern side of the valley high on the colluvial fan below the serrated peaks of Soqomarka, is

a location approximately 200 x 200 m in extent where there are a series of machayes

associated with limestone boulders and the remains of at least two chullpas. The space

underneath one boulder has been enhanced by an inka wall and a west-facing niche, and a

platform has been constructed around its open section. Many springs emerge in this general

area but surface flow is restricted to the rainy season. About 500 m downslope, there is

another series of limestone boulders, some of which may be sculpted, from which a second

series of springs emerges, and from this area a canal was drawn to lead to an inka platform

and terraces, with carved rocks, usnu, plazuela, structures and fountains. Lower down the

complex, there is a second carved rock complex, called Quilla Rumiyoq, which is associated

with several machayes, a niched plaza and a stream. This sector is overlooked by a high red

cliff with a tall, deep fissure in which there is rock art. The general location (which measures

over 1 km for north to south) appears to be the paqarina of the ayllu Circa but, for various

reasons, the inkas enhanced various parts of this site by critically placing carved rocks and

plazas, platforms and fountains and constructing an important burial cave, presumably to

house the appropriate mummies. This location clearly comprises an original ayllu paqarina

whose ancestors and status has been enhanced by the addition of appropriate inka sacred

architecture and features.

A similar archaeological association between ancestors, water and the inkas is seen in the

analysis of Pisaq (Kaulicke et al this volume). In this case, however, the inkas merely built

two fine, stone-built chullpas within the pre-existing cemetery, located on a red-coloured cliff

facing the site. These were located immediately above a natural spring from which a canal

was built to the main ceremonial centre of the site, thus bringing the water of the ancestors to

it.

These examples with known cultural function have several implications for the archaeologist

in assisting the identification of a paqarina. Firstly, all places comprise a range of natural and

11

man-made locations which collectively lend meaning to the site. Secondly, each complex is

dominated by a massive rocky outcrop with a tall, vertical face, which has a reddish colour,

an indented surface with tall, deep, elongated fissures or „vaginas‟ or broad open caves or

„oquedades‟ which indicate access to the underworld of uku pacha, an ontological entrance

from which the mythical ancestors emerged and in which they are buried as well as being

associated with the deities of uku pacha, such as Pachamama. Thirdly, these places are

associated with springs, another entrance to the underworld and from them water flows via

stream or canal to the fields of the ayllu. Fourthly, parts of these places may be carved

symbolically as seats or niches, which look towards a mountain or cardinal direction,

invoking communication with the sky world. Fifthly, these places have associated inka

buildings which may be for burial purposes or for the storage of materials used in ritual

practice.

The idea that the inkas were capturing paqarina sites for re-use with their own ancestors and

may be using the traditional patterns to legitimise their own.

Pacariqtambo, Tambo-Toqo and Puma Orqo: the origin place of the inkas

The mountain, Tambo T‟oqo in Pacariqtambo, where the Ayar brothers and their wives emerged from three caves to found the inka dynasty, has been identified by Bauer (1992) and Urton (1990) to be the dome-shaped, tall, limestone outcrop called Puma Urqo, which is located in the valley of Huaynacancha, about 2 km east of the inka site of Mawka Llaqta. It lies directly south of Cusco at a distance of 21 km. It stands on the western side of the quebrada which flows noisily past it. Around its base on the northern and eastern sides there are a series of caves and fissures which could be both the places from which the people emerged as well as tombs or machayes; there is evidence of human bone in some of these. On the eastern side there is a terraced and walled shrine area overlooking the valley which comprises a carved rock and a wayrana itself in part built over another carved outcrop and a number of other structures, all facing to the east.

The summit has been heavily carved into a series of vertical and horizontal planes inside a

walled area. The uppermost outcrop has two high relief, reclining pumas, whilst their heads

have been mutilated, there is sufficient to indicate that the northernmost one faced north, in

other words, towards Cusco, and the second eastwards to the rising sun. On a nearby outcrop,

there is a rectilinear form which appears to be a small carved human left foot, probably part of

an anthropomorphic statue, which must have stood vertically on top of the outcrop, such as

that illustrated standing on top of Tambo Toqo by Guaman Poma (1980: 264 [266] [1615]). It

also faced northwards towards Cusco. It is perhaps significant that the place identified as the

inka paqarina, has feline carvings which, it might be argued, oversee the emergence of the

founders of the inka realm, just as the mythical qoa had attended the creation of the world

itself at Titicaca. The puma has often been characterised as a symbol of inka identity

(Farrington 2002; Zuidema 1983).

Therefore, the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo which might signify a paqarina in the

inka sense are as follows: a large upright limestone outcrop, which is often reddish in colour,

which stands out in the landscape, which contains several natural fissures and overhangs with

evidence of use as machayes for burial and a large cave with a carved altar or table-top on

which a mummy, „wawki‟ or bulto could be placed; springs and water passing close by the

site; structures on the eastern part of the outcrop associated with carved rocks; a carved

summit, which was enclosed by a wall and which had at least one structure, a statue and a pair

of small, carved puma marking the place and looking outwards towards Cusco and the east,

some important other place. These attributes can now be compared with various

12

archaeological sites in the Cusco valley to evaluate the possibility that some of them could be

termed „paqarina‟.

Paqarinas of the Inka royal panacas in the valley of Cusco

The individual natural and archaeological features which are thought to indicate a paqarina are to be found throughout the valley of Cusco. However it is the spatial concentration and combination of such attributes as well as documentary indications that have enabled us to advance the following arguments. Yet, there are several large rocky outcrops with fissures or caves but which lack other components in their immediate vicinity to be deemed a paqarina, for example, Tambomachay, Chacan and Lanlakuyoq. The latter will be considered later. [For example, the large rocky outcrop at Tambomachay, in the headwaters of the river of the

same name, has a shallow cave and terrace patio and is considered to be a burial cave and

could be a significant paqarina location, but it lacks other nearby features, except for the

ritual spring fountain and the impressive niched terraces now known as Tambomachay.

Indeed Bauer (1998: 51) has considered this site to be Cirocaya (CH-1:4), the w’aka where

hail emerged, whilst Zecenarro Benavente (2000) has noted as AN-1:9, the ceque w’aka

called Tambomachay, a ‘house’ or hunting lodge belonging to Inca Yupanqui (Pachacuti).

Whatever the case it is certain that this rock is not a paqarina. The second example is the natural bridge of Chacan lies to the northwest of Cusco in the

Chacan drainage. It is a large, reddish limestone outcrop with a tall, narrow fissure in its

lower central area through which flows the Chacan river. In its vicinity, there are several

carved rocks, a fountain, terraces, machayes and other possible overhangs and on one of

these isolated and unnamed rocks is a high relief puma carving (van de Guchte 1990: 37).

[fn- However recent archaeological field work in this area has not presented evidence to

locate this image (e,g, Florez Delgado 2001).] Although this feature and complex has several

attributes which would suggest a paqarina, it is mythologically associated with the inka

legend of the origin of irrigation water and its discovery by Inka Roca (Cieza CAP XXXV

[1551]), although one version of this story attributes this act to the founding inka, Manco

Capac [Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui]. Whatever the veracity of this myth, the Hanan and

Hurin Chacan canal networks are fed from this location to provide water for the

northwestern pampas and indeed to the city itself and to Qorikancha (Sherbondy 1982; van

de Guchte 1990). It is also associated with the Capac Raymi ceremony as a w’aka

Chacanguanacauri. CH-5: 7, a small hill where the young initiates came for a certain grass

which they carried on their lances. Indeed the bleeding of the earsof Inka Roca in this myth is

suggestive too of the ear-piercing which is associated with theinitiation of young men. In a

sense, the function of Chacan is as an origin place but one associated with a mythical event

and the invention or origin of irrigation water. Its inclusion as a w’aka visted during Capac

Raymi enhances its inclusion in inka cosmology in that role. It is not associated with the

origin of a social group; it is not a paqarina It is perhaps significant that these two examples are not paqarinas but origin places for natural phenomena, irrigation water and lightning. LATER?] The logic of the panaca system suggests that there should be paqarina-type site complexes

associated with each of the royal panacas of Cusco. In a spatial re-analysis of that system

Farrington (1992) suggested that the panaca, Capac Ayllu, was the grouping of the incumbent

king and in effect had no founding ancestor, only a patron or totem, Tupaq Inka Yupanki.

Therefore the other nine panaqas should be associated spatially with a paqarina complex. The

examples we describe are situated on northern side of the valley, in Hanan Cusco, where there

13

are a number of site complexes which have the characteristics of origin places concentrated in

a small area, such as rocks, carved rocks, burial machayes and as well as other evidence of

tombs, caves and fissures with water either flowing by or emerging from the ground, and, in

particular, high relief feline iconography. They could be attributed to the following panacas:

Hatun Ayllu/Iñaca panaca, Vicaquirao, Suqsu and Aukaille. Van de Guchte (1990) has

examined many of these sites in his survey of inka carved rocks. Sherbondy (1982) ……..

Saqsaywaman, Calispukio and Pukru. The Paqarina of Hatun Ayllu The first paqarina complex to be identified lies to the north of Suchuna hill in

Saqsaywaman area and in the valley of the Pukru stream. It comprises several natural and

man-made features which could be associated with a paqarina and part of this area, notably

around the so-called „Qocha‟, has been recently identified as Calispukio, the „house‟ of Tupaq

Inka Yupanki (Fernández 2001). The Qocha forms the structural focus for part of the complex

along with the Pukru valley and plain which drain towards Cusco. The Qocha is a walled,

sub-circular depression, 90-102 m in diameter, which was surrounded by a series of large

niches on its southern side. On its western and northern sides are a complex of natural springs,

walled basins and channels, large limestone rocks and two limestone outcrops, some of which

have been carved, and associated machayes which perhaps are crucial for the inka

development of this paqarina. On its eastern side is a low, weathered limestone outcrop with

numerous holes and galleries which has been extensively modified.

On the western side, there is a complex of structures, terraces, some large carved rocks and

sundry other boulders, a cavern and a semi-circular niched courtyard, a zig zag wall and an

inka cemetery on a terrace, where over 95 tombs have been excavated since 1986 (Paredes

2002). The group of carved rocks comprise both seats and vertical planes on the upper

surfaces but niches and cut panels which appear to decorate a passageway through it. It seems

that this may have formed a cavern which was destroyed by looters using dynamite some time

ago. On one rock adjacent to a bath or fountain, there is the mutilated carving of a feline as

well as other animals (van de Guchte 1990: 128).

Adjacent to the cemetery in the northwestern corner of the Qocha, there is a complex of large

rocks, some of which are carved, as well as springs, stone-lined basins, structures, walls and

canals. On the northern edge of the Qocha there is an extensive low-lying outcrop which has

also been extensively carved in a series of seats, vertical and horizontal planes and channels

and which contains two carved felines, both of which have had their heads removed and it is

considered that both look towards Wanakauri. Some springs, a rectangular structure and a seat

characterise the area to the immediate north of this outcrop, where there is also some evidence

of disturbed inka burials and offerings.

These two complexes drain across the Qocha to another low-lying, limestone outcrop on the

eastern side, known as Chingana Chico, which has been carved in galleries with niches and an

altar. It is also flanked by a zig-zag wall. From here, natural drainage is into the Pukru valley.

Approximately 80 m to the north of this area is the large carved rock known as Chingana

Grande or Piedra Cansada (van de Guchte 1984). Its summit and flanks are heavily carved in

vertical and horizontal planes and some modified, natural round depressions; on its northern

flank there are three tall niches. It is reached by a series of carved steps. It was partially

destroyed with dynamite whch broke off significant sections covering a cavernous gallery on

the northeastern side. Recent excavations in this location by Oberti (pers comm 2002) have

revealed an enhanced cave-like area, underneath the rock on its northern side, which was

14

associated with human bone and inka ceramics and two rich tombs immediately to its east. A

rectilinear niched patio probably defined its entrance area in which the graves were found. On

the southern side of the rock, a fountain and a structure with semi-circular niches and a

damaged carved rock were excavated. There is a high relief carved feline about 3 m below the

top on the southeast facing side of the rock directly above the structures excavated by Oberti;

the head of which has been removed but it apparently looked towards the south, Mama

Simona or southeast to Wanakauri. A second, more stylised feline probably lies prostrate on

the summit astride the southwestern edge of the rock.

A further 100 m to the north are two other carved rocks and terraces known as Pukru. The

southernmost has only two carved seats, one facing the Qocha (Suchuna) and another looking

towards Wanakauri (van de Guchte 1990: 140). The second rock has a three carved niches

and a north-facing, carved window, below which is the entrance to a small cavern. There is an

inka reservoir below these rocks which controls water into the Pukru stream. On the plain to

the east of the Qocha lie to carved rocks known as Calispukio, one of which is split into two

by a deep, wide fissure. None of these rocks has a cavern as such and may be thought of as

simply other w‟akas in the complex.

The archaeological attributes of the Calispukio complex around the Qocha, the Pukru valley

and the northern part of Saqsaywaman are similar to those at Puma Urqo. Therefore it might

signify a paqarina because there are a series of machayes for burial and a large cemetery

overlooking the Qocha, several large caverns, one of which on the western side may have had

a carved altar or table-top on which to place a mummy or wawki, springs, pools and canals to

channel of water through the site, and at least 4 small, carved felines marking the place and

looking outwards towards Wanakauri and other significant mountains. Other important

architectural attributes include the presence of zig-zag walls on the western side of the Qocha

and to the east of Chingana Chico and the sub-circular, niched courtyards, both to the west of

the Qocha and the Qocha itself, the niched courtyard of Chingana Grande. The documentary

evidence for this location suggests an association with Tupaq Inka Yupanki.

Immediately downstream from Saqsaywaman and at the northwestern entrance to the city,

there is another large carved rock known as Sapantiana adjacent to the río Tullumayu which

has a very deteriorated feline image in bas relief on its northern side associated with the

rectangular outline of a structure (van de Guchte 1990: 92). It can be seen from Qorikancha

and may have served as a marker from the city of this paqarina. Its association with

Calispukio is such that the water passing down Tullumayo has come from Calispukio and the

Qocha. The feline carving may indicate that this was part of the origin complex of Calispukio

and Hatun Ayllu. There is a waterfall in the quebrada which in Colonial mythology was a

location where the catholic church exorcised idolatry (Carmen to reference).

In the ceque stystem this area had the following wakas: This area has been recently identified as Calispukio, the house of Tupaq Inka Yupanki (Fernández 2001) on the basis that Tupaq Inka Yupanki is associated with two places in the ceque system, „Calispuquio Guaci‟ (CH-3: 7), a house which belonged to him and where sacrifices were performed for him, and „Calispuquio‟ (CH-3: 8), a fountain, an important ritual cleansing place in the initiation rituals of Capac Raymi (Cobo). Kenko and Chunchalmayu. The Paqarina of Vicaquirao panaca The second area to be considered is situated in the Chunchal drainage which also

displays similar characteristics of an inka paqarina. Kenko itself is generally divided into two

sites, known as Kenko Grande and Kenko Chico; however there are other components to the

15

complex including a major rocky outcrop to the northwest of Kenko Grande and various rocks

and overhangs to the north as well as the quebrada itself and a series of tombs and rocks

downstream.

Kenko Grande comprises an extensive carved rock with caverns and passageways, a semi-

circular, niched amphitheatre, a bath or fountain, and some rectangular structures as well as

other carved rocks, some unworked rocks and machay-like rock shelters located to the north

and west of Kenko Grande.

Kenko Grande is dominated by its large carved outcrop and a large standing stone, which is

about 4.7 m tall, on a 1.2 m high, stone platform immediately in front of it. The standing stone

is the focal point of a semi-circular, niched amphitheatre, made of well-fitted stonework,

comprising 19 niches and a staircase which is flanked on its eastern side by the footings of a

short, zig-zag wall and on the west by a rectangular building. The standing stone is uncarved

but is thought to be zoomorphic and has been interpreted as a puma ( Franco Inojosa 1935:

227; Pardo 1957 179). According to Paternosto (1989: 69), the animal is a seated puma which

has been mutilated, although van de Guchte (1990: 145) has suggested that it is merely a

natural uncarved rock with the form of an unspecified animal. To the east and south of the

rock there are curved terraces surrounded by a wall defining the outer limits of the site.

The summit of the main rock itself is carved with a series of basins, horizontal and vertical

planes, two gnomons, channels, including a serpentiform one which zig-zags down the

western side of the rock. There are also some animal carvings located on the western edge of

the main outcrop which have been variously attributed as a monkey or an otter and a bird. The

bird is very distinct but the second image has been severely damaged making specific

identification difficult; nevertheless it is clearly a four-legged animal lying on one side similar

to the felines described elsewhere and significantly its head is pointing towards Wanakauri

(Paternosto 1989: 67). There are at least two building outlines on top of the rock.

The carved rock has a subterranean gallery which passes through the rock from an entrance

beyond the amphitheatre in the north to the inner patio on the southern side. In the central part

there is a polished table or altar with three steps on its western side. In this area there is a

niche facing the altar and a hollow trench. There is also a second passage which branches to a

subterranean rectangular building.

Archaeological research at Kenko was conducted mainly by the Valcárcel team in the mid

1930s (Franco Inojosa 1935). Human bones were found in three locations: one to the south of

the rock to the west of the terraces associated with 3 silver tupus; and the other two in the

galleries, one near the subterranean structure associated with a plate and the other in the

hollow near the altar in the centre of the main passageway.

A gnomon, niches and open air alcove characterise Kenko North,

A short distance below is a second rocky massif, known as Kenko Chico, which is also

carved, surrounded by a fine, well-fitted inka wall, which has a zig-zag plan on its southern

side and which is entered via a staircase on the northern. Water flows down the Chunchal

huayco quebrada to the east of the complex and there are several springs which also cut

through the site from the west.

16

To the northwest of Kenko Grande lies a now overgrown area of terraces and limestione

outcrops known as Kenko West. The main sector is a large limestone outcrop standing over

15 m high, oriented NE-SW. The summit is roughly cut into a zig-zag shaped platform and is

terraced on its western side. It is basically unworked but has numerous natural pinnacles, and

oquedades in the cliff face on its southeastern side which overlooks a patio in front, the

southern part of which may have been quarried. On the eastern edge of this patio in a

collection of boulders, there is a platform and a 2.5 m deep shaft tomb (van de Guchte 1990:

148). To the south of this there are some limestone boulders one of which has been carved

with a seat. To the west of the main outcrop there are lesser rocky outcrops in one of which

there is a niche, which is still used for offerings. This feature is partly walled and some small

springs issue from it.

The Kenko complex lies less than 200 m upstream from the red cliffs and caves on the eastern

side of Chunchal quebrada thought by Cobo and Loarte to be the original non- or pre-inka

tribal paqarina of the Hualla ayllu (Bauer 1998: 79).

Therefore, the Kenko complex seems to display the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo,

including a series of machayes for burial, both in some of the rocks surrounding the site and

the red cliff of xxxxx, a large cave which has been carved with an altar or table-top on which

a mummy or „wawki‟ may have been placed. There is also a channel of water flowing through

the site into a nearby larger stream, and a small, carved feline marking the place and looking

towards Wanakauri. In common with Saqsaywaman this complex is also characterised by a

niched sub-circular structure. The complex of Kenko has been identified as the ancient w‟aka

of Patallaqta (Sherbondy 1982) and was associated with the mummy of Pachakuti.

Confirmed by van de Guchte.

Analysis of the documentary evidence suggests that Kenko is Patallaqta, the „house‟ of

Pachacuti Inka Yupanki and the place where his mummy was kept. In the ceque system Cobo

has listed two w‟akas „Patallacta‟ (CH-1: 2) and „Pilcopuquio‟ (CH-1: 3). Patallaqta is

described as a house which Pachakuti Inca Yupanqui used for his sacrifices, where he died

and the second is a fountain next to the house where water emerged on the command of

Pachakuti. Sherbondy (1983) believes that Patallaqta was the site complex of Kenko and this

is supported by Zuidema Bauer and van de Guchte. And van de Guchte suggests that Pedro

Pizarro (xxxx) left a description of this site as the home and burial place of

CH-1: 2 The second guaca of the ceque was called Patallacta. It was a house which Inca

Yupanqui designated for his sacrifices, and he died in it. The Incas who succeeded him

thereafter made ordinary sacrifice here. In general, all the things which they consumed in

sacrifice were offered for the health and prosperity of the Inca.

CH-1: 3 The third guaca was named Pilcopuquio. It is a fountain next to the house just

mentioned from which an irrigation ditch issues. The Indians relate that when Inca Yupanqui

had made that house for the sacrifices, he ordered that water emerge there and afterward

decreed that ordinary sacrifice should be made to it.

CH-2: 3 The third guaca was an idol of solid gold named Inti Illapa, which means

“thunder of the sun”, which was set on a rich litter of gold. Inca Yupanqui made it and took it

for his guauque or brother. It had a house in the precinct of Totocache, and they did it great

veneration. In the same house or temple was the body of the said Inca Yupanqui. To this idol

17

they very commonly made sacrifices of children and of everything else, asking it that the

strength of the Inca be preserved and his dominion not decrease.

CH-3: 4 The fourth guaca was called Condorcancha and was the house in which Inca

Yupanqui lived.

The position of Lanlakuyoq or Amaru Markawasi is interesting. It has a zig-zag

walls/terraces, reservoir, caverns, galleries, niches

AN-1: 7 The seventh guaca was called Amaromarcaguaci; this was a house of Amaro

Tupa Inca which was on the road to the Andes.

On the watershed between the Pukru – Calispukio drainage and is part of Ukuuku/Amaru

Lakko, Kusillochayoq and Chuspiyoq quebrada. The paqarina of Sucsu Panaca

The third area to be evaluated as a paqarina complex is focussed upon the large rocky

outcrip of Lakko, which is also known as Salapuncu. There are two carved rocks, Lakko and

Kusillochayoq, which are located about 300 m apart but which seem to fulfil the requirements

of an inka paqarina in the lands of Sucsu panaca. On the southern side of Lakko there is a

rectangular inka reservoir and some terraces, whilst on the northern side the Chuspiyoq

quebrada flows from the north-west to the east and it is associated with a series of smaller

carved rocks (van de Guchte 1990: xx). Lakko comprises a prominent limestone outcrop

divided into two by a narrow natural fissure, overlooking a small quebrada to the north and an

inka reservoir and Kusillochayoq to the south. The southern flank of the outcrop is carved

with a series of large niches, steps, and both horizontal and vertical planes, including a bath

and there are two short tunnel-like caverns with carved niches and benches (Franco Inojosa

1935; van de Guchte 1990: 166-170). In the eastern block, in the entrance to one interior

chamber are 5 high relief animal carvings: on the western side there are two felines arranged

one behind the other on a step and a snake, which is situated on a cornice above; whilst on the

eastern side there are a pair of snakes. On top of the western massif there are many polished

vertical and horizontal planes, seats and a small group of high relief carvings tightly arranged

on its southern edge. This comprises two birds, similar in form to that found at Kenko, on

either side of a hole and two felines outside of these, one of which is highly stylised and

which has had its head removed, whilst the second is lying on its side with its front legs

crossed. A snake is found about 40 cm away curving around the group. Observations from the

top of Lakko indicate that the June Solstice Sunset could be observed clearly (Zuidema and

Aveni).

Kusillochayoq is a second carved rock complex about 300 m to the south of Lakko. It is situated on the western side of an inka road which in the vicinity of the rock had a series of large niches and bath/fountain flanking the entrance to the site. Kusillochayoq is a low limestone mass which has been well carved and is associated with some structures. In the central part, there is a single block carved in the shape of a feline, its back, tail and head are mutilated but recognisable as that of a puma. It is 185 cm long from head to tail and 95 cm high (van de Guchte 1990: 171) and its head points westwards. Two metres SE of this is the entrance to a small cave and a further 6 m SE is a rock on which have been carved three monkeys and a serpent as well as some small channels. In 1986, Justo Torres excavated in this complex finding an adult skeleton associated with 2 aryballos as grave goods. Therefore, the archaeological complex of Lakko and Kusillochayoq displays the characteristic

attributes of an inka paqarina, notably a series of machayes for burial, some large caves with a

carved altar or table-top on which to place a mummy or wawki, a nearby stream of flowing

water flowing from the reservoir below Lakko and passing close by Kusillochayoq, and the

cave locations marked by feline carvings and the summit of the main rock similarly

emblemised looking out towards Wanakauri.

18

The historical assocation of Lakko is with Chuquimarca (AN-3: 4) which Cobo described as a

Temple of the Sun on the hill of Mantocallas, in which they said that the Sun descended many

times to sleep. For this reason, in addition to the other things, they offered it children (Cobo).

The Problem of Aucaille Panaca

There are several possible places which could be attributed as the paqarina of Aucaille

panaca; these include the rocks of Titiqaqa and Uscollo, as well as the complexes of

Inkilltambo, Choquekiraw and Rumiwasi.

Two other carved rocks, Titiqaqa and Huayraqpunku, also have the toponym „Oscullo‟ or

mountain lion, i.e. puma (van de Guchte 1990: 94-95, 351). However, there is no field

evidence of a feline carved on either of them. The former is a large outcrop high on the

northern slope of the valley; it is well carved with niches, vertical and horizontal planes, a

gnomon, channels and a small „landscape‟; today it has a cross in front of a carved niche. As

mentioned above, since the name „titi‟ in aymara means cat and „qaqa‟ peñon or bluff, then it

is possible therefore that this rock was perceived to have the shape of a feline. Huayraqpunku

is nearby but there are no reasons other than perhaps its shape which could be proferred for its

alternative toponym.

The meaning and interpretation of these rocks is somewhat elusive, although they are all

found in association with a complex of features, including caverns in a large rock, other rock

openings for burials (machayes), a water feature (bath, reservoir or canal), terraces and some

inka structures. Two of them, Saqsaywaman-Suchuna and Kenko, are associated with a semi-

circular, niched patio or amphitheatre. It is possible to argue that these sites individually form

a repeated symbol which may be related to the origin myth of the inkas, and indeed seem to

replicate the complex of Puma Orqo (Tambo T‟oqo) and that the carved pumas are

symbolically part of that story. It may also be noted that the sites are associated with the

territories of the four main panacas of Hanan Cusco, ie. Capac Ayllu, Hatun Ayllu,

Vicaquirao and Suqsu, whilst at the fifth, Aucalli, there is a similar complex at Rumiwasi, but

there is no carved puma or puma-shaped feature within it. It should be added that the carved

rocks, Titiqaqa and Huayraqpunku with their feline toponyms, would also fit into that sector

of Cusco believed to have belonged to Aucalli panaca. There is a place name reported by

Zecenarro Benavente (2000) of Pumawasi relating to terraces to the west of Rumiwasi. complexes of Inkilltambo, Choquekiraw and Rumiwasi.

Archaeology of Rumiwasi: the paqarina of Aucaille

Carmen to describe in brief and note the orientation to Wanakauri

Therefore, the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo which might signify a paqarina in the

inka sense are as follows: a series of machayes for burial, a large cave with a carved altar or

table-top on which to place a mummy, „wawki‟ or other „bulto‟, a channel of water flowing

away from the site or passing close by it, and a small, carved puma marking the place and

looking outwards towards some important other place. These attributes can now be compared

with various archaeological sites in the Cusco valley to evaluate the possibility that some of

them could be termed „paqarina‟.

It could be that the 4 rocks seen from Qorikancha as described by van de Guchte (1990: 88-

89) are indicatoirs of the panaca paqarinas and royal tombs behind and out of sight: – ie.

19

Sapantiana – Calispukio, Mesa Redonda – Kenko; Patallaqta – Lakko and Kusillochayoq;

Titicaca – Rumiwasi

MR and T = stepped fret

Other sites which may be considered important

The position of Lanlakuyoq or Amaru Markawasi is interesting. It has a zig-zag

walls/terraces, particularly on its southern and southwestern sides, reservoir, caverns,

galleries, niches

AN-1: 7 The seventh guaca was called Amaromarcaguaci; this was a house of Amaro

Tupa Inca which was on the road to the Andes.

On the watershed between the Pukru – Calispukio drainage and is part of Ukuuku/Amaru

Note the importance of ukuku, amaru, boundary/liminal, urton – ukuku is regarded as an

adolescent – not full members of society

Lands of amaru where there was always moisture and harvest

Ukuku means „deep inside‟ also the spectacled bear

Dancers speak in falsetto voices – initiates? Extraordinary behaviour

Conclusions Therefore, the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo which might signify a paqarina

in the inka sense are as follows: a series of machayes for burial, a large cave with a carved

altar or table-top on which to place a mummy, „wawki‟ or other „bulto‟, a channel of water

flowing away from the site or passing close by it, and a small, carved puma marking the place

and looking outwards towards some important other place. These attributes can now be

compared with various archaeological sites in the Cusco valley to evaluate the possibility that

some of them could be termed „paqarina‟.

What the inkas did therefore was: the paqarina was a place where the ancestors emerged and were buried which comprised a rocky location, an outcrop or series of large rocks, which contained a cave and a spring and was associated with water that came from the ancestors to the fields of the ayllu. The inka incorporated these pre-existing ayllu paqarina complexes into their world by carving or placing an important inka capacocha, carving, structure, bath etc., within the complex and often at its lower end/along its course so that water already flows from the ancestral area passed the inka location on its way to the fields and settlements of the population. In Cusco itself these places may be other rocks and caves which have been modified and which may indeed have received or housed the mummy of an important inka. It will be argued that the origin places of the inka panacas are those locations where not only are the machayes, rocks and springs of the ancestor, but the totemic mummy of an inka was kept periodically in an inka cave downstream. The cave itself was part of an important inka complex of structures, patios, rocks and baths which were often decorated with carved animals and in particular the puma.

In both of these cases there is an association between the emergence of water In the valley of Cusco there are tombs located on red cliffs above the limestone boulders and

carved rock complex of Mesa Redonda. The Chunchal quebrada flows past both of these

locations into the valley below. Both Cobo and Loarte indicate that this complex was the

paqarina of the Hualla, a pre-existing ayllu in the valley (Bauer 1998: 79).

Notes * It should be noted that whilst there is general agreement amongst the Chroniclers on the

names of the royal panacas and those of the non-royal ayllus, there are some ayllu names

20

which are used by only one or two chroniclers, eg xxx. There is also some disagreement with

the names of the pre-inka ayllus which inhabited the valley but we can reconstruct that there

were Ayarmarcas, Pinaguas, Huallas and perhaps even Sañoq, Ayavillay

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Bradley, R. 1998. The Archaeology of Natural Places, Routledge.

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23

24

Pedro Pizarro

In one cave they discovered twelve sentries of gold and silver, of the size and

appearance of those of this country, extraordinarilly realistic. There were pitchers half of

pottery and half gold, with the gold so well set into the pottery that no drop of water escaped

when they were filled, and beautifully made. A golden effigy was also discovered. This

greatly distressed the Indians for they said that it was a figure of the first lord who

conquered this land. They found shoes made of gold, of the type the women wore, like half-

boots. They found golden crayfish such as live in the sea, and many vases, on which were

sculpted in relief all the birds and snakes that they knew, even down to spiders, caterpillars

and other insects. All this was found in a large cave that was between some outcrops of

rock outside of Cusco. They had not been buried because they were such delicate objects. van de Guchte (1990: 147):

The golden effigy mentioned in this text could well be the huauque (brother or double) of

Pachacuti. This statue was called Indi Illapa, and has been mentioned by Sarmiento (1942:

127) and Cobo. The mummy of Pachacuti was found by Polo de Ondegardo “in Totocache,

where at this moment the parish of San Blas is situated”. But the golden effigy of Pachacuti‟s

huauque had apparently been found earlier, because it was taken „in pieces‟ to Cajamarca,

according to Sarmiento, indicating an early event in the conquest of Peru. It could well have

been discovered in and taken from the cave in Kenko. Pizarro‟s text, quoted above, seems to

confirm that sequence of events.

Pizarro (1978: 100 [1571: 60v-61])

“Contaré, pues, de algunas pieças notables que, escondidas, se hallaron, sin lo que

luego se topó y tenían descubierto en dépositosentre las mamconas. Halláronse en una cueba

doze ouexas [velas] de oro y [de] plata, de la hechura y grandor de las de esta tierra , tan al

natural que era cosa de ber. Halláronse céntaros, la mitad de barro y la mitad de oro, tan

encajado el oro en el barro que, aunque los hechían de agua, no se salía gota, y tan bien

hechos que hera cosa de ber. Hallóse asimismo un bulto de oro de que los yndios rreçibieron

gran pena, porque dzian que hera figura de el primero señor que conquistó esta tierra.

Halláronse çapatpos hechos de oro, de los que las mugeres acostumbrauan traer, digo de los

medios áapatones. Halláronse langostas de las que cría la mar, de oro; muchos basos en ellos

esculpidoas de bulto todas las abes y culebras, hasta arañas, lagartixas, todas las sabandixas /

que ellosconoçian hechas de bulto. Esto halló como digo, en una cueua grande que estaua

fuera del Cuzco entre unas peñas, que por ser pieças delicadas no las enterraron como otros

muy grandes tesoros de que se tubo notiçia que estauan enterrados, que después se supo de

algunos yndios.

Aquérdome oy de [a] dos o tres yndios que dizeron: uno que se llegó qiue en Vilcaconga, en

una queba que allí dezía, auían lleuado mill cargas de planchas de oro a esconder, que tenía

Guáscar para chjapear su casa y [luego] se desapareciñ este yndio que este dixo, sin que jamás

se pudo hallar, porque se detuvo este Maldonado un ……..

Pedro Pizarro 1978 [1571]. Relación del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reinos del Perú,

Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. (2nd edition 1986)

25

Cieza de León (198x) CAP XXXV [1551]) p. 105- Del sesto rey que ovo en el Cuzco e lo que pasó en su tiempo, y de la fábula o ystoria que cuentan del río que pasa or medio de la çibdad del Cuzco And they tell that a fabulous mystery occurred, which was that in those days neither stream

nor river passed through the city and that they were in great need, because when it was hot

they went to bathe around the city in the rivers that were there and even when it was not hot

they bathed, and for the provision of water for the inhabitants there were small springs, which

are there nowadays. And when he was in that mountain (Chaca), the king [Inka Roca], leaving

the people he was with, started to pray to the great Ticiviracocha and to Guanacaure and to

the sun and to the Incas, his fathers and grandfathers, if they would indicate how and from

where, with manual labour, they could bring a river or canal to the city: so while he was

praying he heard a great thunder, so loud that it startled all the people who were there; and the

Inca himself, because of the fear that entered him, knelt down and put his left ear on the

ground, and a lot of blood flowed from his ear; and that, all of a sudden, he heard a

tremendous noise of water that was running below that particular spot; once he understoond

the mystery with much rejoicing he ordered that many indians should come from the city,

who with much haste dug there till they came to the gust of water, which had opened a way

through the interior of the earth and went away without being taken advantage of. And

continuing with this story, they say furthermore, that after they had dug deep and saw the „eye

of the water‟ (the spring itself] they performed great sacrifices to their gods, because they

believed that by virtue of their deity that beneficence had come to them; and with much

rejoicing they worked with such skill that they channelled water through the middle of town,

after they first had paved the soil with big tiles, building on both sides of the river walls of

good stonework on strong foundations; and to cross [the river] they made some bridges of

stone at intervals.

Y quentan en este paso que çusedió un misterio fabuloso, el qual fue que como en aquel

tiempo no corriese por la çibdad ni pasase ningún arroyo ni río, que no tenía por pe[que]ña

falta y neçesidad porque quando hazía calor se yvan a bañar por la redonda de la çibdad en los

ríos que avía y aun sin calor se vañavan, y vañan los yndios, y para proveymiento de los

moradores avía fuentes pequeñas, las que agora ay; y estando en este çerro el Ynga desviado

algo de su jente, començó a hazer su oraçión al gran Tiçiviracocha y a Guanacaure y al Sol y

a los Yngas, sus padres y abuelos, para que quisiesen declaralle cómo y por dónde podrían, a

fuerças de manos de honbres, llevar algónd río o açequia / a la çibdad; y que estando en su

oraçión, se oyó un trueno grande, tanto que espantó a todos los que allí estavan; y quel mismo

Ynga, con el miedo que reçicbió, abaxó la cabeça hasta poner la oreja ysquierda en el suelo,

de la qual le corría mucha sangre; y que súpitamente oyó un gran ruydo de agua que por

debaxo de aqual lugar yva; y que, visto el misterio, con mucha alegría mandó que viniesen

muchos yndios de la çibdad, los quales con prieça grande cavaron por aquella sierra hasta que

toparon con el golpe de agua, que aviendo abierto camino por las entradas de la tierra, yva

caminando sin dar provecho.

E prosiguiendpo con este quento, dizen más que después que mucho ovieron cavado y vistó el

ojo de agua, hizieron grandes sacrefiçios a sus dioses, creyendo que por virtud de su deydad

aquel benefiçio les avía venido; y que con mucha alegría se dieron tal maña que llevaron el

agua por mitad de la çibdad, aviendo primero enlosado el suelo con losas grandes, sacando

con çimientos fuertes unas paredes de biva piedra por una parte y por otra del río; y para pasar

por ellas, se hizieron a trenchos algunas puentes de piedra.

26

Sarmiento de Gamboa 1942: 82

And in the same manner {Inga Roca] conquered Caytomarca four miles from Cuzco and

discovered and canalized the waters of Hurinchacan and those of Hananchacan, which means

the „waters of above‟ and the „waters of below‟ of Cuzco, with which till this very day they

irrigate the sowed fields of Cuzco; and so their sons and descendants have them and possess

them.

27

Van de Guchte p 78

5.9 Groups of carved rocks and panaca-affiliation

The connections and correspondences, stipulated by Sherbondy, translate in the

following relationship with regards to the carved rocks in the various irrigation-districts in

Hanan Cuszco. If indeed certain irrigation districts were controlled by particular kin groups,

one could argue that the stones near those canals had to be controlled by the same groups

More specifically, the carved rocks of the Chacan group and the carved rocks in the area of

Sacsayhuanman would in all probability fall under the supervision of the same panaca as the

hydraulic elements in the system in that area of Chinchaysuyu. Consequently, capac ayllu and

its chief Tupa Inca Yupanqui should be seen as the group of inca nobles who benefitted from

and assumed the ritual obligations of the carved rocks in this area.

In Antisuyu, it appears that the panaca Sucso had acquired the rights and duties, associated

with the carved rocks in that area. Specifically the king‟s segunda persona, Tupa Amaru Inca

should be seen in relation with the carved rocks of Amaru Marcahuasi, Kenko, Lacco and the

other lithic features in this irrigation system.

Murua “Next to the fortress there is an enclosure of smaller stones, of a group of seats, very well

built in the round and around it it is full with niches. The indians say that this part was built to

celebrate the feast of the birth of Huascar Inga; son of Guainacapa: that in those niches were

seated the caciques and lords of the land and that the indians danced in this enclosure all tied

to a rope of gold, which the indians called guasca and for that reason, they say, the son was

named Guascar. It is formed in the manner of a theatre.”

Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar, feline carving,

semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

28

Saqsaywaman/Calispukio/Chingana: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, burial machay,

carved rock, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag

wall, burials

Kenko: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar,

feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

Lakko-Kus: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern,

altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

Rumiwasi: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar,

feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

Puma Urqo: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar,

feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

Chinchero: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar,

feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

SITIOS Water Rock Cave Architectur

al decoration

Puquio

Canal

Reserv

Fuentes

Rocas

Rocas Esculp

Machays

Cavernas

Entierros

Altar

Felinos

Patio semicircular

Nichos

Estruct

Muro zigzag

Pumaorqo X X X X X X X Calispukio Qocha west X X X X X X X X ? X X X X Qocha north X X X X X X X - X X X X X Chingana X X X X X X X X X X X X ?

29

Grande Pukru X X X Pukro N X X X X X X Calispukio Sapantiana X X X X X X X Kenko Kenko Grande X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Kenko Chico X X X X X X X West Kenko X X X X X X X X X Hualla X Mesa Redonda

X X X X X

Lakko Lakko X X X X X X X X X X X ? Kusilluchayoq X X X X X X X X Rumiwasi X X X X X X X X X x ? X Chinchero X X X X X X X X X X 1. Puquio; 2. Canal; 3. Reservoir; 4. Fuentes; 5. Rocas; 6. Rocas Esculpidas; 7. Machayes; 8.

Cavernas; 9. Entierros; 10. Altar; 11. Felinos; 12. Patio semicircular o circular; 13. Nichos; 14. Estructura; 15. Muro zigzag

SITIOS AGUA PIEDRA ARQUITECT. DECORACION

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Pumaorqo X X X X X X X

Calispukio Qocha west X X X X X X X X ? X X X X Qocha north X X X X X X X - X X X X X

Chingana Chico

X X X X ? X X X X

Chingana Grande

X X X X X X X X X X X X ?

Pukru X X X Pukro N X X X X X X

Calispukio Sapantiana X X X X X X X

Kenko

Kenko Grande X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Kenko Chico X X X X X X X West Kenko X X X X X X X X X

Hualla X Mesa

Redonda X X X X X

Lakko Lakko X X X X X X X X X X X ?

30

Kusilluchayoq X X X X X X X X

Rumiwasi X X X X X X X X X X ? X Rumiwasi I Rumiwasi II Rumiwasi III Rumiwasi IV Rumiwasi V Rumiwasi VI

Chinchero X X X X X X X X X X

Ñawin – el ojo del agua, lo mas principal, - Ñawin pukio – a circle and dot

Sherbondy also notes the principal canals running from Chacan, etc., which were

associated with the main panacas.

Urton (1985: 259), in his study of animal metaphors in Paqariqtambo, the mountain spring or

ñawin, considered that domesticated animals born near the mountain springs were

exceptionally fecund, reproducing at least once a year when fully mature, and Bastien (1978:

47) noted that llamas and all living things originated in ñawi and that “the lake‟s reflection

was the dead people and animals returning from inside the earth.

The basic concept of the spring as: “Ñawin‟, the eye of the water, the principal location – el

ojo del agua, lo mas principal, - Ñawin pukio – It is thought that this is represented by a circle

and dot in art.